دراسات في تاريخ وآثار فلسطين
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Dr. ERICA CRIUKSHANK DODD
The Mosaic of the Fruit and the Knife in Khirbet Al-Mafjar 327
Dr. JOHANN GEORG SCHMID
The Origin of the Different Plans of the Medieval Madrasa
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ON BEHALF OF PAIITICIPANTS
AN ADDRESS BY
Dr. EVA STROMMENGER
( Berliu W* Germany )
Scholars from the whole world have gathered here today. In the next
few days they will discuss the cultural relations between Syria and Palestine
through an everchangiug history through the course of millennia.
The geopolitical situation ofthe region ofthe Syrian Arab Republic has
made it a meeting place of people and cultures throughout history. Impor-
tant trade routes reaching from Iran to the Mediterranean and from Sumerto Asia Minor edready determined the economic prosperity of the earUest
cities. Here Babylonians met Hittites and Egyptians met people from the
Islands of Crete and Cyprus. The variety of stimidi was absorbed and crea-
tively wrought. This is evident to the archaeologist from the material cul-
ture remLains. To the philologist it is evident from written sources, and today
everyone still perceives the local variety and the market tolerance of the
Syrians toward foreigners.
In order to study both the old and the more recent cidtures of what is
today Syria, it is therefore necessaary to have a knowledge of an extremely
far-reaching area.
But the historic research of other regions has also grown in breadth andintenseness, and this task has become increasingly difficult for the individual.
Everyone is therefore compelled to work more intensively together. Amongother things, this cooperation can happen within the framework of a sym-
posium, such as the one beginning here today in Aleppo. We all hope for a
productive exchange of information and an open discussion of many still
unsolved, relevant questions.
The point of focus is in this case Palestine, a region rich in material
culture remains which shed light not only on its own local history, but also
oflFer much information about the changing relations with its neighboring
regions, in particxdar with Syria in the north and Egypt in the south. But,
because of its geographic location, Palestine is also an area of cultural ex-
_ YY -- 4;.j,L.ilrtll SJOUJI
change. The advanced culLmes of the Near East and Egypt met there bothin peaceful trade aad in political conflict. Excavations in Palestine have
isoaport
s from Egypitate a moreihronology oj
colleagues must de
tine even if their primary concern is with other regions of the Near East.
Thus, many of us, not being specialists for the area of Palestine, await the
xesxdts of this symposium with special interest.
Many of the scholars here today who have come from abroad work in
this country, be it as an archaeologist or as an architect, I am speaking here
for all participants from abroad, but I woidd like to speak above all for this
group, of which I myself am a member.
The Syrian Axab Republic and its Department of Antiquities offers us
all such excellent working conditions as I have found in no other country
heretofore. It is not only the world-known Arab hospitality which is offered
to us as a matter of course, but also the cooperation Avath oiu: competent
agues
all
smoothed for us, generous concessions are given for excavations and study-
trips, the export of material for further study is granted, and much more. I
gladly take this opportunity to give our warmest thanks to all our Syrian
colleagues, administrative officials, and restorators for their constant readi-
ness to help , and for their generous support.
We woxdd also like to thank those Syri
withfind
emB. Discussions with those who have grown up in this country
d oux knowledge substantially, and have often opened new pers-
pectives.
Much has happened in this country during the past ten years. Interest
in historical invesUigation has taken a noticeable leap. A great number of
museums have been and continue to be founded, built, and extended. At
this time in Raqqa we are witnessing the establishment of a museum in an
historic building. It is a large operation, and the work is progressing rapidly
for its opening in October. At the same time in Raqqa, a significant bufldrng
is being excavated and reconstructed, and the huge city waH and Great
Mosque are being restored with hard work in a project planned over a num-
ber of years. The museum and historic buUdings give the aspirmg city of
Raqqa an attractive center which displays the city's history both to its in-
habitants and to tourists. But Raqqa is only one ofmany examples. I have
chosen to mention it here, because it is the example closest at hand. We have
been making eflforts since last year to investigate the oldest predecessor to
Raqqa in Tall Bi'a, and this gives us a particidarly close connection with
this city.
The interest in the history of this country is brought to the people of
the conununities in many ways. Great contributors are the archaeological
societies that already exist in numerous cities. They are comprised of inte-
rested people ofmany professions who contribute substantially to the infor-
mation about the history of this country. Their participation will also be
of immeasurcable value in the future for the study and rescue of antiquities
and monuments which Syria possesses in such great quantity. We would
therefore also like to thank these workers who share our goals in recognition
of their private initiative and cooperation.
Last but not least we woidd like to extend our thanks to our hosts, and
to those colleagues who have planned this symposium, and who have done
all the organisational works that a symposium of this kind demands.
Furthermore, we hope for interesting discussions in a congenial atmos-
phere, and are of course prepared to make our own contributions.
.. ro
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ALEPPO DECLARATION
The archaeologists, historians and others scholars participating in the
First International Symposinm on Palestinian Antiquities cuxxently held
at Aleppo University between 19-24 Septeniber, 1981, being aware of the
great service rendered by archaeological discoveries of Near Eastern Anti-
quities in general and of Palestinian Antiquities in particular to our know-
ledge of the human heritage and the progress of man in the social, political,
religious and economic fields of civilization through the ages, and bring
solucitous in their desire for the continuation of both moral and material
support for such sound learned efforts in the future, have deemed it oppor-
tune to address this declaration to the various international and national
organizations and institutes concerned with the support and protection of
cultural heritage, and to state the folio-wing:
1 found, are a common humanheritage as well as a national heritage of the lands where theyhad existed or
constructing
and developiae the cultural values inh<
and
preserving
quate and equal attention to each and every human and culttiral aspect to
be observed or concluded as a result of their activities.
2- That the time when certain scholars concentrated their activities
and studies on trying to arrive at pre-determined and highly selective con-
clusions in service of particularistic religious, political or ethnic ideologies
should no longer be tolerated or considered admissible.
3- That all archaeologlical finds are basic documents ofhuman civiliza-
timely
publications. It is also the duty of
naiii<A i-TioiT -nrnnfif safakeenin^T. andexamination
4- That the actual conditions to which Palestinian Antiquities an
sidjjected under a military occupation authority make it necesary to sho-v
concern for their protection from willful manipulation and distortion o:
facts, and from excavation and exploration carried out for political and reli
i
gions objectives which contravene sound academic and scientific methods
and are repiilsive to serious and sincere scholarship, and vrhich violate effec-
tive international conventions and agreements which prohibit military occu-
ption authorities from disposing of the cultural heritage of the occupied
lands.
5- That scholars and archaeologists engaged on Palestinian antiquities
are called upon to respect the resolutions and attitudes adopted by Interna-
tional bodies, like UNESCO & ALECSO, for the protection of Palestinian
antiquities, architectiu*e and cities. The international bodies are also called
upon to follow up their concern for Palestinian antiquities and to protect
them from any action which nught misrepresent or spoil them.
Aleppo: 26/11/1401 AH
24 Sept. 1981
- i\ -
SjOiJb uiS'jUl.i til iU
TO THE SYMPOSIUM
Ladies and Gentlemen, allow a word,
I do not know a tortoise from a bird;
But I do know that people live and die,
Leaving behind them works that muse the eye.
Or monuments that breathe their history,
Some cast in clay and some in ivory;
Some minted coins and some carved images
That stood voracious, old Time's ravages;
Some built strong casdes that defended them.
Except from death, a thief that struck at them,
Some made canals and p3rranuds and caves,
Contented were they not eve'n in their graves.
And now before me sit a noble throng
That make all relics speak each in its tongue,
The relics come to life as scholars peep
Into a past so rich, remote, and deep
But as the Sufi who looks at the Universe
And sees that God exixts in a world diverse,
So does the scholar look for man's old traces
And a universal law, distinct, embraces.
Man is the greatest quest in ancient relics,
Whether in clay, in bronze, or stone or bricks.
So, let us celebrate the Palestinian
To Whom such miracles are not alien.
But stiU he lives outcast upon the sea
Of an unjust and cruel world to flee
From home to home but never resting still
finds
iY
Where once he worked so beautiful and true
And made those monuments to come to you.
Then pray Tvith me that Justice shall be done,
For Archeology is truth and no more fun,
I have a word to scholars ere I end
:
That each of you is welcome as a friend
And we do wish that once the truth is out.
We'll not forget it's man it's all about.
Prof: Dr. Y. Aba-Bisha
Faculty of Arts,
Aleppo University
20 / 9 / 1981
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\ \ ^ i JjUI ^^I : JiL^ ^ ^u (r)
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A4 A,<»j»t*^ A.M.(«?-
Paglicro (R) , Coservation of Two iBlamic Montiinents in Mosul, Sumer A Journal of Archaeology( \ )
and History in Iraq, Vol, XXI, 1965, Baghdad 1965, Fig. 7.
. \0 S^j.^ t Y^A u^tS^Ui ^jx : ;^l (y)
Crefewell, A Short Acount of EarlyMuslim Architecture, 1 sLpub. 1958, pelican books, p. 205- (v)
. \Yo o^ 4 -wii ^^t (\)
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aLjUj) Sa,«^)/I Syli tlJaP Jis ( 49j.ii>il jtP (j'J.1 ^^ Ojit^\ (_^ Jjtjij
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Sjil oJIaj .(A) J^ljJI ^ 4jai7 ^ji^l ^-Jti^l ^/\j ^yX.\ ^^ o^'^J\
Mecher (B), A history of Axchitectwrft ou Comparative Method. 7th ed. London, 1961, P« 141 G (^
)
Ibid, p. 195 H. (V)
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.(^c\^j) ^^\ dik) jrjLi^l i>.^l ja^- J!l Ja^jll
Moortgat (A.), The Art of Ancient Mesopotamia, the Classical Art of the Near East, Isi pub. (0)
London 1969, PL. 227.
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Creswell, Op. Cit. P. 44. (0
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Creswell, Op. Cit, P. 39(0
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. AiJi >bil wU J5^j (') ult^U-l Ov Ojljdl Jp oTlj
. VY u^ ' AUI ^^I : ,.:^cu«J (r)
Craswell, Early Muslim Architeoluie, Vol, 1, part 1, P. 264, Fig. 212.
n
j\^-^y\j 4^1 JP y_^\j ^J\ *>J C JJI jl^S::^! ^ .UX;VI S^Uij
J d«i Ji;-^lii .^"^J^.
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w jaijji cja^L^\j L{\r^j) (y)^jj^\ ^ir^^L.tA! iiiji o>iii
:>bjlj c ( ^ <s *v.j )(^ ') ^ij>«JI ^ f-ij- ^ aj^\ U j\f (^)^ O^P (j
Rice, Islamic Ait, p. 11.
CresweIl,Op. CIi..,Fig. 265.
Ibid., Fig. 203.
. r^u- ' J^ui ^^1 :.uui (r)
(0(»)
Parrot (A.), Ninavai and Babylon, France 196, Fig, 71. (v)
Lechler(G.), TheTree of life in Indo :- European and Islamic Cultures, Artlslamic, (a)
Vol, IV New York 1968, Fijc. 27 c.
. \V' (w«j c laY o* « JjUI i^^\la
Dimand (M.), Studies in Islamic Ornament, Art Islamic, Vol. IV, New York, 1968, Fig. 9- ( \ .
