20000,amilcarcabral,theweaponoftheory,1966

7/27/2019 20000,AmilcarCabral,TheWeaponofTheory,1966

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AmilcarCabral,TheWeaponofTheory,1966AddressdeliveredtothefirstTricontinentalConferenceofthePeoplesofAsia,

AfricaandLatinAmericaheldinHavanainJanuary,1966.

Ifany

of

us

came

to

Cuba

with

doubts

in

our

mind

about

the

solidity,

strength,

maturityandvitalityoftheCubanRevolution,thesedoubtshavebeenremovedby

whatwehavebeenabletosee.Ourheartsarenowwarmedbyanunshakeable

certaintywhichgivesuscourageinthedifficultbutgloriousstruggleagainstthe

commonenemy:nopowerintheworldwillbeabletodestroythisCuban

Revolution,whichiscreatinginthecountrysideandinthetownsnotonlyanewlife

butalsoandevenmoreimportantaNewMan,fullyconsciousofhisnational,

continentalandinternationalrightsandduties.IneveryfieldofactivitytheCuban

peoplehavemademajorprogressduringthelastsevenyears,particularlyin1965,

Yearof

Agriculture.

Webelievethatthisconstitutesaparticularlessonforthenationalliberation

movements,especiallyforthosewhowanttheirnationalrevolutiontobeatrue

revolution.SomepeoplehavenotfailedtonotethatacertainnumberofCubans,

albeitaninsignificantminority,havenotsharedthejoysandhopesofthe

celebrationsfortheseventhanniversarybecausetheyareagainsttheRevolution.It

ispossiblethatotherswillnotbepresentatthecelebrationsoftheeighth

anniversary,butwewouldliketostatethatweconsidertheopendoorpolicyfor

enemiesof

the

Revolution

to

be

alesson

in

courage,

determination,

humanity

and

confidenceinthepeople,anotherpoliticalandmoralvictoryovertheenemy;and

tothosewhoareworried,inaspiritoffriendship,aboutthedangerswhichmany

beinvolvedinthisexodus,weguaranteethatwe,thepeoplesofthecountriesof

Africa,stillcompletelydominatedbyPortuguesecolonialism,arepreparedtosend

toCubaasmanymenandwomenasmaybeneededtocompensateforthe

departureofthosewhoforreasonsofclassorofinabilitytoadapthaveinterestsor

attitudeswhichareincompatiblewiththeinterestsoftheCubanpeople.Taking

once

again

the

formerly

hard

and

tragic

path

of

our

ancestors

(mainly

from

Guinea

andAngola)whoweretakentoCubaasslaves,wewouldcomenowasfreemen,as

willingworkersandCubanpatriots,tofulfillaproductivefunctioninthisnew,just

andmultiracialsociety,andtohelpanddefendwithourownlivesthevictoriesof

theCubanpeople.Thuswewouldstrengthenbothallthebondsofhistory,blood

andculturewhichuniteourpeopleswiththeCubanpeople,andthespontaneous

givingofoneself,thedeepjoyandinfectiousrhythmwhichmaketheconstruction

ofsocialisminCubaanewphenomenonfortheworld,auniqueand,formany,

unaccustomedevent.


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Wearenotgoingtousethisplatformtorailagainstimperialism.AnAfricansaying

verycommoninourcountrysays:Whenyourhouseisburning,itsnousebeating

thetomtoms.OnaTricontinentallevel,thismeansthatwearenotgoingto

eliminateimperialismbyshoutinginsultsagainstit.Forus,thebestorworstshout

againstimperialism,whateveritsform,istotakeuparmsandfight.Thisiswhatwe

aredoing,andthisiswhatwewillgoondoinguntilallforeigndominationofour

Africanhomelands

has

been

totally

eliminated.

Ouragendaincludessubjectswhosemeaningandimportancearebeyondquestion

andwhichshowafundamentalpreoccupationwithstruggle.Wenote,however,

thatoneformofstrugglewhichweconsidertobefundamentalhasnotbeen

explicitlymentionedinthisprogramme,althoughwearecertainthatitwaspresent

inthemindsofthosewhodrewuptheprogramme.Wereferheretothestruggle

againstourownweaknesses.

Obviously,othercasesdifferfromthatofGuinea;butourexperiencehasshownus

thatin

the

general

framework

of

daily

struggle

this

battle

against

ourselves

no

matterwhatdifficultiestheenemymaycreateisthemostdifficultofall,whether

forthepresentorthefutureofourpeoples.Thisbattleistheexpressionofthe

internalcontradictionsintheeconomic,social,cultural(andthereforehistorical)

realityofeachofourcountries.Weareconvincedthatanynationalorsocial

revolutionwhichisnotbasedonknowledgeofthisfundamentalrealityrunsgrave

riskofbeingcondemnedtofailure.

WhentheAfricanpeoplessayintheirsimplelanguagethatnomatterhowhotthe

waterfrom

your

well,

it

will

not

cook

your

rice,

they

express

with

singular

simplicityafundamentalprinciple,notonlyofphysics,butalsoofpoliticalscience.

Weknowthatthedevelopmentofaphenomenoninmovement,whateverits

externalappearance,dependsmainlyonitsinternalcharacteristics.Wealsoknow

thatonthepoliticallevelourownrealityhoweverfineandattractivethereality

ofothersmaybecanonlybetransformedbydetailedknowledgeofit,byour

ownefforts,byourownsacrifices.ItisusefultorecallinthisTricontinental

gathering,sorichinexperienceandexample,thathowevergreatthesimilarity

betweenourvariouscasesandhoweveridenticalourenemies,nationalliberation

andsocial

revolution

are

not

exportable

commodities;

they

are,

and

increasingly

so

everyday,theoutcomeoflocalandnationalelaboration,moreorlessinfluenced

byexternalfactors(betheyfavorableorunfavorable)butessentiallydetermined

andformedbythehistoricalrealityofeachpeople,andcarriedtosuccessbythe

overcomingorcorrectsolutionoftheinternalcontradictionsbetweenthevarious

categoriescharacterisingthisreality.ThesuccessoftheCubanrevolution,taking

placeonly90milesfromthegreatestimperialistandantisocialistpowerofalltime,

seemstous,initscontentanditswayofevolution,tobeapracticalandconclusive

illustration

of

the

validity

of

this

principle.


