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Case Studies on National Reconciliation

Processes

Ethiopian Orthodox Church: History
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Posted onMay 25, 2013

1*

Throughout history, it has been the inacti on of those who would have acted; the indi ff erence of those who would have known better ;

the silence of the voice of justice when it mattered most, that has made it possible for evil to triumph (HSI)

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His Imperial Majesty Haile Selassie 1st

Emperor of Ethiopia

The making of Africa will not wait

We welcome to Ethiopia, in our name and in the name of theEthiopian Government and people, the Head of States andGovernments of the independent African nations who are

today assembled in solemn conclave in Ethiopias capital city.This conference, without parallel in history, is an impressivetestimonial to the devotion and dedication of which we allpartake in the cause of our mother continent and that of hersons and daughters. This is indeed a momentous and historicday for Africa and for all Africans.

We stand today on the stage of world affairs, before the

audience of world opinion. We have come together to assert ourrole in the direction of world affairs and to discharge our dutyto the great continent whose two hundred and fifty millionpeople we lead. Africa is today at mid-course, in transition fromthe Africa of yesterday to the Africa of tomorrow. Even as westand here, we move from the past into the future. The task, onwhich we have embarked, the making of Africa, will not wait.

We must act, to shape and mould the future and leave ourimprint on events as they slip past into history.

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We seek, at this meeting, to determine whether we are goingand to chart the course of our destiny. It is no less importantthat we know whence we came. An awareness of our past is

essential to the establishment of our personality and ouridentity as Africans.

This world was not created piecemeal. Africa was born on laterand no earlier than other geographical area on this globe.Africans, no more and no less than other men, possess allhuman attributes, talents and deficiencies, virtues and faults.Thousands of years ago, civilisations flourished in Africa which

suffers not at all by comparison with those of other continents.In those centuries, Africans were politically free andeconomically independent. Their social patterns were their ownand their cultures truly indigenous.

The obscurity which enshrouds the centuries which elapsedbetween those earliest days and the rediscovery of Africa arebeing gradually dispersed. What is certain is that during those

long years Africans were born, lived and died. Men on otherparts of this earth occupied themselves with their own concernsand, in their conceit, proclaimed that the world began andended at their horizons. All unknown to them, Africadeveloped in her own pattern, growing in its own life and, inthe Nineteenth Century, finally re-emerged into the worldsconsciousness.

The events of the past hundred and fifty years require notextended recitations from us. The period of colonialism intowhich we were plunged culminated with our continent fetteredand bound; with our once proud and free peoples reduced tohumiliation and slavery; with Africas terrain cross-hatched andchecker-boarded by artificial and arbitrary boundaries. Many ofus, during those bitter years, were overwhelmed in battle, and

those who escaped conquest did so at the cost of desperateresistance and bloodshed. Others were sold into bondage as the

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price extracted by the colonialists for the protection whichthey extended and the possessions of which they disposed.Africa was a physical resource to be exploited and Africans

were chattels to be purchased bodily or, at best, peoples to bereduced to vassalage and lackeyhood. Africa was the market forthe produce of other nations the sources of the raw materialswith which their factories were fed.

Today, Africa has emerged from this dark passage. OurArmageddon is past. Africa has been reborn as a free continentand Africans have been reborn as free men. The blood that was

shed and the sufferings that were endured are today Africasadvocates for freedom and unity. Those men who refused toaccept the judgment passed upon them by the colonisers whoheld unswervingly through the darkest hours to a vision of anAfrica emancipated from political, economic and spiritualdomination, will be remembered and revered whereverAfricans meet. Many of them never set foot on this continent.Others were born and died here. What we may utter today canadd little to the heroic struggle of those who, by their example,have shown us how precious are freedom and human dignityand of how little value is life without them. Their deeds arewritten in history.

Africas victory, although proclaimed, is not yet total, and areasof resistance still remain. Today we name as our first great task

the final liberating of those Africans still dominated by foreignexploitation and control. With the goal in sight and unqualifiedtriumph within our grasp, let us not now falter or lag or relax.We must make one final supreme effort; now, when thestruggle grows weary, when so much has been won that thethrilling sense of achievement has brought us near satiation.Our liberty is meaningless unless all Africans are free. Ourbrothers in the Rhodesias, in Mozambique, in Angola, in South

Africa cry out in anguish for our support and assistance. Wemust urge on their behalf their peaceful accession to

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independence. We must align and identify ourselves with allaspects of their struggle. It would be betrayal were we to payonly lip service to the cause of their liberation and fail to back

our words with action to them we say, your pleas shall not gounheeded. The resources of Africa and of all freedom-lovingnations are marshalled in your service. Be of good heart, foryour deliverance is at hand.