)
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J Jj^l 1^1 O^ ^; (YV - t^ (^^j ) (^ 1^>T ^ ^Jl Ja ^^^
Creswell, Early Muslim AichiteclTire, VI ll,Oxford 1932-40 P. 133, figsl32J33 (EI). (\)
Herzfeld (E.), Die Ausgrabungen Von Samarra, Berlin 192/3 Band 1, p. 194. ( y)
(0
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Cies-well, Op. Git. Vol, I, P. 267, Fig. 222.
Ibid, P, 268, Fig., 228.
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(A)Creswell, Op. Cit., Vol. I, Figs, 297, 298.
Creswell, Op. Cit., Vol. I, Fig8. 323, 324.
nY
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Creswell, Op, Cit., Vol. I. Figs. 319-320.
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Creswell, Op. cit. Vol.1, Figs, 215-218.
Creswell, Ip. Cit., Vol. I, Figs, 253-263.
. ^ V t \ n t^i c L^ 4*,AsJI (v)
(A)
Herzfeld (E,), AxcliaeoIogisliReiselmEuphratund Tigris Gebiet Berlin, 1911-1920. (n)
Lechler, Op. Cit., Figs. 270.
Vol. 11. P. 130, Fig 12 (e2).
Dimand, Op. Cit., Fig, 62. (^t)
^r
DjJJ.1 \Aj,yf ( iV ) (.-J ^^ (JL-Ul ^ySI Jl lAjvsl ic-bi;! j^\->i\ ij>~'j
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Creswell, Op. at.. Vol. 1, Fig. 201
(V)
. r 1 Y Ji t A » cr^ t > ^ s jjL, * \^ t n f' *y^i ^k: v'-^"^'
Creswell, Op. Cit., Figs, 273, 274,
Ibid., Figs. 275-282.
Ibid., Figs. 238-242.
Rice,Op. Cit.,P. 13.
'Creswell, Op. cit., Vol. 1, P. 22
(r)
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Rice, Islamic Art, P. 13. (r)
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Creswell, A Short Account of Early Muslim Archetecture P. 205. (v)
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Liteoture
Ibid., P. 195 H.
U ui ' r^ o^ c JjUI ^>I UI : ^L- (y)
iparative Method, P, 141 G. (f)
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J^CroBwell, Op, Cit,, P. 205-206.
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- ERNEST HREZFELD , MATERIAUX pour ua CORPUS INSCRTPTIONUM ARABICAHUM,
deTOiemc paitle: SYRIE DU NORD - INSCRIPTIONS ET MONUMENTS D'ALEP
(Tome I - volume I, tpxte: 60 et), 1955
Tome 2 ^ planches: pi. XLVI, XLVII, XLVII) 1954
- HAMILTON R)W., THE STRUCTUIUL HISTORY OF THE AQSA MOSQUE, OXFORD
UNIVERSITY PRESS LONDON E. C. 4. 1949
- VAN BERCHEM MATERIAUX pour im Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicarum
Part II, Syrie du Sud, Vol. II Jerusalem (402-393 page)
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Sapori, Amando, The Italian Merchant in the Middle Ages, New Yort, 1970, p. 51. ^^ \
Prawer, The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, London, 1972, PP. 394-395. {^)
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Lapidus, op. oil. PI. 17-18.
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Benvenisti, The Crusaderin the Holy Land p. 26,
Ibid, p. 26
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Hutteroth: & Abdulfaltah, Historical Geography of palestine, 1977, P. 45, 52
. U^ o^ A.^ t ^^M J J-153( :j^u* 'ili
jri' (X)
Fulelier of Chartres. A History of the expedition of Jerusalem. New York, 1973, p. 121.
Benvenis cit, op. it, p 146.
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Lapidiis , op. Git. p. 16. (0
NoW, The Wack deatt, London. 1924» P. 40.
, VVi u^ r ^c iJjJ-JI i c^Ji^' (v)
Lopez, R, The Goiiuiiercial revolution in the middle ages
U.S.A. 1976, p. 29.
Kedar, Merchants in Crisis, yale, U.S.A. 1976, p. i, 5.
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Hutterotli, op. Cit. P, 45, 52.
Ibid, p. 52.
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BenveniEti, op. Cit. P. 21S.
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Martin, E. The Crusades, p. 127.
Benjamiu, Early trafds in 'alefftine, p. 84.
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IWd, p. 91.
(0Benjamin, op. cit. pp. 85-87
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c o-^l J J»jl*ll J»jLp ^y^jS (^UJI i-^Ai ^j> ^> U^l (XU-I c:»^)U-j l>^ cji'^l <:n; u* (^. ji^i U.U jilj (^^V j^=S"4ll J c lUijVI 4A-U.1 ^ c^l ljUjip jj::rjJlj
Manna Adel: "The Sijill aa Source for the Study of Palestine diBring the Ottoman Period" (y)a research paper, Haifa Dec, 1979.
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Adel Manna, op. cit. (0Denald Little, The JudicialDocuments ofal-Haram aah Sharif/ Paper to the 3rd Bilad (y)
Ash Sham Conference / Amman 1980.
Stanford J. Shaw: 3,Journal Sources (T)
^jTj
for Ottoman History, Journal ofThe American Oriental Society vol. 80, 1950, p, 7.
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(I) Little, Donald F.
The Judicial Documents From al-Haram agh-Shaiif as Sources for the History of Palestine
(The 3rd Bilad ash-Sham Conference, Amman, 1980).
(2) Maima, Adel
•'The Sijill as a Som-ce for the Study of Palestine during the Ottoman Period". Haifa; Decl979.
(3) Shaw. Stanford
"Archival Sources for ottoman History, Journal of theAmerican Oriental Society, Vol. 80, 1960".
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f^^ J *^i ^:» r^i Vj 4i« ^^ "bfj fi 0^^ Vj 4:^4 *^(^V cJwjII lift Jkj u!
<JaJU- ^^.j jU)b ^J3j -Oilj 4^J dJJI ^r'jisfiij lO^j Ta*t -Oj l^j jl ^1 ^y
4:^ A«l 4;jJj ^ (j>cJ\j dO^j ljUJj 4^1p ^yfj 4jj ^*t jp Jo^^ ^ dUi
^ ) JUT 4iyJ oio^Tj 4iiu j^i jji (T* jj^iii ji^u^l ^.uiij ;i5:;f:bUij a^;LP^Ul
''^ j=^' ^J -^^J (j<^.^ (V^ ^1 01 ) -Wjio^j (>__4JI Jp 4/1 LcU 4**^U Ji*j aIoj
tijl ^y Up >.^J 0! 4)0 <_jt:S3l \^A J 4JI t^JU *^ aJj Jp <j:jI j*i^l
uljAli'JI i^uJaJI Ajj^j 4j>^j a'Tj ^Usi iJOj^ Jp djjl Jvsj
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^^ «^ ijUll SjLsi ((liTn^^ij^r-jll jjOll Aj!5W1 ^«^ ^^j (iOvaJj J--J
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32. Ahmad Isa Bey presents this information on the authority of one Abdul Cabr, the then
director of the Islamic museum and library in Jerusalem, presumably in the 1920 s.
33. Ibn al-Qifti, p. 378.
34. Abu'al-Faraj Ibn al-'Ibri (Bar Hebraeus), Tarikh Mukhtassar al-Dutoal, ed. Autoine Solihani
Beirut, 1958, 253-4.
35. Ibn Abi Usaybi'a, II, 216.
36. "^Iraad al-Din al-Isfahani, al-Fath al-Qussi ^-^Fath al-Qudsi^ extracts translated in F, Ga-
brieli, Arab Historians ofHie Crusades, London, Routlcdge and Kegan Paul, 1969, pp. 166-73; 174'-i.
37. Ibn al-Athir, as quoted in Gabrieli ( above ) pp. 144-6.
38. Hume ( op. cit. note 31 ) pp. 402-8,
39. Jbid, pp. 411-5.
40. Hamarneh, op, cit. note 20, p. 372,
41. Hume, p. 404.
42. Ibid, pp. 408, 411, 416, 420,
43. Shihab al-Din Ahmad b. Hajr al-*Asqalani , aUDurar aUKamina A^an ahMi^a al-Thamina
Hyderabad, 1348 A.H. Vol. 1 520-8 ( on Tankaz ); p* 522 on the Safed bimaristan.
44. A Mediterranean Society op, cit, note 9.
45. Jbid, Vol. 2, p. 243-4.
46. Ibid, p. 254,
V*« ~ AiJuU.oUJI SjaJI
12. Taqi al-Din Ahmad al-Maqrizi, alcMawa^iz waUPtibar fi Dhihr alrKKalai wal-Aihar, Cairo,
Btdaq, 1854, Vol, 2., p. 405.
13. Ibid, p. 405.
14. Ibn al-Qi£ti, Td*rikk aUHukama\ ed, J. Lippert, Leipzig, 1903, p. 251.
15. De Lacey 0*Leary, How Greek Science Passed to the Arabst London, Boutledge and Kegan
Paid, 1949, pp. 14-18.
16. C. Elgood,«Jmidi-SLapur - a Sassanian nniversity», Proc. Roy, Sec, Med. 1939, 37 : 1033-6.
17. Ibn al-Qifti, p. 133,
18. Sabur ibn SaU d. in 255/869. See Ibn al-Qifti, p. 207.
19. Rihlat Ibn Jubayr, Cibb Memorial Series, Leiden, Brill, 1949, pp. 325-6, see also Ibn Abi
Ueaybi'a* Uyun al'Anba» Tabaqat al-Atibba^ ed. A. Mnller, Konigsberg and Cairo, 1882-4, 1. 309.
20. S.K. Hamarneh,« Development of hospitals in Islam, J. Hist. Med., 1962, 17 1 366-3B4.
21. Al-Maqprizi, vol, 2, 405.
22. Ibid Vol. 2., 406-7; Ahmad Isa Bey, Histoire des Bimaristans {Hopitaux) d VEpoque IslamU
gue, Cairo, 1928, p. 40.
23. Hamarneh opposite note 20 pp. 375-7 ; D. Jetter, «HoBpitalgebaude in 5panien», Sudhoffs
Archiv, I960, 44, 239-250.
24. E. Herzfeld, Damascus, Studies in Architecture I, Ars Jslamica 1942, 1-53, and III, 1946,
1—71, D, Jetter« Zur Architectur i&lamischer EJranlcenhauser» Sudhoffs Archiv^ 1961, 45: 261-275.
25. Rihalt Ibn Jnbayr, 283-4,
26. Ibn AJ>i Usaybi'a, II, 242.
27. AbuU Fadl Dairud b. Abi'l-Bayan, d, 638/1240. See M. TJlbnann, Die Medizin im Islam^
Leiden BriU, 1970 P. 309.
28. Ibn Abi Usaybi'a, 11. 243,
29, A. Terzioglu, iMitUealterlickc Islamische Kranekhauser unter Berucksichig-Paychitraischen
Anstalten, Diss. Berlin, 1968.
30. Ahmad Isa Bey, pp. 107-8.
31, Ibid, and E.E. Hiune,« Medical works of the Knights Hospitallers of Saint John of Jerusa-
lem». Bull Hist. Med,, 1938, 6 (1): 399-466, p. 404.
r^^
NOTES
1. See for example the sections in: A. Caatigloini, A History of Medicine, New York, Alfred Kopf
2nd, 1947; M. Neuburger and J. Pagel, Handbuch der Geschichte der: Msdizin, Jena; Gustav Fischer.
