Московский государственный университет имени М. В. Ломоносова

Филологический факультет

ФОНЕТИКА и НЕФОНЕТИКА

К 70-летию Сандро В. Кодзасова

Редакционная коллегия:

А. В. Архипов, Л. М. Захаров, А. А. Кибрик, А. Е. Кибрик,

И. М. Кобозева, О. Ф. Кривнова, Е. А. Лютикова,

О. В. Фёдорова (отв. секретарь)

Москва

Языки славянских культур

2008

Leonid Kulikov(Leiden University, The Netherlands)

TWO CALCULI FOR A DESCRIPTION

OF THE VEDIC VERBAL SYSTEM*

1. The Vedic Sanskrit verbal system: preliminary remarks

The system of the finite forms of the Vedic Sanskrit verb (and, particu­larly, its variant attested in the most ancient Vedic text, the ~gveda) is gener­ally considered extremely complicated and irregular as compared to the cor­responding system of Classical Sanskrit.' Yet this opinion seems to havebeen imposed by the Sanskritist tradition (essentially going back to the ap­proach of Old Indian grammarians), which usually takes Classical Sanskritparadigms as a starting point for a grammatical description of Vedic. Such aperspective presents the Vedic paradigms in terms of a list of differencesfrom the Classical Sanskrit system. This approach is, in a sense, anhistoricaland methodologically (as well as pedagogically) misleading, since it does notreflect the evolution of the Old Indian morphological system. As is well­known, the Classical verbal system evolves from the Vedic, not the other wayaround. 2 More specifically, the former system can be regarded as a result ofreduction of the latter.

To put it differently, the Vedic verbal system shows very few constraintson applying inflectional morphemes to various verbal stems as compared towhat we observe in the Classical language. In fact, the Vedic system can besaid to be much larger and yet much simpler, in terms of the number of com­binatory constraints, as compared to the much smaller Classical system.

In what follows, I will describe two calculi that represent a compactscheme for generating the bulk of the Vedic (as well as a few marginal post­Vedic) verbal finite forms. 3

* I am much indebted to Nick Nicholas for valuable comments on an earlier draftof this paper.

lOne of the best surveys of the Vedic verbal paradigm can be found in [Mac­donell 1916: 117ff.]. For the most compact and well-organized outline of the Classicalparadigm, see [3aJIH3HlIK 1976: 841-863].

2 It is also important to note that during the early Vedic period Sanskrit was(probably) used as a spoken vernacular, whilst in the middle and late Vedic, let alonethe post-Vedic (Classical) period, Vedic language could only be employed in a varietyof special discourses - in particular, in ritual ceremonies and scholarly discussions.

3 There are very few formations that are not generated by this calculus. Theseinclude, in particular, medio-passive aorists in -i (3rd person singular) and -ran (-ram)(3rd person plural).

580 Leonid Kulikov

Section 2 outlines a calculus that offers a general survey of formationsconstituting the Old Indian verbal flnite paradigm, without entering into 1e­taiIs of the type of stem.

In section 3, I will describe a calculus which generates the variety offorms attested within the present tense system.

2. A calculus for the system of Vedic finite forms

In this section, I will present the Vedic verbal system as a calculus basedon two parameters: (i) the type of stem and (ii) the type of inflection. Thereare four types of stems: present (PR), aorist (Aa), perfect (PF) and future(FU). The types of inflection include:4 (I) primary endings;5 (2) augmenta- + secondary endings;6 (3) secondary endings; (4) imperative endings;(5) subjunctive morpheme a + subjunctive endings (which are distinct fromprimary or secondary endings only for some middle forms); (6) optativemorpheme f/yii (which coalesces with the preceding thematic vowel a into e);and (7) perfect endings. Combining these two sets, we obtain 4 x 7 = 28logically possible formations. Twenty three of them are actually attestedin Vedic (though some are very rare). Only ten of them survive into theClassical Sanskrit paradigm, including present and aorist injunctive (whichonly survives with the prohibitive particle mii) and aorist optative (whichis only preserved in the precative, based on the root aorist optative). Notethat all formations that belong to the standard Classical Sanskrit paradigm(= boxes bordered with a shadowed line in Table 1) are also present inVedic, though some of them are very rare (or even exceptional) in theearly language, as is the case with the conditional (one attestation in the~gveda).

Below I present this simple calculus as a table. In the header row of thetable, the type of inflection is illustrated by 3sg. active and 3sg. middle mor­phemes. Some formations (= boxes in table I) are marked as unattested, ex­ceptional or rare in the early Vedic and / or post-Vedic language, etc. Therarity / frequency of the formations is indicated with various shadings, ex­plained in the legend beneath the table.