As we renew our vow that all of Africa shall be free, let us alsoresolve the old wounds shall be healed and past scars forgotten.It was thus that Ethiopia treated the invader nearly twenty-five

years ago, and Ethiopians found peace with humour in thiscourse. Memories of past injustice should not divert us from themore pressing business at hand. We must live in peace with ourformer colonisers, shunning recrimination and bitterness andforswearing the luxury of vengeance and retaliation, last theacid of hatred erode our souls and poison our hearts. Let us actas befits the dignity which we claim for ourselves as Africans,proud of our own special qualities, distinctions and abilities.Our efforts as free men must be to establish new relationships,devoid of any resentment and hostility, restored to our beliefand faith in ourselves as individuals, dealing on a basis ofequality with other equally free peoples.

Today, we look to the future calmly, confidently andcourageously. We look to the vision of an Africa not merely free

but united. In facing this new challenge, we can take comfortand encouragement from the lessons of the past. We know thatthere are differences among us. Africans enjoy differentcultures, distinctive values, and special attributes. But we alsoknow that unity can be and has been attained among men ofthe most disparate origins, that difference of race, of religion, ofculture, of tradition, are no insuperable obstacle to the comingtogether of peoples. History teaches us that unity is strength

and cautions us submerge and overcome our differences in the

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quest for common goals, to strive, with all our combinedstrength, for the path to true African brotherhood and unity.

There are those who claim that African unity is impossible, that

the forces that pull us, some in this direction, others in that, aretoo strong to be overcome. Around us there is no lack of doubtand pessimism, no absence of critics and criticism. These speakof Africa, of Africas future and of her position in the twentiethcentury in sepulchral tones. They predict dissention anddisintegration among Africans and internecine strife and chaoson our continent. Let us confound these and, by our deeds,

disperse them in confusion. There are others whose hopes forAfrica are bright, who stand with faces upturned in wonderand awe at the creation of a new and happier life, who havededicated themselves to its realisation and are spurred on bythe example of their brothers to whom they owe theachievements of Africas past. Let us reward their trust andmerit their approval.

The road of African unity is already lined with landmarks. Thelast years are crowded with meetings, with conferences, withdeclarations and pronouncements. Regional organisations havebeen established. Local groupings based on common interests,backgrounds and traditions have been created.

But through all that has been said and written and done inthese years, there runs a common theme. Unity is the accepted

goal. We argue about techniques and tactics. But whensemantics are stripped away, there is little argument among us.We are determined to create a union of Africans. In a very realsense, our continent is unmade; it still awaits its creation and itscreators. It is our duty and privilege to rouse the slumberinggiant of Africa, not to the nationalism of Europe of theNineteenth Century, not to regional consciousness, but to the

vision of a single African brotherhood bending its united effortstoward the achievement of a greater and nobler goal.

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Above all, we must avoid the pitfalls of tribalism. If we aredivided among ourselves on tribal lines, we open our doors toforeign intervention and its potentially harmful consequences.

The Congo is clear proof of what We say. We should not be ledto complacency because of the present ameliorated situation inthat country. The Congolese people have suffered untoldmisery, and the economic growth of the country has beenretarded because of tribal strife.

But while we agree that the ultimate destiny of this continentlies in political union, we must at the same time recognise that

the obstacles to be overcome in its achievement are at oncenumerous and formidable. Africas peoples did not emerge intoliberty in uniform conditions. Africans maintain differentpolitical systems, our economies are diverse; our social ordersare rooted in differing cultures and traditions. Further, no clearconsensus exists on the how and the what of this union. Itis to be, in form, federal, confederal or unitary? Is thesovereignty of individual states to be reduced, and if so, by howmuch and in what areas? On these and other questions there isno agreement, and if we wait for agreed answers, generationshence matters will be little advanced, while the debate stillrages.

We should, therefore, not be concerned that complete union isnot attained from one day to the next. The union which we seek

can only come gradually, as the day to day progress which weachieve carries us slowly but inexorably along this course. Wehave before us the examples of the U.S.A and the U.S.S.R. Wemust remember how long these required to achieve their union.When a solid foundation is laid, if the mason is able and hismaterials good, a strong house can be built.

