doctoral thesis (tokyo university of foreign...
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博士学位論文（東京外国語大学）
Doctoral Thesis (Tokyo University of Foreign Studies)
氏 名 Purna Bahadur Karki
学位の種類 博士（学術）
学位記番号 博甲第 227号
学位授与の日付 2017年 5月 24日
学位授与大学 東京外国語大学
博士学位論文題目 Post-war instability and Human Security in Nepal
Name Purna Bahadur Karki
Name of Degree Doctor of Philosophy (Humanities)
Degree Number Ko-no. 227
Date May 24, 2017
Grantor Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, JAPAN
Title of Doctoral
Thesis
Post-war instability and Human Security in Nepal
POST-WAR INSTABILITY AND HUMAN
SECURITY IN NEPAL
By
KARKI, Purna Bahadur
Supervisor: Prof. FUJII, Takeshi
An Academic Dissertation Submitted to the Tokyo University of Foreign Studies in
Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
Doctoral Program of Graduate School of Global Studies Tokyo University of Foreign Studies
December 2016
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Table of Contents Acknowledgments ........................................................................................................................... 3 List of Abbreviations........................................................................................................................... 5 Glossary of Nepali Terms .................................................................................................................... 8 Introduction ...................................................................................................................................... 9 0.1 Background of the Study ............................................................................................................... 9 0.2 Academic Significance of the Study .............................................................................................. 13 0.3 Overview of the Methodology ...................................................................................................... 15 0.4 Theoretical Frameworks of Peace Building ................................................................................... 17 0.5 Outline of the Forthcoming Chapters ............................................................................................ 20 Chapter 1: Country Profile of Nepal ........................................................................................... 23 1.1 Geographical and Administrative Divisions of Nepal ......................................................... 23 1.2 Historical Overview of Nepal and Its Conflicts .................................................................... 24 1.3 Land Ownership and People .................................................................................................. 30 1.4 Economic Overview of Nepal During the Insurgency .......................................................... 31 1.5 Political Development of the Post Conflict ........................................................................... 35 Chapter 2: Literature Review ...................................................................................................... 39 2.1 Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 39 2.2 Post-Conflict Situation of Nepal ............................................................................................ 41 2.3 Root Causes of the Conflict .................................................................................................... 43 2.4 Background of Nepali Political Parties ................................................................................. 53 2.4.1 Political Behavior and Leadership ..................................................................................... 57 2.4.2 Democratization in Nepal ................................................................................................... 60 2.4.3 Political Parties and People ................................................................................................ 66 2.4.4 Development of Political Parties ........................................................................................ 72 2.4.5 Prospects for Nepali Politics ............................................................................................... 76 2.4.6 Social Structure ................................................................................................................... 82 2.5 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................... 86 Chapter3: The Maoist Insurgency and Conflict Resolution ...................................................... 94 3.1 History of the Maoist Party ................................................................................................... 94 3.2 Preparation for the Maoist People’s War .............................................................................. 95 3.3 The Maoist Insurgency ........................................................................................................... 99 3.4 Stakeholder Analysis ............................................................................................................ 110 3.5 Ongoing Conflicts in Nepal .................................................................................................. 118 3.6 Management of the Ongoing Conflicts in Nepal ................................................................ 122 3.7 Armed Conflict and the Peace Process in Nepal ................................................................ 125 3.8 Uniqueness of Nepal’s Peace Process .................................................................................. 133 3.9 Prospective Solution for the Peace-Building Process ........................................................ 136 3.10 The Recent Political Situation (2006-2016) ...................................................................... 138 3.11 Conclusion ........................................................................................................................... 143 Chapter 4: Peace Building in Nepal and Data Analysis .......................................................... 147 4.1 Peace Building in Nepal ....................................................................................................... 147 4.2 Analysis ................................................................................................................................. 151 4.2.1 Peace Building Assistance Needs ..................................................................................... 151 4.2.2 Capacity Building .............................................................................................................. 155 4.2.3 Do Ethnicity and Caste Cause Problems for Peace Building? ....................................... 160 4.2.4 Is Nepal Trapped in Contentious Politics? ...................................................................... 167 4.2.4.1 The Maoist Movement and its Relation with Indigenous Ethnic People ................... 168 4.2.4.2 Identity Politics .............................................................................................................. 172 4.2.4.3 Findings .......................................................................................................................... 176 4.3 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................. 177
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4.4 Data Analysis ........................................................................................................................ 180 4.4.1 Introduction ....................................................................................................................... 180 4.4.2 Peace-Building Process: Need, Progress and Problems .................................................. 180 4.4.3 Connecting Freedom With Peace Building and Human Security .................................. 188 4.4.4 Political Leadership Saving Democracy .......................................................................... 193 4.4.5 Findings ............................................................................................................................. 196 4.4.6 Recommendations: Minimization of Conflicts and Successful Implementation of Peace
Building Process ......................................................................................................................... 206 4.4.2 Conclusion .......................................................................................................................... 211 Chapter 5: Human Security in Nepal ....................................................................................... 212 5.1 Human Security .................................................................................................................... 212 5.2 Human Security and Peace Building .................................................................................. 217 5.3. Impacts of the Armed Conflict in Nepal ............................................................................ 222 5.4 Analysis ................................................................................................................................. 226 5.5 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................. 229 Chapter 6: Conclusion of this Study ......................................................................................... 234 Bibliography ................................................................................................................................ 244 Appendix 1: Questionnaire ........................................................................................................ 279 Appendix 2: Questionnaire ........................................................................................................ 281 Appendix 3. Chronological events related to the monarchy and politics of Nepal ................ 282 Appendix 4: Timeline of political instability after the massacre of the royal family ............ 284 Appendix 5: Interviews with stakeholders of Nepal ................................................................ 288 Appendix 6: Maoists’40-point demands .................................................................................... 378 Appendix 7: 12-point understanding reached between the Seven Political Parties and Nepal
Communist Party (Maoists) ....................................................................................................... 382 Appendix 8:No.of people killed from 1996 to August 2004 (classification by district) .......... 385 Appendix 9: Number of people killed during the six years after the CPA ........................... 386 Appendix 10: Nepal Poverty Map .............................................................................................. 387
Table Table 1 Country Profile and Economic Overview of Nepal During the Insurgency in 2001. .......................... 33 Table 2 Results of the 1991 General Election for 205 Seats ............................................................................ 55 Table 3 Results of the 1994 Mid-Term Poll for 205 Seats ................................................................................ 56 Table 4 Ethnic and Caste Proportions in the Nepali Population ...................................................................... 84 Table 5 Internal Conflicts in Nepal ................................................................................................................ 119 Table 6 Participants and Supporters ............................................................................................................. 125 Table 7 Peace Building Assistance Needs .................................................................................................... 152 Table 8 Gini Coefficients of Income Distribution Patterns ......................................................................... 158 Table 9 Ethnicity, Language, and Religion of Nepal’s Population in the 2011 Census ................................... 163 Table 10 Non-Maoist Violent Conflicts (Riots and Insurgencies) in Nepal, 1990-2006 ................................. 175 Table 11Contentious Activities of Dalits after 1990 .................................................................................... 175 Table 12 Sources of Human Insecurity .......................................................................................................... 218 Table 13 Armed Conflict Intensity Stages ..................................................................................................... 222 Table 14 IDPs Figures Since 2003 .................................................................................................................. 223
Figure 1 Country Map of Nepal ...................................................................................................................... 32
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Acknowledgments
During my research and writing the present dissertation, I received a great deal of support
from a number of people. I would like to express my gratitude to everyone who provided me
with valuable comments and suggestions to help lay the foundation of this study.
Throughout the research, I received useful guidelines from, and had active debates with,
my supervisor, Professor FUJII Takeshi. Above all, he provided me with the insight to seize
the sociopolitical dynamics of the topic. Without his prompt guidance, it would have been
impossible for me to achieve this study. His teaching allowed me to gain a method of social
scientific analysis, to apply it to my thesis “Post-War Instability and Human Security in Nepal”
and then to conceptualize this study successfully.
I would like to express my heartfelt thanks to Professor HACHIOSHI Makoto, Professor
ISHII Hiroshi and Professor Leigh Faulkner, who provided me with sufficient guidelines to
complete this work. I have profited from their valuable comments and suggestions to improve
my research.
I am deeply grateful to the International Training Program (ITP-AA) for providing me with
the opportunity to carry out field studies at the School of Oriental and African Studies
(SOAS), University of London, where I was able to adopt a theoretical and analytical
approach to this research. During my stay at SOAS, I received valuable comments and
regular guidance from, and had intellectual debates with, my mentor, Dr. Lawrence Saze. His
contribution has been invaluable to my research. I would also like to extend my sincere
thanks to everyone who assisted me in carrying out interviews during my field research,
provided valuable information for this study, and participated actively in discussion during
my visit. I must thank Mr. Sanjya Dhoj Bhandari, who continuously assisted me in holding
interviews during my stay in the UK.
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I have been very fortunate to access first-hand information from the Prime Minister and
senior leaders of political parties who have played a vital role in the Nepal peace process and
national political discourse. I have had a great opportunity to carry out this research by using
a qualitative approach. I thank Bhim Nath Regmi, Arjun Parajuli, Nilam Tiwari, Tara Bhusal,
Tek Raj Prarsai, and Sanjoy Thapa for their contribution to my field studies in Nepal.
I have also benefited from my friends and the staff at TUFS who either provided active
comments for my research or were supportive in other ways, and gave me necessary advice. I
am deeply grateful to UMEDA Yumiko, ISHIDA Rie, Mac James, and ADACHI Kyosuke.
I would also like to thank the Rotary Yoneyama Memorial Foundation for providing me
with a scholarship that gave me the opportunity to concentrate on my study without any
financial hardships. Without their contribution, I could not have accomplished this study.
I appreciate the Fuji Xerox Co., Ltd Setsutaro Kobayashi Memorial Fund for providing me
with the grant and generous support to this research.
Last but not least, I am grateful to my family members who have constantly supported me
and encouraged me to complete my research, especially my loving sons, Anmol Bahadur
Karki and Aavash Bahadur Karki, my daughter Ashima Kumari Karki, my caring wife, my
sisters Sita and Rita, and my mother. Without their understanding and support, I could not
have achieved this.
KARKI Purna Bahadur
December 1, 2016
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List of Abbreviations ACCA Association of Chartered Certified Accountants ADB Agricultural Development Bank
ADB Asian Development Bank
BIPPA Bilateral Investment Promotion and Protection Agreement
CA Constituent Assembly
CBS Central Bureau of Statistics
CHR Commission on Human Rights
CIA Central Intelligence Agency
CPA Comprehensive Peace Accord
CPN Communist Party of Nepal
CPN (M) Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)
CPN (UC) Communist Party of Nepal (Unity Centre)
CPNUML Communist Party of Nepal United Marxist and Leninist
CSWC Community Study and Welfare Centre
CWB Child Welfare Board
CWNCC Child Workers in Nepal Concerned Center
EC European Commission
FPP First-past-the-post
GDO German Development Organization
(Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit)
GDP Gross Domestic Product
GNIPC Gross National Income Per Capita
GNP Gross National Product
HDI Human Development Index
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HDR Human Development Report
HMG His Majesty’s Government
HR House of Representatives
ICG International Crisis Group
IDMC Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre
IDPs Internally Displaced Persons
IIDEA The International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance
ILO International Labour Organization
INF International Nepal Fellowship
INGO International Non-Governmental Organization
ISSC Informal Sector Service Centre
JTMM Janatantric Tarai Mukti Morcha
KNF Khambhuwan National Front
ML Marxist-Leninist
MNO Mongol National Organisation
MPs Members of Parliament
MPRF Madeshi People’s Rights Forum
MRD Movement for Restoring Democracy
NA Nepalese Army
NC Nepali Congress
NDO Netherlands Development Organization
NGO Non-Governmental Organization
NMVA Nepal Maoists Victims’ Association
NRN Non-Resident Nepali NSP Nepal Sadbhavana Party
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OHCHRUN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights of the United Nations
PLA People’s Liberation Army
PM Prime Minster
PWG People’s War Group
RPPN Rashtriya Prajatantra Party Nepal
RRN Rural Reconstruction Nepal
RUPP Rural Urban Partnership Program
SC Supreme Court
SCA Save the Children Alliance
SE State of Emergency
SPA Seven Party Alliance
TMDP Terai Madhes Democratic Party
TRC Truth and Reconciliation Commission
ULF United Left Front
UMLP United Marxist and Leninist Party
UN United Nations
UNDP United Nations Development Programme
UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization
UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
UNOCHA United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
UNPFN United Nations Population Fund Nepal
UNPMN United Nations Political Mission in Nepal
UPFN United People’s Front of Nepal
VDC Village Development Committee
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Glossary of Nepali Terms banda shutdown
Bidhaika Samsad Legislative Parliament
chaka jam blockade of vehicles/buses, etc. during strikes
Jana Andolan, 1990s People’s Movement, 1990s
Jana Andolan II Popular Mass Movement II
jaljala shrine
Nepali Nepalese
Nepalko Jatiya Prashna Ethnic Question of Nepal
Pratinidhi Sabha House of Representatives
Samsad Parliament
Rashtriya Sabha Upper House Sija Sisne Peak
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Introduction 0.1 Background of the Study
The conflict in Nepal started in 1996, when the Maoists proclaimed the so-called People’s
War and launched an armed insurgency against the monarchy. The United People’s Front of
Nepal (UPFN) launched a people’s war in 1996. This war was responsible for violence in the
50 districts of Nepal. The revolt by the civilians witnessed atrocities, such as mass killing,
bloodshed, bombing in the country and extortion. The Maoists also attacked the Nepali
Government, and many strikes were carried out nation-wide. This insurgency was ignited by
such leaders as Pushpa Kamal Dahal (a.k.a. "Prachanda") and Baburam Bhattarai, and is also
considered as "People's War", i.e., a self-declared Maoist insurgency.1 On February 13, the
CPN (M) attacked four districts in the country and declared an armed uprising against the
feudal government of Nepal, with the aim of establishing a People’s Republic of Nepal, based
on Marxism, Leninism, and Maoism. Thapa and Sijapati state,
[A]t about 3.45 pm a group of people, both men and women, took possession, almost
without any resistance, of the office of Small Farmer’s Development, Development
Bank in Chyangli, in Gorkha district in Central Nepal… The same day in the evening
three police outposts, one each in Rolpa and Rukum in western Nepal and one in
Sindhuli in eastern Nepal, were seized by armed youths shouting Marxist-Leninist and
Maoist slogans.2
Since its inception, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) CPN (M) had vowed to aid
the long-ignored and deprived people of Nepal. Therefore, the Maoist insurgency was
therefore deeply rooted in the rural areas that constituted the major parts of the country. The
1 Pike, J. "Nepal Insurgency- 1996." Globalsecurity.org. 2015.
http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/war/nepal_insurgency-1996.htm. Accessed September 15, 2015.
2 Thapa and Sijapati, A Kingdom under Siege: Nepal’s Maoist insurgency, 1996 to 2003, 49.
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CPN (M) forced women and children to join the party and united the isolated youth of the
rural mid-western region. By November, 2001, it had captured 30 districts, and, after the
breakdown of the ceasefire on 23 November, 2001, the insurgency affected the entire country.
After the declaration of a state of emergency in 2001, the military were mobilized to
control the rebellion. Later, the Maoists started looting, destroying public property and killing
political figures. The increasing acts of violence greatly affected the daily lives of the general
populace. In the next year, 2002, the Maoists increased their level of attack on the civilians.
Their atrocities increased, culminating in the killing of 170 police and army troops, and they
shut down the country when they called a two-day strike on February, 2002. This violence
took the form of full warfare and, as such, invited the government's immediate attention.
Thereafter, the Maoists put forward the following three demands: (1) Nepal should be freed
from the monarchy; (2) a newly formed Constituent Assembly (CA) should write a new
constitution for Nepal; (3) the current government should resign so that an all-party interim
government could manage the CA elections. As was expected, the government rejected all of
these demands and told the Maoists to end the violence that they had practiced in Nepal. The
Maoists, however, got exasperated at this demand of the government and broke the ceasefire
by resuming their attacks.3 This could be observed directly in frequent boycotts of economy-
driving activities. The so-called People’s War claimed the lives of more than 12,000 people
(including women and children) and created thousands of casualties.4 The destruction of vital
infrastructure has pushed back the development process of the country by more than a decade,
and only recently has it shown signs of recovery.5 Nepal reported increasing cases of
depression, post-traumatic stress disorder and suicide which were supposed to be wholly due
3 Pike, J. "Nepal Insurgency- 1996." Globalsecurity.org. 2015.
http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/war/nepal_insurgency-1996.htm. Accessed September 15, 2015.