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Howeverwemustrecognizethatweourselvesandtheotherliberationmovements

ingeneral(referringhereabovealltotheAfricanexperience)havenotmanagedto

paysufficientattentiontothisimportantproblemofourcommonstruggle.

Theideologicaldeficiency,nottosaythetotallackofideology,withinthenational

liberationmovementswhichisbasicallyduetoignoranceofthehistoricalreality

whichthesemovementsclaimtotransformconstitutesoneofthegreatest

weaknessesof

our

struggle

against

imperialism,

ifnot

the

greatest

weakness

of

all.

Webelieve,however,thatasufficientnumberofdifferentexperienceshasalready

beenaccumulatedtoenableustodefineagenerallineofthoughtandactionwith

theaimofeliminatingthisdeficiency.Afulldiscussionofthissubjectcouldbe

useful,andwouldenablethisconferencetomakeavaluablecontributiontowards

strengtheningthepresentandfutureactionsofthenationalliberationmovements.

Thiswouldbeaconcretewayofhelpingthesemovements,andinouropinionno

lessimportantthanpoliticalsupportorfinancialassistanceforarmsandsuchlike.

Itis

with

the

intention

of

making

acontribution,

however

modest,

to

this

debate

thatwepresenthereouropinionofthefoundationsandobjectivesofnational

liberationinrelationtothesocialstructure.Thisopinionistheresultofourown

experiencesofthestruggleandofacriticalappreciationoftheexperiencesof

others.Tothosewhoseeinitatheoreticalcharacter,wewouldrecallthatevery

practiceproducesatheory,andthatifitistruethatarevolutioncanfaileven

thoughitbebasedonperfectlyconceivedtheories,nobodyhasyetmadea

successfulrevolutionwithoutarevolutionarytheory.

Thosewho

affirm

in

our

case

correctly

that

the

motive

force

of

history

is

the

classstrugglewouldcertainlyagreetoarevisionofthisaffirmationtomakeitmore

preciseandgiveitanevenwiderfieldofapplicationiftheyhadabetterknowledge

oftheessentialcharacteristicsofcertaincolonizedpeoples,thatistosaypeoples

dominatedbyimperialism.Infactinthegeneralevolutionofhumanityandofeach

ofthepeoplesofwhichitiscomposed,classesappearneitherasageneralizedand

simultaneousphenomenonthroughoutthetotalityofthesegroups,norasa

finished,perfect,uniformandspontaneouswhole.Thedefinitionofclasseswithin

oneorseveralhumangroupsisafundamentalconsequenceoftheprogressive

developmentof

the

productive

forces

and

of

the

characteristics

of

the

distribution

ofthewealthproducedbythegrouporusurpedfromothers.Thatistosaythatthe

socioeconomicphenomenonclassiscreatedanddevelopsasafunctionofatleast

twoessentialandinterdependentvariablesthelevelofproductiveforcesandthe

patternofownershipofthemeansofproduction.Thisdevelopmenttakesplace

slowly,graduallyandunevenly,byquantitativeandgenerallyimperceptible

variationsinthefundamentalcomponents;onceacertaindegreeofaccumulation

isreached,thisprocessthenleadstoaqualitativejump,characterizedbythe

appearance

of

classes

and

of

conflict

between

them.


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Factorsexternaltothesocioeconomicwholecaninfluence,moreorless

significantly,theprocessofdevelopmentofclasses,acceleratingit,slowingitdown

andevencausingregressions.When,forwhateverreason,theinfluenceofthese

factorsceases,theprocessreassumesitsindependenceanditsrhythmisthen

determinednotonlybethespecificinternalcharacteristicsofthewhole,butalsoby

theresultantoftheeffectproducedinitbythetemporaryactionoftheexternal

factors.On

astrictly

internal

level

the

rhythm

of

the

process

may

vary,

but

it

remainscontinuousandprogressive.Suddenprogressisonlypossibleasafunction

ofviolentalterationsmutationsinthelevelofproductiveforcesorinthe

patternofownership.Theseviolenttransformationscarriedoutwithintheprocess

ofdevelopmentofclasses,asaresultofmutationsinthelevelofproductiveforces

orinthepatternofownership,aregenerallycalled,ineconomicandpolitical

language,revolutions.

Clearly,however,thepossibilitiesofthisprocessarenoticeablyinfluencedby

external

factors,

and

particularly

by

the

interaction

of

human

groups.

This

interactionisconsiderablyincreasedbythedevelopmentofmeansoftransportand

communicationwhichascreatedthemodernworld,eliminatingtheisolationof

humangroupswithinonearea,ofareaswithinonecontinent,andbetween

continents.Thisdevelopment,characteristicofalonghistoricalperiodwhichbegan

withtheinventionofthefirstmeansoftransport,wasalreadymoreevidentatthe

timeofthePunicvoyagesandintheGreekcolonization,andwasaccentuatedby

maritimediscoveries,theinventionofthesteamengineandthediscoveryof

electricity.Andinourowntimes,withtheprogressivedomesticizationofatomic

energyit

is

possible

to

promise,

ifnot

to

take

men

to

the

stars,

at

least

to

humanize

theuniverse.

Thisleadsustoposethefollowingquestion:doeshistorybeginonlywiththe

developmentofthephenomenonofclass,andconsequentlyofclassstruggle?To

replyintheaffirmativewouldbetoplaceoutsidehistorythewholeperiodoflifeof

humangroupsfromthediscoveryofhunting,andlaterofnomadicandsedentary

agriculture,totheorganizationofherdsandtheprivateappropriationofland.It

wouldalsobetoconsiderandthiswerefusetoacceptthatvarioushuman

groupsin

Africa,

Asia,

and

Latin

America

were

living

without

history,

or

outside

history,atthetimewhentheyweresubjectedtotheyokeofimperialism.Itwould

betoconsiderthatthepeoplesofourcountries,suchastheBalantesofGuinea,the

CoaniamasofAngolaandtheMacondesofMozambique,arestilllivingtodayif

weabstracttheslightinfluenceofcolonialismtowhichtheyhavebeensubjected

outsidehistory,orthattheyhavenohistory.