1009: W.C. Dflmoiftr. A Mistorv ofScience. Camhridffe University Press, 3rd ed, 1943.
2. See J. Murdoch^s interesting paper on this particular subjectf^ Transmission and figuration:
an aspect of the Islamic contribution to mathematics, science and natural philosophy in the Latin
SyirWi
Public
nomy by V, Roberts , «The solar and lunar theory of Ibn al-Sbatir a pre-Copernican Gopetiucan
IHAS Publications
Aleppo, 1976, pp. 44-48.
3, A.H.M. Jones, The Greek City from Alexander to Justinian, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1940
pp, 215-7.
4. There is a great deal of hi&ba literature: for a general account, see the article Hisba in the
Encyclopaedia ofjslam^ 2iid ed., Leiden, Brill, 1967—, pp. 485-93; also S.X. Hainameh,« Origin and
functions of the hisha system in Islam and its impact on the health professions, » Sudhoffs Archivy
1964, 48: 157-173.
exam]
5 vols.
6. On this practice, which was called incubation, see L. Etelstein, On Ancient Medicine, Bal-
timore, Johns Hopkins, 1967, pp. 241, 378-9.
7. G.E. Gask and J, Todd,« The origin of hospitals» in Science^ Medicine^ and History, Essays
in honour of Charles Singer, ed. E.A, Underwood, Oxford University Press, 1953, Vol- 1, 122-130*
8. S.W. Baron, A Social and Religious History of the Jews, Cambridge University Press, Neiv
York, 1958 voL 8^ 239, and 392.
9, S.D. Goitein AtMediterranean Society^ Berkely, University of California Press, 1971, Vol. 2,
251.
10. Fr. R, de Vaux,<c Les hopitaux de Justinien k Jmisalem d*apres les demises fouilles»,
Comptes Rendus de VAcademie des Inscriptions et Bdles Lettres^ 1966-202t7.
11. A* Philip6bom,« Der Fortschritt der Entwicklung des Byzantisches Krankenhauswesens »
Byzantinische Zeitschrift, 1961, 54, 338-365.
f'V
pital when it was in Islamic hands, but of course th e report would confirm the
liklihood of Salah al-Din having taken over the other (Jerusalem) Hospital of
tie Knights of St. John.
Scanty as the information about these two hospitals m.ay seem, it is even
scantier on the bimaristan of Safad. All that we know about this is that it wasbuiltby the viceroy oftheManiluk Sultan, Muhammad b. Qalawim, in around
712/^ This viceroy Tankas, whose base was in Damascus, was known for his
generosity and benevolence. He was responsible formany good works and cha-
ritable establishments in Jerusalem and Damascus. Beyond this passing refe-
rence to the bimaristan of Safad there is no further information, and no trace
of this hospital remains today.
Wehaveindirect evidence ofthe existence ofanother hospitalin Palestine,
that ofRamla. The Cairo Geniza manuscripts, recently discovered and edited,'**
have yielded a wealth ofinformation about the social conditions in Cairo in the
12tb and 13th centuries. The papers, many of which are in Hebrew and someofwhich are in Arabic, refer to many aspects of everyday life at that time.
Although they were prim.arily concerend with the Jewsh community of Cairo,
they nevertheless provide the most fascinating picture of the life of the whole
society. Anaong these papers, there is a mention in two places of the hospital
of Ramla in Palestine. From the first extract^ we learn of a certain Ahrahamb, Furat who served as the head of the dysentery ward in the hospitaP^ - the
exact quotation says that he servedthe government as head ofthe department,
thus revealing that the hospital was government owned. This Ahraham wastransferred to Cairo , There is a later mention oftheway a patient was treated
at Ramla"*^, but it is not clear whether this was at the hospital or not. Slight
as this information is, it still tells us that the hospital ofRamla was organised
on similar lines to the bimaristans we have descriptions of; we m.ay also infei
that physicians moved freely or were transferred from one bimaristan to ano-
ther without difficulty, which would support further the idea that they were
similarly organised and m.anaged.
Conclusion
The evidence we have presented reveals that there were at least three
brmaiistans in diflferent cities in Palestine during the mediaeval period. As no
trace remains ofthem today, their existence could only have been discovered
from allusions to them in the historical literature, some of it, as in the case of
the Geniza documents, rather imexpected. Further research would no doubt
reveal the existence of others in other major cities of Palestine and shed more
light on those mentioned above. It is likely that all the cities under Islamic
dominion had their own bimjaristan. Confirmation of this statement would
help to fit one more piece in the jig-saw of Islamic civilization.
r*A
hani. He has left us -with a detailed account ofthe changes Salah al-Dinwrought
in Jerugalem and of the good works he ordered, in particular, the restoration
of the Aqsa Mosque and the establishment of several madrasas in Jerusalem,
Yet, there is nowhere anymention ofthebimaristan,^^ Likewise,Ibn al-Athir's
description oftherestoration ofJerusalemmakesno mention of any hospital,"
It is difficult to know how to interpret these omissions, especially since 'Imad
al-Din specifically mentions the destruction ofthe church built bythe KinghtsTemplars in the vicinity of the Aqsa Mosque. If, as seems likely, Salath al-
Din's bimaristan was the buildinghe took over from a rival order, the hospital-
lers and which he developed (see below), it is strange that neither historian men-
tions it. It may indicate a lack of interest in medical matters on the part of
these historians, or mci-ely that the establishment of a bimaristan was a com-
mon place act ofbenevolence, or that the bimaristan was not aa important
one. Yet, as against the last possibility, we do know that at least two well-
placed and respected physicians worked there, one of whom left because he
was ordered to do so by the Idng whose court was in Damascus.
The order ofthe Knights of St. John, or the Knights Hospitallers, as they
were also known, was foxmded in the 11th century. The point ofinterest for us
is that they founded a hospital in Jerusalem in about 1099.^^ It was situated
close to and to the south of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. Today the site
ofthis hospitallies to the north ofthe German church in the Dabbagha district
mentioned above. Descriptions from pilgrims who visited Jerusalem up until
1341, long after the Knights Hospitallers had been driven from Palestine, tas-
tify that itwas a very large place which housed about 2,000 people,^^ Interes-
tingly enough, the last report datingfrom 1341 mentions that patients couldbe
treated there ifthey paid. Among the people who saw the hospital was the fa-
mous Jewish traveller oi Spain, Benjamin of Ti^dela,who was in Jerusalem in
1163.AD the accounts oi the hospital suggest that il also served as arestingplace
for pilgrims and for the needy in general. Hamarneb suggest that Salah al-Din
took over this hospital in1187 and developed it and named it after himself.'**'
There is another report which says that the hospital was made into a lunatic
asylum by Salah al-Din's nephew.'*^ Wnai evidence there is for either ofthese
suggestions isuncleai. What is incontestable, however, is thatwe know oftwophysicianswho were appointed to the Jeiusalemccbimaristan» around thetimeof Salah ai-Din, and it is very likely that this and the hospital of the Knightof St. John are one and the same.
The Knights Hospitallers went on to establish a sincular hospital at Acrebetween 1163 and IITO/^ When Salah al-Din conquered 1
themselves
Wh
into a hospital. I have not been able to discover anything more about the hos
r*^
assume that there wethrough
V,
this way, we learn that there were at least three bimaristaiig in Pakfitiiif*, utu
in Jerusalem, one in Safad and one in Ramla. Ahmad Isa liey, who, in 1M2H,
wrotethe only book onbimaristanswe have and whichremains the beat auth< •
rity on this subject, states that there was a bimaristan in Jerusalem buill
Salah al-Dinin 583/1187 when he conquered Jerusalem from the OrusarbT
The hospital was known after him as al-Salab and was situated in the Dabba-
gha district of Jerusalem. It fell into ruins and was finally demullshcd b\ an
earth-quake in 862/1458. No more was beard ofit until the end (»f last reulur v
,
when the Turkish Sxiltan Abdul Hamid gave part of th« Dabbagha distriol to
Grown Prince Frederick ofPrussia whenhewas on a visit to Ji^rusalem. In IWH
German governna
presence of the German emperor.^^ It was during tbe building ol this chiir* li
that stones bearing inscriptions ofthenamesofSalab al-Din and his successor-
were unearthed, thus providing a clue to tbe site of the old bimarifilau.'^
The bimaristan is mentioned (though not by name) by the Mstorian ut
medicine Ibn al-Qifti in his biography of the Cbristian physician, Ya qub Ibn
Saqlaii.3^ The same information but with rather more detail is to be found m
Abu'l-Faraj Ibn-'Ibri's Tarikh Mukhtasar aUDmvaU' This Wqub was born
in Jerusalem and completed bis studiesin philosopbyanamedicine pre«umal>ly
in 581. He worked at tbe bimaristan there until he was ^ov^d by tbe ^^"^J?
(al-Mu'azzam'Isa b. al-Malik al-'Adil, a descendant of Salah al-Din), to be hij
own Physician in Damascus. Ya'qub is described as not havmg been a great
experiqub
LdSitis, would have him brought to attend him at the palace cam.a
a chair. He died at Damascus in about 620.
Roughly contemporary with this physician, -«i^T. .^^otd^^'physician^L worked at ^^^ Jeru.^^^^^1^^^^^^bornashisname implies ,mTyre
"^^^l^^^^l^. -^ c^bd al-Latif
return and gardson. He diec
-ju.^fldA/l fn Tbn Ahddressed
Usaybra.
One might have hoped i
from the contemporary and
i^ormation on the3^^-^f^^^^'^Zi,». nf Salah al-Din, 'Imad al-Dm
al-Iafa
r\
Hamidiyy
is based on the eastern house or madrasa design: an open central courtyard
with a fountain surrounded by four sides or iwans, off which were the wards
andolherroomsofthehospital w II hadmale and femalewards, andtheusual
ses, and surgical cases, oucn
know that hospitals of this
sizehadtheirown occulists surgeons, bone-setters, and physicians. Ihe hospital
had a ehiei physician appointed by the caliph, oi more often his wasir. He and
his staff saw the patients, daily, doing their ronnds early in the morning and
during the round ardeiing what each patient needed of drugs and food and
diink.^^ This was evidently done on a sort oi register, forthe Syrian physician
Abiound
Such hospitals usually had their own dispensaries and even their own for-
and Iraq.^^
formulary, written
centurv, for use in the hospitals of Egypt
We have a good illustration of the teaching function ofthe bimaristan in
the account that Ibn Abi Usaybi'a gives of the activities of his teacher, al-
Dakhwar, who was the sometime director ofthe Nuri hospital.^^ He describes
how the physician used to do his round, visiting the fever wards, and then the
wards of tlie insane (Arabic, al-mamrurun) . He would discuss the cases with
other physicians and examine the patients together with them. Wlat prescrip-
tions he nuggested were written down on the register, and after the round hewould repaii to the lecture room of the hospital whers students read medicaltexts to him.
bimaristan
Cairo was so magnifii
awun
ofthe bimaristan underck,andnot the poororneedy, fundedbytli
with speciahsed wards, sometimes being a specialist hospital itself;29 it wasstaffed by medical personnel and functioned also as a teaching hospital. Assuch, it was a far cry from the hospices of antiquity and a reconginsable earlymodel for the hospitals of our own day.
