el què del què?! - pompeu fabra...
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El què del què?! The intonation of reclamatory
questions in Central Catalan
Paolo Roseano1,2, Ana Ma. Fernández Planas1, Wendy Elvira García1,
Ramon Cerdà Massó1, Eugenio Martínez Celdrán1
1Universitat de Barcelona, 2Universitat Pompeu Fabra
Barcelona, 17 de juny de 2013
Outline of the presentation
1. Introduction
2. Methodology
3. Results
3.1. Intonation
3.2. Syntax
3.3. Intonat. & syntax
4. Conclusions
1. Introduction
2. Methodology
3. Results
3.1. Intonation
3.2. Syntax
3.3. Intonation & syntax
4. Conclusions
1) Describing the intonation (and some syntactic
aspects) of a specific type of wh- questions in Central
Catalan –namely reclamatory wh- questions– that has
not been fully investigated yet. The description of
reclamatory questions will be carried out by comparison
with information-seeking wh- questions.
2) Investigating if/how counterexpectation affects the
intonational patterns of reclamatory questions.
2) Shedding some light on the pragmatic functions of
rising wh- questions in Central Catalan. The literature
suggests that, while falling intonation is the default
contour for wh- questions, rising intonation could
express curiosity, surprise and interest (Prieto 2004), or
a higher degree of courtesy (Payrató 2002).
Objectives
1. Introduction
2. Methodology
3. Results
3.1. Intonation
3.2. Syntax
3.3. Intonat. & syntax
4. Conclusions
What is a reclamatory wh- question? There are different kinds
of questions headed by (or containing) a wh- word.
The object of the study
1. Introduction
2. Methodology
3. Results
3.1. Intonation
3.2. Syntax
3.3. Intonat. & syntax
4. Conclusions
(3)
B: Li vull portar un regal al
Marc. Què li portaries?
A: Un llibre.
(1)
A: On vas?
B: (Que) a on vaig?
A: Sí.
(2)
A: Quan vagi a veure el Marc a
París, li portaria un [ehem].
B: Què li portaries?
A: Un llibre.
yes-no
wh movement
*wh in situ
…
*yes-no
wh movement
wh in situ (Que li portaries què?)
…
*yes-no
wh movement
*wh in situ
…
Answer
Syntax 1
Syntax 2
In order to account for the different types of wh- question, a quite complete
classification is needed. Among the several available (Hualde 1992, Payrató
2002, Prieto & Cabré 2007-2012, i.a.), Bolinger’s (1989) seems to be one of
the most complete and suitable for our purposes.
ORIGINAL
WH- QUESTION
Asks for new information.
ECHO
WH- QUESTION
Repeats a preceding
wh- question.
RECLAMATORY
WH-QUESTION
Calls for the repetition of
something said by the
interlocutor.
(One possible) classification of questions
1. Introduction
2. Methodology
3. Results
3.1. Intonation
3.2. Syntax
3.3. Intonat. & syntax
4. Conclusions
Bolinger’s (1989) classification is extremely detailed... nevertheless, we
added the distinction between neutral and counterexpectational questions
(as in Prieto i Cabré 2007-2012 or Payrató 2002, i.a.), that Bolinger did not
make explicit.
Data collection
1. Introduction
2. Methodology
3. Results
3.1. Intonation
3.2. Syntax
3.3. Intonat. & syntax
4. Conclusions
29. Imagina’t que tu i jo som amics i que estem parlant. Estem
parlant de la meva mare. Jo t’estic dient que la meva mare
tenia una germana i t’estic dient com es deia aquella
germana. Quan t’ho dic, tusso. Tu no acabes d’entendre
com es deia i m’ho preguntes.
ENTREVISTADOR: La meva mare tenia una germana que
es deia [ehem].
INFORMADOR: Com es deia?
Discourse completion task (Billmyer and Varghese 2000,
Félix-Brasdefer 2010), with detailed instructions for the
interviewer. In 2 situations informants also received
detailed instructions (as in Face & Prieto 2007).
Corpus & informants
1. Introduction
2. Methodology
3. Results
3.1. Intonation
3.2. Syntax
3.3. Intonat. & syntax
4. Conclusions
Original Reclamatory
Neutral
6 questions
(120 items)
16 questions of “memory” type
(320 items)
3 questions of “understanding” type
(60 items)
Counter-
expectational
3 questions
(60 items)
2 questions
(40 items)
Informants = 20 native speakers of Central Catalan having
Catalan as dominant language, UB students.
Survey = 30 situations.
Total = 600 items.
Results: intonation
1. Introduction
2. Methodology
3. Results
3.1. Intonation
3.2. Syntax
3.3. Intonat. & syntax
4. Conclusions
Four main contours were found for wh- questions.
H* L%
Results: intonation
1. Introduction
2. Methodology
3. Results
3.1. Intonation
3.2. Syntax
3.3. Intonat. & syntax
4. Conclusions
L+H* L%
Results: intonation
1. Introduction
2. Methodology
3. Results
3.1. Intonation
3.2. Syntax
3.3. Intonat. & syntax
4. Conclusions
L* H%
Results: intonation
1. Introduction
2. Methodology
3. Results
3.1. Intonation
3.2. Syntax
3.3. Intonat. & syntax
4. Conclusions
L* HL%
Results: intonation
1. Introduction
2. Methodology
3. Results
3.1. Intonation
3.2. Syntax
3.3. Intonat. & syntax
4. Conclusions
Original Reclamatory
Neu
tra
l C
ou
nte
r-ex
pecta
tio
nal
H*L% 78%
L+H*L% 2%
H+L*L% 11%
L*H% 6%
L*HL% 3%
L+H*L% 50% H*L%
45%
L*H% 5%
H*L% 10% H+L*L%
1%
L*H% 88%
L*HL% 1%
L*H% 100%
Understan-
ding
L*H% 100%
Memory
(higher range) (higher range)
Results: syntax
1. Introduction
2. Methodology
3. Results
3.1. Intonation
3.2. Syntax
3.3. Intonat. & syntax
4. Conclusions
wh
movement que + wh
movement wh
in situ que + wh
in situ General
reclamatory Cleft
Què menjava, el nen?