4 The Informal Sector Service Centre (INSEC), 2010, victim report. http://www.insec.org.np/victim/reports/total.pdf. Accessed on September 20, 2011.
5 The conflict ended with the signing of the CPA on November 21, 2006, between the government and the rebels.
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to the war. The health experts estimated an upsurge of 30% in mental health problems of
Nepali people.6
Furthermore, the Nepali Government’s response to the victims was seriously inadequate.
Offenders continued to enjoy immunity from prosecution for violations of human rights. It
was almost impossible for victims to seek justice. In light of the foregoing, the present
research examines the human security7 inputs into Nepal that may enhance freedom through
capability building. Furthermore, education, health, economic income, and social inclusion
are among the other necessary aspects in the peace-building process. However, there have
been few attempts to look on these aspects as factors enhancing the freedom of the people,
which has been greatly hampered by the insurgency. Under such conditions, I would like to
clarify the following three questions:
Why does Nepal need peace building?
(N.B. The first question will be addressed in great detail in Chapter 3.)
Who are the main actors involved in delineating the potential connection between
freedom and peace building?
(N.B. The second question will be discussed extensively in Chapter 4.)
What are possible inputs from the discipline of human security that might enhance
freedom?
(N.B. The third question will be dealt with in Chapter 5.)
My hypothesis is that post-war8 political instability affects human security. An analysis of
the existing literature and scholarly discussions reveals that scholars believe that the political
6 "Mental Health in Nepal; A Psychiatric’s Views,." Health, Science, and Technology in Nepal. February 1,
2008. Accessed September 17, 2015. 7 Human Security: freedom from fear and freedom from wants. It includes human rights, human needs,
human development, as well as security, and it should be of the individual rather than the state. Further, the essential components of human security are economic security, food security, health security, political security and community security.
8 The Nepal Maoist decade war between the Nepali Government and CPN (M) formally ended with a peace agreement in November, 2006. Thereafter, the postwar period started.
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discourse and the democratization process in Nepal since 1991, and even post-1990s, have
resulted in different outcomes for the Nepali people and for the country’s political system.
According to Dev Raj Dahal,
Nepal’s political institutions had rested on the commitment to popular sovereignty,
parliamentary supremacy, and political openness. But the political process of Nepal
revolves around powerful personalities rather than institutions. The familial and
dynastic succession of leadership has bred a patrimonial culture.9
Poor political institutionalization has blurred the boundaries between institutions.
According to Robert A. Scalapino,
Political institutionalization is the process whereby a political structure is made
operational in accordance with stipulated rules and procedures, enabling more
regularized, hence predictable, patterns of political behavior, minimum trauma in
power transfer, and a foundation for the effective development of policies as well as
the application of justice.10
Dahal mentions, furthermore, that the government gave up policy making in favor of
market forces. The withdrawal of the state from society created a vacuum of security and
authority and the onset of the People's War.11 In the middle of April, 2006, mass movements
against the king led to the curtailment of the power of monarchy, and Nepal became a federal
democratic republic. Despite the change of regimes, however, the behavior of political parties
and the functioning of the state were largely unchanged. Thus, to rebuild the state, Nepali
political parties and the government needed to address the post-conflict issues and cope with
9 Dahal, National Security, Security Sector Reforms and Civil-Security Relations in Nepal, 2.
http://www.nepaldemocracy.org/civic_education/Civil-Military%20relations.pdf. Accessed on September 20, 2011.
10 Scalapino, “Legitimacy and Institutionalization,” 59. 11 Dahal, National Security, Security Sector Reforms and Civil-Security Relations in Nepal, 3.
http://www.nepaldemocracy.org/civic_education/Civil-Military%20relations.pdf Accessed on September 20, 2011.
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the problems of society by raising the quality of leadership and curbing the irresponsibility of
constitutional actors. To date, Nepal has attempted to establish a democratic system, but the
concept has yet to be put into practice on account of a lack of political will. Therefore, to
stabilize Nepali politics and to safeguard its economic prospects, the root causes of the
country’s instability should be addressed through a holistic approach and from the angle of
human security so that the nation can realize a definite change.
0.2 Academic Significance of the Study In this dissertation, I would like to provide a practical model for peace building to help
resolve the ongoing conflict in Nepal. One basic reason for the insurgency was the inadequate
development of Nepal. Due to the complex geography, Nepal needed to spend a huge amount
of money on the development of infrastructure so as to develop the country equally, but in
fact it failed to achieve that national goal. Similarly, the caste hierarchy has been a problem.
Except for the higher caste people, the others felt dominated and the government could not
address the public concern effectively. These two principal issues led the people to experience
political marginalization and created economic inequality and ideological differences that
were fundamentally linked to the roles played by different actors. These factors have led me
to adopt a rights-based approach. Indeed, there are different models for mediating conflicts
throughout the world. However, the Nepali peace process follows its own unique path, which
may be applied to conflicts elsewhere in the world in the future for similar types of conflict.
Only in this respect do the findings of this study have a potential application beyond Nepal.
The focus of this approach is the management or resolution of the conflict for the
transformation of the state apparatus to achieve a comprehensive political system. Jhala Nath
Khanal, President of CPNUML, has informed me that we are in the last stage of the peace
process, that I am doing my thesis on this very issue, and that as long as the peace process of
Nepal gets to a logical end, my thesis will definitely get completed. If my document becomes
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a part of this peace process, it would be more logical and convincing in this regard.12
Furthermore, a well-established theory of human security can contribute to understanding
the merit of linkage between human freedom and peace building. In this research, I intend to
explore the relationship between peace building and the broader concept of freedom by
examining the roles and actors toward Nepalese determination. There are several reports
which have claimed that peace building is necessary not only in post-conflict countries but
also in countries in active conflict. No systematic study has yet been undertaken to find a
linkage between peace building and the perspectives of human security paradigms, especially
with regard to Nepal. The present research intends to test the idea that peace building is not a
final target for the Nepalese, but rather a necessary mechanism toward enhancing their
freedom. Further, this research intends to shift our current understanding of peace building
from a theoretical to a practical one.
This study analyzes the concrete situation of Nepal and Nepali society from a
developmental and human security perspective. Nepali society could be considered to be still
in the stage of the pre-twenty-first century in its development, with people lacking the most
fundamental necessities and comforts. Baburam Bhattarai accepts that
Most of the Nepali people living in rural areas practice very primitive and subsistence
farming and the majority of the populace are poor, unemployed, and socially excluded.
People continue to face gender, caste, and regional discrimination.13
Without a drastic shift of Nepalese society from its old hierarchy to a new sociopolitical
structure, no sustainable peace would be possible. Therefore, this study focuses on finding the
root causes of past violence in Nepal and identifies a solution definitively.
In the Nepalese context, this may be the first research into establishing a relation between
peace building and enhancing freedom. Herein, freedom refers to the manner in which human
12 Jhal Nath Khanal, answer to a question. See Appendix 5, 315. 13 Baburam Bhattarai, answer to a question. See Appendix 5, 317.
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security enhances the capacity of people to develop their potential and live in dignity, free
from poverty and despair. In other words, the fundamentals of human life are freedom from
fear, freedom from want and freedom to live in dignity.
Geographically, Nepal lies between two large Asian countries i.e. China and India, and
we must consider their own vested interests in this Himalayan country in addition to the
interests of Nepali politicians and the common people. The volatile situation in Nepal will
have a direct impact on the two adjoining countries. Sustainable peace in Nepal will be
possible only when there is a peaceful power balance between the neighboring countries. The
findings in these areas will be a great stimulus for further research. Another innovative aspect
of this study is that it attempts to establish an analytical link between the people’s
determination and the role played by different actors.
0.3 Overview of the Methodology In this research, a number of methods were used to access data and information. However,
more emphasis was given to qualitative aspects, such as field surveys and deskwork, for
which two major research tools – questionnaires and interviews – were used. In addition,
secondary data was collected through an extensive literature review and a systematic
comparison. In order to understand Nepal’s contemporary discourse and politico-economic
and societal contexts, the social components were examined and then oral history was
recorded. Further, discussions were held with the relevant political actors, leaders of political
parties, and leaders of civil society so as to comprehend societal views and ideas.
The questionnaires in Appendices 1 and 2 were analyzed in detail to evaluate Nepal’s
peace process and political development during and after the conflict. Interviews were
conducted about the current political discourse with Nepali political actors, including leaders
of political parties, the Nepali Prime Minister, rebellion leaders, experts on the current
conflict, the people directly involved in the peace process at the decision-making level, and
16
those more or less involved in the decade of insurgency. These interviews provided me with
both a comprehensive understanding of the political situation and the tools to analyze future
scenarios in political science as well as to evaluate the process of cause and effect in
particular.
Similarly, Appendices 3 and 4 evaluate the chronological events that have a strong
correlation with the current political development of Nepal. The political instability of Nepal
has been evaluated by looking at the timeline from the massacre of the royal family on June 1,
2001, until the present day. Appendix 5 provides interviews with different stakeholders in
Nepal, such as the Prime Minister and the other ministers and political leaders, with the aim
of understanding the central policy and government views on the Maoist insurgency and the
resulting political situation.
In the course of writing this dissertation, I have presented the following research papers to
international academic conferences; these are also included in this dissertation.
1) “Enhancing Freedom Through Peace Building: Finding Roles, Actors, and Theories
towards Nepalese Determination,”14 at Post-Conflict Peace-Building and Reconstruction
in Societies Emerging from Conflict, June 17–18, 2011, Desmond Tutu Centre for War and
Peace Studies, Liverpool Hope University, UK.
2) “Nepal Armed Conflict and Peace Process in the Human Rights Perspective,”15
14 This conference was devoted to post-conflict reconstruction of society and focused on peace, conflict, and peace-building issues. My paper was about the Maoist insurgency and its effect on the human and social development of Nepal, and it evaluated the stakeholders of Nepalese polity. Further, this research paper was intended to explore the relationship between peace building and the wide concept of freedoms by examining the roles and actors involved in Nepalese determination. Reports have claimed the prevalence of peace building as a necessary condition in post-conflict countries, or even countries in active conflict, but there appears to be no field study done on Nepal in this respect. The research intends to test the idea that peace building, rather than being the ultimate target for the Nepali people, is a necessary mechanism for enhancing their freedom. 15 This paper highlighted key issues such as human rights, reconciliation, justice, public policy, conflict, and enforcement. The symposium focused on conflict as a broad category, especially in the context of political conflicts, territory, identity, etc. The participants were mostly professors, lecturers, and prominent scholars. I had ample opportunity to engage in discussions with them and get their opinions.
The paper illustrates the Maoist armed conflict in Nepal that began in February, 1996. It also explores negotiation and peace talks and the conflict’s development until the date of the CA election, during which the people’s rights were undermined by both parties – the state and the rebels.
Furthermore, the paper discusses two factors of the Maoist insurgency. One is the civil history and origin of
17
at Human Rights in the Aftermath Graduate Symposium, March 8, 2012, University of
California, Davis, California, USA.
3) “Kingship in Nepal: Envisioning Contemporary Perspective,”16 Third Asian
Conference on Arts & Humanities (ACAH) 2012, April 5–8, 2012, Ramada Osaka Hotel,
Osaka, Japan.
4) “The Challenge and Prospect of Nepal CA,”17 South Asian Studies Association’s
(SASA) Sixth Annual Conference, April 12–23, 2012, Claremont Graduate University,
Claremont, California, USA.
The invaluable suggestions, comments, and remarks of many scholars and professors in my
field of study, and of political scientists working in related areas, have helped make this
research more academic and fruitful and have provided the cutting edge in completing this
research.
0.4 Theoretical Frameworks of Peace Building Wendy Lamoure defines peace building as “strategies designed to promote a secure and
the insurgency and the other is the possible tools for negotiating an ongoing peace process. Aside from this, the paper highlights the human rights issue during the conflict itself as well as the subsequent peace process. It goes on to propose traditional and indigenous approaches for conflict resolution strategies. Through conceptual analysis, its rights-based approach will be more suitable than others for reconciliation in a post-conflict nation, such as Nepal.
Finally, this paper finds the reason for the Communist Movement’s success under the conditions of the twentieth-century Himalayan nation: inequality of the state of the rural economy and the people’s normative understanding of democracy. The state actors failed to address the development activities involved in changing political discourse during the 1990s. Therefore, states should consider the human security perspective for the empowerment of its people. 16This was an interdisciplinary conference featuring scholars from different countries and fields. I presented a paper about the Nepali contemporary political discourse and its long-term effects. This paper is published in Sociology Study Journal, September 2012, vol. 2, no. 9, Serial no. 16, David Publishing Company, USA. 17 This conference was attended by South Asian scholars and researchers, who provided a fascinating sociopolitical perspective. I received good comments from them and was able to build up a worldwide network of scholars studying South Asia. My paper highlights the challenges and prospects of the Nepal CA. It evaluates the members’ activities in the peace process, in which Maoist guerrillas moved “from bullet to ballot.” Immediately after its election on April 10, 2008, the Assembly was tasked with writing a new constitution within two years, but failed to meet this deadline despite it being extended several times. Under these circumstances, people are losing patience. Given such a dilemma, informed by intra-party conflict, is the reconstruction of the state possible? Can a new constitution bring peace to Nepal? These two central questions are addressed in this paper. I also analyze the nature and actions of the Assembly itself from both legal and social perspectives. Finally, this research suggests that the CA has lost the people’s mandate, but it is still functioning due to special circumstances. The larger contexts of the 1990 constitution and the recent development activities of the Assembly members indicate the possibility of a severe conflict in Nepal in the near future.
18
stable lasting peace in which the basic human needs of the population are met and violent
conflicts do not recur.”18 Earl Conteh-Morgan proposes a constructive approach of peace
building as society building.19 Rebecca Spence argues that post-conflict peace building
requires an understanding of the root causes of conflicts. Conflict management and
transformation literature reveal that most approaches dealing with conflict are not based on
any explicit theoretical concept. In Theories and Alternative Dispute Resolution Scimecca
mentions a contradiction that “there is…no real theoretical justification for when and why to
use conflict intervention techniques.”20
Since World War II, there have been 228 conflicts in 148 locations around the globe. Of
these, 30 to 42 were estimated to have been armed conflicts until 2004.21 Moreover,
according to Peace Women22, in 2006, 193 countries and 46 nations were experiencing some
form of conflict either internally or with the neighboring countries. About 33 percent, or 15,
of these countries are in Africa.23 By the turn of the twenty-first century, any event in the
world had the potential to pose a threat at local, regional, and global levels and to ultimately
affect the political and economic aspects of these countries and regions.
Most of the existing literature has been based on experiences at international and national
levels and is focused on conflicts over either natural resources or ethnic issues. The conflict
in Nepal was driven by political and social inequality, with neglect of institutions
undermining human rights and human security. The system of highly centralized wealth and
18 Lambourne, “Post Conflict Peace Building”, 3. 19 Conteh-Morgan, “Peace Building and Human Security,” 75–6. “The task of peace building should, first and foremost, be to eliminate the mind-set that compelled people to distrust and question their socio-political and psychological environment. The emphasis should be on combating the structural and cultural sources of insecurity—harmful actions and results linked to new modes of thinking and cognition on society at large. This means engaging in resocialization in order to strengthen commonly held traditional ideas and understanding of political an[d] social life.” 20 Scimecca, “Theory and Alternative Dispute Resolution”, 211. 21 Paffenholz and Spurk, “Civil Society, Civic Engagement,” 13–4. 22 Peace Women.org is a space for peacemaker to engage, learn and be part of a global movement to
advance a holistic Women, Peace and Security Agenda. Source: http://www.peacewomen.org/. Accessed on April 12, 2013.
23 Kang, McDonald, and Bae, eds., Conflict Resolution and Peace Building, 201.
19
power, initiated by the monarchy, remains a fundamental cause of discontent and potential
conflict in Nepal today. Nepal is moving gradually towards a post-conflict environment, but it
does so from a structural, cultural and social foundation of deep inequities.