Explanatory notes to Table 1:

In the symbolic notation used below, PR, Aa, PF and FU stand for thepresent, aorist, perfect and future stems, respectively; the type of inflection isindicated by Arabic numerals (I =primary endings, 2 =augment + secondaryendings, etc.).

4 For a general survey of the Vedic verbal inflection, see [Macdonell 1916:122ff.]; [Renou 1930: 400f.].

5 Isg.act. -mi, 2sg.act. -si, 1sg.act. -ti, ... , 3pI.act. -(a)nti I -ati, etc.6 1sg.act. -(a)m, 2sg.act. -s, 1sg.act. -t, etc.

I

IDSlU:llS

582 Leonid Kulikov

PR-7. This type includes statives which have a defective paradigm (only3sg. and 3pl. forms, as well as participles with the suffix -ana-; cf. hi 'impel':3sg. hinv-e '(it) is I has been impelled', 3pl. hinv-ire '(they) are I have beenimpelled', part. hinv-alla- 'impelled') and do not occur after the ~gveda.

(hereafter abbreviated as RV). Synchronically, they share endings with themiddle perfect; historically, middle perfects could have been secondarily cre­ated by adding the stative endings, 3sg. -e (going back to Proto-Indo-Iranian*-d(i) and 3pl. -re « PIIr.*-rd(i), to the perfect stem. For details, see[KUmmel 1996]; [Kulikov 2006].

PF-I. This type includes such forms as 3sg.act. jiigdr-ti 'watches' (..fjr'become awake'), 3pl.act. d"idy-ati '(they) shine' CMi 'shine'). These forma­tions do not represent a separate synchronic category distinct from the usualpresents (PR-}). Historically, these forms are based on perfects, which, atsome stage, have been reanalyzed as belonging to the present system - mostoften, on the basis of non-indicative forms, which share endings with presentforms. Once these forms had been transferred to the present system, they losttheir synchronic link with the perfect system, becoming present formationswith irregular ('perfect') reduplication. For details, see [KUmmel 2000: 59ff.,191-194,227-230 et passim]; [Kulikov 2005: 434].

AO-4, 5, 6, PF-4, 5, 6: The non-indicative moods of the perfect andaorist are only attested in early Vedic and are non-productive already in theearly language (for aorist imperatives, see (Baum 2006]).

AO-I. This group ('aorist injunctives with present endings', labelled byHoffmann 'the type gathd') includes a few isolated forms attested in the RV.Here belong, in particular, 2du.act. kr-thd~ (..fkr 'make') RV 1.1 12.8,5.74.5,10.39.8; bhii-thd~ (-..fblui 'become') RV 6.67.5, 3du.act. bhil-ta~ RV 10.27.7,and 2p1.act. ga-thd (-vgam 'go') RV 8.20.16; Ipl.med. dhi-mahe (;Jdha 'put')RV 2.23.10 should perhaps be included into this group, too. These nonceformations (see (Lubotsky ]997: 439,47], 747, 992]) do not instantiate rootpresents (contra [Whitney 1885: 21,34]; (Macdonell 1910: 337]; [Campanile1985]). As [Hoffmann 1952 (1957]: 128-130] =[Hoffmann 1976: 364-366]has demonstrated (see also [Joachim 1978: 69]; [Werba 1997: 307]), they arebuilt on the basis of root aorist imperatives (such as 2du.impv.act. kr-tam,2pl.impv.act. kr-ta, 2pl.impv.act. ga-ta etc.), and on the model of2pl.pr.impv.act. ha-td: 2pl.pr.ind.act. ha-thd (-Vhan 'kill'). Their status withinthe inventory of finite forms is clearly marginal.

FU-3, 6. Future injunctives (= conditionals without augments) and opta­tives are extremely rare. A few such forms are attested in Epic Sanskrit:2sg.cond.act. pari-tra:,ya~ (-..ftra 'rescue') MBh 8.13.24, 3sg.cond.act.bhavi~yat (-..fbhil 'become') MBh 2.51.25, 3sg.opt.act. dhak~yet (-..fdah 'burn')MBh 1.221.19 v.l., 3sg.opt.med. drak~yeta (-..fdrs 'see') Ram. 3.1074*.4; see[Whitney 1889: 334]; [Renou 1930: 40lf., 462]; [Oberlies 2003: 236f., 240].