Ourrefusal,basedasitisonconcreteknowledgeofthesocioeconomicrealityof

ourcountriesandontheanalysisoftheprocessofdevelopmentofthe

phenomenon

class,

as

we

have

seen

earlier,

leads

us

to

conclude

that

if

class


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20000/15

struggleisthemotiveforceofhistory,itissoonlyinaspecifichistoricalperiod.This

meansthatbeforetheclassstruggleandnecessarilyafterit,sinceinthisworld

thereisnobeforewithoutanafteroneorseveralfactorswasandwillbethe

motiveforceofhistory.Itisnotdifficulttoseethatthisfactorinthehistoryofeach

humangroupisthemodeofproductionthelevelofproductiveforcesandthe

patternofownershipcharacteristicofthatgroup.Furthermore,aswehaveseen,

classesthemselves,

class

struggle

and

their

subsequent

definition,

are

the

result

of

thedevelopmentoftheproductiveforcesinconjunctionwiththepatternof

ownershipofthemeansofproduction.Itthereforeseemscorrecttoconcludethat

thelevelofproductiveforces,theessentialdeterminingelementinthecontentand

formofclassstruggle,isthetrueandpermanentmotiveforceofhistory.

Ifweacceptthisconclusion,thenthedoubtsinourmindsareclearedaway.

Becauseifontheonehandwecanseethattheexistenceofhistorybeforetheclass

struggleisguaranteed,andthusavoidforsomehumangroupsinourcountries

and

perhaps

in

our

continent

the

sad

position

of

being

peoples

without

any

history,thenontheotherhandwecanseethathistoryhascontinuity,evenafter

thedisappearanceofclassstruggleorofclassesthemselves.Andasitwasnotwe

whopostulatedonascientificbasisthefactofthedisappearanceofclassesas

ahistoricalinevitability,wecanfeelsatisfiedathavingreachedthisconclusion

which,toacertainextent,reestablishescoherenceandatthesametimegivesto

thosepeopleswho,likethepeopleofCuba,arebuildingsocialism,theagreeable

certaintythattheywillnotceasetohaveahistorywhentheycompletetheprocess

ofeliminationofthephenomenonofclassandclassstrugglewithintheirsocio

economicwhole.

Eternity

is

not

of

this

world,

but

man

will

outlive

classes

and

will

continuetoproduceandmakehistory,sincehecanneverfreehimselffromthe

burdenofhisneeds,bothofmindandofbody,whicharethebasisofthe

developmentoftheforcesofproduction.

Theforegoing,andtherealityofourtimes,allowustostatethatthehistoryofone

humangrouporofhumanitygoesthroughatleastthreestages.Thefirstis

characterizedbyalowlevelofproductiveforcesofmansdominationover

nature;themodeofproductionisofarudimentarycharacter,privateappropriation

ofthe

means

of

production

does

not

yet

exist,

there

are

no

classes,

nor,

consequently,isthereanyclassstruggle.Inthesecondstage,theincreasedlevelof

productiveforcesleadstoprivateappropriationofthemeansofproduction,

progressivelycomplicatesthemodeofproduction,provokesconflictsofinterests

withinthesocioeconomicwholeinmovement,andmakespossibletheappearance

ofthephenomenaclassandhenceofclassstruggle,thesocialexpressionofthe

contradictionintheeconomicfieldbetweenthemodeofproductionandprivate

appropriationofthemeansofproduction.Inthethirdstage,onceacertainlevelof

productiveforcesisreached,theeliminationofprivateappropriationofthemeans

ofproduction

is

made

possible,

and

is

carried

out,

together

with

the

elimination

of


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thephenomenonclassandhenceofclassstruggle;newandhithertounknown

forcesinthehistoricalprocessofthesocioeconomicwholearethenunleashed.

Inpoliticoeconomiclanguage,thefirststagewouldcorrespondtothecommunal

agriculturalandcattleraisingsociety,inwhichthesocialstructureishorizontal,

withoutanystate;thesecondtofeudalorassimilatedagriculturaloragroindustrial

bourgeoissocieties,withaverticalsocialstructureandastate;thethirdtosocialist

orcommunist

societies,

in

which

the

economy

is

mainly,

if

not

exclusively,

industrial

(sinceagricultureitselfbecomesaformofindustry)andinwhichthestatetendsto

progressivelydisappear,oractuallydisappears,andwherethesocialstructure

returnstohorizontality,atahigherlevelofproductiveforces,socialrelationsand

appreciationofhumanvalues.

Atthelevelofhumanityorofpartofhumanity(humangroupswithinonearea,of

oneorseveralcontinents)thesethreestages(ortwoofthem)canbesimultaneous,

asisshownasmuchbythepresentasbythepast.Thisisaresultoftheuneven

developmentof

human

societies,

whether

caused

by

internal

reasons

or

by

one

or

moreexternalfactorsexertinganacceleratingorslowingdowninfluenceontheir

evolution.Ontheotherhand,inthehistoricalprocessofagivensocioeconomic

wholeeachoftheabovementionedstagescontains,onceacertainlevelof

transformationisreached,theseedsofthefollowingstage.

Weshouldalsonotethatinthepresentphaseofthelifeofhumanity,andfora

givensocioeconomicwhole,thetimesequenceofthethreecharacteristicstagesis

notindispensable.Whateveritslevelofproductiveforcesandpresentsocial

structure,asociety

can

pass

rapidly

through

the

defined

stages

appropriate

to

the

concretelocalrealities(bothhistoricalandhuman)andreachahigherstageof

existence.Thisprogressdependsontheconcretepossibilitiesofdevelopmentof

thesocietysproductiveforcesandisgovernedmainlybythenatureofthepolitical

powerrulingthesociety,thatistosay,bythetypeofstateor,ifonelikes,bythe

characterofthedominantclassorclasseswithinthesociety.

Amoredetailedanalysiswouldshowthatthepossibilityofsuchajumpinthe

historicalprocessarisesmainly,intheeconomicfield,fromthepowerofthemeans

availableto

man

at

the

time

for

dominating

nature,

and,

in

the

political

field,

from

theneweventwhichhasradicallyclangedthefaceoftheworldandthe

developmentofhistory,thecreationofsocialiststates.