Thus, a period of transition is inevitable. Old relations and

arrangements may, for a time, longer. Regional organisationsmay fulfil legitimate functions and needs which cannot yet be

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otherwise satisfied. But the difference is in this: that werecognise these circumstances for what they are, temporaryexpedients designed to serve only until we have established the

conditions which will bring total African unity within ourreach.

There is, nonetheless, much that we can do to speed thistransition. There are issues on which we stand united andquestions on which there is unanimity of opinion. Let us seizeon these areas of agreement and exploit them to the fullest. Letus take action now, action which, while taking account of

present realities, nonetheless constitutes clear and unmistakableprogress along the course plotted out for us by destiny. We areall adherents, whatever our internal political systems, of theprinciples of democratic action. Let us apply these to the unitywe seek to create. Let us work out our own programmes in allfields- political, economic, social and military. The opponents ofAfricas growth, whose interests would be best served by adivided and balkanised continent, would derive muchsatisfaction from the unhappy spectacle of thirty and moreAfrican States so split, so paralysed and immobilised bycontroversies over long-term measures goals that they areunable even to join their efforts in short-term measures onwhich there is no dispute. If we act where we may in thoseareas where we adopt will work for us and inevitably impel usstill farther in the direction of ultimate union.

What we still lack, despite the efforts of past years, is themechanism which will enable us to speak with one voice whenwe wish to do so and take and implement decisions on Africanproblems when we are so minded. The commentators of 1963speak, in discussing Africa, of the Monrovia States, theBrazzaville Group, and the Casablanca Powers, of these andmany more. Let us put an end to these terms. What we require

is a single African organisation through which Africas singlevoice may be heard, within which Africas problems may be

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studied and resolved. We need an organisation which willfacilitate acceptable solutions to dispute among Africans andpromote the study and adoption of measures for common

defence and programmes for cooperation in the economic andsocial fields. Let us at this Conference, create a single institutionto which we will all belong, based on principles to which we allsubscribe, confident that in its councils our voices will carrytheir proper weight, secure in the knowledge that the decisionsthere will be dictated by Africans and only by Africans and thatthey will take full account of all vital African considerations.

We are meeting here today to lay the basis of African unity. Letus, here and now, agree upon the basic instrument which willconstitute the foundation for the future growth in peace andharmony and oneness of this continent. Let our meetingshenceforth proceed from solid accomplishments. Let us not putoff, to later consideration and study, the single act, the onedecision, which must emerge from this gathering if it is to havereal meaning. This Conference cannot close without adopting asingle African Charter. We cannot leave here without havingcreated a single African organisation possessed of the attributesWe have described. If we fail in this, we will have shirked ourresponsibility to Africa and to the peoples we lead. If wesucceed, then, and only then, will we have justified ourpresence here.

The organisation of which We speak must possess a well-articulated framework, having a permanent headquarters andan adequate Secretariat providing the necessary continuitybetween meetings of the permanent organs. It must includespecialised bodies to work in particular fields of competenceassigned to the organisation. Unless the political liberty forwhich Africans have for so long struggled is complemented andbolstered by a corresponding economic and social growth, the

breath of life which sustains our freedom may flicker out. Inour efforts to improve the standard of life of our peoples and to

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flesh out the bones of our independence, we count on theassistance and support of others. But this alone will not suffice,and, alone, would only perpetuate Africas dependence on

others.

A specialised body to facilitate and coordinate continent-wideeconomic programmes and to provide the mechanism for theprovision of economic assistance among African nations is thusrequired. Prompt measures can be taken to increase trade andcommerce among us. Africas mineral wealth is great; weshould co-operate in its development. An African Development

Programme, which will make provision for concentration byeach nation on those productive activities for which itsresources and geographic and climatic conditions best fit it isneeded. We assume that each African nation has its ownnational development programme and it only remains for us tocome together and share our experiences for a properimplementation of a continent-wide plan. Today, travelbetween African nations and telegraphic and telephoniccommunications among us are circuitous in the extreme. Roadcommunications between two neighbouring states are oftendifficult or even impossible. It is little wonder that trade amongus has remained at a discouragingly low level. Theseanachronisms are the remnants of a heritage of which we mustrid ourselves. The legacy of the century when Africans wereisolated one from the other these are vital areas in which efforts

must be concentrated

An additional project to be implemented without delay is thecreation of an African Development Bank. A proposal to whichall our Governments have given full support and which hasalready received intensive study. The meeting of our FinanceMinisters to be held within the coming weeks in Khartoumshould transform this proposal into fact. This same meeting

could appropriately continue studies already undertaken of theimpact upon Africa of existing regional economic groupings

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and initiate further studies to accelerate the expansion ofeconomic relations among us.

