caribbean political philosophy
DESCRIPTION
ABSTRACTWestern Political Philosophy in the opinion of this essay is a concerted attempt to project and impose on a hapless people a foundation for immediate, continued domination and exploitation, we, therefore as a united Caribbean people, cannot solve our problems with the same thinking that created them. This paper identifies and discusses the central themes (thinking) of Gordon Lewis’ Main Currents in Caribbean Thought, Paget Henrys’ Calibans Reason, Rex Nettlefords’ “The Battle for Space” and Charles W. Mills’ Blackness Visible. This identification and discussion (generally) is achieved by tracing the evolution of Caribbean Political thought through an examination of race/class, explanations of underdevelopment, perspectives on dependency and the anti colonial movement inter alia. The paper goes on to explain (specifically) the manner in which these works assist in understanding the characteristic features, concerns and content of Caribbean political thought. The final section briefly examines where the Caribbean is at currently by isolating the present set of circumstances engaging the islands. In doing so the paper hopes to make a contribution to the understanding and progress of Caribbean political thought.TRANSCRIPT
NAME: Jepter Lorde
FACULTY: Social Sciences UWI Cave Hill
DEPARTMENT: Government, Sociology and Social Work
DEGREE: B.Sc Political Science and Economics
LECTURER: Dr. Tennyson Joseph
DATE: 22ND November 2013.
Identify and discuss the central themes of Gordon Lewis’ Main Currents in Caribbean Thought, Paget Henry’s Caliban’s Reason, Rex Nettleford’s “The Battle for Space” and Charles W. Mill’s Blackness Visible and explain the manner in which these works assist in your understanding of the characteristic features, concerns and content of Caribbean political thought?
ABSTRACT
Western Political Philosophy in the opinion of this essay is a concerted attempt to project and
impose on a hapless people a foundation for immediate, continued domination and exploitation,
we, therefore as a united Caribbean people, cannot solve our problems with the same thinking
that created them. This paper identifies and discusses the central themes (thinking) of Gordon
Lewis’ Main Currents in Caribbean Thought, Paget Henrys’ Calibans Reason, Rex Nettlefords’
“The Battle for Space” and Charles W. Mills’ Blackness Visible. This identification and
discussion (generally) is achieved by tracing the evolution of Caribbean Political thought through
an examination of race/class, explanations of underdevelopment, perspectives on dependency
and the anti colonial movement inter alia. The paper goes on to explain (specifically) the manner
in which these works assist in understanding the characteristic features, concerns and content of
Caribbean political thought. The final section briefly examines where the Caribbean is at
currently by isolating the present set of circumstances engaging the islands. In doing so the paper
hopes to make a contribution to the understanding and progress of Caribbean political thought.
INTRODUCTION
The Caribbean has been described as an area of European colonisation and exploitation through
slavery and the plantation system according to Dennis Benn (1987), it has also been described in
terms of the product of these conjoined variables, the product of a racial mixture of African,
European and Asian referred to as Creole. Nigel Bolland (2004) describes Creole as locally born
persons of non-native origin, which, in the Americas, generally means people of either African
or European ancestry. This essay goes further and defines this groups’ contribution to this space,
diverse in cultural, ethnic and religious inputs, in terms of the new demands to be made on the
state from the product of the aforementioned conjoining. Contribution is achieved by way of a
clearly articulated political philosophy moderating the competing interest. It is this articulation
that is the purview of this essay. To this end an effort will be made to identify and critically
discuss the central themes of Gordon Lewis’ “Main Currents in Caribbean Thought”, Paget
Henrys’ “Caliban’s Reason”, Rex Nettlefords’ “The Battle for Space” and Charles W. Mills’
“Blackness Visible”. To achieve the necessary coverage of the issues the essay will proceed as
follows: an analysis of the characteristic features, concerns and content of Caribbean political
thought. Comparisons will be made to typically distinctive aspects of African and European
political philosophy (characteristic features), democracy, representation, institutional
arrangement and authority (concerns), equality, social justice, welfare (content). It is by this
comparison to the assumed standard that a location of Caribbean political thought could be made
and understanding of its existence assessed. Finally the understanding sought will be put to use
in locating the Caribbean in this global milieu. It is hoped that a contribution however small will
contribute to the ongoing development of Caribbean Political Thought.