The Bimaristans of Palestine
Asthe discussion abovemusthaveindicated,thebimaristans whosenamescomeup agamandagainwere those ofBaghdad,Damascus, and Cairo. Wemay
Y'^^
Tigris river and jxiust have been a magnificenl place. The Jubayr, tho 12rli
century Spanish traveller to whom we are indebted for much information onthis subject,^^ tells us that when he saw the hospital in 1184, it seemod to himto be like a great palace which took its water supply from the TigriH, When it
opened, ithad a staffof 24 physicians, amongwhomwere specialists : orculiNts.
bone-setters, physiologists, and surgeons. This splendid place, along with ho
many other buildings in Baghdad was destroyed during the Mongol invasion
of 1258.20
We have a good deal of information about the hospitals oi Cairo, thanks
to al-Maqrizi, Tb e first hospital there was founded by IbnTuhm bet^\ een 25^
872 and 261/874. This had separate M-^ards for men and women, haths^ iwd
special section for theinpane.*^ Salab al-Din later founded al-ISasi'i hospital
in 1171, But without doubt, the most impressive hospital in Egypt, and in lh<*
whole MusHm world probably, was the ftreat Mansuri hospital founded by tlir
Mamltik Qalawun in 1284, It was built in 11 months and bad a huge endow-
merit amounting to 1 million dinars a year. It had specialwards for fevers, ft »r
ophthalimic cases, for surgery, and separate wards formen andwomen .It alsi
»
had a pharmacy, store-room^-, a lecture hall, and a library. Story-tellers wert*
employed to amuse convalescent patients, and at night, music was played to
soothe the sleepless. There are many studies and descriptions of this great
bimaristan, which still stands in Cairo today.^
The hospital building movement spread to the Muslim West later on. The
first hospital was founded at Maxrakush at the end of the 6th/12th centur\'.
Other hospitals were soon established in other parts ofNorth Africa, and then
iu Spain. Hospital swere also built in Ottoman Turkeyfrom 726/1306, andsome
oltheseremainedinuscuntiltheendoftheFirstWorldWar.Inlstanbnl alone,
i*lift Tnrks established 70 hospitals during the last 500 years.
We may assume, therefore, that at one time every major city nan us o^^u
bimaristan even ifwe do not have the names or the descriptions of each one ot
of these. The bimaristan served two functions : the heabng of the sick and the
teaching of medical students. It was founded by the state or by charx^hk
open to everyone. Although we are here particul arly concernedmth the bima
Picture ofwhat they might have beenlite can, howev^,
^,^^^f^^^^^^^^
•we know about a typicalbimaristan
bitaaristanknownby his name
Isofomidedaliospitaiwn... vv..^..-^ .^^^^^^^^^^^^^
turallay-out ofthis great hospitalmay be stucueany a y
r^Y
xhrm Byzanlinn hospitals, we can only speculate that the most likely antece-
dent ol the Islamic hospital or bimaristan Avas a laLe Persian modelwith whichconquer©
Tkr Bimari.tlan
wmxR
udicatcs that the institution might havihe Persian himar, meaning ill and start
iristan», andtodayithasbeeome «maruslunatic asvlum. Al-ManHzi aavR tiiat tin
first hospital was built by a Coptic king of Egypt called Manaqyush ibn Ash-mun," but this seems to have been mentioned nowbereelae. He goes onto saythat the first to have founded a hospital in Islam was the Umayyad caliph,
al-Walid I, who ruled from 86 to 96 A.H. We have no details about this hospi -
tal, biit wo hnow that al-Waiid is also supposed to have restrained lepers fromgoinp out amona the people and gave them money. He a'ao gave each cripplea servant and each bhnd man a guide." But it was really a hundred yearslater that thehospitalbuildingmovementin Islambegan in earnest whenHarmal-Rashid asked the head ofthe hospital at Jnndi-Shapur to create a hospitalin Baghdad on the same lines. ItwassaidtobesituatedintheS-W. partofthecity, and when it was finished, another physician of Jundi-Shapur, Yuhannab. Masawayh, came to be its director.'* It is to Jundi-5hapur, therefore, thatwe must look for the precursor of the Ai-abic bimaristan. Jundi-Shapnr wasa city in the S.W. ofIran, it does not exist today. An academywas foundedliercby th:^ Persian Km? Shapur I in the 3rd century A.D. It flourished in the .^tl:century under Kisra Anushir-awan andbecame afamous centre of Icarninj?"By the time ofthe ibab conquest o( the citym the 7d, century, the academyand hospital d Jundi-Shapur were well established and had a staff of nhvsi-
of the academy ofM^hapur which leaves us in no doubt a^^^0^reputatxon it must have enjoyed." It even had its own formuJly J^^^Sby Its someume director, Sabur ibn Sahl.'
»
'^^^^V, composed
the hospitaUfJvllXprtot^^^^^^'" ''' ""^^^information about
about the lay-^ut, o^JSl irr^ "^T??'''' ^'^^^ ^ S^'«^^ ^^^
the earliest andbmXpS oftC^ '^' "l^^"^'bimaristans. One of
/ was situated m the western part of Baghdad hy the
r\T
fupublic, for the publii
fully developed under the Muslims
*^^niained nothingbut the faintest resemblance between its officer, the muhtasib
^*id tiie agoranomus of Greek times.
Another important institution whicL was developed, ifnot entirely inven-
*^d, by the Muslims was the hospital institution or bimaristan. Although this
dGvelopanant shotdd rank as one of the most significant and original contribu
tions of Islamic civilisation, here againwe note a striking neglect ofthe Islamic
^J^deavour in many of the piiblished sources on the history of hospitals.^ Of
^^onrse, there were places for the healing of the sick in pre-Islamic times. Early
records speak of the healing temples ofAesculapius, the Greek God of healing,
'^Kere people went to spend the night and were allegedly healed by seeing the
G^od in dreams/ Aside from these religious places, doctois usually saw their
Patients in their own houses. The Romans established military hospitals which
bad medical attendants and sickrooms ; there is, however, no evidence ofsimi-
lar institutions for civiUians, In early Christian times, hospices arose, the so-
called xenodochia, which combinedthefunctions ofa restingplacef01 strangers
axid a heaUngplace for the sick. There is evidence that at least one ofth ese had
uixxses and physicians in attendanceJ
It seems that there were similar institutions for the Jews. Such hospices
"Were attached to synagogues and catered to Jewish travellers and the Jewish
sick. A hospice of this type existed in Jerusalem before 70 A.D., but although
some bave argued th at the Jews probably had their own hospitals, arising out
oJtheir awareness oftheneedfor segregating the sick and their«sense ofsocial
respoiisibility»,^ there is no evidence that Jewish hospitals existed as such. In
fact, what need Jews might have had for hospital care in the mediaeval period
"Wassmselves
that
Hence, we may say in summary that as far as we know, there were i
titTitions in antiquity which we would call hospitals in the sense with wh
would xmderstand the word; that is, a place speciaUsed for the treatm
illness wth attendant nurses and doctors, with specialised wards and d
saries, and often with facilities for teaching medical students. In late I
tine times, however, it appears that there were a numher of hospitals w
salem and other parts of Palestine which, from the scant descriptions we
resmeble more clocely the hospital rather then the hospice." One ol th«
Jerusalem, is said to have held a thousand beds." Until more is known
- r\i -
GHADA AL-KARMI
THE BIMAMSTANS OF PALESTINE
London IT, K.
The Arabic Islamic contribution to science and medicine, thoizgh conside-
rable, Las received little attention until recent times. Many textbooks on the
history ofmedicine and science devote no more than a few pages to the whole
period o£ Arabic civilization, which was something like 500 yearsJ The pre-
vailing view has been that Islamic science was unoriginal and taken largely
from the ideas and work of previous civilisations, notably Greek civilisatioD.
Attention has remained focussed on this aspect of Islamic scientific production,
and the contribution of the Muslims to learning has been limited to their role,
undoubtedlyimportant, as translators and therefore tranmitters ofthe wisdom
ofthe Ancients. This is the conventional view ofIslamic science, andfew would
argue that the theoretical basis ofmuch Arabic science and medicine is largely
non-Arabic. Howmuchthis foreignheritagewas elaborated, m.odified, ox added
tobytheMusHms is, alas, stillundefined due to thelack ofresearch into original
Arabic scientific works and their proper assessment, although something
about this critical area has begun to emerge in recent years.^
However that may be, and this is not the place to discuss the matter fur-
ther, the contributions that the Muslims genuinely made and which seem to
be entirely original have received almost no attention whatsoever* If it could
be said that Islaniic civilisation had one outstanding feature, it would be the
establishment of institutions ; that is to say, the Islamic tendency to incorpo-
rate and develop pre-existing ideas and customs and put them into an Islamic
mould andthen institutionalise them. Theinstitution ofhisba is a good example
of this tendency, where the previously Greek office of market inspector, or
« agoranomus»,^ that is, a man legally appointed to preside over certain com-
mercial dealings inthemarket place such asweights andmeasures andcuri^ncyexchange, wasincorporated, updated, and developed into the muhtasih ofIslam.Under the Muslims, this was no longer just a man who controlled weights and
measures in the market, but someone appointed by the qadi and indirectlybythe caliph, who wae iu charge of all dealings in the market place, from buyingand seUing to meat inspection. He was responsible for such things as the safety
of public buildings, the inspection of sewers, and the cleanliness of the water
r\d
list of lUustration
fig. 1- Kfairbet «1-Mafjar, Mosaic of the Fniit and the knife. ( From Ettinghausen, Froyn Byzan-
tium to Htuanian Iran and the lalamica World, Fig. 59 ) A. D. 724r"743.
fIK. 2. Ktiirog or Citrns Medico. ( kibbdd ).
i*'i%. 3. EtIiTOg or Kihbad, ehowiug the section.
Of;. 4, Ktluogs or kibbadt compared with oianges, iox eiase.
fig. 5. llie hamuli or citrus grandis^ compared with a lemon for sise.
^>fC* 6. BamuH in the shape of pears.
f-ijt. 7. Section of BamuU, showing the thickness of the skin,
^k^ 8. The lymun hamid, or citrus limon; the siase ofordinary lemons.
Fv* 9- Omajryad Mosque, DamascuB, Facade; A. D. 715.
>if. 10, Omayyad Mosque, Damascus; Facnde; detail of fig. 9; A. V. 715. The difference inshading indicates where the mosaic has heea renovated,
I*ig. U. Omayyad Mosque, Damascus; mosaic in courtyard; A. D. 715.
F^. Z2. Omayyad Mosque, Damascus; soffit of the great arch on the facade; detail of fig. 9;A* U, 715*
tig. 13. Omayyad Mosque, Damascus, soffit of one of the aiches in courtyard.
Jig. 14. Dome of the Bocfc, Jemalem; detail of mosaic in arcades; A. D. 691.
Fig. 15. Madeba. Mtuemn, detail of floor mosaic; c. 6th century A. D.
century,
Fig. 17. Mount Kebo; floor mosaic, detail, 6th century. A. D. ( Photo: Daln iJones ),
YSV
17. See note 15, above.
18* The history of this symbol in Jewish, art is long and instructive. It is suppoeed to have been
brought into Palestine on the return of the Jews from Babylon. ( see note 19 below ).
19. E. R. Goodcnough, Jewish Symbols in the Gr^co-Roman Period, N.Y. 1954, IV, 145-166;
The Jewish Encyclopedia, YIII, 205.
20. Goodenough, Jeioish Symbols,*,.^ lY, 176 and passim.
21. This pavement has been covered over with earth in order to preserve it after excavation so
ethrog and the knife were not visible. The motif was described to the writer by the excavator.