The nations of Africa, as is true of every continent of the world,

had from time to time dispute among themselves. Thesequarrels must be confined to this continent and quarantinedfrom the contamination of non-African interference. Permanentarrangements must be agreed upon to assist in the peacefulsettlement of these disagreements which, however few theymay be, cannot be left to languish and fester. Procedures mustbe established for the peaceful settlement of disputes, in order

that the threat or use of force may no longer endanger the peaceof our continent.

Steps must be taken to establish an African defence system.Military planning for the security of this continent must beundertaken in common within a collective framework. Theresponsibility for protecting this continent from armed attacksfrom abroad is the primary concern of Africans themselves.

Provision must be made for the extension of speedy andeffective assistance when any African State is threatened withmilitary aggression. We cannot rely solely on internationalmorality. Africas control over her own affairs is dependent onthe existence of appropriate military arrangements to assurethis continents protection against such threats. While guardingour own independence, we must at the same time determine to

live peacefully within all nations of the world.

Africa has come to freedom under the most difficult and tryingof circumstances. No small measures of the handicaps underwhich we labour derive from the low educational level attainedby our peoples and from their lack of knowledge of their fellowAfricans. Education abroad is at best an unsatisfactorysubstitute for education at home. A massive effort must be

launched in the educational and cultural field which will notonly raise the level of literacy and provide the cadres of skilled

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and trained technicians requisite to our growth anddevelopment but, as well, acquaint us one with another.Ethiopia, several years ago, instituted a programme of

scholarships for students coming from other African lands,which has proved highly rewarding and fruitful, and we urgeothers to adopt projects of this sort. Serious considerationshould be given to the establishment of an African University,sponsored by all Africans States, where future leaders of Africawill be trained in an atmosphere of continental brotherhood. Inthis African institution, the supra-national aspects of Africanlife would be emphasized and study would be directed toward

the ultimate goal of complete African unity. Ethiopia standsprepared here and now to decide on the site of the Universityand to fix the financial contributions to be made to it.

This is but the merest summary of what can be accomplished.Upon these measures we are all agreed, and our agreementshould now form the basis for our action.

Africa has become an increasingly influential force in theconduct of world affairs as the combined weight of ourcollective opinion is brought to focus not only on matters whichconcern this continent exclusively, but on those pressingproblems which occupy the thoughts of all men everywhere. Aswe have come to know one another better and grown in mutualtrust and confidence, it has been possible for us to coordinate

our policies and actions and contribute to the successfulsettlement of pressing and critical world issues.

This has not been easy. But coordinated action by all AfricanStates on common problems is imperative if our opinions are tobe accorded their proper weight. We Africans occupy adifferent-indeed a unique-position among the nations of thiscentury. Having for so long known oppression, tyranny and

subjugation, who, with better right, can claim for all theopportunity and the right to live and grow as free men?

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Ourselves for long decades the victims of injustice, whosevoices can be better raised in the demand for justice and rightfor all? We demand an end to colonialism because domination

of one people by another is wrong. We demand an end tonuclear testing and the arms race because these activities, whichpose such dreadful threats to mans existence and waste andsquander humanitys material heritage are wrong. We demandan end to racial segregation as an affront to mans dignitywhich is wrong. We act in these matters in the right, as a matterof high principle. We act out the integrity and conviction of ourmost deep founded beliefs.

If we permit ourselves to be tempted by narrow self-interestand vain ambition, if we barter our beliefs for short-termadvantage, who will listen when we claim to speak forconscience, and who will contend that our words deserve to beheeded? We must speak out on major world issues,courageously, openly and honestly and in blunt terms of rightand wrong. If we yield to blandishments or threats, if wecompromise when no honourable compromise is possible, ourinfluence will be sadly diminished and our prestige woefullyprejudiced and weakened. Let us not deny our ideals orsacrifice our right to stand as the champions of the poor, theignorant, and the oppressed everywhere. The acts by which welive and the attitudes by which we act must be clear beyondquestion. Principles alone can endow our deeds with force and

meaning. Let us be true to what we believe that our beliefs mayserve and honour us.