John Paul Lederach, one of the leading scholars in peace building, states that human
capacities envision new and dynamic patterns of relationships and engagement pertaining to
the concretization of that vision in the world.24 In the pursuit of wide range of social change,
peace building draws primarily upon human creativity to transform the unfamiliar,
entrenched patterns of peace into the norm. Thus, peace building is a tool to prevent, reduce,
transform, and help people recover from, violence in all forms, even structural violence that
has not led to massive civil unrest, according to Lisa Schirch25. It has also been argued that in
order to maintain long-lasting peace, the reemergence of violence should be prevented. Peace
building is important and it consists of three dimensions. The first dimension addresses the
social issues that create the conflict and works on building social, political and economic
foundations to achieve stable peace. The second dimension of peace building focuses on
relationship building, where the effects of hostility during war and conflict are reduced.
Finally, the third dimension of peace building focuses on the individual level. In the post-
conflict situation in Nepal, the eminent fear of violence has subsided; however, the issues still
remain unaddressed.26
To stabilize society, it is important to achieve a negotiated settlement of any violent
conflict. Thus, to understand the discourse of peace, it is imperative that a conceptual
framework should be employed to analyze conflict and peace building in Nepal. There are
several different approaches, such as conflict management, dispute settlement, conflict
resolution, conflict transformation, conflict transmutation and conflict prevention, that are
widely used in peace building. In order to curtail violence and give humanitarian assistance to 24 Lederach, John Paul. The moral imagination: the art and soul of building peace, 29. 25 Schirch, L., The little Book of Strategic Peacebuilding: A vision and framework for peace with justice, 12. 26 Lederach, John Paul. Building peace: sustainable reconciliation in divided societies, 101.
20
victims, it is necessary to hold a political dialogue between the government and the rebel
forces. Protection of human rights, ensuring the security of civilians, generating a congenial
environment for addressing conflicts, and coordination of internal and external parties to
transform the conflict into sustainable peace building are all necessary in conflict-affected
regions. Conflict management seeks to prevent the escalation of conflict and reduce the
negative effects of conflict in society. Conflict resolution resolves political conflict through a
constructive dealing with the problems of conflict. The transformation of the socio-economic
foundation of a political society into a new socio-political structure helps in preventing
further conflict.
Root causes that need to be addressed can be identified by carrying out an extensive
research into the subject of Nepali conflict. This will prevent further violent outbreaks and
help achieve a sustainable transformation from armed conflict to peace. By examining
different schools of thought on peace building and their different conceptual understandings,
it is possible to identify and propose the following approaches:
To minimize further conflicts, a rights-based approach is desirable.
Empower people and civil society through capability building27.
Transform society through the building of infrastructure.
Human security approaches are best for third-world countries like Nepal, because
developing countries are vulnerable in terms of social security28. States often fail to
provide basic facilities to their people.
0.5 Outline of the Forthcoming Chapters In addition to this introduction, the present dissertation comprises six more chapters, in
27 Herein, Capability Building means “the empowerment which encompasses the ability, will and skills to
initiate, plan, manage, undertake, organize, monitor/supervise and evaluate project activities”. Further, at the individual level, it is "activities which strengthen the knowledge, abilities, skills and behavior of individuals and improve institutional structures and processes such that the organization can efficiently meet its mission and goals in a sustainable way.”
28 Herein, social security means social insurance like medical care, unemployment relief, and so on.
21
which the last chapter presents the conclusion of the whole study.
Chapter 1 explains about the country profile of Nepal. It includes the geographical and
administrative divisions of Nepal, the historical overview of Nepal and its conflicts, and the
economic and political development.
Chapter 2 focuses on the literature review concerning the main theme of the study. It
includes a literature review of the post-conflict situation of Nepal, the root causes of the
conflict and its features, and it also discusses the dynamics of state building and the prospects
of political behavior, leadership, and democratization of the political parties and people.
Further, it elaborates on the prospects for Nepali politics, the impact of the social structure,
and other issues of Nepali politics beyond nationalism.
Chapter 3 covers the Maoist revolution and conflict resolution, and provides an overview
of the economy during the insurgency. In addition, it emphasizes the opinions of the
stakeholders and primary actors, and evaluates the approach of the political parties towards
the problem. It also covers ongoing conflicts in Nepal and their management for sustainable
peace, constitutional development, and aspects of conflict resolution. The role of UNMIN,29
which played a crucial part in Nepal’s peace process, is described.
Chapter 4 includes the peace building in Nepal and the data analysis of field researches. It
analyzes the peace building in Nepal and its components, evaluating the problem and
providing the findings. Furthermore, the present study undertakes interviews as a method of
qualitative research. These interviews focus on identifying the current state of people in
Nepal. The present researcher has employed a thematic analysis in the study to gain a deeper
understanding of the issues that are in line with the responses provided by the participants of
field researches. The present study analyzes the transcripts critically in order to provide a
29 The United Nations Mission in Nepal (UNMIN) is a special political mission in support of the peace process in the country. It was established in response to a letter sent to the UN Secretary-General on August 9, 2006, in which the then SPA, Government and the CPN (M) requested UN assistance in creating a free and fair atmosphere for the election of the CA and the entire peace process. Source:http://un.org.np/unmin-archive/?d=about&p=mandate. Accessed on April 12, 2013.
22
conclusion.
Chapter 5 elaborates on human security in Nepal in connection with capability building
and empowerment issues to create prevailing peace, and it also analyzes the social and
political impacts of the armed conflict.
Chapter 6 concludes the study, focusing on post-war instability and human security in
Nepal.
23
Chapter 1: Country Profile of Nepal
1.1 Geographical and Administrative Divisions of Nepal Nepal is an Asian country and is located between India and China. It has an area of
147,181 sq. km, with an average length from east to west of 885 km and an average width
from south to north of 193 km, with a rectangular shape. In comparison to its neighbors, it is
22 times smaller than India and 75 times smaller than China. Nepal shares its border in the
east, west, and south with India. To the north, the country is locked by the Tibetan Plateau
region, and this makes it more complex due to the mountainous terrain. The nearest access to
the sea lies in Indian Territory and is approximately 1,127 km away30.
The altitude of the geographical features of Nepal extend from about 100 m in the southern
Terai to 8,848 m in the Himalayas in the north. Thus, Nepal’s physical landscape is sub-
divided into Terai, Inner Terai, Hills, and Mountains.31 Terai is a narrow strip that extends
from 15 to 40 km in a north-south direction. Terrai is also known as Nepal’s breadbasket.
Nepal has a very fertile landscape in the south, and the south of Nepal shares its border with
India, which has helped them strengthen politico-economic relation and strategic links.
In addition to the above details, it is important to note the features of geographical
locations of Nepal. In average, Nepal lies between 600 and 3000 m above the sea level. The
Hills of Nepal is the prevailing region of the country where the main administrative center of
the country is located in Kathmandu, the capital. Also, from an administrative point of view,
Nepal has 75 districts, which are further sub-divided into municipalities and village
development committees. In addition to this, there are 14 zones, within which there are four
30 Richard Hodder-Williams, Sarah J. Lloyd, and Keith McLachlan, eds. Land-locked States of Africa and
Asia.177. 31 Bhattarai, B. The Nature of Underdevelopment, 28.
24
to five districts; and five more development regions range from north to west, comprising two
to three zones each.32 Thus, there are separate headquarters of all the districts, zones, and
development regions in Nepal. There is a unique historical and political identity to the capital
in that it controls every affair of Nepal and is also considered as the political center of the
country.
1.2 Historical Overview of Nepal and Its Conflicts This study intends to follow the historic conflict analysis of Nepal and its link with
enhancing freedoms through peace building – finding roles, actors, and theories toward
Nepalese determination. It is pertinent here to briefly review the history and political
development of Nepal.
Baburam Bhattarai33 dates the formation of the Nepalese states to the eleventh century AD.
He points out,
[A]fter the 11thcentury, large numbers of Hindu people migrated to Nepal from Indian
plains in the wake of Moslem invasions there. Their introduction of superior production
technology with the attendant social division of labor long stereotyped into hierarchical
class and establishment of petty kingdoms through gradual assimilation of indigenous
tribal communities in most of the central and western hill regions by the fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries marked a qualitative change in class society and emergence of state
structure in the larger parts of the territory of Nepal.34
This process increased the detribalization of the traditional state-communities as new
states were formed one after another in the different parts of Nepal. From the mid-eighteenth
century, Prithvi Narayan Shah began to extend the small territorial state of Gorkha, located in
32 This is according to 1991 Constitution of Nepal but recent political changed draft new Constitution,
2015. It has federal set up and now it under reconstruction and new administration division will be established.
33 Bhattarai, B. The Nature of Underdevelopment, 36. 34 Ibid.
25
the Gandaki region. His unification campaign annexed about 60 petty principalities to form
the state of Nepal. The small states of Chaubise Rajya (24 in number) in the Gandaki region,
Baise Rajya (22 in number) in the Karnali region, and other states in the Kathmandu Valley
and eastern Nepal all lost their independent identities and their peoples became citizens of a
unified Nepal. Thapa and Sijapati state that the first stage in the formation of the Nepali
nation-state was complete by 1768, when Prithvi Narayan Shah conquered the Kathmandu
Valley and shifted his capital there from Gorkha.35
Over a 40-year time span following the death of Prithvi Narayan Shah in 1775, the
territory of Nepal extended all along the foothills of the Himalayas from the “Teesta in east to
the Sutlej in the west,”36 an area “nearly twice the size of today’s Nepal.”37
In a two-year war with the British East India Company in 1814–1816, Nepal lost vast
areas, including Teesta and Sutlej. The Sugauli Treaty signed between Nepal and the East
India Company in 1816 resulted in the present boundaries, from the Mechi River in the east
to the Mahakali River in the west. With the presence of a powerful colonial ruler in India,
Prithvi Narayan Shah’s descendants were unable to retain firm political control, and high-
ranking officials became involved in palace conspiracies that resulted in the assassination of
Bahadur Shah, the youngest son of Prithvi Narayan Shah, and the suicide of Bhimsen Thapa,
a Nepalese nationalist political reformer.38
In 1846, Prime Minister Fateh Jung Chautaria and General Mathabar Singh Thapa
orchestrated a coup that overthrew the political system and made the latter’s nephew, Jung
Bahadur Rana, the effective ruler of Nepal, and all prominent officials who opposed him
were eliminated in the Kot massacre that same year. In 1847, Jung Bahadur Rana dethroned
35 Thapa and Sijapati, A Kingdom under Siege, 13. 36 Bhattarai, Baburam, The Nature of Underdevelopment, 36. 37 Thapa and Sijapati, A Kingdom under Siege, 13. 38 After his father's death, Bahadur Shah went into self-imposed exile in Bettia, India. After the death of his
brother Pratap Singh Shah, he returned to Kathmandu and was killed in jail in 1794. Bhimsen Thapa committed suicide in jail in 1839.
26
King Rajendra and elevated Rajendra’s son Surendra Bikram Shah to the throne.39 Within
three years, he had eliminated all his rivals and appointed his brothers and cronies to all the
highest positions. Though his rule was effectively a dictatorship, he introduced innovations in
the bureaucracy and the judiciary, along with other efforts to modernize Nepal. The Rana
dynasty that he initiated in Nepal in 1846 remained in power until 1951.
During the Rana period, the Nepali people attempted to establish political rights and
assert their sociopolitical-economic identity. The first political party, Praja Parishad, began its
struggle against the Rana regime in 1936, followed by the Nepali Congress (NC) (established
on January 25, 1947), the Nepal Democratic Congress (established on August 4,1948), and
the Communist Party of Nepal (CPN) (Founded on September 15,1949). By 1951, the last
Rana Prime Minister, Mohan Shamsher, faced revolution and entered a coalition with NC.
The revolt of the peasant leader Bhim Datta Panta in western Nepal that year, however,
reflected the incomplete nature of this democratic transition. In a very short time, the regime
collapsed and a new government was declared, under the premiership of Matrika Koirala.
Nepal then entered a decade-long transitional phase of chronic instability. King Tribhuvan40
had already promised the people an election for the CA. His son Mahendra, who came in
power in 1955, declared the king to be the source of all power in the Constitution of the
Kingdom of Nepal 1959. Even then, the political parties failed to wage a successful struggle
and took part in the general election of 1959. A power struggle between the palace and the
cabinet ensued until, finally, in 1961, King Mahendra established the Panchayat system, a
party-less form of government that continued until 1990.
39 The Kot massacre took place on September 14, 1846, when Jung Bahadur and his brothers killed about 40
members of the palace armory (the kot) at Kathmandu; they killed other opponents in the Bhandarkhal garden in 1846; and finally in 1847 Jung Bahadur wrested all political power from the king and established a family system that lasted a century. See more: History in dates http://historyindates.com/14-september-1846/. Accessed on March 10, 2016.
40 King Tribhuvan; (June 23, 1903-March 13, 1955) was King of Nepal from 11 December 1911 until his death. He exile November7, 1950 to February18, 1951) to India.
27
The political stalemate worsened Nepal’s economic situation, and poverty spread across
Nepal, planting the seeds of conflict that emerged in 1996 as an ideological struggle initiated
by the CPN (M) and affected the country for a decade. In the post-Rana period, the CPN
adopted an anti-Congress position, and in the decade-long political transition, no Communist
leader got an opportunity to be part of the government. The Communist leaders stated that
they were progressive forces and that the leaders of the NC were stooges of the Indian
government; they therefore called upon the people to form a “people’s front to fight against
the NC.”41 The alliance of the CPN with anti-Congress parties emphasized its intention to
prevent Indian influence in Nepal and built friendly relations with China. When the
Communists divided into pro-Moscow and pro-Peking factions, which ultimately led to a
split within the party.42 In 1974, the supporters of the Peking faction formed a new party, the
CPN (Fourth Convention), under the leadership of Mohan Bikram Singh. In 1979, its new
Secretary General, Nirmal Lama, started providing guerilla training, “proletarianizing” the
party cadre, and initiating an agrarian uprising. Later, in the early 1990s, the CPN (UC) began
to adopt the same policies. It changed its name to the CPN (M) in 1995 and declared a
people’s war to establish its own political system in 1996.
Nepal had entered a new political era, and efforts were made to improve the political
system of the country after Janaandolan–I (People's Movement Phase I) in 1990, with a new
constitution being promulgated as a document of negotiation between the royal palace, NC
and ULF. However, the United National People's movement – a political forum of ultra-left
groups –opposed this process. In a short period of time, Nepalese politics plunged into
political instability. The major ruling party, NC, dissolved the government and declared a
mid-term general election in 1994, followed by further problems, as no political party
achieved a majority in the election.
41 Gupta, Politics in Nepal: 1950–60, 201. 42 Baral, Oppositional Politics in Nepal, 83.
28
The 'pseudo' democratic power failed to solve the political crisis and, in 1996, Maoists
initiated their political movement in order to shatter bourgeoisie democracy. In 1996, the third
general election was held and Prime Minister Krishna Prasad Bhattrai formed a High-Level-
Committee under former Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba to offer suggestions to solve
the Maoist problem. On February 25, 2001, Maoists announced new political doctrine –
‘Prachanda Path' and, on 1 June of the same year, King Birendra and his entire family
members were assassinated.
Sher Bahadur Deuba replace Girija Prasad Koirala on July 22, 2001, and held three rounds
of political dialogue with the Maoists, but it failed to fulfill the demands of Maoists – for
example, a republican set up and holding the election of CA. After their attack on army post
for the first time in Dang, western Nepal, and Solusalleri, eastern Nepal on November 23,
2001, the government proclaimed a 'State-of-Emergency' across the country and the Maoists
were designated as terrorists on November 26, 2001. The political crisis deepened, and Deuba
dissolved the parliament and called an election on May 22, 2002; however, it was not
possible to hold the general election. A new political crisis resulted, and on May 23, 2002, the
party suspended Deuba from the party. The king acted on February 1, 2005, as a political
coup polarized political groups, and in November, 2005, political dialogue between SPA and
Maoists resulted in a 12-point agreement. Both sides had agreed to form a common front,
with the aim of ending the king's dictatorship, holding a CA election and reinstating the
dissolved parliament.
Janaandolan–II (People's Movement Phase II) began in 2006 and the people ratified the
political understanding of the SPA-and-Maoists. The king was forced to hand over the
political power to the political parties and restore the parliament. The political dialogue
between the SPA – now the part of the government of Nepal – and the Maoists resulted in an
agreement to sign a CPA in the presence UNMIN, thus ending the conflict formally. The
29
election of the CA in 2008 offered significant political spaces to women, indigenous groups,
Madhesi,43 marginal class and backward class. Politically, for the first time, 33 percent
women, 34 percent indigenous groups, 35 percent Madhesi and 9 percent Dalit44(untouchable
community) succeeded in entering the CA in order to draft a new constitution for Nepal. In
the CA election, Puspa Kamal Dahal, a rebel leader, was appointed the new Prime Minister in
2008, but the political rifts among the political parties intensified for nominating the
President. Similarly, different political problems were observed in the course of drafting the
constitution, such as declaring the number of federal states and their rights, right to self-
determination, electoral system, land and property rights, judiciary system, army integration
and form of government.