22. The fruit on the Mount Nebo mosaic has every appearance of shaddeck or hamuli being
more in the Bhape of a pear. These and other examples of this motif are not published.
ifOtiona at Dura Europos^ Yale Univ. Press; 1956, 46, 59.
24, A. Grabar, Viconcoltisme byzantine Paris, 1957, 99-103.
Christian Art
The SynoBOgui
Ibrahim
Shorter Encyclopedia of Islam, London, Brill, 1961. lS4v5; cf. Eisenberg, Abraham in der arab.
Legend, 1912.
Cruikshank
27. Ibid, 268-269. ActuaUy a ftcmnury and the bust of a nude woman appear at the far side of
the pool; Hamilton, Khirbet al-Mafajar, 1959, pp. 152-153.
VNA
FOOTNOTES
1. RfMArdi on the ethxog in Palestine and on the nature of this fruit was carried oat by DighyWilkrd while be was a graduate student at the American University of Beirut. The present article
dep«ndii frequently on his very capable contribution. ITnless otherwise indicated, the photographs
Ate by the attthor.
2. ( j:^Vi JL^ ( tfj a1! ) Al^Umari, Masalik aUAbsar, Cairo, Dar Kutub, 1924, 253-5*
3. R. Etiinghausen, From Byzantine to Sassanian Iran and ike Islamic World, Brill, 1972, 17;hence-forth cited as EttinghnuBen
.
*. See E. Cruikshanfc Dood, The Image of the Word, Berytus^ 1969, 35-62; a bibliography forironodapm willbo found inA Grehai^Viconoclasm byzantine, Paris, 1957, for more recent literature seeC. Byzantium
, Emire ofNew Rome, London, 1980, 366.
5. For a bibliography on floor mosaics, sec. IS. Kitzinger, Byzantine Art in the Makirw. London
*. R. W. Hamilton, « Khbhet al-Mafjar: The Bath Hall Recondiecied*, L&^ant, X, 1978, 136.
8. /^m., Khirbet al~Mafjar, Oxford, 1959, 336-337.
9. Ettinghauficn, 35-36,
10. E. Croifcahanfc Dodd, Art Bulletin, 1975, 270.
U..5ee note 7.
r^J^Jl^^'^^TT^^^'^*^ ^' ^' ^^^*^' ^'^*^'"* ^«'*'^"' «»<' ^^'^^^'^ PavUiam, Rutland, Vor-
of it! *^!li!v « '"''*'' '^''''*^y' '^'^y^*' ^*'eley,« TheMyth ofthe Taj Mahal and a New Theory
Of il» bymhoJic Mcan»ng», An Bulletin, LXI, 1979 , 7-37.
wiJ S ?oS/^ ?'''"^^T:\
'^'^^''^ '^'^ ^^""^^ ^*^^^' 1^32, 1, 277. See also the folio-
s'YSu^i^^^ ^ ^"'"'^ 'f^-ff-^ ^^^-^^ l'>24, 178; Wenx., ifa.pc-i P^t"/?:^Srr^""" "•^^'"'^ ^'"^'-^ ^-^-' ^^^«-' ^- H. Baih.y, Manned ofCuU
Pummelo or (aymun Uruii {^^bj^) , As shown in thePfaotograpfa, this fruit i^ rather like a grap*,ftuMnjit and ia pearnihaped or sometimes
IB
this suhjei
Encychp^ia, I, London, 1903. See also F sT/'if^ J'^^^ Casaiiowfe,« Etrog», Jeu,ish
Tfc* HBK«e, 1951, p. j.
"^"^ ^- «• B''4enhe«,er, CUrus Enu,mology in the Middle East,
»fm»d« Adam'. ApplJL«Tara"l7ADDkrTS Z"']'*^^ "^"^^ '" """^ "^ "^'^ "^ '^ ^^^Pes,
f\^
STirat—Yusuf and tlie
go attractive in connection with the mosaic at Khirbet al-Mafjar were it
not for the associations already connecting the Fruit of Paradise with tin*
Gardexi of Eden in Jewish tradition. Here, too, the ethrog in a dream meantthat one was precious before hia maker (as was Jacob) and was associated
with the birth of a male child (Joseph).
This paper is limited to an interpretation of a single panel in an entire
decorative schenxe. It was observed that the entrance to this hall was deco-
rated Avith fiffuralive sculpture of a more-or-less secular character. The
ance
enjoymentsymb
quite
ciatioix. Separation of physical delights from spiritual pleasures is difficult
both
the
ical delights scidptured at the entrance prefigure or anticipate the pleasures
of the bath. As in all ancient rituals, the bath was a cleansing agent and the
symbolism of water likewise, belongs to ancient traditions. The position
of the kibbad.the fruit, beside the water in Paradise has already been poin-
n^A r^iT* ct^i^nA iliA rflAr-nTfttinTi inside the bath chamber was inconclast in
urative, only this panel
meaningknife
among
equals and the first Moslem. In this case, in the context of the Sacrifice ot
Abraham, the mosaic of the fruit and the knife at Khirbet d-Mafjar conld
be read by all who entered the haU as a proclamation of faith to the People
of the Book and a re-affirmation of Islam.
rY
chattib
this Huj5postioii ,for Ly its pJacement the mosaic gives in indication of the
identity of th<! occupant.
amoiie Ctristians andjf'WH Hu^fTcst a parallel bnt specifically Moslem explanation for the selection
of tlu8 motif in the bath hall. The place to find such an explanation of this
motif is tlie Rftvelation iiself or in the Iladith based upon it, Siucoj for chxi-
knife
abami \h.v firAt Muslim .Celebration of the Adha, the Feast of tlie Sacrifice is
occasion
The Prophet proclaimed Abraham as the 'representative of the absolute
primitive religion from which Jndaism and Christianity have diverged andtr> which Islam has returned.^^ The representation of the frnit and theknife in tbe panel of the bath hall woidd, in this case, convey to hoth Chri-stians and Jews the original and legitimate anlhority of Islam,
Ihere is another meaning, less precise, which may also be conveyed bythis panel but which has a more popular flavour and this is the story alrea-dy mentioned, the story of Yusuf, as it is told in the Kor'an and in latertradition connected ^vi^h it.
The story of Yusuf in the Koran is virtually identical with the storyof Joseph in the Bible except for one incident: The neighbours of Znleika,
CTltlClZIDglove of the slave Yusuf (Joseph). In order to exonerate herself, she invited
who appeared before them to serve them. At the sight of his beauty theladies cut thier hands with the knives that they were using to cut their fruit.Zideika was promptly justified. As far as she was conceded, she becamean example ofthe lower of Trubh and Beauty, love of the Divine. Yusuf
ZwLl^ril IJT^^ ^"^ ---- *° *-P*«^- and ofWhat
or I USUI, tnere stood a tree outside the house in the garden ofYakub (Jacob
)
Th« tree would produee a twig on the occasion of the birth of a son,f andbirth,•*. j'j , , ~D'3 —'""9 "i* t-^^^ ui^titiaiuu uj X USUI S nurtii
Sllrd?'"f;; *"f' •
^^^^^ ^^^^^^ '^ ^°d, whereupon the a^ei
^ttfbv bLW^"" fr'"^ T''^'''^^* ^ ^^S ^* ^-passed all the
hi t! . '^ ^ ^ I""^ ^'^'''y' ^""^ ^'^« ^tJ* justice andheir to a new dynasty, the hope of future generations
with
vish, potrayals of tKe ethrog alone axe numerous and are fully
:ecl eleswliexe. Dionysiac or pagan examples may be traced in the
almyra, Dura Eiu-opos, Petra, Jarash and in the mosaics of the Han-e motif was then transferred into Christian iconography and, indeed
me so freqpient among the mosaic of Christian church pavements as
anal (see fig.lS), The image of the fruit with the knife, however, is
juent. It, too, occurs on Christian pavements :among the fruit in the
as scrolls on a church pavement in Madeba, for example, are bran-
the ethrog Iree bearing several heads oi fruit, single fruits, and , in
ae scroll, the ethrog occurs alone with a knife (fig. 16). The sameoccurs on a recently imcovered church pavement in Ma'in,*^ near
I, and in a church on Mount Nebo (fig.17).^^ In this last example
It is in a bowl and is accompaned by one or two knives. It would
5 therefore, that ihe iconography of the fruit and the Icnife was under-
Iso by the Christian church although the special significance of this
las not been pointed out.
rely the meaning of this symbol in Jewish art gives a clue to the mea-both Christianity and in Islam: it represents an iconcolaat rendering
Sacrifice of Issac, Ftirthermore, the Sacrifice of Issac was significant
ly Christian iconography , for it was regarded as a pre-figuration of
icifixion.^^ The story of Abraham, as it occurred in the Old Testamentken up by Christians as an indication of prophecy fulfilled by the
'estamenl. In the fourth and fifth century scenes of the Sacrifice uf
rt^ere especially frequent and this scene came to signify the Risen
It is therefore possible that, in the iconocast environment of Pales-
the eighth century the figural images of Abraham and Issac which
lly illustrated this, then were replaced by accepted non-figural sym-
ymbols which had an established pre-Christian tradition, the fruit
e knife; Andre Grabar has traced the development of certain Chris-
lonoclast symbols from Jewish prectises.^* The fruit and the knife
's to be another example of transference of meaning and interdepen-
he possible meaning of the ehrog, for Islam, has been indicated above,
nore difficult to find a specific Islamic connotation for the ethrog
he knife since the motif does not, apparently, occur in other palace
ures. It does not occur either among the Dome of the Rock or the
yad Mosque mosaics. The fact that this motif occurs in the hath hall
irbet al—Mafjar suggests, however, that it perhaps, has a mo/e popular
ss spscificaUy spiritual connotation. Indeed, the bath hall was a place
Drldy affairs or affairs of stale, rot spccificflly irdicatcd for prayer.
VYY
pllirogfl, sometimes in ihe shape of the kibbad, sometimes pearshaped like
tlxc bamuli or oven in the shape of the laymun hamid with the pointed
protuberance at the flower and (figsJ2,I3). The mosaic decoration in its
Mosguthe
ithn
Paradise fruits, hut it is significantly present with the palm and the grape
on the Tree of Paradise represented on the face ofthe arcades (fig. 14). These
stylized trees aro not like the more natural repersentations on the soffits
of the arches of the Dome of the Rock, They are not only more stylized,
more formal and«Sa6sanian» in character, but among other Paradise synabols
they group together three ancient motifs, the palm, the grape and the ethrog
on one trunk. It is significant that all three of these symbols are deeply
embedded in the repertoire of Jewish and Christian tradition. Their appeaexam
univearsal
and unity of Islam.
Bodheimer
tlus type of ethrog in Palestine is a coin struck by Simon Maccabaeus in
lymbol
palm
of renewal and fertility and was taken over by the Jews as a symbol for
the feast of the Sukkoth, or Feast of the Tabernacles, the HarvestFestival that was iteslf of Dionysiac origins. ^^ The use cf ihe ethrog in
Jewish symbolic vocabidary apparently sprang from the BibHcal phrase« and ye shall take you on the first day the fruit of goodly trees, branchesof palm trees and boughs of thick trees, and willows of the brook
»
(Leviticus 23:40), According to Jewish tradition, the ethrog was the Forbi-dden Fruit in the Garden of Eden. What is more, according to the sametraditions, an ethrog in a dream is regarded as an omen that one is«preciousbefore his maker » and, if a pregnant woman would bite into an ethrog,she will bear a male child. ^^ These associations or popidar traditions asso-ciated with the fruit are significant in relation to later symbolic associationsin Islam. Even more noteworthy, however, is the specific image at Kbirbct
symbolical implications of its ownshown
with a knife it developed even more important significance: It came to sign-ify tlic Sacrifice of Isaac.^o This last development is particularly interestingin view of the later development of this symbol in Christian and Islamicart.