Thusweseethatourpeopleshavetheirownhistoryregardlessofthestageoftheir

economicdevelopment.Whentheyweresubjectedtoimperialistdomination,the

historicalprocessofeachofourpeoples(orofthehumangroupsofwhichtheyare

composed)wassubjectedtotheviolentactionofanexteriorfactor.Thisaction

theimpactofimperialismonoursocietiescouldnotfailtoinfluencetheprocess

ofdevelopment

of

the

productive

forces

in

our

countries

and

the

social

structures


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20000/17

ofourcountries,aswellasthecontentandformofournationalliberation

struggles.

Butwealsoseethatinthehistoricalcontextofthedevelopmentofthesestruggles,

ourpeopleshavetheconcretepossibilityofgoingfromtheirpresentsituationof

exploitationandunderdevelopmenttoanewstageoftheirhistoricalprocesswhich

canleadthemtoahigherformofeconomic,socialandculturalexistence.

Thepoliticalstatementdrawnupbytheinternationalpreparatorycommitteeof

thisconference,forwhichwereaffirmourcompletesupport,placedimperialism,

byclearandsuccinctanalysis,initseconomiccontextandhistoricalcoordinates.

Wewillnotrepeatherewhathasalreadybeensaidintheassembly.Wewillsimply

statethatimperialismcanbedefinedasaworldwideexpressionofthesearchfor

profitsandtheeverincreasingaccumulationofsurplusvaluebymonopolyfinancial

capital,centeredintwopartsoftheworld;firstinEurope,andtheninNorth

America.Andifwewishtoplacethefactofimperialismwithinthegeneral

trajectoryof

the

evolution

of

the

transcendental

factor

which

has

changed

the

face

oftheworld,namelycapitalandtheprocessofitsaccumulation,wecansaythat

imperialismispiracytransplantedfromtheseastodrylandpiracyreorganized,

consolidatedandadaptedtotheaimofexploitingthenaturalandhumanresources

ofourpeoples.Butifwecancalmlyanalyzetheimperialistphenomenon,wewill

notshockanybodybyadmittingthatimperialismandeverythinggoestoprove

thatitisinfactthelastphaseintheevolutionofcapitalismhasbeenahistorical

necessity,aconsequenceoftheimpetusgivenbytheproductiveforcesandofthe

transformationsofthemeansofproductioninthegeneralcontextofhumanity,

consideredasonemovement,thatistosayanecessitylikethosetodayofthe

nationalliberationofpeoples,thedestructionofcapitalandtheadventof

socialism.

Theimportantthingforourpeoplesistoknowwhetherimperialism,initsroleas

capitalinaction,hasfulfilledinourcountriesitshistoricalmission:theacceleration

oftheprocessofdevelopmentoftheproductiveforcesandtheirtransformationin

thesenseofincreasingcomplexityinthemeansofproduction;increasingthe

differentiationbetweentheclasseswiththedevelopmentofthebourgeoisie,and

intensifyingthe

class

struggle;

and

appreciably

increasing

the

level

of

economic,

socialandculturallifeofthepeoples.Itisalsoworthexaminingtheinfluencesand

effectsofimperialistactiononthesocialstructuresandhistoricalprocessesofour

peoples.

Wewillnotcondemnnorjustifyimperialismhere;wewillsimplystatethatasmuch

ontheeconomiclevelasonthesocialandculturallevel,imperialistcapitalhasnot

remotelyfulfilledthehistoricalmissioncarriedoutbycapitalinthecountriesof

accumulation.Thismeansthatif,ontheonehad,imperialistcapitalhashad,inthe

greatmajority

of

the

dominated

countries,

the

simple

function

of

multiplying


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20000/18

surplusvalue,itcanbeseenontheotherhandthatthehistoricalcapacityofcapital

(asindestructibleacceleratoroftheprocessofdevelopmentofproductiveforces)

dependsstrictlyonitsfreedom,thatistosayonthedegreeofindependencewith

whichitisutilized.Wemusthoweverrecognizethatincertaincasesimperialist

capitalormoribundcapitalismhashadsufficientselfinterest,strengthandtimeto

increasethelevelofproductiveforces(aswellasbuildingtowns)andtoallowa

minorityof

the

local

population

to

attain

ahigher

and

even

privileged

standard

of

living,thuscontributingtoaprocesswhichsomewouldcalldialectical,bywidening

thecontradictionswithinthesocietiesinquestion.Inother,evenrarercases,there

hasexistedthepossibilityofaccumulationofcapital,creatingtheconditionsforthe

developmentofalocalbourgeoisie.

Onthequestionoftheeffectsofimperialistdominationonthesocialstructureand

historicalprocessofourpeoples,weshouldfirstofallexaminethegeneralformsof

imperialistdomination.Thereareatleasttwoforms:thefirstisdirectdomination,

by

means

of

a

power

made

up

of

people

foreign

to

the

dominated

people

(armed

forcespolice,administrativeagentsandsettlers);thisisgenerallycalledclassical

colonialismorcolonialismisindirectdomination,byapoliticalpowermadeup

mainlyorcompletelyofnativeagents;thisiscalledneocolonialism.

Inthefirstcase,thesocialstructureofthedominatedpeople,whateveritsstageof

development,cansufferthefollowingconsequences:(a)totaldestruction,

generallyaccompaniedbyimmediateorgradualeliminationofthenative

populationand,consequently,bythesubstitutionofapopulationfromoutside;(b)

partialdestruction,generallyaccompaniedbyagreaterorlesserinfluxof

populationfromoutside;(c)apparentconservation,conditionedbyconfiningthe

nativesocietytozonesorreservesgenerallyofferingnopossibilitiesofliving,

accompaniedbymassiveimplantationofpopulationfromoutside.

Thetwolattercasesarethosewhichwemustconsiderintheframeworkofthe

problematicnationalliberation,andtheyareextensivelypresentinAfrica.Onecan

saythatineithercasetheinfluenceofimperialismonthehistoricalprocessofthe

dominatedpeopleproducesparalysis,stagnationandeveninsomecasesregression

inthisprocess.Howeverthisparalysisisnotcomplete.Inonesectororanotherof

thesocio

economic

whole

in

question,

noticeable

transformations

can

be

expected,

causedbythepermanentactionofsomeinternal(local)factorsorbytheactionof

newfactorsintroducedbythecolonialdomination,suchastheintroductionof

moneyandthedevelopmentofurbancenters.Amongthesetransformationswe

shouldanticipateaprogressivelossofprestigeoftherulingnativeclassesor

sectors,theforcedorvoluntaryexodusofpartofthepeasantpopulationtothe

urbancenters,withtheconsequentdevelopmentofnewsocialstrata;salaried

workers,clerks,employeesincommerceandtheliberalprofessions,andaninstable

stratum

of

unemployed.