Nepalese political parties failed to institutionalize the political achievement and end the
political crisis. As in the earlier time, no government that was formed after the election of the
CA in 2008 ruled for a long period. Madhav Kumar Nepal, Jhalnath Khanal and Baburam
Bharttrai – another rebel leader – replaced the government one after another, which indicated
the real political conflict in Nepal. During that time, the issue of the Army General,
appointment of new Nepali priests in Pashupati Nath, an intra-party rift in CPN (UML), and
the UCPN (Maoist) were major problems. However, the issue of army integration,
rehabilitation of Maoist combatants and the return of seized land-property were politically
addressed. The first CA, moreover, failed to promulgate a constitution by 2013, as there were
contentious interests separating Nepalese political parties, regional stakeholders, such as
India and China, international communities and within government. As Manmohan Bhattrai
pointed out in an interview, "Mahakali Treaty was a part of conflict inside Nepal which has
connection with India," and it was a conflict over seizing the resources of the country.45 After
failing to fully draft and promulgate a constitution in order to settle the political crisis and 43 The Madeshi are the people of Nepal living in the plains region of Nepal, also called the Terai or Madesh. 44 Pyakurel, "Political Transition in Nepal: an Overview," 15. 45 See, Bhattrai, Manmohan, Appendix, 5,291-92.
30
guarantee human security for peace building to make the people free from fear, hunger and
disease, the CA was dissolved in 2013.
1.3 Land Ownership and People Significant events influenced the people's quest for land rights and political power. The
Rana regime was dethroned in 1951, the rule of democratic government was established in
1990, the people’s war gained momentum by the CPN (M) from 1996 to 2006. SPA
supporters found democratic movement in the parliamentary political system, and finally the
CPN (M) rebelled. Hence, all the above-mentioned aspects worked to curtail the feudal
powers of the king, ultimately suspending the monarchy. The people of Nepal wanted to
come to power and had a deep desire to gain sufficient land rights and political power, but
this was not possible, as political parties in Nepal marginalized them.
It is also a well-known fact that high-caste Nepalese, particularly the Brahmins and
Kshatriyas, had a considerable proportion of the land under them. Due to this, they were also
able to gain political dominance to rule the people of Nepal.46 Hence, in Nepal, land is one of
the key factors responsible for the current conflict. Land has widened the gap of inequalities
among sects of people and the political landscape of the nation.
The modern pattern of land distribution in Nepal exhibits a miserable status of the nation,
wherein numerous people have no land of their own. According to Bishnu Raj Upreti, Nepal’s
land conflict is mainly related to access and control as hundreds of thousands of people are
landless and even larger majorities are cultivating the land owned by other people`s land.47
In Upreti’s words, “[H]istorically, in Nepal, land was always used as a means to showcase the
rising power of people. In order to maintain and expand their position, power, and social
relations, Rulers, regents, state functionaries acquired large areas of land.”48
46 Upreti, BR. “Political Economy of Conflict,” 235. 47 Ibid., 7. 48 Ibid., 3.
31
The Communist Party of Nepal – Unified Marxist Leninist (CPNUML) – also supports
eliminating the feudal land ownership to protect the rights of the Kamaiyas, Haliya, Haruwa,
and Charuwa. Similarly, during the decade-long conflict, CPN (M) also captured land, which
accounts for its interest in the CA manifesto to redistribute land to the tillers, imposing the
land ceilings, and abolition the feudal structure of land ownership.49 Thus, the Nepali people
have witnessed grave issues related to the unequal distribution of land. These issues have also
deteriorated the living conditions of poor in Nepal, especially the ones who belong to ethnic
and other minorities, backward groups, and women. In a study, Wily, Chapagain, and Sharma
state that the issue pertaining to land ownership is an ongoing political agenda that is a cause
of concern for the political parties of Nepal. Contrastingly, the land ownership and the
cultivation carried out on the land have benefited certain groups who are inhabitants of Nepal,
and on the contrary, the people who do not have any access to their own land are subjected to
social injustice.50
1.4 Economic Overview of Nepal During the Insurgency Nepal is traditionally known as “a yam between two stones.” It is ironically also referred
to as “the dynamite between two rocks51.” Geographically, it is divided into three regions:
Mountains, Hills, and Terai. There are five development regions and 75 administrative
districts in Nepal. Districts are further sub-divided into smaller units, called Village
Development Committee (VDC) and municipalities (towns). When there was insurgency in
Nepal, according to the June 2001 census, its population was 23,151,423. The annual average
growth rate of the population during the preceding decade, that is, 1991–2001, was 2.25
percent Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS) 2002. The population census of 2011 shows
49 Ibid., 247. 50 Wily, Chapagain, and Sharma, Land Reform in Nepal, 7. 51 Nepali Times,” A dynamite between two rocks”
http://nepalitimes.com/blogs/kundadixit/2011/08/01/a-dynamite-between-two-rocks/. Accessed
on March 10, 2016.
32
26,494,504 people (12,849,041 males and 13,645,463 females) living in Nepal. At this time,
17 percent of the people dwell in urban areas and 83 percent of the people live in rural areas
of Terai, Hills and Mountains.52
Ten years of Maoist insurgency left Nepal the poorest country in the world. The GDP of
Nepal, based on the purchasing power parity, was $2,516.94 in the year 2015. Recent United
Nations data (from 2011) show the Nepali population to be 30.5 million, with life expectancy
at 68 years for men and 70 years for women. According to the World Bank (2011), the GNI
per capita was US $540.53
Figure 1 Country Map of Nepal
Source: CIA World Fact Book. https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-
factbook/geos/np.html. Accessed on April 20, 2013.
52 In Nepal, new demographic census is taken every ten years, source District and VDC profile of Nepal- 2013,
5. 53 World Bank, http://data.worldbank.org/country/nepal. Accessed on 21 April2013.
33
Table 1 Country Profile and Economic Overview of Nepal During the Insurgency in 2001.
Components Indicators
Location South Asia
Area 147,181 sq km
Land boundaries 2,926 km
Bordering countries China, India
Traditional caste categories
Brahman, Chhetri, Vaishya, Sudra (28 sub-castes)
Ethnic groups Chhetri 15.5%, Brahman-Hill 12.5%, Magar 7%, Tharu 6.6%, Tamang 5.5%, Newar 5.4%, Islam 4.2%, Kami 3.9%, Yadav 3.9%, other 32.7%, unspecified 2.8% (2001 Census)
Religions Hindu 80.6%, Buddhist 10.7%, Muslim 4.2%, Kirant 3.6%, other 0.9% (2001 Census)
Languages According 2001Census, 92 different living languages are spoken in Nepal. Nepali is the official, national language and served as lingua franca among Nepalese of different ethno linguistic groups.
Literacy Definition: age 6 years and above to the total population in the same group. Male: 65.5%, female: 42.8% . Total Population literacy percentage: 48.6%, (definition: the ability to read and write at specified age.) (2001 Census)
Administrative divisions
14 zones (Anchal) , 75 Districts (Jillā).
Purchasing power parity
$35.6 bn (2001 )
Real growth rate 2.6% (2001 )
34
GDP per Capita $249.03, India $ 471, China $ 1053.108, Siri Lanka 837.69954
Gross National Savings
(%of GDP)
23.962%
Current Account
Balance
$0.451Billion
Current Account Balance (%GDP)
7.648%
Sources: Central Bureau of Statistics 2001, Nepal.
Table 1 provides the overview of Nepal's economy during the Maoist insurgency in
2001.During the most intense period of the Maoist insurgency, the economic and social
development of Nepal was at the lowest level compared to that of other conflict-prone nations,
such as Sri Lanka. According to the Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the
Pacific, Nepal is one of the world’s poorest countries, ranking 138 out of 177 in the human
development index55.
Similarly, the United Nations Development Programme Nepal, Human Development Report
2009 states that Nepal has the lowest per capita income of all South Asian countries.56
During the Maoist insurgency, people were displaced and migrated within and beyond the
country. People with few economic resources chose to dwell in other parts of the country
such as Pokhara, Nepalgunj, and Kathmandu, while those with sufficient means went abroad
in order to continue their education and find better jobs. At present, foreign remittance is one
of the country’s major economic resources.
Agriculture was the mainstay of the economy, providing a livelihood for over 80 percent
of the population and accounting for 40 percent of the GDP. Nepali people live below the
poverty line57. Industrial activity mainly involves the processing of agricultural produce,
54 The Word Bank, GDP Per Capita (Current US $)
http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NY.GDP.PCAP.CD?locations=LK. Accessed on April 12, 2013. 55 United Nations Development Programme, The Human Development Index 2006.
http://akgul.bilkent.edu.tr/hdr/2006/statistics/countries/country_fact_sheets/cty_fs_NPL.html. Accessed on April 20,2013.
56 United Nations Development Programme, Nepal Human Development Report, 2009.State Transformation and Human Development, 32. http://hdr.undp.org/sites/default/files/nepal_nhdr_2009.pdf. Accessed on April 20, 2013.
57 David R. The geography site, Country Introduction Nepal
35
including jute, sugarcane, tobacco, and grain. Security concerns in the wake of the Maoist
conflict have led to a decrease in tourism, a key source of foreign currency. Nepal has
considerable scope for exploiting its potential in hydropower and tourism, which could attract
foreign investors. Prospects for foreign trade or investment in other sectors, however, remain
poor because of the small size of Nepal’s economy, its technological backwardness,
remoteness, landlocked geographic location, civil strife, and susceptibility to natural disasters.
The Maoist insurgency affected the economic activities of Nepal, and economic indicators
show that the growth during this period was nominal and not sufficient to address the
people’s problems. From a different perspective, Chuda Bahadur Shrestha argues that the
most important cost of civil conflict is the loss of the human life, as a humanitarian tragedy
and an obstacle to reconstruction. Other costs include the destruction of physical, human, and
social capital and the disruption of markets and other forms of social and economic
investment in development and productive work, resulting in increased poverty and
conflict.58.
1.5 Political Development of the Post Conflict The CPA, in 2006, ended the decade-long guerrilla struggle and brought the Maoist
political agenda from the battlefield to the political mainstream. In 2008, an election was held
for the CA. Since King Mahendra had refused to hold a CA election in the 1950s, this had
been an important item on the political agenda of the CPN (M). The results confirmed the
CPN (M) to be the largest political party in Nepal, and its leader Pushpa Kamal Dahal, known
as Prachanda, formed a new coalition government. In 2009, political instability arose from a
disagreement between the CPN (M) and the other political parties concerning the fate of the
19,000 ex-Maoist fighters of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), who had spent the
http://www.geography-site.co.uk/pages/countries/atlas/nepal.html. Accessed on 21 April 2013.
58 Shrestha and Uprety, eds., Critical Barriers to Negotiation, 180–1.
36
previous three years in UN-monitored camps. The CPN (M) wanted to integrate the former
rebel fighters into the Nepalese Army (NA), but the NA resisted the move, arguing that they
had a policy not to recruit people with known political leanings and that the army was already
large enough.
On January 15, 2009, a special committee comprising members of the CPN (M), the
CPNUML, the Madhesi Janadhikar Forum (MJF)59, and the NC created a space to deal with
the unresolved issue of integration of Maoist combatants into security forces. It is widely
considered that Nepal’s peace process will not be completed until the NA is democratized and
the fighters of the PLA have been reintegrated into society in some capacity.
Uncooperative actions by both the Maoist government and the NA led to increased
tensions between the government, the army, and opposition parties. These ultimately resulted
in the resignation of Prachanda from the post of Prime Minister on May 4, 2009, after a
power struggle with President Ram Baran Yadav of the NCP concerning the firing of the NA
chief. On May 25, Madhav Kumar Nepal, leader of CPNUML, took over as the Prime
Minister and leader of Nepal’s 22-party coalition.
The CPN (M) and the UN signed an action plan for the discharge of Maoist child rebels
who had been kept in UN-monitored camps since 2006. At the same time, however, to regain
power, the Maoists were aiming to set up a parallel government in Nepal with plans to
declare 13 autonomous states. The hardening of positions by parties on both sides as a result
of ongoing mistrust and frustration had made reaching an agreement on vital aspects of the
peace accord even more difficult. Not surprisingly, the United Nations Mission in Nepal
(UNMIN), which renewed its term in January and June 2009, had extended its term for
another four months and was thus in the country during this crucial period leading up to the
intended declaration of Nepal’s new constitution on May 28, 2010. However, again, the
59 Madhesi Janadhikar Forum (MJF) in English (Madhesi People’s Rights Forum, Nepal) is a political
party in Nepal.
37
government failed to draw up a new constitution by the deadline, which was once again
extended and once again missed. In January 2011, UNMIN left the country at the request of
the government of Nepal, despite not having fulfilled its responsibility. The CA still failed to
draft a constitution, and the government in May 2012, dissolved it.
Even after the dissolution of the first CA and departure of UNMIN from Nepal, the peace
building of Nepal was moving ahead in its own way to end the political conflict, to transform
the country to a new way through the completion of the peace process, and finally to declare
a constitution for making a new Nepal by adopting basic principles of peace building. For this,
the major political parties had signed a 12-point agreement60 and CPA by working together.
The Interim Constitution of Nepal 2007, provisions of the 12-point agreement and the CPA
were taken as political guidelines to end the remaining tasks of the peace process and drafting
a new constitution of Nepal.
When the peace process in Nepal is analyzed, it demonstrates that Nepal has experienced
transformation in recent years, with the ending of the Maoist insurgency, the abolition of the
monarchy, and the establishment of a multi-party democratic republic on May 28, 2008.
However, the country faces challenges that are more political and remains in a state of
political instability, which has been prolonged since the dissolution of the CA. However, a
recent development is trying to deal with all these issues. The major Nepal political parties –
NC, CPN-UML, UCPN (Maoist) and Madhesi Janadhikar Forum-Loktantrik – have taken the
initiative and produced a '16-point deal' that primarily acknowledges the issue of federalism,
highlighting the probability of ensuring a new constitution61.
The underlying principle of this deal is that it establishes that the country will be divided
60 Shrestha, Anil. "From Conflict to Peace in Nepal: Peace Agreements 2005-10."
http://www.indianembassy.org.np/downloads/Peace Agreements Final English ASPECT.pdf. January 30, 2011. Accessed September 16, 2015.
61 Bhattarai, Kamal Dev, “Way paved for constitution as four parties reach 16-pt deal.” http://www.ekantipur.com/2015/06/09/editors-pick/way-paved-for-constitution-as-four-parties-reach-16-pt-deal/406314.html. Accessed on June12, 2015.
38
into eight provinces of a federation, depending on their economic viability and identity. To
make this possible, the deal will appoint a commission with a six-month mandate to finalize
the proposed needs. After the commission examines and make recommendations, the
Parliament will approve the matter. The deal also proposes a bicameral system, with a federal
parliament and an Upper House (with 45 members elected and nominated), with the
provinces functioning under a unicameral system62. There will be a mixed electoral system:
275 members in Parliament, 165 constituencies based on geography and population, 165
lower house members, based on first-past-the-post (FPTP) system, and 110 members based
on proportional representation system63.
To make all this democratic system possible, a multiparty system of governance will be
adopted with the right to rule given to the majority party. The majority party will then appoint
President, Prime Minister, Deputy Speaker, and others, as required.
62 Ibid. 63 Ibid.
39
Chapter 2: Literature Review 2.1 Introduction
Scholars, political scientists, and Nepali political leaders have identified phases and time
periods as responsible for hindering of the country’s development and prosperity. When the
Rana regime was overthrown in 1951, people were promised that development would prevail
throughout the country. Political instability, which lasted for ten years—from 1951 to 1961—
prevented the country from achieving prosperity and sustainable economic development.
Even the first elected government of Nepal could not settle the dynamics of Nepali society,
and King Mahendra acquired all political power on 1961.
After 1990, political leaders have blamed the 30 years of the Panchayat system as
responsible for hindering democracy and development. In 1990, the Communists started
blaming parliamentary democracy and the constitutional monarchy for being unaccountable
for economic development in the country. The leaders entirely blamed the political system of
Nepal for not working toward economic growth and maintaining peace in the society, when it
was actually their duty to lead the country in the right direction, a task they failed to
accomplish.