We reaffirm today, in the name of principle and right, ouropposition to prejudice, wherever and in whatever form it maybe found and particularly do we rededicate ourselves to theeradication of racial discrimination from this continent. We cannever rest content with our achievements so long as men, in any

part of Africa, assert on racial discrimination constitutes anegation of the spiritual and psychological equality which we

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have fought to achieve and a denial of the personality anddignity which we have struggled to establish for ourselves asAfricans. Our political and economic liberty will be devoid of

meaning for so long as the degrading spectacle of SouthAfricas apartheid continues to haunt our waking hours and totrouble our sleep. We must redouble our efforts to banish thisevil from our land. If we persevere, discrimination will one dayvanish from the earth. If we use the means available to us,South Africas apartheid, just as colonialism, will shortlyremain only as a memory. If we pool our resources and usethem well, this spectre will be banished forever.

In this effort, as in so many others, we stand united with ourAsian friends and brothers. Africa shares with Asia a commonbackground of colonialism, of exploitation, of discrimination, ofoppression. At Bandung, African and Asian States dedicatedthemselves to the liberation of their two continents from foreigndomination and affirmed the right of all nations to develop intheir own way, free of any external interference. The BandungDeclaration and the principles enunciated at that Conferenceremain today valid for us all. We hope that the leaders of Indiaand china, in the spirit of Bandung, will find the way to thepeaceful resolution of the dispute between their two countries.

We must speak, also, of the dangers of the nuclear holocaustwhich threatens all that we hold dear and precious, including

life itself. Forced to live our daily existence with this forebodingand ominous shadow ever at our side, we cannot lose hope orlapse into despair. The consequences of an uncontrolled nuclearconflict are so dreadful that no sane man can countenance them.There must be an end to testing. A programme of progressivedisarmament must be agreed upon. Africa must be freed andshielded, as a denuclearised zone, from the consequences ofdirect albeit involuntary involvement in the nuclear arms race.

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The negotiations at Geneva, where Nigeria, the United ArabRepublic and Ethiopia are participating, continue and painfullyand laboriously, progress is being achieved. We cannot know

what portion of the limited advances already realized can beattributed to the increasingly important role being played bythe non-aligned nations in these discussions, but we can, surelyderive some small measure of satisfaction in even the fewtentative steps taken toward ultimate agreement among thenuclear powers. We remain persuaded that in our efforts toscatter the clouds which rim the horizon of our future, successmust come, if only because failure is unthinkable. Patience and

grim determination are required and faith in the guidance ofAlmighty God.

We would not close without making mention of the UnitedNations. We personally, who have throughout Our lifetimebeen ever guided and inspired by the principle of collectivesecurity, would not now propose measures which depart fromor are inconsistent with this ideal or with the declarations of theUnited Nations Charter. It would be foolhardy indeed toabandon a principle which has withstood the test of time andwhich has proved its inherent value again and again in the past.It would be worse than folly to weaken the one effective worldorganisation which exists today and to which each of us owesso much. It would be sheer recklessness for any of us to detractfrom this organisation which, however imperfect, provides the

best bulwark against the incursion of any forces which woulddeprive us of our hard own liberty and dignity.

The African Charter of which We have spoken is whollyconsistent with that of the United Nations. The Africanorganisation which We envisage is not intended in any way toreplace in our national or international life the position whichthe United Nations has so diligently earned and so rightfully

occupies. Rather, the measures which We propose wouldcomplement and round out programmes undertaken by United

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Nations and its specialised agencies and, hopefully, render boththeir activities and ours doubly meaningful and effective. Whatwe seek will multiply many times over the contribution which

our joined endeavours may make to the assurance of worldpeace and the promotion of human well-being andunderstanding.

A century hence, when future generations study the pages ofhistory seeking to follow and fathom the growth anddevelopment of the African continent, what will they find ofthis Conference? Will it be remembered as an occasion on

which the leaders of a liberated Africa, acting boldly and withdetermination, bent events to their will and shaped the futuredestinies of African peoples? Will this meeting be memorialisedfor its solid achievements, for the intelligence and maturitywhich marked the decisions taken here? Or will it be recalledfor its failures, for the inability of Africas leaders to transcendlocal prejudice and individual differences, for thedisappointment and disillusionment which followed in itstrain?

These questions give us all pause. The answers are within ourpower to dictate. The challenges and opportunities which openbefore us today are greater than those presented at any time inAfricas millennia of history. The risks and dangers whichconfront us are no less great. The immense responsibilities

which history and circumstance have thrust upon us demandbalanced and sober reflection. If we succeed in the tasks whichlie before us, our names will be remembered and our deedsrecalled by those who follow us. If we fail, history will puzzle atour failure and mourn what was lost. We approach the daysahead with the prayer that we who have assembled here maybe granted the wisdom, the judgement and the inspirationwhich will enable us to maintain our faith with the peoples and

the nations which entrusted their fate to our hands.