'f'fT ---
still gazes ^vilh pleasure at the kibbad tree in the courtyard of his OAvn house.
The courtyard of an Arab house is the center of activity, the area to whichall parts of the house are joined, the enclosed and magical heart of the house
giving purpose and direction to all its attached rooms. In almost every
Damascus house or every old house in Jerusalem, Aleppo^ or in Hamathccourtyard is planted "vvith a kibbad tree, whether it be an ordinary home(humble hirket) off the street of the Salahiyeh, the great court of the Azzampalace, or the splendid panorama of /tiiftad trees planted around the modernswim^ming pool of the American Residence in Damascus.
The custom of planting a kibbed near the birket in the courtyard can be
traced back to at least the first century B.C., if not much earlier. The cour"
tyard,v/ith the Fruit ofParadise and the Garden Underneath in whichWater-flows was an earthly representation or reflection of Paradise,^ ^ The actual
identity of the cthrog, or the fruit of Paradise, has been confused with
several fruits of the citrus family , some of w^hich apparently appeared in
Palestine as early as the third century B.C. and all of which are liberally
represented painting and in mosaic. The most prominent vaiiety is a kind
of lemon called by George Post a citrus medica^^^ and translated as kibbad.
It is described by Post as<darge, rough and pearshaped» and coming from
India, along with the citrus limon^ or laymun hamid. Among the variety of
citrus fruits grown in the Near East, varying in si ape, colour, taste and size,
two are portrayed frequently in the art of Palestine, tie kibbad ( ^L^ )
(figs.2,3,4) and the citrus grandis or bantuli( ^^ )
(figs, 5,6,7),''^ The
laymun hamid^ which is called an ethrog in the Jewish Encyclopedia^ is a
different shape from the kibbad and considerably smaller (fig. 8).*^ Twooutstanding examples of mosaic decoration from Syria in the late seventh
and eighth centuries will indicate the identity and meaning of the kibbad
as the original« ethrog», over the variety called bantuli or the laymun hamid.
There is no question that the kibbad had a particidax significance, although
the other varieties of citron seem to have been identified with the kibbad
at an early period.16
The kibbad, not the layMun haniid^ is indicated in the mosaic of khirbet
al-Mafjar and it is represented prominently in the mosaic of the Dome of
the Rock in Jerusalem and in the Great Mosque of Damascus, Both these
series of mosaics arc only a few years earlier than the mosaics of Khirbet
el-Mafjar and both provide an explanation for the kibbad. Of the two monu-
ments, the Paradise garden motif of the mosaics of the Omayyad Mosque
in Damascus is closest in date to the palace. Here, on the facade of the
prayer hall and on the arcades in the court, the trees arc hung with kibbad
and
rvi
batlis
luxiu'
flevoh^il to ilio cxlravagancies of plf^afiure-loving caliplxs. Only two sour-
rt-a an' generally citod in support of these interpretations: one is the sly
writing of Algh.ini, an Abhasid poet, and the other is the great historian
history
will
ground for moro Kci<*nlific and less imaginative interpretation of histoiy andmore synipathy for the genuine achievements of the Umayyad caliphate.
Inde(*d thrst* great constructions in the desert w^ere not luxurious frivoli-
ties hut wore born on the contrary of economic and political necessity.
They are evidence of un administrative system that was as efficient as it
artistically hriHiant. The study of this mosaic panel at Khirbet al-MafjarshoAvs intelligent selection within the artistic idiom of its day and proclaimsto the People of the Book that the master of the palace bath obtained his
poltitcal authority from God.
Hamilton, i
represented
published by R.W
oimprimal Venus shape.^ Eichard Ettinghausen dispensed with these intern-
^ Hea welcoming gift to the caliph, or« a kind oflocal hois-d'oeuvre».s In a reviewof Etlinghauscn's book, I suggested an association of this mosaic with theSurat Yusuf and with a hadith that interpreted this same Surah.^" MeanwhileR.W. Hainillou produced another interpretaticn of the mosaic as an anag-ram so that the picture could be read as the initial letters of the Caliph'spersonal signature. However, Hamihon himaelf points out that « thepictorial signature was Without precedent in a Muslim buildingx ( or in anyother building, for that matter)." It would seem that we were all slightly^nde of the mark. The bath haU is neither a« frivolity haU», nor an imitationof Sassanian luxury palaces. It was part of an estate erected triumphantly,perhaps, but also soberly, in local palace tradition of the Roman governorsof Arabia Felix and their Christian successors. The mosaic represents anappropriate symbol in this same tradition for the Umayyad conqueror ofthe Empire of New Rome. Seen within the context of the historical andartistic environment of Palestine, the mosaic pan elleaves no doubt about
funct
mosaic«b,.. Ev^„.„ ,.„D™a.c..no^-^-j-°Se;:nrbX;
rvo
Paradise and were found not only in the sbrines of ^hi^ Peoples of the Book,but also in pagan temples.^ Certain specific symbols bocain<- attached toa particular creed, for example the lulab ( or pabn branch ) for the Jew orthe fish for the Christian, but even the fish and the lulab were used in bothreligions. Perhaps the only symbol exclusive to Christianity was the cross,with its specifically Christian implications. The Menorah, the seven bran-ched candlestick, was specifically Jewish. Although early Moslem iconog-raphy was developing the use of the witten word in religious decorationwas still not developed.^ Except in these rare instances, the Peoples of theBook in the eighth century used a common language. Many ofthose symbolswere adapted from older Dionysiac traditions. The quotation at the headof this article, selected by R. W. Hamikon in connection with the mosaicat Khirbet al-Mafjar/ ^vas taken from a 9th century description of amonastery that the Caliph al-Walid is supposed to have visited near Dama-scus. This is so apt a description for the mosaic under discussion, especia-
coming
prominent
c of theour time
ihaUenge in its own time. Like symbperiod, there may, indeed, be several meanings and the observer is free to
choose the one that best suits him-this is, in fact, one of the objectives ofsymbolism. The following interpretation, therefore, will not give a precise
Avihch
imunderstanding of Umayyad art in general, and in particular for the docera-tion and function of Umayyad palace architecture.
Identification and interpretation of the huit in the mosaic at Khnbetal-Mafjar is important for two reasons; in the first place the common arti-
stic vocabulary used in the religious precincts of Palestine in all three
monotheesistic religions and even in its Dionysiac precedents is evidenceof their common identification and tradition. So much emphasis has beenplaced on the differences between the religious traditions in this area anddistinctions drawn between them that noiodern scholarship is inclined to
ignore the fact that these radical differences were not perceived so early bythose who first practised the religions and who often spoke the s£mxe or
similar language, both literary and artistic. The fruit from the mosaic at
Khirbet al-Mafjar is an outstanding example of symbol that had, apparen-
tly, intelligible meaning for a pagan, Jewish, Christian or Moslem viewer
before the authority seated in the niche. If it is like other Omayyad decora-
tion of this period, it proclaims the message of the Universality of Islam.
- rr^ -
ERICA CRmKSHA]>JK DODDLobaiion - A. U. B.
Khirbet
« Most of its floor is of coloured stones. And in tie chapel there is a
marvellous pictui-e abstruse in its meanings.
»
2
The palace and bath of Khirbet al-Mafjar, near Jericho, are amongthe most impressive remains of Umayyad architecture and decoration.
Latest evidence indicates that this structure was built dm*ing the reign of
the Caliph Hisham in the second quarter of the 8th century and that it
was destroyed by an earthqpiake before it was completed.^ The largest
building, which was already in use before the earthquake, was the bath
complex. The main room of this elaborately decorated establishment wasadorned with a floor mosaic in geomLCtric patterns. Geometric patterns of
this kind ivith and without figm'al motifs were common to floor mosaics in
churches, temples and synagogues in contemporary Palestine, At the endof the hall was a nich intended for an important person to be seated. Infront of this nich and surrounded by this brilliant mosaic carpet was a single
figurative panel showing a bulbous, yellow fruit on a twig with leaves anda knife beside it (fig-l)» Although there are other examples of figural art
in the bath complex, there is no other representational mosaic in the room.
The fact that this was the only representational mosaic among the
geomatric designs on the floor, and that it shotdd be placed in such a promi-nent location at the head of the room, suggests that the picture must havespecific meaning or associations. Religious art of Palestine in the 8tb centu-
ry, centering on Jerusalem and Damascus, was like the geometric mosaicon the floor of the bath, firmly inconoclastic. Although liberal representa-
tion ofhuman figures in secular art was permitted at this period-as is shownby the sculptures in the entrance of this same hall, for example, or by thepaintings in the near-by baths of Quasaja Amxa-no figures were permittedin the churches, mosques or synagogues of Palestine.
Religious ideas were conveyed by a large repertoire of symbolic images.The church ofthe Nativity in Bethlehem, the Dome ofthe Rock in Jerusalemand the Great Mosque of the Umayyads in Damascus are evidence of thepoint/ Most of the non-figural images used in these religious precincts
appear to have had rather loose symbolic connotations of the future life and
nv
So the basic ideas ofthe plans for the madrasa are the same, but the results
[anumg
consequence of that fact we can state that the Syrian madrasa owes little to
ans
With this result, however, we disagree with Creswell who, in case of the
Egyptian madrasa, came to the same restdt, but assumed Egyptian influences
on two madrasas in Syria, one at Damascus and the other at Jerusalem. (MAEII, pp. 131-132).
The first was founded for three classes by the Egyptian Sultan az-Zahir
Baybars in 1277. Although partially destroyed (Fig. 1, S7), we are able to ima-
gine its layout according to written descriptions. One class used the southern
iwan which is at the same time the hall of prayer. The other class had an eas-
tern iwan which must have been opposite the western entrance, that is to aay
in the entrance axis, and was probably protected against sun Ly an arcade
like the entrance. The third class used a room in the corner. As the hall of pra-
yer ofthis madrasa is an iwan, Creswell asserts this shows« a thoi'oughly Egyp-tian practice in striking contrast to the Syrian custom» . But he is wrongbecause we find the same feature in the Saiibiya at Damascus, which wasnot founded by an Egyptian (Fig. 1, S6), And the iwan of the Zahiriya showsthat there was a second axis as in all madrasas in southern Syria.
The madrasa of the Egyptian Emir Tankiz an-Nasiri was completed in
1328/29 at Jerusalem. It constists, accordingto Creswell« offotirliwans openingon opposite sides of a square, but the latter, instead of being open to the sky,is covered by a cross-vault». I cannot see any reason to assume the Egyptianinfluence on the architectural form ofthis madrasa because the vaulted centralfoom is unknown for a madrasa in Egypt at that time. But we find it in Syriain the earliest madrasa stiU existinff at Borsa (Fior, 1 . Si V Tf tb-- n^^n\i^^^n^ «-f
and
'anki
same
As IS well knoAvn, the vaulted central room c ccurs in the madrasas ofAsiaMinor, but without the fouriwans opening onto it and not as early as at Borsa.Therefore it is impossible to derive the plan of this madrasa from there. Wehave with the madrasa with the vaulted central room and the iwan like roomsaround it the result of a third tradition in planning the madrasa coexistingwth tbe traditions in the regions ol Damascus and Aleppo. In our presentknowledge we cannot trace this plan back to a possible prototype which mustbe assumed to have been a medieval house plan. But I am convinced that thehouse plan defines the plans ofthe madrasa in the region of Palestine
ri%
another side and, to gain the desired order ol all parts aroimd the court, the
madrasa has to have a second iwan as a couuterpaxa to the first.