In

the

countryside

there

develops,

with

very

varied


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20000/19

intensityandalwayslinkedtotheurbanmilieu,astratummadeupofsmall

landowners.Inthecaseofneocolonialism,whetherthemajorityofthecolonized

populationisofnativeorforeignorigin,theimperialistactiontakestheformof

creatingalocalbourgeoisieorpseudobourgeoisie,controlledbytherulingclassof

thedominatingcountry.

Thetransformationsinthesocialstructurearenotsomarkedinthelowerstrata,

aboveall

in

the

countryside,

which

retains

the

characteristics

of

the

colonial

phase;

butthecreationofanativepseudobourgeoisiewhichgenerallydevelopsoutofa

pettybourgeoisieofbureaucratsandaccentuatesthedifferentiationbetweenthe

socialstrataandintermediariesinthecommercialsystem(compradores),by

strengtheningtheeconomicactivityoflocalelements,opensupnewperspectives

inthesocialdynamic,mainlybythedevelopmentofanurbanworkingclass,the

introductionofprivateagriculturalpropertyandtheprogressiveappearanceofan

agriculturalproletariat.Thesemoreorlessnoticeabletransformationsofthesocial

structure,

produced

by

a

significant

increase

in

the

level

of

productive

forces,

have

a

directinfluenceonthehistoricalprocessofthesocioeconomicwholeinquestion.

Whileinclassicalcolonialismthisprocessisparalyzed,neocolonialistdomination,

byallowingthesocialdynamictoawaken(conflictsofinterestsbetweennative

socialstrataorclassstruggles),createstheillusionthatthehistoricalprocessis

returningtoitsnormalevolution.Thisillusionwillbereinforcedbytheexistenceof

apoliticalpower(nationalstate)composedofnativeelements.Inrealityitis

scarcelyevenanillusion,sincethesubmissionofthelocalrulingclasstotheruling

classofthedominatingcountrylimitsorpreventsthedevelopmentofthenational

productiveforces.

Butintheconcreteconditionsofthepresentdayworldeconomythisdependence

isfatalandthusthelocalpseudobourgeoisie,howevernationalistitmaybe,

cannoteffectivelyfulfillitshistoricalfunction;itcannotfreelydirectthe

developmentoftheproductiveforces;inbriefitcannotbeanationalbourgeoisie.

Foraswehaveseen,theproductiveforcesarethemotiveforceofhistory,andtotal

freedomoftheprocessoftheirdevelopmentisanindispensableconditionfortheir

properfunctioning.

Wetherefore

see

that

both

in

colonialism

and

in

neo

colonialism

the

essential

characteristicofimperialistdominationremainsthesame:thenegationofthe

historicalprocessofthedominatedpeoplebymeansofviolentusurpationofthe

freedomofdevelopmentofthenationalproductiveforces.Thisobservation,which

identifiestheessenceofthetwoapparentformsofimperialistdomination,seems

toustobeofmajorimportanceforthethoughtandactionofliberation

movements,bothinthecourseofstruggleandafterthewinningofindependence.

Onthebasisofthis,wecanstatethatnationalliberationisthephenomenonin

whichagiven

socio

economic

whole

rejects

the

negation

of

its

historical

process.

In


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otherwords,thenationalliberationofapeopleistheregainingofthehistorical

personalityofthatpeople,itsreturntohistorythroughthedestructionofthe

imperialistdominationtowhichitwassubjected.

Wehaveseenthatviolentusurpationofthefreedomoftheprocessof

developmentoftheproductiveforcesofthedominatedsocioeconomicwhole

constitutestheprincipalandpermanentcharacteristicofimperialistdomination,

whateverits

form.

We

have

also

seen

that

this

freedom

alone

can

guarantee

the

normaldevelopmentofthehistoricalprocessofapeople.Wecantherefore

concludethatnationalliberationexistsonlywhenthenationalproductiveforces

havebeencompletelyfreedfromeverykindofforeigndomination.

Itisoftensaidthatnationalliberationisbasedontherightofeverypeopletofreely

controlitsowndestinyandthattheobjectiveofthisliberationisnational

independence.Althoughwedonotdisagreewiththisvagueandsubjectivewayof

expressingacomplexreality,weprefertobeobjective,sinceforusthebasisof

nationalliberation,

whatever

the

formulas

adopted

on

the

level

of

international

law,istheinalienablerightofeverypeopletohaveitsownhistory,andthe

objectiveofnationalliberationistoregainthisrightusurpedbyimperialism,thatis

tosay,tofreetheprocessofdevelopmentofthenationalproductiveforces.

Forthisreason,inouropinion,anynationalliberationmovementwhichdoesnot

takeintoconsiderationthisbasisandthisobjectivemaycertainlystruggleagainst

imperialism,butwillsurelynotbestrugglingfornationalliberation.

This

means

that,

bearing

in

mind

the

essential

characteristics

of

the

present

world

economy,aswellasexperiencesalreadygainedinthefieldofantiimperialist

struggle,theprincipalaspectofnationalliberationstruggleisthestruggleagainst

neocolonialism.Furthermore,ifweacceptthatnationalliberationdemandsa

profoundmutationintheprocessofdevelopmentoftheproductiveforces,wesee

thatthisphenomenonofnationalliberationnecessarilycorrespondstoa

revolution.Theimportantthingistobeconsciousoftheobjectiveandsubjective

conditionsinwhichthisrevolutioncanbemadeandtoknowthetypeortypesof

strugglemostappropriateforitsrealization.

Wearenotgoingtorepeatherethattheseconditionsarefavorableinthepresent

phaseofthehistoryofhumanity;itissufficienttorecallthatunfavorableconditions

alsoexist,justasmuchontheinternationallevelasontheinternallevelofeach

nationstrugglingforliberation.