In this recent development, Maoists and other parties have entered the main political arena
and expressed their views on how to accelerate political and economic development in the
country. However, there have yet been no significant political changes or democratization that
could create a political link between development and strengthening of human security.
This chapter focuses on this issue in order to properly analyze the political system and
democratization of the country. As in the past, the incomplete process of democratization is
leading the country toward political instability and uncertainty.
An in-depth analysis of the conflict and its impact on human security and Nepalese
40
determinations64 is needed. Among the very few studies on the subject, Deepak Thapa and
Bandita Sijapati65 narrate the evolution and provide the historical background of the Maoist
movement in Nepal. While their work highlighted the political incidents in the country and
their impact during the time of the insurgency, and debated whether the Maoists were
terrorists or not, it did not draw any rational conclusion beyond providing descriptive
information and charting the impact of the conflict.
Arjun Karki and David Seddon studied the left politics of the party before the initiation of
the armed rebellion. In their 2003 work, they discuss the 40-point demands66 and claim
Nepal’s Maoist insurgency to be inclined toward the leftist perspective. The literature is
historically informative and descriptive in nature. They document the background of the
conflict from the Maoist perspective and translate Maoist statements, particularly the
extensive document tabled to the government of Nepal in 1996 of their political demands67
that changed when the CPN (M) led the government in Nepal.
In the literature on the insurgency, Maoist Nepali scholars such as Bandita,68 Arjun
Karki,69 Deepak, Thapa70 and Dev Raj Upreti71 have shared similar concepts and
observations about the political developments in Nepal. These studies have the same
theoretical and academic approaches to the insurgency, lack solid and rational information
and analysis, and do not fit the present political scenario, as there has been a fundamental
change in the nature of the political parties in Nepal. The present study aims to be more
realistic and tries to find a prospective solution for the conflict-prone nation.
Unlike previous studies, the present research includes political, social, economic, and
64 Encompasses everything that is constitutes freedom from fear and freedom from want. 65 Thapa and Sijapati, 43-74. 66 Karki and Seddon, eds., The People’s War in Nepal, 183. 67 For details of the 40-point demands, see Appendix 6,378. 68 Thapa and Sijapati, A Kingdom under Siege: Nepal’s Maoist Insurgency, 1996 to 2003. 69 Karki and Seddon, eds., The People’s War in Nepal, 3-48. 70 Thapa, Understanding the Maoist Movement of Nepal. 71 Upreti, Armed Conflict and Peace Process in Nepal, 19-51.
41
security components of the post-conflict nation. The conflict was deep-rooted on the issue of
political marginalization, lack of economic opportunity, and people living in rural areas got
no sense of security from the state. Maoist leader Ram Karki, therefore, highlights his views.
He says that "[for] sustainable peace, we have to bridge a gap between one strata of life to
other strata of people. Otherwise there will be the possibility occurring new violence in the
society."72 Only understanding the nature of violence seems to be ineffective to solve the
political crisis of conflict-prone nation; now we have to find the solution from the security
perspective, along with addressing the problem politically and economically. Therefore,
peace building will require a holistic approach from a rights and development perspective.
Finding the appropriate solution to this conflict calls for national and international
cooperation.
This literature review section discusses the post-war situation in Nepal and the root causes
of the conflict, as well as the roles of political parties and their organizations in the promotion
of sustainable peace. It consists of five sections: the post-conflict situation in Nepal, the root
causes of the conflict, political behavior and leadership, democratization and political parties,
Nepali politics beyond nationalism, and a summary, concluding with the progress of the
peace process and the contentious nature of leadership in the political parties.
2.2 Post-Conflict Situation of Nepal The signing of a peace agreement or the victory of one party’s army does not guarantee
sustainable peace. The period after the end of violence or armed activities is called “post-
conflict” and is considered an opportunity to rebuild society and the country. The focus of the
post-conflict situation is how peace agreements can successfully be implemented in the
immediate aftermath of wars and sustained for a long time. Wendy Lambourne argues that
justice and order are important aspects of peace building in a post-conflict situation where
72 Ram Karki, answer to a question. See appendix 5, 323.
42
there is a need to end violence, disarm combatants, restore the rule of law, and deal with the
perpetrators of war crime and other human rights abuses.73 According to Tutu,74
UNESCO,75 and Aditya et al.,76 a post-conflict situation requires an appropriate
management process that deals with the past and envisions a better future by generating hope
and aspiration. The main consideration in ending the violence is to maintain law and order in
society. Similarly, the peacemakers should identify the real problems behind the conflict and
be prepared to address those issues both theoretically and practically. From a monitoring
perspective, Mishra has observed that “... the peace process, especially after the signing of the
CPA, has hardly been monitored.”77
Albert Einstein maintained, “Peace is not merely the absence of war but the presence of
justice, of law, of order in short, of government78.” In the context of the Nepalese peace
process, Bishnu Upreti has stated that peace cannot be built and maintained without creating
and promoting a social infrastructure of peace, developing people’s ownership of the peace
process, and abolishing obstacles. With regard to Nepal signing a peace agreement, moreover,
he has observed, “A widely held misperception in Nepal is that peace will be achieved when
the Maoists and the government negotiate and sign a peace agreement.”79
Within the reviewed literature, very few scholars have highlighted the justice and
reconciliation aspects of the Nepal peace process and agreement.
Upreti opines that, so far, the “process” aspect of Nepal’s peace process is relatively weak.
It is even said that Nepal’s peace process is “without processes.”80 He believes that Nepal’s
post-conflict transformation process can be even more successful by making the “process
73 Lambourne, “Post Conflict Peace Building,” 4. 74 Tutu, No Future without Forgiveness, 55. 75 UNESCO, Women and Peace in Africa, 128-29. 76 Aditya, Upreti, and Adhikari, Countries in Conflict, 112-115. 77 Mishra, The Nepalese Peace Process, 77–9. 78 Einstein, A. Einstein on Peace. Nathan and Norden, ed., 371. 79 Upreti, Armed Conflict and Peace Process in Nepal, 116–54. 80 Upreti, Framework for Management of Post Conflict, 8.
43
right,” which means including all the main stakeholders at the decision-making level,81
balancing confidentiality and transparency, getting approval for decisions that have far-
reaching consequences from the people (e.g., through a referendum), properly documenting
decisions, and being accountable for implementing decisions. The International Crisis
Group82 reports that the experiences of other conflict-ridden countries show that the right
process facilitates quality decision making and implementation.83
Some of the literature on Nepal’s post-conflict situation emphasizes the security issues.
Dev Raj Dahal highlights the importance of human security in connection with the
transformation of the conflict. He states that a sound civil security relationship is a central
point for the enhancement of national security in Nepal. Peace can be achieved after
completing three national tasks: building a modern state, implementing inclusive democracy
based on a new social contract, and achieving sustainable peace rooted in the realization of
human security. However, he says, “[T]his requires the political leadership to remove the five
defects of democracy, such as skewed access of public to power, denial of opponent groups’
claim to power, erosion of the legitimate state monopoly on power, narrow power base
restricting pluralistic politics in opinion, and democratic will formation and the mode of rule
violating basic democratic values.”84
2.3 Root Causes of the Conflict From the literature, it can be seen that the main factors behind the Maoist violence was
dissatisfaction with the slow pace of the democratization process during the 1990s and
people’s growing anger with the monarchy that had ruled Nepal since 1768. Much of what
81 Ibid., 12. 82 The International Crisis Group is an independent organization working to prevent wars and shape
policies that will build a more peaceful world. It was founded in 1995 as an international non-governmental organization by a group of prominent statesmen who despaired at the international community’s failure to anticipate and respond effectively to the tragedies of Somalia, Rwanda and Bosnia Source; https://www.crisisgroup.org/who-we-are/history. Accessed on April 12, 2013.
83 International Crisis Group, “Beyond Victimhood,”1-25. 84 Dahal, D.R., National Security; Sector Reforms and Civil-Security Relations in Nepal, 5.
44
has been discussed so far in the literature is a broad analysis of the development of the Maoist
movements and their strategy to capture state power. While informative, such analysis has
lacked in-depth examination of social and political factors. Earl Conteh-Morgan has observed
that in conflicts and disputes around the world, their intensity, and the level of participation
by groups or states can be explained in terms of how the identities, ideas, and goals of the
actors are affected.85 The socially constructed understanding, perception, or interpretations of
the actors shape how both conflict and cooperation unfold.
Rebecca N. Mbuh states that conflict and wars result from causes and can spread from a
small part of a nation to neighboring regions and countries, as has been the case in African
conflicts.86 Upreti87 points out that the influences of the international community – either
regionally or globally – should play a constructive role in the Nepali conflict. Upreti says that
the failure of successive governments to address structural problems of poverty, inequality,
political oppression, and social discrimination against certain groups such as Kamaiya,88
women, and Dalits89 is also the root cause of the conflict in Nepal.
There are different schools of thought contributed by human rights workers, researchers,
and journalists about the Maoist movement in Nepal, with regard to its beginnings, its history,
and the uprising. With regard to democratization and the growth of communism in Nepal, R.
Andrew Nickson has highlighted the fact that Nepal presents a rare exception in the
85 Conteh-Morgan, “Peace Building and Human Security,” 72–3. 86 For example, the war in the Democratic Republic of Congo has involved eight countries. Africa is a vast and heterogeneous continent that renders the causes of conflicts equally complex. Some of these include poverty, decline in community ethics, lack of appropriate education, governments’ inability to settle conflicts quickly, disintegration of societies, lack of trust, individualism, self-interest, and politics and power. See Juma 2005; Shawa 2003; and Kang, McDonald, and Mbuh, eds., Conflict Resolution and Peace Building, 119–201. 87 Upreti, Armed Conflict and Peace Process in Nepal, 42-7. 88 Landless people working the fields of landlords for very nominal wages. 89 Dalits have been called by several names. Some terms, such as paninachalne (“water polluting”), acchoot
(“untouchables”), doom, pariganit, and tallo jat (“low caste”), used in Nepali society are derogatory, while others, such as uppechhit (“ignored”), utpidit (“oppressed”), sosit (“exploited”), pacchadipareka (“lagging behind”), bipanna (“downtrodden”), garib (“poor”), nimukha (“helpless”), simantakrit (“marginalized”), subidhabata banchit (“disadvantaged”), alpasankhyak (“minorities”), banchitikaranma pareka (“excluded”), and Harijan (“god’s people”), are not, though some may be considered condescending. After initial hesitation and controversy among Dalits and non-Dalits alike, the use of the term “Dalit” has gained general acceptance, and has been widely used at national and international levels. See Bhattachan, A Resource on Situation of Dalits.
45
contemporary world, in which the decline of communism generally leads to the ascendance
of neo-liberalism. Maoism, virtually extinct in the rest of the world except Peru, is a potent
political force in Nepal,90 and while the CPN (M) Nepal has had political and training
support from the Indian Communist Party of India (Maoist), Indian rebels have not had a
significant influence on Nepal CPN (M).
Nickson presents the intra-party division during the monarchy and democracy movement
as the main cause of the escalation of the Maoist uprising. He compares Peru’s Sendero
Luminoso and the CPN (Masal), noting that both parties appear in both countries in similar
situations, and are similar in structure. He analyzes the situations in Peru and Nepal and
argues that the future prospect of the Nepalese Maoists will depend largely on the extent to
which Nepali political parties, such as NC and the government, address the historic neglect
and discrimination suffered by the rural communities.
Furthermore, Nickson91discusses some issues that have contributed to the growth of the
Maoist movement in Nepal, such as the conservative nature of the public administration, the
armed forces, and the monarchy, as well the inability to effect structural reform through the
parliamentary system and the continued deterioration of the economic activities that
contributed to the well-being of the youth and the rural poor. Bishnu Raj Upreti92 asserts that
the causes and consequences of the Maoist armed conflicts in Nepal were failure of
governance, the slow pace of developmental activities, and the failure of the royal takeover
and constitutional limitation to address the people’s demands. In addition to these factors, the
catalysts of the conflict were the royal massacre of June 1, 2001, the terrorist attack on the
United States on September 11, 2001 –– which led to international efforts against terrorists,
with the government taking strong action against Maoists as part of this initiative ––as well as
the role of the media and the unlawful activities of the election commission for holding local 90 Nickson, Democratization and Growth of Communism in Nepal: A Peruvian Scenario in the Making? 358. 91 Ibid., 372. 92 Upreti, Armed Conflict and Peace Process in Nepal, 19.
46
elections after the coup by King Gyanendra.93
Anne de Sales94 highlights the core of Maoist identity politics as resting with ethnic
minorities. When the Maoists started their insurgency, they vowed to bring autonomy to the
marginalized ethnic and caste groups and assured the youth of some positive changes in order
to recruit them to the movement. The Maoist party established itself in the ethnic
communities, such as in the Kham-Magar95 in the countryside of Rolpa. There, the Maoists
became somewhat popular due to their reciprocal relation with the rural people and local
populations (mostly Magars), who endured very poor economic conditions. The Maoists were
successful in inculcating a sense of nation state and autonomy in these communities.
To understand the root causes of the Maoist uprising, one must therefore look to the party’s
political and institutional strength in these ethnic communities.
An in-depth analysis of the literature and evidence shows that factors in the Nepali political
situation, and the unexpected royal massacre, also played a vital role in the success of the
Maoist movement in Nepal. In the book Critical Barriers to Negotiation of Armed Conflict in
Nepal,96 Ananda P. Shrestha and Hari Uprety propose two factors: one to do with the history
and origin of the Maoist insurgency, and the other with the possible tools for negotiating the
ongoing conflict.
Josse offers a linear account of the CPN in general and highlights the establishment and
structure of the party in particular. He notes that September 15, 1949, marked the publication
of a Nepali translation of the Communist Manifesto by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels.97
This coincided with Mao Zedong’s proclamation of the People’s Republic of China in Beijing.
The CPN (M) derived the name of their party from the success of the Chinese leader and
93 Ibid., 41-7. 94 De Sales, “The Kham Magar Country,”65. 95 The group of ethnic people in Nepal those Speak the Kham language. Kham-Magar is one of the indigenous
ethnic nationalities of Nepal. 96 Shrestha and Uprety (eds.), Critical Barriers to Negotiation, 51-64. 97 Josse, M.R. “History and Genesis of Nepal`s Maoist Insurgency: Tools for Negotiating Conflict.” In Critical
Barriers to the Negotiation of Armed Conflict in Nepal, eds., Shrestha, and Uprety, 2-17.
47
practiced his theories in the Nepali context as a means to grasp power.98
Josse focuses on what are generally considered the key factors for the growth and
escalation of the Maoist insurgency. They are as follows:
Mohan Bikram Singh99
Slow government reaction
Caste and ethnicity
The Magars100
The Tharus101
Exclusion from civil service
Abuse of electoral practices
Post-election persecution
SIJA Campaign102
Operation Romeo103
Disillusionment with multi-party democracy
Failure to extend the tenure of local officials
Furthermore, an evaluation of the existing literature shows that Nepal’s Maoist conflict
was heightened through the empathy of political actors. There are factors behind the Maoist
problem, including political, geographic, economic, and ethical issues. For a long time, Nepal
was subject to the undemocratic Panchayat system, based on a feudal economy and culture,
98 Ibid., 2. 99 A communist politician. From the very beginning, he vowed to hold a CA election and led a democratic
uprising. For more details, see: http://cailmail.free.fr/Documents/Mohan%20Bikram%20Singh%20and%20the%20History%20of%20Nepalese%20Maoism.pdf. Accessed on April 21, 2013.
100 The Magar is one of the indigenous ethnic nationalities of Nepal. 101 The Tharus are an ethnic group indigenous to the Terai, the Southern foothills of the Nepal. 102 SIJA is an acronym of Sisne (name of a peak) and Jaljala (Shrine), familiar Kham-Magar symbols. 103 In November 1995, the government of Nepal, a coalition of Congress and royalists, launched a police
invasion of Rolpa, code-named “Operation Romeo,” to control Maoist activities. Atrocities committed by the police in “Operation Romeo” brought the villages of Rolpa to a fever pitch. See http://monthlyreview.org/commentary/the-nepali-revolution-and-international-relations. Accessed on April 21, 2013.
48
under which people could not enjoy fundamental rights and freedoms.