Que què menjava, el nen?
Menjava què?
Que menjava què?
Què? El què? Com?
Què és el que li portaries?
Neutral original 120
Counterexpectational original
60
Neutral reclamatory (memory)
320
Neutral reclamatory (understanding)
46
1
3
1
6
1
Counterexpectational reclamatory
23
2
1
7
Results: intonation & syntax
1. Introduction
2. Methodology
3. Results
3.1. Intonation
3.2. Syntax
3.3. Inton. & syntax
4. Conclusions
In the corpus there are 25 cases of left dislocated subjects
(e.g. I la seva germana, com es deia?) and 245 cases of right
dislocated subjects (e.g. Com es deia, la seva germana?). In
330 cases there is no explicit subject.
Left dislocated subjects show a variety of intonational
patterns, mostly rising (13 cases L*H-, 4 cases L+H*H-, 3
cases H*L-, 2 cases L*HL-, 2 cases H+L*L-, 1 case L+H*LH-).
Right dislocated subjects always display the same
configuration as in the immediately preceding non-dislocated
element, but with differences in range. Interestingly, such
differences in range are opposite in falling and rising wh-
questions.
Results: intonation & syntax
1. Introduction
2. Methodology
3. Results
3.1. Intonation
3.2. Syntax
3.3. Inton. & syntax
4. Conclusions
Results: intonation & syntax
1. Introduction
2. Methodology
3. Results
3.1. Intonation
3.2. Syntax
3.3. Inton. & syntax
4. Conclusions
Results: intonation & syntax
1. Introduction
2. Methodology
3. Results
3.1. Intonation
3.2. Syntax
3.3. Inton. & syntax
4. Conclusions
Intonation
Rising L*H% intonation in wh- questions in Central Catalan is
not related only with curiosity, surprise and interest (Prieto
2004), or courtesy (Payrató 2002), but also with the difference
between original wh- questions (that ask for new information
and are usually falling H*L%) and reclamatory questions (that
call for the repetition of a discourse-old piece of information
and are usually rising).
Counterexpectation has an effect on pitch range in reclamatory
questions. In information-seeking questions it has an effect on
pitch range and contour shape (L+H*L%).
Syntax
Original and reclamatory questions also differ in some syntactic
aspects (wh- word in situ, presence of initial que).
Right dislocated elements in rising and falling wh- questions
follow different intonational rules.
Conclusions
1. Introduction
2. Methodology
3. Results
3.1. Intonation
3.2. Syntax
3.3. Intonat. & syntax
4. Conclusions
1. Introduction
2. Methodology
3. Results
3.1. Intonation
3.2. Syntax
3.3. Intonat. & syntax
4. Conclusions
References
Bolinger, Dwight (1989). Intonation and Its Uses: Melody in Grammar and Discourse.
Stanford, Stanford University Press.
Billmyer, Kristine & Varghese, Manka (2000). Investigating instrument-based pragmatic
variability: Effects of enhancing discourse completion tests, Applied Linguistics
21(4): 517-552.
Face, T.; Prieto, P. (2007). Rising accents in Castilian Spanish: a revision of Sp-ToBI,
Journal of Portuguese Linguistics 6(1): 117-146.
Félix-Brasdefer, J. César (2010). Data collection methods in speech act performance:
DCTs, role plays, and verbal reports, in A. Martínez-Flor and E. Usó-Juan (eds.),
Speech act performance: Theoretical, Empirical, and Methodological Issues.
Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 41-56.
Hualde, José Ignacio (1992). Catalan. London, Routledge.
Payrató, Lluís (2002). L’enunciació i la modalitat oracional, in J. Solà, M.-R. Lloret, J.
Mascaró i M. Pérez Saldanya (eds.), Gramàtica del català contemporani.
Barcelona, Empúries,1151-1217.
Prieto, Pilar (2004). Fonètica i fonologia: els sons del català. Barcelona, Editorial UOC.
Prieto, Pilar & Cabré, Teresa (coords.) (2007-2012). Atles interactiu de l'entonació del
català.
Other Romance and non-Romance varieties show intonational
and syntactic differences between original (or information-seeking)
and reclamatory wh- questions.
Future investigation
1. Introduction
2. Methodology
3. Results
3.1. Intonation
3.2. Syntax
3.3. Intonat. & syntax
4. Conclusions
Original Reclamatory
MA English
Castilian Spanish
Venetian
Friulian
Florentine
...
1. Introduction
2. Methodology
3. Results
3.1. Intonation
3.2. Syntax
3.3. Intonat. & syntax
4. Conclusions
(4)
B: Li vull portar un regal al
Marc. Què li portaries?
A: Un llibre.
(1)
A: És la una.
B: (Que) és la una?
A: Sí.
(2)
A: On vas?
B: (Que) a on vaig?
A: Sí.
(3)
A: Quan vagi a veure el Marc a
París, li portaria un [ehem].
B: Què li portaries?
A: Un llibre.
yes-no
wh word
wh movement
*wh in situ
L*HH% / L+¡H*L%
*yes-no
wh word
wh movement
wh in situ
L*HH%
yes-no
*wh word
*wh movement
*wh in situ
L*HH% / L+¡H*L%
*yes-no
wh word
wh movement
*wh in situ
H*L%
Future investigation
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