Ontheinternationallevel,itseemstousthatthefollowingfactors,atleast,are

unfavorabletonationalliberationmovements:theneocolonialsituationofagreat

numberofstateswhich,havingwonpoliticalindependence,arenowtendingtojoin

upwithothersalreadyinthatsituation;theprogressmadebyneocapitalism,

particularlyinEurope,whereimperialismisadoptingpreferentialinvestments,


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encouragingthedevelopmentofaprivilegedproletariatandthusloweringthe

revolutionaryleveloftheworkingclasses;theopenorconcealedneocolonial

positionofsomeEuropeanstateswhich,likePortugal,stillhavecolonies;theso

calledpolicyofaidforundevelopedcountriesadoptedbyimperialismwiththeaim

ofcreatingorreinforcingnativepseudobourgeoisieswhicharenecessarily

dependentontheinternationalbourgeoisie,andthusobstructingthepathof

revolution;the

claustrophobia

and

revolutionary

timidity

which

have

led

some

recentlyindependentstateswhoseinternaleconomicandpoliticalconditionsare

favorabletorevolutiontoacceptcompromiseswiththeenemyoritsagents;the

growingcontradictionsbetweenantiimperialiststates;and,finally,thethreatto

worldpeaceposedbytheprospectofatomicwaronthepartofimperialism.All

thesefactorsreinforcetheactionofimperialismagainstthenationalliberation

movements.

Iftherepeatedinterventionsandgrowingaggressivenessofimperialismagainstthe

peoples

can

be

interpreted

as

a

sign

of

desperation

faced

with

the

size

of

the

nationalliberationmovements,theycanalsobeexplainedtoacertainextentby

theweaknessesproducedbytheseunfavorablefactorswithinthegeneralfrontof

theantiimperialiststruggle.

Ontheinternallevel,webelievethatthemostimportantweaknessesor

unfavorablefactorsareinherentinthesocioeconomicstructureandinthe

tendenciesofitsevolutionunderimperialistpressure,ortobemorepreciseinthe

littleornoattentionpaidtothecharacteristicsofthisstructureandthese

tendenciesbythenationalliberationmovementsindecidingonthestrategyof

theirstruggles.

Bysayingthiswedonotwishtodiminishtheimportanceofotherinternalfactors

whichareunfavorabletonationalliberation,suchaseconomicunderdevelopment,

theconsequentsocialandculturalbackwardnessofthepopularmasses,tribalism

andothercontradictionsoflesserimportance.Itshouldhoweverbepointedout

thattheexistenceoftribesonlymanifestsitselfasanimportantcontradictionasa

functionofopportunisticattitudes,generallyonthepartofdetribalisedindividuals

orgroups,withinthenationalliberationmovements.Contradictionsbetween

classes,even

when

only

embryonic,

are

of

far

greater

importance

than

contradictionsbetweentribes.

Althoughthecolonialandneocolonialsituationsareidenticalinessence,andthe

mainaspectofthestruggleagainstimperialismisneocolonialist,wefeelitisvital

todistinguishinpracticethesetwosituations.Infactthehorizontalstructure,

howeveritmaydifferfromthenativesociety,andtheabsenceofapoliticalpower

composedofnationalelementsinthecolonialsituationmakepossiblethecreation

ofawidefrontofunityandstruggle,whichisvitaltothesuccessofthenational

liberationmovement.

But

this

possibility

does

not

remove

the

need

for

arigorous


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analysisofthenativesocialstructure,ofthetendenciesofitsevolution,andforthe

adoptioninpracticeofappropriatemeasuresforensuringtruenationalliberation.

Whilerecognizingthateachmovementknowsbestwhattodoinitsowncase,one

ofthesemeasuresseemstousindispensable,namely,thecreationofafirmly

unitedvanguard,consciousofthetruemeaningandobjectiveofthenational

liberationstrugglewhichitmustlead.Thisnecessityisallthemoreurgentsincewe

knowthat

with

rare

exceptions

the

colonial

situation

neither

permits

nor

needs

the

existenceofsignificantvanguardclasses(workingclassconsciousofitsexistence

andruralproletariat)whichcouldensurethevigilanceofthepopularmassesover

theevolutionoftheliberationmovement.Onthecontrary,thegenerallyembryonic

characteroftheworkingclassesandtheeconomic,socialandculturalsituationof

thephysicalforceofmostimportanceinthenationalliberationstruggle the

peasantry donotallowthesetwomainforcestodistinguishtruenational

independencefromfictitiouspoliticalindependence.Onlyarevolutionary

vanguard,generallyanactiveminority,canbeawareofthisdistinctionfromthe

startand

make

it

known,

through

the

struggle,

to

the

popular

masses.

This

explains

thefundamentallypoliticalnatureofthenationalliberationstruggleandtoa

certainextentmakestheformofstruggleimportantinthefinalresultofthe

phenomenonofnationalliberation.

Intheneocolonialsituationthemoreorlessverticalstructureofthenativesociety

andtheexistenceofapoliticalpowercomposedofnativeelementsnationalstate

alreadyworsenthecontradictionswithinthatsocietyandmakedifficultifnot

impossiblethecreationofaswideafrontasinthecolonialsituation.Ontheone

handthe

material

effects

(mainly

the

nationalization

of

cadres

and

the

increased

economicinitiativeofthenativeelements,particularlyinthecommercialfield)and

thepsychologicaleffects(prideinthebeliefofbeingruledbyonesown

compatriots,exploitationofreligiousortribalsolidaritybetweensomeleadersand

afractionofthemasses)togetherdemobilizeaconsiderablepartofthenationalist

forces.Butontheotherhandthenecessarilyrepressivenatureoftheneocolonial

stateagainstthenationalliberationforces,thesharpeningofcontradictions

betweenclasses,theobjectivepermanenceofsignsandagentsofforeign

domination(settlerswhoretaintheirprivileges,armedforces,racial

discrimination),the

growing

poverty

of

the

peasantry

and

the

more

or

less

notoriousinfluenceofexternalfactorsallcontributetowardskeepingtheflameof

nationalismalive,towardsprogressivelyraisingtheconsciousnessofwidepopular

sectorsandtowardsreunitingthemajorityofthepopulation,ontheverybasisof

awarenessofneocolonialistfrustration,aroundtheidealofnationalliberation.In

addition,whilethenativerulingclassbecomesprogressivelymorebourgeois,the

developmentofaworkingclasscomposedofurbanworkersandagricultural

proletarians,allexploitedbytheindirectdominationofimperialism,opensupnew

perspectives

for

the

evolution

of

national

liberation.