The rule of law, separation of powers, and an independent judiciary were not recognized
institutionally in Nepal, and people became the victims of lapses that were ignored by the
political system. People were in favor of making the necessary changes to the political system
and socioeconomic sectors needed to improve their quality of life and enjoy complete social
security. The common and marginal people felt insecurity in education, health service,
employment, involvement in decision-making level, feeling that societal justice and the
political leaders were far behind the aspirations of the public and that the political
superstructure was meaningless.
The Mid-western Development Region, which was most affected by the Maoist insurgency,
had no basic infrastructure, such as roads, electricity, schools and hospitals. The average
living standard was low104 and the majority of the people living in Nepal did not have even
the basic facilities. In this regard, according to Bhattarai, “[The Maoists] fought against
feudal autocracy, and foreign domination for supporting the socially backward groups,
women, Madeshi, Dalit, and the poor classes.”105
Nepalese governments had ignored the locals living there rather than bringing them into
the national mainstream.106 There was little representation at the policy-making level, and,
even in political parties, their presence was quite nominal. The Maoists addressed their
problems politically and promised to build a multi-ethnic society, a policy that earned them
great popularity among minority communities in the country. Manmohan Bhattarai agrees
that, only after 2006, “due to the direct proportional electoral system, different ethnic,
religious, and linguistic groups had the opportunity in the legislature parliament…”107
Uncompleted laws, a lack of law enforcement, and a perceived bias of law enforcement
104 Irini Maltsoglous, and Kiyoshi Taniguchi, Poverty, livestock and Household typologies in Nepal, 18-19. 105 See Appendix 5, 316. 106 Ibid. 107 Ibid.
49
agencies also added to the People’s War.108 The laws were not sufficient to address problems
such as women’s rights to property, to eradicate the problems of the Dalits, and to ensure
equal treatment of all ethnicities.109 The Constitution of 1990 ensured freedom of
expression and thought and the right to assembly, but its practical implementation was very
weak.110 From 1994 to 1996, when people close to the Maoists tried to exercise their political
freedoms, the police suppressed them and they were ultimately forced to join the
underground activities of the Maoists.111 The government ignored the Maoists’ 40-point
demands and launched operations against them, leading to the deaths of civilians before the
party initiated an armed insurgency in 1996. The police disrupted peaceful demonstrations,
arrested political activists and local people, raped women, and killed with impunity.112 The
police banned their organizations and even intervened by arresting and killing people
engaged in cultural programs carried under SIJA auspices.113 These actions undermined faith
in law enforcement agencies, especially the police, and drove the locals into the arms of the
Maoist movement. Several scholars114 have identified the causes of the conflict as monolithic,
feudalistic, autocratic, authoritarian, and centralized government.
In an empirical study, Shrestha finds that the Maoist insurgency in Nepal was caused by
the ideological base, international circumstances, and the political development of the country,
and lists the following factors as being responsible for the insurgency:115
Political and ideological influences from both the right and the left
Lack of popular participation in political parties under the Panchayat system
Imitation of international political systems, such as the communist and democratic 108 Upreti, Armed Conflict and Peace Process in Nepal, 26-27. 109 Ibid., 27. 110 Ibid., 39. 111 Ibid.,42. 112 Josse, M.R. “History and Genesis of Nepal`s Maoist Insurgency: Tools for Negotiating Conflict.” In Critical
Barriers to the Negotiation of Armed Conflict in Nepal, eds., Shrestha, and Uprety,12. 113 Ibid., 11-12. 114 Thapa, Understanding the Maoist Movement of Nepal; Karki and Seddon, eds., The People’s War in Nepal;
Upreti, Armed Conflict and Peace Process in Nepal, Misra 2004. 115 Shrestha, Chuda, B., Nepal: Coping with Maoist Insurgency Conflict, 89–91.
50
systems
Lack of good governance
Ethnicity, caste and cultural factors
Lack of equal opportunities
Chronic corruption at all levels and sectors
Lack of freedom and fear of investigation, persecution and trial
Shrestha presents similar causes of the Nepali Maoist insurgency to those identified by the
Centre of Human Rights and Global Justice in the Missing Piece of the Puzzle: Caste
Discrimination and the Conflict in Nepal. This study, carried out in 2005, highlights issues
such as caste-based discrimination, economic marginalization, impediments to education,
lack of access to food, water, and health care, and lack of political representation. The study
states that, with regard to the Maoist insurgency, the civil war in Nepal was marked by
widespread insecurity, overt forms of violence and repression, and a systematic curtailment of
fundamental liberties. The Centre of Human Rights and Global Justice Report mentions that
global causes of conflicts, such as the global war on terror declared in 2001, also contributed
to the escalation of conflict in Nepal, and that the declaration of a state of emergency and the
deployment of the Royal NA on November 26, 2001, by the government, escalated the
conflict, which rapidly affected the entire country.
Studies have found that the 9/11 terrorist attack on the USA affected global security, which
had an effect on the Maoist insurgency of Nepal.116 The army was deployed throughout the
country and had begun to characterize its intensified struggle against the Maoist insurgency
as part of the “global war on terror.” Neighboring countries provided assistance to Nepal’s
army and supported it with sophisticated weapons acquired through military aid from India,
the USA, the UK, and other European countries. Equipped with new antiterrorism legislation
116 Harjeet Singh, South Asian Defense and Strategic Year book- 2013, 37.
51
that gave them extraordinary powers of arrest and detention, security forces began operating
under an unofficial policy of killing all individuals suspected of taking part in the Maoist
insurgency.117 According to Nepal’s National Human Rights Commission, government
security forces have engineered more than 2,000 extra-judicial killings since 2001. Similarly,
according to the UN, Nepal had the highest number of reported new “disappearances” in the
world in both 2003 and 2004.118
Anjana Shakya and Centre of Human Rights and Global Justice writers Rajeev Goyal, Puja
Dhawan, and Smita Narula have said that the “militarization of the conflict has exacerbated
caste dynamics and the resulting abuses against Dalits in Nepal.119” This resulted in the
involvement of the Dalit community in the insurgency, and there was growing resentment
against the security forces deployed by the government.
There is some literature that seems to share the view of Burton’s human needs theory,120
which is based on the norms, customs and beliefs associated with particular social
communities and interests. In the context of Nepal, Maoists had taken part in parliamentary
general and local elections held in 1991 and 1992 under their open political forum UPF led
by Baburam Bhattarai. During that time they demanded that the government fulfill their 40-
point political agenda and concluded that there was no way for the further involvement of the
party within the parliamentary political system. In a very short period, they convinced the
people that the existing political system would not fulfill their needs. In short, the
expectations of the Nepali people were the same even after 1990 and the failed promises of
the political system. The conversation of Maoist leaders to common people emphasized the
117 Centre of Human Rights and Global Justice, Missing Piece of the Puzzle, 4. 118 United Nations Commission on Human Rights, Sixtieth session, Item 11 (b) of the provisional agenda: Civil
and Political Rights, Including the Questions of: Disappearances and Summary Executions, Question of enforced or involuntary disappearances, Report of the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances, January 21, 2004,43.
119 Centre of Human Rights and Global Justice, Missing Piece of the Puzzle, 4. 120 Conflict stems from unsatisfied human needs. In conflict, people represent their interests, but not their
underlying needs; however, they will use power and coercion to meet those needs.
52
political differences between the government of Nepal and Maoist ideology.
Quite the contrary, Manmohan Bhattarai categorically disagrees with the conflict of
ideological differences and states that the reason behind the conflict in Nepal was the
“politics of resources and they [Indians] were all behind to grab the resources whatever was
within the country.”121 He clearly indicates his views that the rich natural resource of Nepal
like water resources, medicinal herbs in Himalayan ranges, fertile land, good climate for
living in Nepal are the pushing factors for conflict. For this, India and other international
stakeholders have an interest in power politics in Nepal, as Nepal lies between India and
China and its strategic location is important for power politics. In his opinion, it was a part of
power conflict, as the Royal Palace of Nepal and Delhi were not satisfied with the
Constitution of 1990. The political change of 1991 was reflected in the Constitution of the
Kingdom of Nepal, and a faction of Royal palace was not ready to be a constitutional royal
entity and wanted to plot against it.122
If we analyze the political document of CPN (M), the conflict had a political goal to get
power and change the socio-economic structure of Nepal through political transformation.
Manmohan Bhattarai denies all these issues and holds the view that it had a link with the
political ambition of Maoists and the power interest of royal palace and India, which had an
interest in grasping resources of Nepal for India.123 This suggests that the seed of Nepalese
conflict was sown in the hilly area of Nepal and gradually affected the whole country. There
was the involvement of larger institutions in the conflict, and India wanted to convert a
unitary political system into a federal system. Some people suggest that India has the interest
of using Nepal’s water resources,124 but there were other factors too.125 Bihar is now
building 10,000-km six-lane roads and 10,000-km railway tracks to build up the 121 See Appendix 5, 316-17. 122 Upreti, Armed Conflict and Peace Process in Nepal, 54. 123 Ibid. 124 Ibid. 125 Ibid.
53
infrastructure within three to five years. For this, Bihar does not have stone, sand, wood, and
other materials, which will be easily available from Nepal. Bihar does not have these
materials and Jharkhand had a little, but now it is a separate state.126
India had different interests behind creating the conflict of Nepal, and they became the part
of the conflict. For this, India helped Maoists supply arms and ammunition from India to
Nepal. According to Manmohan Bhattarai, “The combatants were trained in India and armed
basic supplies also came from India, which has been established.”127
In India: Development and Participation, Drèze and Sen examine how public action and
opinion can act as a force for initiating economic, political and economic development in
India128. The authors note that although economic reforms were initiated in the nineties, the
Indian society never underwent real changes. In short, the authors believe there can be more
equality through more active democratic practice and people's participation.129
2.4 Background of Nepali Political Parties Nepali political parties came into existence in 1936130 in protest against the Rana regime.
In 1947, the Nepali National Congress was established in Varanasi, an Indian holy city for
Hindus, by a group of Nepali exiles, and the Nepal Democratic Congress was established in
India the following year. In 1950, the leaders of the Nepali National Congress and the Nepal
Democratic Congress united to form the NC and “decided to launch an armed movement
against the Ranas.”131 Similarly, the CPN was established on April 22, 1949, in Kolkata,
India.132 Puspha Lal Shrestha says that the “CPN accepted the agrarian revolution as the
main policy for the revolution in Nepal. The leaders espoused the rural agrarian struggle as
126 Ibid. 127 Ibid. 128 Dreze & Sen, India: Development and Participation, 29. 129 Ibid. 130 Nepal Praja Parishad was the first political party to establish a democratic system in Nepal. 131 Ibid., 15. 132 Sapkota, Ten Years of Upheaval, 15. Dipak Sapkota mentions Pushpa Lal Shrestha, Nar Bahadur
Karmacharya, Niranjan Govinda Baidhya, and Narayan Bilas Joshi as the founding members of the party.
54
the basic program of the party.”133
Tribhuvan made a historic declaration on February 17, 1951, announcing the election of
the CA. He declared, “The government of our people will henceforth be carried out according
to a democratic constitution prepared by a CA elected by them.”134 He then declared a ten-
member cabinet under the premiership of the ousted ruler Mohan Shamsher J. B. R., but this
cabinet did not provide any political space to the CPN.135
The Rana regime had ended and a democratic regime had been established, but the
communist leaders found no change in the living conditions of poor Nepali peasants. Sapkota
writes that “the sparks of armed struggle were seen immediately after the 1950s. In 1951, a
peasant leader, Bhim Datta Panta of Dadeldhura district, initiated an armed agrarian struggle
in the far west of Nepal.”136
The NC believed in democracy and a liberal economy, and a section of the middle class
favored its political ideology. In contrast, the Communist Party brought to the fore the voices
of the poor, the landless, and the oppressed, and espoused rural agrarian reform.137 Under
this political unsymmetrical circumstance, the political condition of Nepal from 1951 to 1960
remained unstable and could not fulfill the demands of the people. Then, on December 15,
1960, King Mahendra dissolved the elected parliament and banned all existing political
parties.138 During that period, more than a dozen governments were formed, which illustrated
the political fluidity of Nepal.
In 1990, NC and ULF139 worked together to establish a democratic system in Nepal.
Similarly, the United National People’s Movement was established under the direction of Dr.
133 Quoted in Sapkota, Ten Years of Upheaval, 15. 134 Gyawali, Jeevan ra Kanoon, 88. 135 Ibid. 136 Sapkota, Ten Years of Upheaval, 16. 137 Ibid. 138 King Mahendra introduced a party-less Panchayat system and declared a new constitution to reinforce it in
1962. The system remained in force until 1990. 139 Dozens of leftist parties existed in Nepal. The CPN (M), CPN (ML), and CPN (Fourth Congress) formed a
left forum called the United Left Front under the leadership of Shana Pradhan.
55
Baburam Bhattarai and included only ultra-left political parties, such as the CPN (Mashal),
led by Prachanda, and the CPN (Masal), led by Mohan Bikram Singh. It rejected the political
understanding reached between King Birendra, the NC, and the ULF. Both the NC and the
ULF made a clear stand on the shape of the new constitution, and their leaders declared that
“the new constitution must be fully democratic; the king must become a constitutional
monarch and must act only on the advice of the council ministers.”140 The sovereignty of the
people was incorporated in the Constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal that was declared on
November 9, 1990. The NC and ULF had agreed on it, whereas the United National People’s
Movement demanded the election of a CA to draft a constitution.141
After 1990, political parties were formed. Out of 74 parties, 47 registered their
organizations with the Election Commission of Nepal and 44 were approved by it.142 The
Commission held a general election in 1991 for the 205 seats, and only eight political parties
won the seats.
Table 2 Results of the 1991 General Election for 205 Seats143
Parties Seats contested Seats won % of votes
NC 204 110 38
Communist Party of Nepal (UML)144 177 69 28
United People’s Front Nepal145 69 9 4
Nepal Sadbhavana Party (NSP) 75 6 4
140 Hutt, ed., Drafting the 1990 Constitution, 32. 141 The CPN (Mashal) led by Prachanda, the CPN (Masal) led by Mohan Bikram Singh, and the CPN (Fourth
Convention) led by Nirmal Lama were all Maoist parties. The first two parties formed United National People's Movement in 1990, whereas the last one joined the ULF and cooperated with the NC.
142 Data from the Election Commission of Nepal. http://www.election.gov.np/election/np/registered-political-parties-updated-list-90.html. Accessed on
September 21, 2011. 143 This is the literature review but here, I have to use data for better understanding the history and
situation of Nepali political parties where current Maoist group was also participated in election. 144 CPN (M) and CPN (ML) formed the CPNUML and became the second-largest party in the parliament. 145 Dr. Baburam Bhattarai led the UPF, Nepal, which was an election forum of the CPN (Unity Center) led by
Prachanda. Later on, the CPN (Unity Center) became the CPN (Maoist) and initiated the People’s War in Nepal.
56
Rastriya Prajatantra Party (Chand) 154 3 7
Rastriya Prajatantra Party (Thapa) 162 1 5
Communist Party of Nepal (Democratic) 75 2 2
Nepal Workers’ and Peasants’ Party 30 2 1
Independents 291 3 4
Compiled by the author. Source: Hoftun and Raeper (1999).
Even after the election, the majority government formed under the leadership of the NC
was unable to complete its five-year term. An intra-party rift within the NC caused the
dissolution of parliament and the holding of a mid-term poll.
Table 3 Results of the 1994 Mid-Term Poll for 205 Seats146
Parties Seats contested Seats won % of votes
CPN (UML) 196 88 31
NC 205 83 33
Rastriya Prajatantra Party 202 20 18
Nepal Workers’ and Peasants’ Party 27 4 1
NSP 86 3 3
Independents 385 7 6
Compiled by the author. Source: Hoftun and Raeper (1999).
The NC was a party that wanted to strengthen the parliamentary system by holding
periodic elections. In 1990, the UML stood as the main opposition party in parliament,
becoming the largest party in 1994.147 The Nepal Workers’ and Peasants’ Party and the
Communist Party of Nepal (Democratic) took part in both elections. The UPFN performed
146 UPF led by Dr. Baburam Bhattarai boycotted the mid-term poll of 1994 and prepared for a protracted
people’s war. It also boycotted the general election of 1999. 147 House of representative member`s election-1994: Final results.