CHARACTERISTIC FEATURES
The assumption that philosophy is held as a European monopoly is grounded in an intellectual
tradition whose history consists of the evolution of men’s thoughts about political problems over
time according to Sabine and Thorson (1973). Thankfully, there is balance to the discussion
accorded by nuanced analysis describing the aforementioned assertion as a false assumption
given that these phenomena as known to the Greek were but artefacts of thought George Belle
(1996). The question must, therefore, be asked to what extent the character of Caribbean political
philosophy shown a level of independence from western political philosophy and by extention an
enlightened path that reflects its African/European/Asian origin and coalescence of its peoples
(Creole).
This coalescence is described, to a large extent, by C W Mills (1998) as “the coexistence of
parallel but incompatible institutional arrangements within a recognised political state” speaks
clearly to the many complex issues engaging the multitude of interest acting within this
Caribbean. Significantly and more importantly, is the anti-colonial struggle that is fought at the
level of the psyche through cultural and spiritual expressions Paget Henry (1997). This essay will
examine both examples and place them into context. Henry argues that religion has undergone
systematic alienation within the Caribbean theatre by way of a “lowering of its register or
importance to thought.” His observations show an embrace of Eurocentric Christianity used by
the former colonials as a tool of control and subordination culminating in a radical
disenfranchising of traditional African religions pertaining to inherited Afro-Caribbean
Christianity (voodoo and shango). He explained:
“A deployment of binaries (negative assertions) led to European/Christian
denials of the existence of an African religious philosophy, significantly and more
importantly, is the anti-colonial struggle that is fought at the level of the psyche
through cultural and spiritual expressions.”
What is noted by Henry is the idea that stagnation has been allowed to take root in the
philosophy allowing gaps for re-colonisation. These gaps are identified by Mills (1998) as he
draws on the efforts of David T Wellman (1993) who made clear:
“It has been argued that the historic source of white racism lies in a combination
of religious intolerance and cultural predispositions to see non-whites as alien.
The medieval battles against Islam are then the precursors of the racism that was
to accompany European expansionism into the world. African religions were seen
as devil worship, black culture and customs viewed as "mumbo jumbo,"
paradigmatically bizarre.”
Henry and Mills collectively recognised the Eurocentric imposition that has come to be known as
Christianity and its use as a tool to negatively impact race relations dividing and colonising a
people. The expectation would be a Caribbean response in defense and ownership of that
cosmology which was African. Instead, according to Belle (1996), an intellectual stasis was the
result complementing the concept of negative binaries. Belle went on to intimate:
“Haitian political actors culturally trivialised and ridiculed voodum. The role of
voodum, a spiritual expression, in the Haitian experience was central for them in
their supernatural and cultural expressions within an anti colonial context.”
Recall Mills (1998) “incompatible institutional arrangement” alluded to earlier; consider that
Henry was able to capture the Haitian dynamic beautifully, this also in the context that Haiti
holds the distinction of being the first independent black state of the new world. He expressed it
as
“A series of extended debates between the major competing racial groups of the:
Euro-Caribbean, Amerindians, Indo-Caribbean and Afro-Caribbean over
projects of colonial domination. The philosophical productions of the Euro-
Caribbean were aimed at effecting European political and social hegemony
(recall Belle (1996)). While, in contrast, the philosophical undertakings of the
Indo-Caribbean and Afro-Caribbean were aimed at destroying European
hegemony by destroying the legitimacy of their colonial projects.”
It is clear from these attempts to define the character of Caribbean political philosophy emphasis
has been placed on its utility as an anti colonial tool for overcoming and overturning projects of
European hegemony according to Henry (1995). At the heart of these projects are attempts to
minimise the effort to develop an alternative to Christianity, reconnection to an African
cosmology that bore witness to the imposition of European dogma and through the
condemnation of Islam. This essay accepts that any attempt to build out a project must at the
same time have a level of self assessment attempted by Mills and Henry in this instance. What
are of concern to this essay are efforts from within to compromise the character of the project. It
is left to be determined if concerns (to be discussed) will suffer the same fate.