In this way the plans of the madrasas in the south of Syria appear to be
laid out on two axes at right angles to each other in significant contrast to the
madrafias in the north. There the plans are hased on a sing-le axis emphasizing
either the iwan. and the hall of prayer oi the Jatter and the entrance (Fig- 2).
Even those very peculiar plans of the Djami' Madrasa and the two-class ma-drasa foUow this principle of planning (N4 and N5). This shows that we have
different customs in huilding a madrasa in the two regions.
Now customs in ai'chitecture generally mean traditions. If we look for
such traditions to recognize the possible prototypes for the different plans of
the madrasa, we find the same different architectural features in the Syrian
dwelling house as far as we can trace it back. The different plans of the house
at Damascus and at Aleppo were recently poiuted out by Kassem Toueir, (Die
Malereien des Aleppo - Zimmers in Islamischen Museum Zu Berlin, KuOr VI,
1969 1-13), The house of Aleppo generally has a single iwan in the south side
of the court, the north aide being occupied by the qa'a. The qa'a is in ground-
plan T- shaped, and a dome covers its centre. At Damascus the qa'a is more
simple, but we have here beside the iwan in the soxith side of the com-t two
smaller iwan or niches in the west and east side ofthe court. So the couit ofthe
house at Damascus can be considered as laid out on two axes whilst the Aiep-
pine house shows one only. That is the principle of planning for the madrasa
too in both different regions.
There is only one difference in the house the iwan always is in the south
part, but not in the madrasa. But this feature is easy to explain. The madrasa
needs a hall of prayer which must be oriented correctly according to the qibla.
Therefore the south side of the court is required for the hall of prayer and is
blocked for an iwan. Its final arrangement depends on the situation of the en-
trance.
At Damascus the entrances always are in the centre of one side of the
court of the madrasa. If tJUis is th e north side, the entrance and the hall of pra-
yer are arranged in one axis and tvvo iwans in the other. Ifthe madrasa is ente-
red from east or west, the entrance hall is equalized in span with an iwan oppo-
site from it, and the hall of prayer is arranged opposite a great iwan serving as
the temporary lecture hall. This latter arrangement we find too in the madrasa
ofthe north, but without a special entrance htdl and without a second iwan. In
such cases the court is entered in a corner and this is the straight modification
ofthe Aleppine house which has one iwan only opposite the qa'a. II in the north
a madrasa is entered in the centre of the north side, the architect dispenses
cither with the iwan or with symmetry in the plan.
find those halls1
sides oi the court, the foundations of them excavated by Laufray in 1944,
lyyoubide
AAsftmclions
itually
Limib
and iwans.
The only explanation I can give is that the single iwau, facing generally
in the sourthern direction, is entirely unsuitable for teaching during the smn-mertime because it is completely unprotected against the hot smi. Therefore
we have to assume that the hall ofprayer was used also as a temporaiy lectui'e
hall. But this solution is possible for one class only, because two classes cannotdivide between themselves either the hall of prayer or the iwan. So the two-class madrasa must be provided with special halls for teaching which are sui-
table for this function during the whole year.
This explanation is confirmed by the only northern madrasa bnUt for oneclass and provided with two iwans. The Djami' andMadrasa at Aleppc-Firdaus
(Fig. 2), N5) shows one iwan facing into the comi, and one iwan, situated backto back against the other, facing in the northern direction. As this building
was at the same time a mosque and a naadrasa its hall of prayer was intendedexclusively for prayer and coidd not be used alternately as a lecture haU. There-fore the building had to be provided with a special iwan for teaching duringsummertime and consequently facing in the other direction to be protected
Sim
the iwan and the hall
lecture hall holds good even for the one-class madrasa at Damascus. For wesee that in the case of the great iwan arranged opposite to the hall of prayer,
iquai
iwan
ofNut ad-Din, the small;ams a spout for water and a channel which makes this iwan unfit
functions. But we see that it is ofthe same width as the hall nfthp *=
assume
two iwans is not called for by the function of the building, but is a purely
around
This is the stai-ting-point to explain the layout of the smaller madrasa ofthe southern region showing generally two iwans of equal span beside the haUof prayer (Fig. 1, SI, S6, and relatively 82, S5). In each example this madrasathe entrance is situated opposite the hall of prayer blocking the north sideof the court for any other haU. The iwan therefore must be placed to
S7 DamascusMadrasa 1277 3 ? ? j ,
az-Zaliriya'
Nl Aleppo
Madrasa of 1193 1 l ,
Shadbakht"^
N2 Ma'arrat an-Nu'iaanMadrasa for the 1199 1 1 ,
Shafeyites
+
N3 Aleppo-FirdausMadrasa 1220 1 1
az-Zahixiya
N4 Aleppo
Madrasa 1223/24 2 +as-Sidtaniye
N5 Aleppo-Firdaus
Djami' and 1235 1 2 ( back to back) +
Madrasa
N6 Aleppo
Madrasa c. 1250 11? +Asb-Sharafiya
N7 Aleppo
Madra al-Kamiliya 13th.C. ? 1 +
Secondly there is a significant difference between the madrasas from the
south andfrom the north : in the south all madrasas have more than one iwan-
indeed they Ixave at least two and in case the hall of prayer is an iwan too wefind three iAvans ; the northern madrasa shows one iwan only facing into the
court or dispexises wdth the iwan in the only case ofthe two-class madrasa. So
wo have to conclude that theie are two different principles of planning for the
madrasa in Syria.
consequence oi the tact that every maone lAvan. and that in some cases this
the hall
have with tKe Sultaniya at Aleppo a madrasa for two classes without iwan
(Fig. 2, N4). This madrasa must have been provided with special haUs for tea-
rri
unprejudiced w1 the lixnitaiion
lime before 1300, the list ofmonuiaents
arrange
Within this
Lunib
Zahir
Damascus, To have a first comparison concerning the numbiwans I tabtdate these data fsee list below).
simple relation between thenumbLumbers of its iwan. We have maden three iwan-and the unique mac
classes has no iwans at aU
:
list of Madrasas with Dates, Classes and important Features
No, Place and Name Dates classes^^^^ ^^"j ^all of
great small equal Prayers
SI Bosra
M. of Abu Mansur 1136 11 — 2 +Kumushtakin
52 Damascus
Dar al-Hadith 1154 1 — —2? +of Nut ad-Din
53 Damascus
Madrasa of 1172 1 1 1 — +Nur ad-Din
84 Damascus
Madrasa 1172 1 1 1 — 4.
al-AdiUya
55 Damascus
Madrasa 1213/14 1 _ _(2) +
AUMaridjaniya
56 Damascus
Madrasa 1240 1 2 +as-Sahibiya
rrr
Tm 1943 Herzfeld tried to contest Creswell's theory . He showed that, at
least at Daiaascus, there "were built raadrasas in CresweU's criciform style before
the madrasa entered Egypt. As for Creswell's argument that the cruciform
plan depends on the number offour classes and therefore could not have been
realizedin Syria or Palestine, Herzfeld produced the plans of several madrasas
for one class only which, had more than one iwan and stated
:
« Never is
there architectural distinction between a madrasa for one or for two rites
»
(Damascus, Studies in Architecture, Ars Islamica Xjp. 14).
CresweU answered this criticism in 1959 and, although having addtd ecme
of the plans of Syrian madrasas produced by Herzfeld, restated his theory
without alteration* He asserted :« If we consult medieval witnesses we shall
find ample justification for my theory that each rite (whether one only or two)
was provided Avith a liwan and conversely, that each liwan implied a rite
»
(The Origin of the Cruciform Plan of Cairene Madrasas, MAE II, P. 121).
The statements of Greswell and Herzfeld show us that the problem cannot
be solved without knowledge ofthe methods ofplanning the madrasa in Syrian
and Palestine. Om- first step must be to prove the consistence of those state-
ments with reality.
CreswelPs interpretation of the historical references concerning the iwan
irnpUes that each iwan was a hall opened to the court. But we know that the
term means a hall without a specific form. And the examples Greswell adduces
to confirm his theory of the correspondence ofthe numbers ofiwans and classes
concern, in six of seven cases, madrasas built in Egypt and Iraq. All seven
examples were schools for more than one rite or class. Therefore these reference!
do not hold good for the one-class-madrasa in Syria.
Although CresweU asserts his material is complete :« These thirteen madra-
sas, nearly all ofwhich are exactly dated, comprise all known to me in Syria or
Palestine, dating from before A,D. 1270» (MAE 11, P. 107), he omits t^ro well-
preserved monuments of Damascus. Their plans had been produced by Herz-
feld who could not give the dates of foundation. But these dates we find m
CresweU's own list. There is no reason to exclude them from consideration.
On the other hand two of the madrasas CresweU adduces do not provide
sufficient data formations.
Herzfeld however did not make full use ofthe results of Creswell's research
work conccrnrx.g the madrasa of the north region of Syxia. He could not deny
r„f.r"!T !!?.»„. ...tnaUvhadoneiwanonlyif itwasbniltforone cte
but he passed over that in silence
YTi
JOHANN GEORG SCHMID(W. Germany)
THE ORIGIN OF THE DIFFERENT FLANS OF THE MEDIEVAL
MADRASA IN SYRIA AND PALESTINE
Amougst the medieval Muslim institutions of learning the madrasa deser-
ves a special notice. Established in Peisia in the early eleventh centuiy as an
institution for one ofthe four principal rites oflaw schools, the madrasa spread
over the whole Muslim world. The first m^adrasa for two rites or classes was
built at Damascus during the times of Nut ad-Din and from Syria the madrasa
waj? brought to Egypt by Salah ad-Din. As for the origin of the architectural
forms of the madrasa we have two theories which are naturally exclusive.
The general plan of a madrasa comprises a central court, a hall of prayer,
one or several halls for teaching, sometimes opened to the cotui; as an iwan, and
rows of ceUs for the students. These elements are produced by the functions
oftheinstitution which brought together the mosque, the college andtheUving
qiiarters into an architectural iinity. But within this unity we have specific
architectural featiiree.