57
well in 1991 and became the third-largest party in the parliament.148 Its basic strategy of
taking part in the election was to use the parliament as a tool to prepare for a protracted
people’s war, and it subsequently boycotted the second general election in 1994.149
2.4.1 Political Behavior and Leadership The literature on the political culture of the Nepali parties finds that most of the political
parties and their sister organizations share the same general characteristics.150 In the past
decade, their journey to democracy and development has been characterized by unnatural
alliances formed with other parties with the intention of grasping power.151 To achieve this,
the leaders have appealed to the people to resist the government’s activities and encouraged
agitations, street demonstrations, and violations of the rule of law. The poor political practices
of the parties have proved the failure of the system, evident in the downfall of the ruling
party.152
After more than five decades (1960-2013) of efforts to establish democracy, Nepalese
politicians are yet to cultivate the core characteristics of democracy: tolerance, patience, and
respect for the rules of political game. Amid Nepal's geopolitical vulnerability, the lack of
commitment to the political process has frequently disturbed the country’s democratic
transition. In Manmohan Bhattarai’s view, “[P]olitical parties did not get the role of making
decisions as larger parties had enough numbers to pass legislation and to amend the
constitution.”153
The literature reviewed for this study shows that the country has shifted from family rule to
a multiparty polity, to a party-less system, and finally back to multiparty governance.
In the current political realm, there is more participation in Nepal’s democratic process.
148 Thapa, Understanding the Maoist Movement of Nepal, 25. 149 Upreti, Armed Conflict and Peace Process in Nepal, 24. 150 Hachhethu, Party Building in Nepal, 121-65. 151 Baral, “Nepal Political Parties and Parliament,”24. 152 Ibid., 26-27. 153 See Appendix 5,295.
58
However, if political protests and activities seem to be continuing, these are definitely
fostered by the involvement of (party-affiliated) student organizations. In the past, especially
in the Panchayat era, when political parties were banned, involvement in political movements
was a practical means of having political voices heard and performing political activities
among Nepali people. After the restoration of Democracy in 1990, political organizations
were free to launch political activities, and, even in that changing paradigm of political
situation, when political parties are now able to raise their voices openly, they continue to use
the power of student organizations to mobilize their forces in order to achieve their political
goals. Political parties like CPN (M), that had opposed the three parties understanding
between palace, NC and United Left Wing in 1990 and openly called on their student leaders
to be against the voices of the government, have continued the practice.
King Gyanendra got complete state power in 2005, dissolving the government of Sher
Bahadur Deuba, a leader of NC, including UML, RPP and NSP, and once again, Nepalese
political parties urged the student leaders to protest the king’s coup. Few other organizations
based in civil society, or non-politically affiliated group activities, participated in the political
struggle. In Nepal, the trend of political parties is to use students' muscle to get power, and, if
there will be any problem in politics, the students will protest against the government.
After 2006, such movements have been primarily urban, and people from other parts of the
country have lacked participation in the opposition movement. Political parties were still
spreading propaganda and telling people that they were still fighting for full democracy.
Because of this propaganda, people continued to lack political awareness and did not know
what was transpiring.
In most of the political and business sectors in Nepal, leaders are inherited or appointed.154
The NC – the oldest political party among the SPA – is dominated by the Koirala family. The
154 Thapaliya, Building Tomorrow’s Leaders Today, 4.
59
lineage of Koirala family in party politics of NC is still strong and the members of that family
are leading the party. In Nepal, leadership positions gained through nepotism, or economic
deals are prevalent, and this has affected the democratization process of Nepal. This type of
undemocratic practice prevents leadership positions from moving beyond a narrow family
circle in order to democratize the systems within and beyond the political parties; ultimately,
it makes the leaders less creative and dynamic. According to Thapaliya, Nepal lacks a culture
for, and the practice of, the type of leadership needed for managing a democratic form of
government.155 Thapaliya further argues that the key obstacle to solving the national crisis is
the unconstructive ideas of political parties, as well as the family-rooted leadership who lack
the capacity to formulate a national vision for the country.156 The lack of visionary leadership
is illustrated by Nepali leaders' lack of a sustainable plan to develop and help the country and
the people. Krishna Hachhethu states that “it is widely acknowledged and empirically
confirmed that most party leaders all over the world are drawn disproportionately from
people of a higher socioeconomic background.”157 Nepali society has been dominated by the
higher castes and the Newar people.158 This also has influenced the functioning of the
political and social leadership.
Unfortunately, at the time that democracy was introduced in Nepal, political parties failed
to articulate, implement, and protect the type of participatory governance for which the
political parties had fought. Leadership culture cannot be developed as civil culture because,
when political leaders are selected in Nepal, a supporting factor has always been their social
and familial power base. Thapaliya points out, “It has been the most important aspect for
their emergence as party leaders but political parties should consider only political
background rather than his/her social status, which is a must for the attainment of leadership
155 Ibid.,1–26. 156 Ibid., 2–3. 157 Hachhethu, Party Building in Nepal, 76. 158 The Newars is the indigenous people of the Kathmandu Valley and Surroundings in Nepal.
60
position.”159 Through analysis, it can be seen that the major Nepali political leadership and
political positions have been occupied by elderly leaders who were often in poor health. It
affects the function and efficiency of leadership, which directly affects the national economy
and development. Major political parties' leadership and most of the prime ministers of Nepal
have spent huge amounts of money on health when they were in a post.160
2.4.2 Democratization in Nepal According to Sandifer, Scheman, and Mora, democracy is a complex interaction of forces,
all of which must be enabled to operate with reasonable freedom from arbitrary restraint. A
government should provide the rights to life, liberty, and security, including freedom of
movement. According to Mahendra Lawoti, since the restoration of democracy in Nepal, the
country has faced several types of contentious activities, both violent and non-violent161. He
questions whether this provides a positive or negative environment in which to promote
democratization. In his opinion, democracy should provide people a space for action. He also
emphasizes that, while contentious activities could be defined as democratization of a polity,
it also entails extending political rights and civil liberties to all citizens.162
McAdam and other scholars state that democratization “means any net shift towards
citizenship, breadth of citizenship, equality of citizenship, binding consultation, and
protection.”163 Ekanga expresses the idea that democracy means that power belongs to the
people; further, in a democracy, power is only legitimate if it comes from the people – if it is
a product of people’s will. Democracy requires a free society that cannot be governed by an
159 Ibid. 160 "NC, UML Brass Get Huge Sums from Govt as Medical Expenses - See More At:
Http://www.myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=88967#sthash.Fe9PyRMz.dpuf." Republica RSS. December 22, 2014. Accessed on September 18, 2015.
161 Lawoti, Mahendra, "Contentious politics in democratizing Nepal." Contentious politics in democratization Nepal, 17.
162 Ibid. 163 McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, Dynamics of Contention, 221.
61
arbitrary and uncontrolled political power.164 Sandifer, Scheman and Mora observe that the
fundamental principle of a democratic system is an underlying mechanism that facilitates its
effective functioning by giving expression to society. Further, they highlight the importance
of democracy at the operational level – establishing the supremacy of the laws over the
individual will of men, incorporating in the system a process of altering the law according to
the needs of time and people, and establishing full protection so that no small portion of
society may distort the authority of the law to their own ends.165
In Nepal, the democratic system has not been on that track since its establishment in 1951
or its restoration in 1990. Samuel P. Huntington says, “Democratization is primarily a product
of political leaders who have the will and skill to bring it about.”166 He emphasizes that
democratization has some systematic processes whose functions can be determined by
political and economic developments that are fundamental to the political development of a
country. Political scientists mention that, in Nepal, democratic processes have not been
successful in terms of the development of a political culture. Hachhethu has discussed how, in
the institutionalization of the democrat process, institutions, political parties, and political
leaders play a vital role.167 In Nepal, political parties failed to understand the universal
provision to democratize them and strengthen the system.
According to Bruce Vaughn, Nepal has been isolated from outside influence on the issues
of democracy and development. Vaughan, as well as Arjun Karki and David Seddon,
emphasizes that a transition from strict rule by the king to a constitutional monarchy began in
1959, when King Mahendra issued a new constitution and the country held its first
democratic election.168 Santwana Tewari Chaube points out that the state-building process
started in Nepal with the unification campaign initiated by Prithvi Narayan Shah in 1770,
164 Ekanga, Social Justice and Democracy, 210–1. 165 Sandifer, Scheman, and Mora, eds., The Foundation of Freedom, 20–3. 166 Huntington, “Democracy for the Long Haul,” 31. 167 Hachhethu, Party Building in Nepal, 25–8. 168 Vaughn, Political Developments and Bilateral Relation, 4.
62
which gave birth to Nepal. Mikesell and other scholars describe the present nation state as the
product of the genius of one man, King Prithvi Narayan Shah (1720–75).169 Chaube goes on
to say that, the Nepali political movement in the 1950s arose through the influence of India.
He says, “Nepal’s proximity to India was largely responsible not only for its sociocultural
awakening but also for political consciousness. Furthermore, Nepal’s modern political phase
was directly impacted by the atmosphere in Bengal from 1905”.170 The nationalism of the
Bengali revolutionaries inspired Nepali youths, who brought back home a political awareness
and began to campaign against the Rana regime.171 Praja Parishad, the oldest political party
of Nepal (1935), started a pamphlet war within the country, getting the leaflets printed in
Varanasi, India. A civil rights movement under the name of Nagarik Adhikar Samiti
(Committee for Civil Rights) was launched in Nepal to spread awareness among the people
and political parties in order to establish a democratic system.172 In the two years from 1938
to 1940, political movements in Nepal brought about a crisis within the Rana regime. These
movements were launched by Praja Parishad, Mahavir School, and the Committee for Civil
Rights.173
Nepali political discourse was also directly influenced by Indian political events, such as
the Quit India Movement of 1942, in which Nepali students studying in India participated.
The reason behind their participation was the sentiment that the British Raj was responsible
not only for the political oppression of India but also for the Rana regime in Nepal.174 More
Nepali political movements were launched from 1946 through the formation of the Akhil
Bharatiya Nepali Rashtriya Congress (All-India Nepali National Congress),175 a broad
169 Mikesell, Class, State, and Struggle in Nepal, 89. 170 Chaube, Democratic Movement in Nepal and the Indian left, 5. 171 Ibid., 6-7. 172 Ibid., 36–7. 173 Ibid., 38. 174 Ibid., 52–3. 175 Akhil Bharatiya Nepali Rastriya Congress was formed on October 31, 1994. Its main aim was to fight the
Ranas. It was the first broad-based Nepalese political organization.
63
political organization opposed to the Rana regime. According to Chaube, the support of
Indian rulers turned out to be pivotal in Nepal’s political movement in that both countries
shared a cultural similarity, geographical accessibility, and economic interdependence176.
Chaube states that democratic movements in Nepal were catalyzed by the Indian left, citing
the example of the NC, which grew in association with the Socialist Party of India, although
it remained a centrist party.
Mikesell points out the importance of February 18, 1990, in the political development in
Nepal. This day is known as the Democracy Day and marks the completion of the political
movement initiated in 1951 and the overthrow of the 30-year-old Panchayat system of non-
party, absolutist monarchical government.177
According to Vaughn and Thapa, the Nepal Movement for the Restoration of Democracy
started in February 1990 when student groups and the major political parties launched a
campaign against the Panchayat system. The NC led the movement, getting support from the
ULF to hold peaceful demonstrations in urban areas. In April, more than 50 demonstrators
were killed178 and King Birendra handed power to an interim government. This government
drafted the constitution in November 1990, which established Nepal as a parliamentary
democratic country with a constitutional monarch.
Since 1990, when democracy was reestablished in Nepal, two political parties, the NC
and the UML, dominated the country’s politics. Thapaliya says that “parties had different
ideologies; NC has liberal democratic ideology but with a socialist trademark and the
CPNUML is a communist party that allies with multiparty.”179 Hachhethu argues that during
this period of ten years (1991-2001), political parties and their leadership spent a large
amount of time building their parties but did so without adhering to proper democratic
176 Ibid.,129. 177 Mikesell, Class, State, and Struggle in Nepal, 87. 178 Vaughn, Political Developments and Bilateral Relation, 5. 179 Ibid., 25.
64
processes, nor did they place the national interest above their own parties’ interests.180
However, the 1990 movement to restore democracy was successful. Narayan Khadka
attributes its success to “factors like the economic situation, urban unemployment, prices,
growing inequalities, and increasing poverty.”181 The negative aspect of that general election
was the defeat of Interim (PM) and the Acting President of NC, Krishna Prasad Bhattarai, and
he got the same result in a midterm poll in 1993.
Manmohan Adhikary led a minority government in 1994 and his government collapsed on
September 11, 1995, when NC appealed to call for a special session in the parliament to vote
on a non-confidence motion against the minority government. Before facing the non-
confidence motion in the parliament, he “recommended dissolution of the parliament and
holding of the fresh polls.”182 In 1995 Supreme Court decided the move of Adhikary was
unconstitutional and NC formed a coalition government, after which Nepal plunged into
political instability and made no visible progress.183
Both MacGinty and Paris take the view that peace between states and within states is based
on market democracy and that constructing democratic political structure is the key
component to sustainable peace.184 In Development as Freedom, Amartya Sen concludes that
developing and strengthening a democratic system is an essential component of
development.185 According to Sen, the significance of democracy lies in three distinct virtues,
specifically, its intrinsic importance, its instrumental contributions, and its constructive role in
the creation of values and norms. He maintains that no evaluation of the democratic form of
governance can be complete without considering each of these virtues.186 Sen's ideas can be
applied to evaluate Nepal's democratization process, which has often been in difficulty from
180 Ibid., 73. 181 Khadka, “Democracy and Development in Nepal,” 45–7. 182 Ibid., 40. 183 Ibid. 184 See MacGinty, No War, No Peace; Paris, At War’s End. 185 Sen, Development as Freedom, 147–59. 186 Ibid.
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the beginning.
Hachhethu states that Nepali politics are in a state of transitional flux. The initial transition
phase was backed by the spirit of the 1990 popular movements and restoration of a multiparty
system in April, 1990. After the promulgation of a new constitution in November 1990,
general elections in 1991, and local elections in 1992, the government acted smoothly to
demolish the party-less Panchayat structures and set up democratic institutions. Hachhethu
points out that, as a sign of democratic stability, the Constitution of 1990 enshrined rights,
such as popular sovereignty, constitutional monarchy, multiparty parliamentary system, and
unalterable fundamental rights of citizens and was practically and theoretically opposed by
the revolutionary communist parties of Nepal.
The existing literature has discussed the Nepal democratization process in three stages:
early 1992 to 1994,187 1994 to 2001,188 and 2002 to the present.189 The last is still in a
transitional phase toward consolidation of democracy. However, Ganga Thapa observes that
the democratic process of Nepal has come a long way in political and social terms in the past
60 years and had three waves of democratic systems – in 1951, 1990, and 2006. Despite
significant advances as far as democracy is concerned, its transition toward becoming a
viable democratic polity remains fragile190.
187 In 1994, the ruling NC announced a mid-term parliamentary election due to intra-party conflict, in which it
was defeated. 188 From 1994 to 1999, Nepal had eight governments of different natures: i) The CPNUML minority
government (November 1994–September 1995), ii) the NC-led center-right coalition government with RPP and (NSP) (September 1995–March 1997), iii) the RPP-led right-left government with UML and NSP (March 1997–October 1997), iv) the RPP-led right-center government with the NC and NSP (October 1997–April 1998), v) the NC minority government (April–August 1998), vi) the NC-led center-left government with the CPN (ML), a new splinter party out of the UML, and NSP (August–December 1998), vii) the NC minority government (December 1998), and viii) the NC led center-left government with UML and NSP (December 1998–May 1999). Frequent changes in government affected the stability and peace in the country, resulting in the Maoist insurgency in 1996.
189 The massacre of the Nepali royal family took place in June 2001. On account of the growing Maoist insurgency, the government of Nepal was unable to function properly, and King Gyanendra dissolved the parliament and declared a state of emergency; then, in February 2005, the King directly seized power. After the democratic uprising of April 2006, the King handed over the power to the SPA. A coalition government was formed the same year, and the Maoists reached a peace agreement, ending the decade-long insurgency.