CONCERNS
The classic argument in favour of western political thought is found in social-contract theories,
first proposed by seventeenth-century philosophers Thomas Hobbes and John Locke. Social-
contract theory, in fact, constitutes the basis for concerns in modern political thought according
to Andrew Heywood (2004). The argument is referenced to society without government, a so-
called ‘state of nature’. Hobbes poignantly describes this state of nature as being ‘solitary, poor,
nasty, brutish and short’ reinforcing that without government to restrain selfish impulses, order
and stability would be impossible. To what extent has this argument been a part of the
contribution concerning Caribbean political philosophers or has there been a redefining of
Hobbes’ position?
Paget Henry (2000) identifies a situation of what came natural to the African and the colonial
intrusion of a self appointed hegemonic force. In an attempt to locate the discussion within the
confines of the state Henry draws on Kwameh Nkrumah (1965) to establish a modern ideology
unlike the European articulation of Hobbes state of nature. The African assessment is one of
diametric opposition, Nkrumah explains:
“The traditional face of Africa includes an attitude toward man which can only be
described, in its social manifestation, as being socialist. This arises from the fact
that man is regarded in Africa as primarily a spiritual being, a being endowed
originally with certain inward dignity, integrity and value.”
This rationality of the African locates him apart from his European counterpart. Henry
showed the widespread existence of one-party states in Africa was not due to one
particular outlook he opined it pointed to the persistence of a traditional political culture
that included a “grammar” of chiefly or kingly political behaviour. The argument is not
without reason given the application by Plato to the philosopher kings and much later the
Divine Right of Kings show a use of African political structure in an attempt to order a
European society. The Caribbean, however, has shown no such inclination having been to
a large extent “trapped in and shaped by social rivalries, ethnic animosities, weak
personal/social identity and political fragmentation caused by the twin epiphenomena of
slavery and colonialism” according to Gordon Lewis (1983). This is not by accident
Lewis argued that the inability of Caribbean people to come to grips with this reality, that
was not imagined but was real, left them open to continued exploitation. He went on to
explain quite accurately that:
“Slavery was also a powerful ideological deterrent, for it generated a scale of
values in the top, dominant groups of the colonies, in which fear of the black
masses stifled aspiration for national independence. At every turn in the story,
these groups opted for selfish treason rather than for popular revolt.”
Lewis contribution established the consequence of the native bourgeoisie's economic dependence
upon the colonial bourgeoisie. It has never been the intent of the former coloniser to give more
for less on the contrary the intent was one of taking more for less. Observe how the power
struggle ostensibly between colonised and coloniser gets displaced by power relations within the
colonised body politic itself. Remember the argument is one of government structure based on
self interest (Hobbes and Locke) against one based on consensus (Paget Henry). Seemingly self-
serving political and economic ambitions knows no boundary and does not seek to serve the
interests of the newly independent proletariat. Frantz Fanon (1963) suggests the ways in which
intellectual leaders often betray the national working-class:
“Before independence, the leader generally embodies the aspirations of the
people for independence, political liberty, and national dignity. but as soon as
independence is declared, far from embodying in concrete form the needs of the
people in what touches bread, land, and the restoration of the country to the
sacred hands of the people, the leader will reveal his inner purpose: to become
the general president of that company of profiteers impatient for their returns
which constitutes the national bourgeoisie.”
Fanons assessment is encapsulated by a more specific argument against the existence of a
Caribbean Philosophy, it is the perception of the absence of an intellectual tradition, and the
belief the Caribbean is a cultural desert. The widely held view of the Caribbean as a region of
the three S’s: sea, sand and sex. – A notion upon which the tourism industry has been
constructed by and to this day exploited by a select few (national bourgeoisie).
The writers, to a large extent, have highlighted the threats to democracy, representation,
institutional arrangement and authority by way of concerns. A social contract theory
promulgated by the former colonial has been answered by an African option structured on
consensus. A timely observation of the constraints to growth based on petty rivalries is a
reminder of the island state vulnerability to external influence. This essay suggests that betrayal
of the political elite fairly represents the intellectual dilemma the Caribbean is now facing if
Fanon (1963) is accepted. This essay argues that if these concerns were addressed maybe the
stability of the natural African heritage would have offered up a leader and a type of governance
sensitive to the masses and diversification needed. This essay understands the contribution of
Henry and Lewis in attempting to show there was an intellectual tradition drawing attention to
democracy, institutional arrangement and authority to address the myriad of concerns.