-],-~

SIlI:>IS

==-e

584 Leonid Kulikov

FU·4. Rare forms with imperative endings derived from future stems occurin the Epics; cf. the most complete inventory of possible forms derived from theroot drs 'see': Idu.act. drakfyiiva MBh 1.18.5, 1pI.act. drakfyiil1Ul Ram., 3pl.act.drak~yantu Ram. 6.60.7 v.l., 2pl.med. drak~adhvam MBh, Ram. These formsare not included in the standard Sanskrit verbal paradigm by the Sanskrit gram­matical tradition. However, the future imperatives appear to have grown into aseparate morphological category in Epic Sanskrit (and therefore the correspond­ing box in Table 1 is bordered with a striped line), denoting "the projection of thecommand into the future" ([Oberlies 2003: 235-237], with a comprehensive bib­liography and an exhaustive list of attestations in the Epics). The majority of oc­currences (listed by Oberlies) are Ipl.act. and 2pl.med. forms; in addition, thereare a few Idu.act. forms (8 occurrences)7 and exceptionaI2sg.med. (only one oc­currence: tyak~yasva (-Vtyaj 'abandon') MBh 4.13.17 v.I.) and 3pl.act. forms (3x).

FU-5. The only form of a subjunctive derived from a future stem attested inearly Vedic is 2sg.fut.subj.act. kari~ya(l (-Vkr 'make') at RV 4.30.23 (and, proba­bly, at RV 1.165.9, if we accept the emendation +kari~ya!I for kari~ya); a fewforms are also found in the BrahmaQas; see [Whitney 1889: 333f.]; [Mac­donell 1910: 386, with fn. 13]; [Lubotsky 1997: 445] ; [KnobI2004: 270ff.].

No verb attests of course the full inventory of forms which can, intheory, be generated by the above calculus. Table 2 gives a representativeselection of forms derived from a few frequent roots. Examples given in thetable are 3sg.act. and / or 3sg.med. forms, unless further specified.

3. A calculus for the system of Vedic present formations

The system of present formations is undoubtedly the richest subsystem ofthe verbal paradigm, which is often said to abound in irregular and abnormalforms. The traditional Old Indian system often 'primary' present classes satis­factorily captures the main morphological types. However, it is also simplisticin some respects, grouping together some types of clearly different nature. Inparticular, it disregards the important difference between (i) the two main the­matic types, classes I (with the accent on the root) and VI (with the accent onthe thematic vowel), on the one hand, and (ii) secondary thematicizations, i. e.present types which have been transferred from some athematic types to classesI and VI or can be regarded as such transfers (irrespectively of their origin).

The calculus outlined below uses a few parameters which enable us togenerate virtually all present formations attested in Vedic. Combining thethree main morphological and morphophonological features, we obtain allpresent stems, including 'minor types', which find no place in the traditional

7 Note, incidentally, that the imperative uses secondary endings in the IpI.act.,Idu.act. and 2pl.med. forms (-ma, -va, and -dhvam), thus sharing endings with theimperfect I injunctive. This leaves open the possibility for an alternative interpretationof these forms as instantiating future injunctives (= conditionals without augments)­discarded by Oberlies, however.

Two calculi for a description of the Vedic verbal system 585

Indian nomenclature. These parameters include: (i) the present stem forma­tive (symbolized as F in table 3): no present stem morpheme (fIl); stem suf­fixes (-y(a)-, -no-/-nu- etc.); nasal infix -na-/-n- (placed between curlybrackets in the illustrative examples); and reduplication; (ii) the presence ofthe thematic vowel -a-; and, for thematic present stems, (iii) the place of themain accent: on the root vs. on the thematic vowel. Note that the stem suffix(or infix) of the secondary thematic classes always appears in the zero gradeand contains no vocalic element; for that reason, it cannot bear the accent.The only exception is class X, with the suffix _dya_8

- the only 'primary'present type that remains outside the system generated by this calculus.

For the sake of convenience, I use a complex notation which is made asclose as possible to the traditional Indian system of ten classes (symbolized byRoman numerals). Each of the secondary thematic types (qualified by the San­skritist tradition as belonging either to class I, or to class VI) is related to thecorresponding athematic type (I-V, VI-VII, etc.), thus being presented as theresult of thematicization. This is a purely synchronic notation: the arrow (+-)does not necessarily mean that the thematic type in question historically goesback to a (hypothetic) athematic pendant. Thus, for instance, I do not argue that,for the class 'VI+-VII' present krfn}t-a-ti, we have to reconstruct the athematicclass VII present *krflJa}t-ti, etc. A few secondary thematic(ized) types are notactually attested. These include classes I-IX, VI+-V9 and VI+-I11.

In addition to the nine 'primary' classes, this calculus generates one typethat is traditionally not included in the system of 'primary' present types,passives with the suffix _ya_. IO The only formal difference between class IVpresents and -yd-passives is the place of the stress (on the root vs. on thethematic vowel/suffix). Thus, this formal opposition follows the samepattern as the opposition between types I+-VII (su{m}bh-a-ti) and VI+-VII(krfn}t-d-ti). Note that the -yd-class also includes a few non-passive -yd­presents (symbolized as *IV in table 3) of the type mriyate CYmr 'die') withsecondary accent shift (+- *mf-ja-te). On this type, see [Kulikov 1997].