At the beginning ofthis century there was general agreement that the plan
of a madrasa was based on the central court flanked by four iwans forming the
branches of a cross. This« cruciform» which is shown by some famous schools
at Cairo was considered to be imported from Persia by way of Syria, in spite
of fact that there does not exist a Persia madrasa built in the eleventh or
twelfth century. But the planwith four iwans around a couil was quite common
madrasa later on.
mosques
It was Greswell who, in 1922, first challenged this explanation. (The Origin
of the Cruciform Plan of Cairene Madrasas, BJ.F.A.O., XXI, pp. 1-54). Heshowed that generally the Syrian madrasa was not cruciform as the Cairene
madrasa, because the hall ofprayer in the Syrian madrasa was not an iwan buta laterally developed hall with a triple-arched facade. Beyond that he foxuid
in most cases one iwan only and assumed that two iwans occiUTed in those
madrasas which were founded for two rites. And, as he proved by historical
references that at Aleppo, Damascus and Jerusalem the madrasa had ia most
cases one class only and no madrasa with four classes was founded in Syria or
Palestine before such an institution was founded in Egypt, he concluded that
the cruciform plan is Egyptian in origin.
rto
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(^A)^iyj'yi Aj^i) t5>t_, Jj^J '^jj^ ^-U
ji>i ajj>. Ja>- j-bal ^' o! i:^ Vjj l*»j"-j ' ^j^ V-J*^ '^^'J -^h
AJyji ^ ^oili y IV- j^ jUJ-i a.a>. aC) ^>.T ^y a.a^ ^IopVI U lT
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^liil jjill Jiu^itX. J i^Ji If '""I ^ \k>- ioa^ OISC- jOp «iTjl_j
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U^ d\ Jl ^},/i\ UUll ^ji~\ ^y!ii Xfi jjt7 ja\J^\ ^^^ cJir Jji
!>;_, t U. S.jU-Ji U^Ullj c!ii««l^! j^^l *UI aUI oly^Jl J:>1^
- ra*
Hayfa, Vol. Ill, pp. 324-6.
Bmming, To-Day in Palestine, London 1907, p. 158
. c^ dlii ^ji JP.J c ^>]| ^;o ^vi (r)
: .oJUli ^LiSi*-! JjJ;l^,i
js'-l*^l u^ ^ IrU-fj ^.Ail ^_pW ^ 1^-^ ^^m ,U'*II ^ (y)The Committee of the Palestine Exploration Fund
r ^j
, JUu Uj :>j^ iT ^1 ^Ib ^jJSJI jvSi- (^ l-U 4* flJbo^l U^ ,Lj oir (%)
. vr u^ -. ^A o-' n»i Jlill
: ajii^i siL^^i .b aj^ .ul dii io^ (^)GcMider*s reports: The Survey of Palestine, Haifa, Jan 20, 1973.
Palestine Exploratin F. imd. Quarterly Statement, 1873, pp, 52-53
P. E. F. : c^ dli 4*j 4l^l ^\ ^j^jUo- .Li* c 6ijV! a:>- c JjU-l jb:. ^^ c t^L* ^ y ^Jr t ^jLMii U^tilj c ^Uoll j!^ ^^ik^ (y)
Drakes* Reports, Haifa Jan. 27, a 1873.
P.E,F. 1873, pp. 62-64.
: ^jfll (A)
Dunning, op. cit, p. 157
lU ill
(n)
: <i-^l (W)
icher, Recent discoveries, Haifa, Nov. 1887.
P.E.F., 1888, p. 104. S
v> ivJl U- v*V cJ^l^ Ij^j^ cyl j^ ^ (.a; ^^' jii ^ ^ixii 0^1 Set; J^ (n)
Conder, Sycamiuon, Hepha, Porphyreon, and Chilzon,P.KF.,1877.p. 188.
rd\
Olipliant,L. Round Mount Carmel, Haifa, 24^1 Nov. 1885
"'
"^"* "^^ ^^^^
P.E.F, 1885, p. 25.
OHphant, Op. cit, p. 26.(r
ooA-o^ pL^jJiConder, Sycftminon, Heplm, etc. , Op. cit, p. 188
ttid, p. 190.
Shumaoher, Recent discoveries, 1887.
Ibid, p. 34.
DraWfl reports , Jan. 27, 1873 , Ibid,p .65
.
(yy
(rr
(y*
(TO
(Tl
WS^I V^ fL.1 yr"j ^Jl , J.Li L>- ^^^>^l dUU v>« a^.-4"Ji r*^ (r \
. tAi o-' t.J^UJ (VY
Oliphant, Round Mount X Carmel, Ibid., p. 26.
^ VA ^ ij-c Y Y ^jf t 6UJI rt*rf- t^iloO! ^jjll <|>J"1 -5ji*Lp ^)j ^ijjili ^Ijla til ^^^
(n«Ufw
Dowling, A., The Twon of Haifa.c^
(TV
P.KF. 1914, p. 184 ,
}vcaininon« Henha. etc
Sfaumacfaer.
(TA
P.E.P.,1B88, p. 139.
^^h^i^jj ^U Jjl ui iTt p u * Y fU ^Jj; Saewulf i^j^ >f I ^L" j* ^U Jj' (< .
f\ ^ • V / \ \ ' ^ p-** JLjIa 4C-I UUii
Do^rUng, op. cit, p. 187.
Wright, Xh., (ed.) EArly Travels in Palestine. (n
republiehed, Loudon 1966, p. 81.
. ^li^Li iiiijai y\> ^M- f.-^'^ > r^ "^'^ ^- '^^ ^^' -^ *'^'' "''^' '^' ^'^
Shumacher, P.E.P. 1888, Op. cit, p. 138.
. ( floA)a- ' tU^ (<^
r«Y
Dunning, op, cit, p, 160. 00c MVi / Ujj i aU . cJLi'Sl JljU-liiJliill A»ji c ^^1 jj^jjVI 4^< jj 0*^ a;ijia^^ji (^c)
Ik^ VtjU^i uJjUl ;^'!
Dowling, op. cit., p. 188.
Domiing. op. cit., p. 159.
^^*^ -U^ rj^jJi^ (tv)
0^)IfCc
^jiA^ > Oi ^ Ui^' t>" (T^::^ ^•*^' -^^J*^' -U^ L?.L^ J^cS-^' jL,'*^' dl jUl (o.)
(f ^rvvA vvi4i
lOLi^JUJI 4^1 jj^i ujI^ (o i)
-J»l i-^l jb C <l_^Si ^i^Jai
. « ^UJI J:-UI d\j^ JI^I J d^lj;i c JUUII Li^
. JjUI Jllil c C*s^Jl JUsUi .J (at)
j^ < xl^ :i:>Uj I5i ^l- JUJI ^I >^II> ^^1 ^ijL- 4 (^jis:*ll ^Lall V^' JJl^ (on)
. (^0 ^ W Mfo / L^„^ (^I UUI Cfd^:^^^ t t^jjJ-
Shumacher, P. E.F. 1888, Op. cit, p. 139. (ov)
4--^l (OA)
p /o oa/> > J->3I J^ *^ > Uj» c^b'Ij/f )y\y/ I OiU 05 owbjiOl 5*^^ cuilT (o^)
P.E.F. 19«7, pp. 25-26
aid. p. 31
.
- '-V- u* (^ V *-^^ J*-?
(V)
: ^.,^. ^_ fUl :>5LJ ^^1 ^1 J^ (u)
^^Y'<-^^v''/ ojjutJ;;,-! /o/<Lii; j* j^ o^ J Jjjj*. i^jU LjjsJI Jj^vit||i;*j juI
ror -?^uLi,Jiitl sj^i
« / \Krr " \ArY / ^j^^ ^j J^ ^^jjj j^^j oULLMj oL^i » 0; jl*V v^" (aO1/i- J I
Robinson, E. , Biblical reseraches in Palestine, and the adjacent regions, London, 2nd editionfh *, \
1960.336-340.
Ji^\ j^ji> j>; ^ '^j. > Uj^ ^I L;^ cuiS0«_^ fT LU ^>^jl S^ ^1 4pljj o^,*::-! (nv)
. SAj-iLI SpIjjJI v-JUj ^IijO-I olj^i^l ^j^j so;^! oLi"^^! JDowling, Op. cit, pp, 189-190.
Ibid, p. 189.
Conder, The Present Condition ofPalestine.
P.E.P. 1897, p. 12.
Landau, J.M. Abdnl-Hamids Palestine, London 1979.
pp. 103-105.
(.A)
("^0
(vO
Ulj liljj, ^oiJl t->^ ;5>.I ^lii oLlU_j= t ,^* lib '^j
. <-AHi ^Ij^l J cA* .J.^ :iUV L'Ui 4)jU J^" l;1 -ill t-a*i
Loc» cit.
Loc. cit.
Co-wper, A month in Palestine.
London, 1889, p. 113.
P.E.F. 1882, Temple Colony in Haifa, p.3.
(vr)
(vr)
(vO
(vo)
. c^Jh oUii-.! Jj^u.^ oli^LiJ Jj>- tiu 4JI jlAll i>JI >il (v^)
iJ jJuJ.i (vv)
Conder, The Survey of Palestine, 1872, p. 44. (VA)
, ,>U-i3 JJiz-. J^^ JSJj/- J.j^\ S4i^ ^ o VU. 5o^*f j-Uji^ ^^ ir
Oliphant, L. , The Land of Cilead,
Edinbnrgh, 1880.
Cowper, Op- cit, p. 113.
(v^)
olJ^.
(A.)
Ha]fa,-oi' lifa in modern Palestine.
Iianduft, Op* cit. (At)
. / Mr / ^ « t^-*" (Ar)
Voi
/ \\*o / o J*JI ^1 (a^)
DowUn^. Op. cit. p. 191.
jA'.^^ { :u,,U^'i'i 11- ;f -I'l:^ J ^^ •-^i^ ^ ^^^ '*->"^'i^'^-'
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Hajjar, J, : L'Europe et lea Dfistinccs du Proclxe Orient, Bloud and Gay, Belgium, 1970,( \ )
pp. 326-7.
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British Projeclh for the Bestauration of Jews to Palestine, in ,Poblicalions of the AmericanJewifih Hi&torifal Society', 1918, No. 2, pp, 129-131.
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'^^JX ^^' ck-/" ^V d ^J Livourne djj^ J / iyA'\ / f[i> 4Jj::^j^ ^j^ >xij (o)
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Holke, HeWh^^ ^..ife^^^^^^^
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'^"'**"'
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'"™''td™. mffL"^^'^^
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Brugger: H.: OP. cit.,pp. 12-20.
Brugger: H.: Op, cit, pp, 20-32. (\r)
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Brugger, H. : Op. ciL, pp. 5-10.
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Brugger, H., Op, cit, p. 37.
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»
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(4) Beit- Shalom Society. , Jewish Arab
Affairs. P. 11 (Jerusalem., 1931).
(6) F.0. 195-1789 No 13 Confltantinople, 3rd April 1893.
(7) F.0. 195-1765, No 35; Jerusalem, 30th Dec. 1892.
(8) F.0. 195-1789 No 13 Constaiinople, 3rd April 1893.
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(12) F.0. 195-2287, No 1 20 Jerusftlem 2jid April 1 908.
(14) Maiidel,Neville., Turks, ArahsandJewiBhlmmigration into Palestine 1082-1914. pp. 77-108.
St Antony's Papers No 17. (Oxford). 1965
(15) aid. P. 95.
(17) MattdeI,op. citpp. 93-94.
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(19) Mandd., op. cit. P, 94,
(20) Ibid. P. 95..
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(24) Ibid., PP. 97-98.?
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Fig. 12 : Omayyad Mosque, Damascus, Soffit of one of the aselies
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^ig. 13 •rOmayyad Mosque, Damascus, Soffit of the arches in courlyard
Fig. 14 : Dome of the R(x;k, Jerusalem, Detail of mosaics, A. D. 691.
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Fig, 15 : Detail of Floor mosaic, Madeba Museum, C. 6th. cent. A. D.
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Fig. 16 : Detail of Floor mosaic, C. 6th. Cent, A. D. Madeba Museutn.
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