1* Picture source :http://www.eineps.org/
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Case Studies on National Reconciliation Processes


These Case Studies may be valuable references for Ethiopia Today

I.Anthropological studies of national reconciliation processesRichard Ashby WilsonUniversity of Connecticut, USA

Abstract

This article examines how social researchers have evaluated the rise ofinstitutions to create national reconciliation in countries emergingfrom authoritarianism and state repression. Reconciliation has been

counter-posed to retributive justice by new political and religiouselites, who have instead sought to construct a new notion of the

national self and psyche, and in so doing used organic models of stateand society and metaphors of illness and health in the body politic.Intellectuals such as the legal scholar Minow have applauded theseefforts as attempts to transcend the limitations of law and legaldiscourse in order to construct a different kind of public space and

collective memory, and to engage in emotional and psychological healing.Anthropologists have taken a more mixed and critical view. Some such asBuur and Ross have asserted that truth commissions are not free of thepositivism which characterizes the legal process and which excludescertain types of voice and subjectivity and creates silences of its own.Others such as Borneman and Wilson have criticized reconciliationstrategies for undermining the rule of law and they have asserted thatdemocratizing regimes must instead attempt to rebuild accountability,and thereby state legitimacy, through retributive justice.

Key Words anthropology of human rights political violence reconciliation retributive justice transitional justice truth commissions

http://ant.sagepub.com/content/3/3/367

In justifying the amnesty legislation in South Africa, Tutu writes:

Social harmony is for us the summum bonumthe greatest good. Anythingthat subverts or undermines this sought-after good is to be avoided like

the plague. Anger, resentment, lust for revenge . . . are corrosive ofthis good. (1999: 35)

The main metaphor of the organic state is the body politic as a sickbody that is in need of healing.http://ant.sagepub.com/content/3/3/367

II.

GHANAS NATIONAL RECONCILIATION COMMISSION:A COMPARATIVE ASSESSMENT2

Since gaining independence in 1957, Ghana has experienced four coups and successive militaryregimes. Human rights violations occurred under each of the military governments and intensifiedfollowing the two coups initiated by former President J. J. Rawlings in 1979 and 1982. Respect forrights improved during interim periods of civilian rule; however, most civilian administrations were
https://beaimero.wordpress.com/2013/05/25/case-studies-on-national-reconciliation-processes/https://beaimero.wordpress.com/2013/05/25/case-studies-on-national-reconciliation-processes/https://beaimero.wordpress.com/2013/05/25/case-studies-on-national-reconciliation-processes/https://beaimero.wordpress.com/2013/05/25/case-studies-on-national-reconciliation-processes/https://beaimero.wordpress.com/2013/05/25/case-studies-on-national-reconciliation-processes/http://ant.sagepub.com/content/3/3/367http://ant.sagepub.com/content/3/3/367http://ant.sagepub.com/content/3/3/367http://ant.sagepub.com/content/3/3/367http://ant.sagepub.com/content/3/3/367http://ant.sagepub.com/content/3/3/367https://beaimero.wordpress.com/2013/05/25/case-studies-on-national-reconciliation-processes/https://beaimero.wordpress.com/2013/05/25/case-studies-on-national-reconciliation-processes/

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too short-lived to counter the culture of impunity and disrespect or the rule of law that had become

entrenched under former administrations. And here too, civilian administrations abused their powers inorder to target officials of former regimes. As a key consequence of this history, a culture of human

rights and respect for democratic principles was unable to take root during this time.In the early 1990s, then President Rawlings initiated a gradual return from military rule todemocracy. A new constitution came into effect in 1993 and democratic elections were held in which

Rawlings was returned to power. He remained president of the country until the next elections in 2000.While much democratization was achieved during this period, Rawlings continued position of power

was a roadblock to investigations into the past and justice for historical abuses. To ensure that thisimpunity would continue once it was out of power, the Rawlings administration entrenched a self-amnesty in the 1992 Constitution which barred any legal measures being taken against members ofeither the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC) or the Armed Forces Revolutionary Council(AFRC), both military regimes headed by Rawlings himself.

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? ? - / Robot ! 21-! / ILLICIT FINANCIAL FLOWS FROM AFRICA

/05-2013-Vol-1-No-1
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