This

working

class,

whatever


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thelevelofitspoliticalconsciousness(givenacertainminimum,namelythe

awarenessofitsownneeds),seemstoconstitutethetruepopularvanguardofthe

nationalliberationstruggleintheneocolonialcase.Howeveritwillnotbeableto

completelyfulfillitsmissioninthisstruggle(whichdoesnotendwiththegainingof

independence)unlessitfirmlyuniteswiththeotherexploitedstrata,thepeasants

ingeneral(hiredmen,sharecroppers,tenantsandsmallfarmers)andthe

nationalistpetty

bourgeoisie.

The

creation

of

this

alliance

demands

the

mobilization

andorganizationofthenationalistforceswithintheframework(orbytheaction)of

astrongandwellstructuredpoliticalorganization.

Anotherimportantdistinctionbetweenthecolonialandneocolonialsituationsisin

theprospectsforthestruggle.Thecolonialsituation(inwhichthenationclassfights

therepressiveforcesofthebourgeoisieofthecolonizingcountry)canlead,

apparentlyatleast,toanationalistsolution(nationalrevolution);thenationgains

itsindependenceandtheoreticallyadoptstheeconomicstructurewhichbestsuits

it.

The

neo

colonial

situation

(in

which

the

working

classes

and

their

allies

struggle

simultaneouslyagainsttheimperialistbourgeoisieandthenativerulingclass)isnot

resolvedbyanationalistsolution;itdemandsthedestructionofthecapitalist

structureimplantedinthenationalterritorybyimperialism,andcorrectly

postulatesasocialistsolution.

Thisdistinctionarisesmainlyfromthedifferentlevelsoftheproductiveforcesin

thetwocasesandtheconsequentsharpeningoftheclassstruggle.

Itwouldnotbedifficulttoshowthatintimethedistinctionbecomesscarcely

apparent.It

is

sufficient

to

recall

that

in

our

present

historical

situation

eliminationofimperialismwhichuseseverymeanstoperpetuateitsdomination

overourpeoples,andconsolidationofsocialismthroughoutalargepartofthe

worldthereareonlytwopossiblepathsforanindependentnation:toreturnto

imperialistdomination(neocolonialism,capitalism,statecapitalism),ortotakethe

wayofsocialism.Thisoperation,onwhichdependsthecompensationforthe

effortsandsacrificesofthepopularmassesduringthestruggle,isconsiderably

influencedbytheformofstruggleandthedegreeofrevolutionaryconsciousnessof

thosewholeadit.Thefactsmakeitunnecessaryforustoprovethattheessential

instrumentof

imperialist

domination

is

violence.

If

we

accept

the

principle

that

the

liberationstruggleisarevolutionandthatitdoesnotfinishatthemomentwhen

thenationalflagisraisedandthenationalanthemplayed,wewillseethatthereis

not,andcannotbenationalliberationwithouttheuseofliberatingviolencebythe

nationalistforces,toanswerthecriminalviolenceoftheagentsofimperialism.

Nobodycandoubtthat,whateveritslocalcharacteristics,imperialistdomination

impliesastateofpermanentviolenceagainstthenationalistforces.Thereisno

peopleonearthwhich,havingbeensubjectedtotheimperialistyoke(colonialistor

neo

colonialist),

has

managed

to

gain

its

independence

(nominal

or

effective)


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withoutvictims.Theimportantthingistodeterminewhichformsofviolencehave

tobeusedbythenationalliberationforcesinordernotonlytoanswertheviolence

ofimperialism,butalsotoensurethroughthestrugglethefinalvictoryoftheir

cause,truenationalindependence.Thepastandpresentexperiencesofvarious

peoples,thepresentsituationofnationalliberationstrugglesintheworld

(especiallyinVietnam,theCongoandZimbabwe)aswellasthesituationof

permanentviolence,

or

at

least

of

contradictions

and

upheavals,

in

certain

countries

whichhavegainedtheirindependencebythesocalledpeacefulway,showusnot

onlythatcompromiseswithimperialismdonotwork,butalsothatthenormalway

ofnationalliberation,imposedonpeoplesbyimperialistrepression,isarmed

struggle.

Wedonotthinkwewillshockthisassemblybystatingthattheonlyeffectiveway

ofdefinitivelyfulfillingtheaspirationsofthepeoples,thatistosayofattaining

nationalliberation,isbyarmedstruggle.Thisisthegreatlessonwhichthe

contemporary

history

of

liberation

struggle

teaches

all

those

who

are

truly

committedtotheeffortofliberatingtheirpeoples.

Itisobviousthatboththeeffectivenessofthiswayandthestabilityofthesituation

towhichitleadsafterliberationdependnotonlyonthecharacteristicsofthe

organizationofthestrugglebutalsoonthepoliticalandmoralawarenessofthose

who,forhistoricalreasons,arecapableofbeingtheimmediateheirsofthecolonial

orneocolonialstate.Foreventshaveshownthattheonlysocialsectorcapableof

beingawareoftherealityofimperialistdominationandofdirectingthestate

apparatusinheritedfromthisdominationisthenativepettybourgeoisie.Ifwebear

inmindthealeatorycharacteristicsandthecomplexityofthetendenciesnaturally

inherentintheeconomicsituationofthissocialstratumorclass,wewillseethat

thisspecificinevitabilityinoursituationconstitutesoneoftheweaknessesofthe

nationalliberationmovement.