CONTENT
Issues that, historically and today, have most concerned political philosophers begin with a set of
questions about equality, justice and welfare. These could be thought of as an enquiry into the
best form of state according to David Miller (1998). It is a fact that for most of our history
human beings have not been governed by states hence the free roaming tribes of Africa, Taino
and Kalilingo of the Caribbean and not to be left out the marauding barbarians of Europe. From
the inception this essay has identified a specific group as central to the continued existence of the
Caribbean. Rex Nettleford (1993) and Charles Mills (2007) confirm that centrality by, in the first
instance, identifying the group as one of three broad elements shaping the society in the second
instance, through a specific schema that embodies a racial polity both starting at diverging points
but eventually reaching a mutually understood location.
Nettleford has been innovative using the concept of space to draw attention to social injustice; he
describes maronnage or “the retreat into safe psychic sanctums calling on inner reserves beyond
the reach of external violators.” This retreat came about with the use of language to
communicate, plan and execute rebellion in a tongue foreign to the invaders bringing some
equality to a struggle that was always almost dictated by the colonial. He explained
“.....Creole, in the proper sense of native-born, native-bred and not in the sense of
an aberration of a dialect to the norm of a standard tongue. The very code
switching , so normal to Caribbean people in the liberal use of Creole for
appropriate circumstances transformed to the lingua franca as the occasion
demands (sometimes in one sentence), is a sign of the capacity to master the flow
between inner and outer space on one level.”
The code switching to which he refers is an attempt to push back an institution not sympathetic
to the Creole. To organise and communicate meant the mastery of a tongue foreign to the
colonial because the institutions to which he had a monopoly were unequal, lacked social justice
and had no welfare. This was identified by an economic relationship that marginalised tray
merchants placing the Caribbean person on the periphery of existence according to Nettleford
(1993). The exclusion from the vicinity of “formal commercial enterprises” driving the trader
underground to the informal economy away from the formal economy clearly establishes a prima
facie case for the judicial, executive and legislative institutions to answer with regard to the
adopted precepts of western political thought.
Mills wasted no time highlighting the fact that race has been essentially reduced to a minimal
debate, glossed over, and otherwise left out of the majority of the multiculturalism literature
Mills (1998). His evaluation was logical and nuanced, he argued that:
“Tracing the evolution of the concepts of race and ethnicity race began as a
biological and therefore immutable aspect of the human condition, while ethnicity
was and is seen as a consequence of culture. Racism and ethnocentrism were
differentiated by their essential characterisations: Race is a consequence of biology
and therefore racism presumes a biological hierarchy; ethnicity is a consequence
of culture and therefore ethnocentrism requires a surrender of cultural distinction
and assimilation.”
Given the consensus within the scientific community that biological race and thus biological
hierarchy do not exist, what pertains in the Caribbean, therefore, in the form of Creole ethnicity
and ethnocentrism are seen as relatively more logical and reasoned according to Mills (2007).
There is confirmation of this assessment by Lewis (1983). He articulated a position that the
Caribbean’s single greatest contribution to political thought is its open exploration of the
question concerning race. This exploration, as Lewis puts it, possibly offers a counter to a
Eurocentric fetish with its misplaced presumption of superiority on the subject, a sober
Caribbean response. The content of Caribbean thought being characterised as overly concerned
with the use of race converges to the concept of Creole recall the alignment sought earlier by
Nettleford (1993) and Mills (2007) it is no wonder, therefore, that ethnicity as articulated by
Mills (2007) is seen as a more politically palatable category to discuss and philosophically
legitimate engaging the polity at all levels.
As a people are we therefore satisfied with the aforementioned argument in its attempt to
reconcile what is a contentiously debated topic? This essay suggest that the attempt at
convergence is likely due to the challenge of the (particularism) of Caribbean Political thought
essentially a question of authenticity which can be defined as of undisputed origin, genuine,
reliable and trustworthy. It is a question of who constitutes the Caribbean person, in this case the
African or Asian or European or is it the Creole or maybe none of the previously mentioned.