There are no athematic presents with the suffix -i- in Sanskrit (= athe­matic counterparts of the -ya-presents); one of the few traces of the Proto­Indo-European athematic i-type might be the present k~eti cYk# 'dwell') <*tk-ei-ti; see [Kortlandt 1989: 109]; [LIV 2001: 644, note 1].

Next to the main present classes, table 3 also includes two non­productive present types with the suffixes -cha- and -va- II (on which see, inparticular, [GotO 1987: 73]).

8 Together with the -dya-causatives, which, however, are inconsistently groupedwith 'secondary' formations by the Indian tradition.

9 An example of this type might be the ~gvedic present f/:lVati (*r-1}v-d-ti ?)'moves, raises', which does not occur unambiguously accented, however.

10 Instead, they are grouped with 'secondary' formations (which also include-dya-causatives, intensives and desideratives).

I1 The only formation which might be qualified as the athematic counterpart of thislatter type is the RVic hapax tar-u-te (..Jtf 'pass, overcome'), attested in RV 10.76.2.

Tnhll' J. TIll' V{'dll' S)'sll'm or pn'M'nl ~ll'm InK'S.

Prcsent ~t..:rn fornlHtives (~uni.~cs :lIld other morphemes)

I) (no) -Y((I)- -1l/5- I-"u- -"A- I-IIT- intix 11U11"j pres.rcduplic. -ell(a)- -I'(a)-

V. VIIIathelll:ltic: 11 - sU-lIo-,i. IX VII '" (VIII)

"o+F- ol-li (k~'ili) '(1-1/0-'; fJr-!ld./i )'uflUllk-'; do-dtl-li - (mr-u-re)("/llll)

:lcccnl I IV I_V (I-IX) I-VII I-Ill I~ I.on the rool: blufl'-a-t; IJJIJII-)¥l-ti (-III·-tl-'; id 111I}IJII-a-ti t(-$I"-a-t; gO-elm-t; tdr-m-ti

"ci+F+a- -thematic:"c+l-i-a. accent on the 1><I.lo~.• ·IVVI (VI_V) VI-IX VI-VII (VI-Ill) VI~

them. ,'owe!: lum-)'6-te. -

"o+F+o-tud-<l-t;

mri-yd-te(·r-!Il·-<I-t; '?) I'r-!HI-,i kr(lIlt-o-t; - r-cM-t;

Two calculi for a description of the Vedic verbal system

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E. 10. KaJlUIIUlla. 3TIO)l 0 rapMOHHH nmCHbIX B HCn:l)laJIbCKOM ~3bIKC, HJII:I HC-

rJIaCHbIe npC3YMm\HH 0 rnaCHbIX 3BYKaX 272

,4. l!. 30eJlbMall. ApTHKyJIlIl1HoHHall <jJoHcTHKa H 3THMOnOrHlI 283

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10. E. KOPJlK06. K THnonorHH MC)K3y6HbIX cornaCHblX 31 8

PyccKast <!>oHCTI1Ka

JI. B. 3Jlamoycmorm. 113 HCTOpHH 3KcnepHMcHTanbHoH <jJOHCTHKH 331

C. Doe. Ky)la HCLJC3JIH CTHJIH3al1HH B HnJIIOCTpal1HlIX HHTOHal1HOHHblX

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P. C/J. KacamKUlla. MHoronHKHH HOT 344

10. B. TOp51tle6a, C. B. KIIJl3e6, C. K. [JOJICapUl1KaJl. COOTHOIllCHHC HHHl1Hal1HH,

<jJOHal1HH H apTHKynlll1HH KaK 3nCMCHT pCLJCBOH 6a3bI )lHanCKTa (Ha MaTC-

pHaJIC rOBOpa)l. ~cynHHO) 352

A. B. Tep-A6allec06a. Pc<jJncKcbI *0 B KOpHlIX CYII.\CCTBHTcnbHbIX M~cKoropo-

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panbHoro Kopnyca pyccKoro 1I3bIKa) 387

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KypCOB pyCCKOH 3Byqall\CH pCLJH 400

A. M. 1lJupoKo6a. PCLJCSOH pccypc CT3Jl )lJIlI pCmCHl1l1 3a)laLJ aSTOMaTHLJCCKOrO

pacn03HasaHHlI 11 aBTOMaTHLJCCKOH ccrMCHTal1HH HCCKOJIbKHX )lHKTOpOB

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