Thecolonialsituation,whichdoesnotpermitthedevelopmentofanativepseudo

bourgeoisieandinwhichthepopularmassesdonotgenerallyreachthenecessary

levelofpoliticalconsciousnessbeforetheadventofthephenomenonofnational

liberation,offersthepettybourgeoisiethehistoricalopportunityofleadingthe

struggleagainst

foreign

domination,

since

by

nature

of

its

objective

and

subjective

position(higherstandardoflivingthanthatofthemasses,morefrequentcontact

withtheagentsofcolonialism,andhencemorechancesofbeinghumiliated,higher

levelofeducationandpoliticalawareness,etc.)itisthestratumwhichmostrapidly

becomesawareoftheneedtofreeitselffromforeigndomination.Thishistorical

responsibilityisassumedbythesectorofthepettybourgeoisiewhich,inthe

colonialcontext,canbecalledrevolutionary,whileothersectorsretainthedoubts

characteristicoftheseclassesorallythemselvestocolonialismsoastodefend,

albeit

illusorily,

their

social

situation.


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Theneocolonialsituation,whichdemandstheeliminationofthenativepseudo

bourgeoisiesothatnationalliberationcanbeattained,alsooffersthepetty

bourgeoisiethechanceofplayingaroleofmajorandevendecisiveimportancein

thestrugglefortheeliminationofforeigndomination.Butinthiscase,byvirtueof

theprogressmadeinthesocialstructure,thefunctionofleadingthestruggleis

shared(toagreaterorlesserextent)withthemoreeducatedsectorsofthe

workingclasses

and

even

with

some

elements

of

the

national

pseudo

bourgeoisie

whoareinspiredbypatrioticsentiments.Theroleofthesectorofthepetty

bourgeoisiewhichparticipatesinleadingthestruggleisallthemoreimportant

sinceitisafactthatintheneocolonialsituationitisthemostsuitablesectorto

assumethesefunctions,bothbecauseoftheeconomicandculturallimitationsof

theworkingmasses,andbecauseofthecomplexesandlimitationsofanideological

naturewhichcharacterizethesectorofthenationalpseudobourgeoisiewhich

supportsthestruggle.Inthiscaseitisimportanttonotethattherolewithwhichit

isentrusteddemandsfromthissectorofthepettybourgeoisieagreater

revolutionaryconsciousness,

and

the

capacity

for

faithfully

interpreting

the

aspirationsofthemassesineachphaseofthestruggleandforidentifying

themselvesmoreandmorewiththemasses.

Buthoweverhighthedegreeofrevolutionaryconsciousnessofthesectorofthe

pettybourgeoisiecalledontofulfillthishistoricalfunction,itcannotfreeitselffrom

oneobjectiveofreality:thepettybourgeoisie,asaserviceclass(thatistosaythata

classnotdirectlyinvolvedintheprocessofproduction)doesnotpossessthe

economicbasetoguaranteethetakingoverofpower.Infacthistoryhasshown

thatwhatever

the

role

sometimes

important

played

by

individuals

coming

fromthepettybourgeoisieintheprocessofarevolution,thisclasshasnever

possessedpoliticalcontrol.Anditnevercouldpossessit,sincepoliticalcontrol(the

state)isbasedontheeconomiccapacityoftherulingclass,andintheconditionsof

colonialandneocolonialsocietythiscapacityisretainedbytwoentities:imperialist

capitalandthenativeworkingclasses.

Toretainthepowerwhichnationalliberationputsinitshands,thepetty

bourgeoisiehasonlyonepath:togivefreereintoitsnaturaltendenciestobecome

morebourgeois,

to

permit

the

development

of

abureaucratic

and

intermediary

bourgeoisieinthecommercialcycle,inordertotransformitselfintoanational

pseudobourgeoisie,thatistosayinordertonegatetherevolutionandnecessarily

ally.Inordernottobetraytheseobjectivesthepettybourgeoisiehasonlyone

choice:tostrengthenitsrevolutionaryconsciousness,torejectthetemptationsof

becomingmorebourgeoisandthenaturalconcernsofitsclassmentality,toidentify

itselfwiththeworkingclassesandnottoopposethenormaldevelopmentofthe

processofrevolution.Thismeansthatinordertotrulyfulfilltheroleinthenational

liberationstruggle,therevolutionarypettybourgeoisiemustbecapableof

committingsuicide

as

aclass

in

order

to

be

reborn

as

revolutionary

workers,


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completelyidentifiedwiththedeepestaspirationsofthepeopletowhichthey

belong.

Thisalternativetobetraytherevolutionortocommitsuicideasaclass

constitutesthedilemmaofthepettybourgeoisieinthegeneralframeworkofthe

nationalliberationstruggle.Thepositivesolutioninfavoroftherevolutiondepends

onwhatFidelCastrorecentlycorrectlycalledthedevelopmentofrevolutionary

consciousness.This

dependence

necessarily

calls

our

attention

to

the

capacity

of

theleaderofthenationalliberationstruggletoremainfaithfultotheprinciplesand

tothefundamentalcauseofthisstruggle.Thisshowsus,toacertainextent,thatif

nationalliberationisessentiallyapoliticalproblem,theconditionsforits

developmentgiveitcertaincharacteristicswhichbelongtothesphereofmorals.

Wewillnotshouthurrahsorproclaimhereoursolidaritywiththisorthatpeoplein

struggle.Ourpresenceisinitselfacryofcondemnationofimperialismandaproof

ofsolidaritywithallpeopleswhowanttobanishfromtheircountrytheimperialist

yoke,and

in

particular

with

the

heroic

people

of

Vietnam.

But

we

firmly

believe

that

thebestproofwecangiveofourantiimperialistpositionandofouractive

solidaritywithourcomradesinthiscommonstruggleistoreturntoourcountries,

tofurtherdevelopthisstruggleandtoremainfaithfultotheprinciplesand

objectivesofnationalliberation.

Ourwishisthateverynationalliberationmovementrepresentedheremaybeable

torepeatinitsowncountry,armsinhand,inunisonwithitspeople,thealready

legendarycryofCuba:

PatriaOMuerte,Venceremos!DeathtotheForcesofImperialism!Free,ProsperousandHappyCountryforEachofourPeoples!Venceremos!

From:http://www.marxists.org/subject/africa/cabral/1966/weapon-theory.htm

Course:AfricanRevolutionaryWriting20001,AmilcarCabral,TheWeaponofTheory,19667728words
http://www.marxists.org/subject/africa/cabral/1966/weapon-theory.htmhttp://www.marxists.org/subject/africa/cabral/1966/weapon-theory.htmhttp://www.marxists.org/subject/africa/cabral/1966/weapon-theory.htm

20000,amilcarcabral,theweaponoftheory,1966

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