Since it is suggested by some that the attempt at convergence is unlikely must the debate be
reduced to one or the other in an attempt to secure an answer? This essay further suggests a
complexity that cannot be determined by way of who has the right to speak on behalf of the
Caribbean and a claim of superiority. To attempt this would in the opinion of this essay reduce
the debate to that which western political thought is - insecure in its biological existence. This is
where maturity and understanding is paramount in the construction of a worthwhile paradigm
independent of western political dogma.
UNDERSTANDING CARIBBEAN POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY
The term "political philosophy" often refers to a view, specific political belief or attitude about
politics that does not necessarily belong to the technical discipline of philosophy. In short,
political philosophy is the activity, as with all philosophy, whereby the conceptual apparatus
behind such concepts as aforementioned are analysed, in their history, intent, evolution and the
like according to Jean Hampton (1997). Tim Hector questioned, "Where is our philosophy?" as if
to imply that the aforementioned concepts are yet to be found or worst not understood and
overlooked. His ask is reasonable given the time our people have occupied this space with the
accompanying accoutrements of independence and must be answered against a background of
accepted criteria as to what a political philosophy is Hampton (1997).
Right or wrong the confluence, convergence, divergence, lack of application that has become
synonymous with these islands gives what they have to say a genuine uniqueness. Since
independence, for all the limitations, they have not found the need to go on crusades slaughtering
millions in the name of God, use an intellectually convenient ideology to foist on the rest of the
world a self serving expansionist ideology under developing Africa and the Caribbean in the
name of capitalism, murder its own in two world wars and as this essay concludes present
globalisation as the new destabilising force. It is the position of this essay that the writers have
been able to establish a prima facie case toward a political philosophy; there is history, intent and
evolution however more needs to be done if only to say Caribbean political philosophy is not
what western political philosophy is. As long as the peoples resist the urge to lean toward their
own understanding Caribbean Political Philosophy has a chance to become a global solution to
its Western Political nemesis.
CONCLUSION
It is clear that an understanding of Caribbean political philosophy is an understanding of the post
colonial project and the need for the Caribbean to extricate itself from the political dogma that is
Eurocentric in construction and delivery. In summary this characterisation of Caribbean thought
places a high value on overturning projects of European hegemony Nettleford (1995). So
important is this aspect of the project that an epistemology, ontology perspective was developed
to give structure and ground the thinking given the purported monopoly expressed by the
European. Henry (2000) highlights the key thematic lines along which Caribbean political
thought has thus far been expressed. This, however, has not been without controversy the claim
that the Caribbean’s single greatest contribution to global thought is its exploration of the
question of race Lewis (1983) has triggered the characterisation as overly concerned with the
utilisation of race as an analytical category. Mills (2007) answers the characterisation with a
nuanced alternative articulating that biological race and thus biological hierarchy do not exist,
what pertains in the Caribbean in a form of Creole ethnicity and ethnocentrism.
If exclusively defined by the Western Political standards the Caribbean would be hard pressed to
identify a political philosophy, the debate is thus confined to what is important to the people
occupying the space. The fundamental difference is with application of what needs to be done
given that the Caribbean is young relative to its European counterpart then there is more to be
accomplished. This essay understands the confluence, convergence, divergence, dialectic that has
become synonymous to these balkanised geographical dispersed islands. This essay accepts that
understanding of a situation comes not with a presumption of right or wrong but openness to
arguments, that, if placed on a balance of probabilities could become the reality of the reader.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
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Benn, Dennis. 1987 Ideology and Political Development: the Growth and Development of Political Ideas in the Caribbean 1774-1983. Jamaica: ISER, Mona.
Bolland, Nigel. 2004 The Birth of Caribbean civilization: A century of ideas about culture and identity, nation and society Kingston: Ian Randle
Fanon, Frantz. 1963 The Wretched of the Earth. New York: Grove Press.
Hampton, Jean. 1997. Political Philosophies and Political Ideologies, Montreal: Westview Press.
Heywood, Andrew. 2004 Political Ideologies, 3rd Edition: An Introduction, USA: Palgrave McMillan
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Miller, David. 1998. Political philosophy in E. Craig (Ed.), Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy, London: Routledge.
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Mills, Charles. 2007 “Multiculturalism as/and/or Anti-Racism?” in Multiculturalism and Political Theory Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
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Wellman, David T. 1977 Portraits of White Racism, 2d ed, New York: Cambridge University Press.