190 Thapa Ganga. “Reading Nepal’s Democratization Process.” Nepal News, 2012. http://www.nepalnews.com/home/index.php/guest-column/21992-reading-nepals-democratization-
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Sorensen evaluates the current prospects for democratization in the concept of variability
from “transition to democracy” as at a standstill191. He argues that nations have faced hurdles
in promoting democracy because of internal difficulties and the involvement of outsiders. He
characterizes democracy as having negative characteristics and outcomes in addition to
positive ones, such as economic growth, human rights, and peace. He further theorizes that
the democratization process helps in socioeconomic development within developing
countries. With regard to democracy, he agrees that it is ruled by the people, but claims that
its precise definition is difficult because democracy is a dynamic entity based on different
meanings acquired over time. The meaning of democracy is, or should be, the subject of
debate because, in accordance with Sorensen, dynamism within political parties stems from a
society that is changeable and is developed in different ways throughout the world. However,
he emphasizes three dimensions of political democracy that can indicate the status of
democracy specific to a country: competition, participation, and civil and political liberties.
2.4.3 Political Parties and People Political parties are the main actors in establishing a stable political system in a country.
Dahal observes that the innovation of the universal franchise has provided citizens with the
means to express their political preferences through political parties.192 With the
transformation of a democracy from bourgeois and representative to a participatory one, the
functions of political parties in building and sustaining the interests of citizens in politics
have gone through a substantive transformation. According to Dahal, “Political parties are
vital arms of the state, intrinsic components of legislative process, and shapers of public
opinion and democratic will-formation. They put together issues, ideologies, and interests and
process.pdf. Accessed on November 1, 2012.
191 Sorensen, ed., Democracy and Democratization: Process and Prospects in a Changing World, 71-7. 192 Dahal, Democracy Building and Party System in Nepal, 1.
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make them intelligible for citizens.193” They offer alternative programs, provide a mechanism
by which citizens can aggregate, articulate, and communicate their interests and opinions, and
build the civic competence of citizens through political socialization and social mobilization.
Political parties equally inform the citizens about political priorities in certain areas of public
interest, such as foreign policy, security, federalism, economy, environmental protection, and
nation-building, while maintaining differences on other issues, such as education, irrigation,
marriage, decentralization, and so on.
Dahal highlights that a political party is a part of society, not the whole society. In this
sense, a modern political party is defined as a group of persons organized to acquire and
exercise political power through constitutional means and defend popular sovereignty and
commonly agreed-upon national interests. In all multicultural societies, political parties play
key roles in the political integration of citizens of diverse social origins and provide them
access to the services of the governing institutions. Huntington says, “The function of the
party is to organize participation, to bring together separate interests, to serve as the link
between social forces and government.”194 Politics is the periodic alteration of political
parties in power through elections, ensuring the circulation of elites and a peaceful change in
society. Multiparty systems have become successful in those societies where property and
power-sharing arrangements have been settled and parties have developed a stable consensus
on the rules of governance.
With regard to the political parties of Nepal, Mikesell mentions that a major factor is the
lack of internal democracy in the parties; candidates are selected by party bosses,195
bureaucrats, businesspersons, and other powerful national and international agencies, and
they become instruments in their hands and are ultimately rewarded by the leaders in the
future. The candidate who wins the election, therefore, feels no accountability to the 193 Ibid., 1. 194 Huntington, 67. 195 Chairmen, general secretaries, supreme leaders, etc.
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people.196
Mikesell makes clear that during the transition to democracy in the 1990s, the misgivings
of the opposition about the undemocratic nature of the election process were not unfounded,
because the leaders of the interim government did not show particular confidence in the
people, while at the same time appearing to take the people’s support for granted. At first, the
people were asked to participate in the movement; once this participation gained momentum,
became spontaneous, and finally brought down the government, they were asked to
demobilize and not participate. Instead, they placed their faith in the leaders of the People’s
Movement and the “martyrs” who legitimized their decisions and actions.197
Shyam Shrestha, a member of the Citizen’s Movement for Development and Peace, points
out that, in Nepal, everything has changed except “the status-quo mentality and attitude of
our political leadership.”198 His criticism is that political leaders are against the change for
which the Nepali people have struggled in every aspect of social and political life.199
Suri K.C. provides a comparative analysis of South Asian countries, including Nepal, India,
Bangladesh, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka. He uses a systematic approach to understand the
functioning of political parties, elections, and governments in different South Asian nations.
The critique of political development in Nepal has its own characteristics and gives a
comprehensive picture of Nepali politics. Suri says, “In 1990, a multiparty democracy was
established within a constitutional monarchy framework. However, this multiparty
democracy was threatened by Maoist insurgency launched in 1996. In 2001, the Prince killed
the royal family members, including the King and Queen, before he eventually committed
suicide. As a result of this incident, in October 2002, the new King Gyanendra dissolved the
196 Mikesell, Class, State, and Struggle in Nepal, 142–3. 197 Ibid., 126-27. 198 Shrestha, Shyam,” Nepal at the Crossroads of Great Prospects and Great political Crisis.” In Democracy and
Development in Nepal, ed., Karvinen, Anu, 5. 199 Ibid.
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cabinet and held power in his own hands.”200
Baral narrates the extraordinary events of October 4, 2002, when King Gyanendra
dismissed the elected PM, Sher Bahadur Deuba, for “incompetence,” seized power himself,
and derailed the constitutional process.201 This drastic change in the political equation
brought about political uncertainty and a division between political parties and the monarch
that resulted in new alliances within parties and protests against the monarch.202
According to political scientist Baral, the parliament, as the representative institution of the
people, has not demonstrated its effectiveness in resolving the problems of the country.203 In
the parliament, political parties are the actors that make government institutions effective;
unfortunately, in Nepal, they have failed to do so because of internal conflict. Baral believes
that the parliamentary democracy has reached a dead end owing to three trends. First, the
constitutional monarchy visualized under the present constitution has not existed since King
Gyanendra’s coup of October 2002. Second, before the April 2006 movement,204 the
parliamentary parties were in a dilemma over whether to change their position on the
monarchy.205 Finally, the Maoists were demanding a CA to frame a new constitution. Since
the April 2006 movement resulted in the reinstatement of the parliament, the formation of the
SPA,206 and CA elections, the above argument has been proved.
K. C. has presented his empirical findings on candidate selection and party organization
in political parties of different countries.207 This is very useful because the author analyzes
200 K. C., Suri, “Political Parties in South Asia,” 26. 201 Baral, “Nepal Political Parties and Parliament,” 9. 202 Ibid., 33. 203 Ibid., 8. 204 The April 2006 mass protests known as Jana Andolan II, in which at least three to four million Nepal is
participated, marked the beginning of the journey towards a new Nepali democratic state. For more information, see IDEA, A Study on the State of Democracy, 19–43.
205 Baral, “Nepal Political Parties and Parliament,” 8–36. 206 The formation of the SPA saw the transformation of the CPN (Maoist) from an armed insurgency group into
a political party that had become an integral part of the anti-monarchy movement of April 2006. The seven parties were NC Party, the CPN (UML), the CPN (M), the People Front, Nepal, the Nepal Workers and Peasants Party, the Nepal Sadhvawana Party, and Samyukata Bammorcha (United Leftist Front).
207 K.C., “Political Parties in South Asia,” 131–5.
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the social structure of the parties, and this approach can be applied in Nepal’s case. K. C.’s
recommendations for reforming the system are also very useful. He suggests that the party
chiefs, the office-bearers, and members of the top executive body should be directly elected
by delegates, and that this will help South Asian political parties facing internal disputes and
unhealthy alliances of power. In the context of Nepal, Suri’s recommendation about party
reforms is very important, where political parties have always proved undemocratic.
According to K.C.,
[H]ow the parties become more stable, enduring, and democratic, so that they
discharge their function well in democracy. However, a desired outcome is not
possible when the agencies that are responsible for operation of a system are deformed,
weak, and unstable. This is the truth of government; Parties are the operational
agencies of government in any modern representative democracy.208
In light of K. C.’s views, it is true that Nepali political parties have not established a fair
and transparent system for selecting their leadership through democratic elections. In
most of the parties, decisions are taken by leaders who are bound by family and kinship.
There should be a new democratic provision that allows a contest for any position, and
the election process should be transparent.209
Baral asserts, “Political parties and the parliament are inseparable in a parliamentary
democracy. Without parties, a parliament cannot be formed and without a parliament the
parties’ relevance, power, and political process cannot exist.”210 His discussion of Nepali
political parties and their role in parliament makes clear that political parties have failed to
develop a common political culture, and neither the role of parliament nor the government’s
agenda is clear. The Mahakali Treaty211 was an example of the inability of the government to
208 Ibid., 125–7. 209 Ibid., 130–6. 210 Baral, “Nepal Political Parties and Parliament,” 1. 211 The Mahakali Treaty was a treaty between Nepal and the government of India concerning the integrated
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implement policy even after its endorsement by a two-thirds majority in parliament.212 On
this issue, Manmohan Bhattarai states, “The Mahakali Treaty was not out and out wrong that
occurred between Nepal and India.”213
Baral compares the Nepali parliamentary system with that of Britain, and concludes that, in
fact, it could not function properly in Nepal. He visualizes the Nepali general election, and
how the political leadership acts unfairly during parliamentary elections. He notes that
whenever the government changes and a new administration is formed, it has had a negative
impact on the general public as well as the bureaucracy. He states,
Corrupt political practices have been encouraged to gain power. The race of power has
considerably weakened the prospects of stable government as well as its capability to
implement policies in sustainable manner. There have been frequent shifts in the
policy rhetoric from one government to another rather than having substantive and
sustainable policy measure.214
In recent literature, Indra Adhikari, in Military and democracy in Nepal, mentions that
Nepalese army, military, government and democracy are all interrelated215. The author further
notes that, in the Nepal democratization process, all these elements have a direct impact on
the sustainability of political process. Further, he elaborates on the need for establishing
civilian supremacy over the military. Nepal military is the only institution that is not effected
by politics and maintains a neutral position, aligned with national interests.
As noted by Adhikari, “Post-1990 politics show that the main problems before the elected
government were: (a) the king`s negative attitude towards deploying the army against the
development of the Mahakali River including the Sarada barrage, the Tanakpur barrage, and Pancheshwar project, which was signed in 1996. As the treaty was being signed, the nation was facing a political crisis over the issue of sovereignty. The parliament was divided, and the political parties had internal conflicts on the issue.
212 Ibid., 34. 213 Appendix 5, 291- 92. 214 Baral, “Nepal Political Parties and Parliament,”36. 215 Adhikari, Indra, Military and Democracy in Nepal, 1.
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Maoists; (b) the non-cooperation of the army in the field after its mobilization; and (c) the
army pressurizing the government to fulfill its own preconditions before entering combat
operations in Maoist affected areas.”216
2.4.4 Development of Political Parties Hachhethu discusses the three major stages in the development of political parties in Nepal
over the last seven decades of party formation, party survival, and party building. Edmund
Burke defines a party as “a body of men, united for promoting by joint endeavors the national
interest, upon the some particular principle in which they are all agreed.” A party democracy
approach suggests that party building depends mainly on two aspects – the ability of the party
to pursue its own ideological goal and its efforts to maximize intra-party democracy in its
own affairs. A transformation approach suggests that party building is an ongoing process,
like the development of a biological organism.217
Scholars such as Baral and Rishikesh Shaha218 have examined Nepalese political parties
within the wider perspective of Nepali politics and have evaluated their functionality in the
Nepali political system. Existing data and literature show that while the Panchayat system
banned the activities of political parties, two major parties – the NC and the CPNUML –
preserved national networks at the grassroots level. There were some other political parties in
action, as well. The NC had made a political agreement with ULF, and there were some
revolutionary communist parties fighting against the Panchayat system under the banner of
National People’s Movements.
The Election Commission in 1999 registered and gave election symbols to 100 parties. The
NC, CPN-UML, RPP, United People’s Forum, and NSP were recognized as national parties,
as they had won more than three percent of the votes in the general election. The following 216 Ibid., 39. 217 Hachhethu, Party Building in Nepal, 4–9. 218 Ibid., 3–4.
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were the key political parties in Nepal that contested the CA election in 2008.219
CPN (M)
NC
CPNUML
MPRF
The Terai Madhes Democratic Party (TMDP)
The Sadhbavana Party
The Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP)
A transformation approach220 analysis shows that Nepali political parties have
theoretically and practically changed their general behavior – for example, adopting ethnic
and minority issues in their programs – but it does not show the process of this transformation.
In terms of party building, existed literature shows that the process of party expansion lacked
the aspect of democracy. As compared to developed countries, in Nepal, the means of
attracting people were not formulated through policies and programs. Nepali political parties
seemed to rely more on maximization of party members and supporters, and called it
organizational development. This type of party-building process had appeal from 1991 to
2000, but now the situation has changed and several methods such as affiliation and
association that appeared in the immediate aftermath of the successful people’s movement
have given way to apathy towards and disillusionment with the parties and their leaders.221
A review of the literature on parties’ programs finds similarities in each party, where
leaders remain willing to adhere to rules and regulations as long as it suits their interests.
Once the party or leader feels that the rule of law cannot fulfill their aspirations, they
immediately adopt such undemocratic means as general strikes and street protests. Leaders of
219 Election Commission, of Nepal, CA Election 2008, list of Wining Candidates
http://www.election.gov.np/reports/CAResults/reportBody.php. Accessed on June 10, 2012. 220 A transformation approach here is to understand the institution like political parties, institutional patterns,
organizational structure of their membership, and change in party systems. 221 Hachhethu, Party Building in Nepal, 3–4.
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smaller political parties have been leading undemocratic political processes by organizing
periodic agitations that disrupt normal life. This culture of politics first appeared in Nepali
political parties when a multiparty democracy was initiated.
Hachhethu states that, in the post 1990s Jana Andolan period, the NC and CPN-UML had
already passed through the stages of party formation and party survival before entering the
new stage of party building.222 Since the restoration of democracy in 1990, political parties –
the NC and the CPN (UML), in particular – have undergone a number of distinct
transformations, i.e., from illegal organizations to legitimate contenders for political power;
from underground organizations to open competitive parties; from cadre-based to mass-based
parties; from a small group of people sharing common interests to heterogeneous
organizations consisting of people with diverse interests; and from ideology-oriented
organizations to power-seeking parties.223 From 1991 to 1996, the political parties entered
into several unnatural collusions within and beyond their ranks that directly and indirectly
affected the activities and formation of governments. Ultimately, this became the major factor
in the political instability in the country.224
From 1991 to 2006, when the elections for the CA were held, Nepal was being ruled by
several political parties, which were in favor of participatory democracy, but in practice, a
handful of leader of political parties held power. The Election Commission of Nepal
registered that in 2012, there were 74 political parties.225 This shows that the political
development of the parties was increasing significantly.
The structure of Nepali political parties is more or less similar—the heads of the parties are
elected by all the members and the other remaining members are elected or nominated by the
president of the parties. Besides this, some seats in the party are filled on a caste/ethnic basis.
222 Ibid., 23. 223 Ibid., 21. 224 Thapa and Sijapati, A Kingdom under Siege, 38-40. 225 Election Commission, of Nepal, Registered Political Parties.2012
http://www.election.gov.np/election/en/political-parties-86.html. Accessed on July 10, 2012.
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Almost all parties create their network organization from a local to a central level. In addition
to this, national parties select candidates for parliament and local elections. In some cases, a
strong and popular candidate gets the opportunity to stand for elections, while, in others,
nepotism plays a role and kinship gets the highest priority.226
With regard to the political development of parties in the CA, the leadership has been
captured by teachers, professors, social workers, and members of middle- and high-class
families; religious and ethnic community leaders reap the benefits. After the 2008 elections
for the CA, the political situation in Nepal changed slightly, such that women, and, in some
cases, people from the underprivileged and minor communities, occupied positions in the CA
for the first time.227
When analyzing the financial background of political parties, research shows that local
businesses, party member fees, donations, for example, are the main financial resources of
political parties. However, the CPN (Maoist) has been undertaking mass agriculture, poultry
farming, and other productive works throughout the country to provide a sustainable
livelihood for its cadres.228
Nepali media began playing a central role in society after the political changes of 1990.
During the time of insurgency, and especially after 1996, the media contributed in the
political development. The Maoists, too, used their own party activists as media people to
ensure that major hidden issues did not become known. Nepal’s media played an important
role in covering up the political issues during the mass movements of 2006 by controlling
what was disseminated to the general public. With the inclusion of the dispensation of
pluralistic polity, the inclusion of the press, and publication rights as well as the right to
226 Hachhethu, Party Building in Nepal, 121–65. 227 The Carter Center, Observing the 2008 Nepal CA Election, April 2008, 11, 65.
https://www.ciaonet.org/attachments/17945/uploads. Accessed on July 10, 2012. 228 Dahal, Dev Raj, “Elections and Conflict in Nepal Country Analysis,”12.
http://library.fes.de/pdf-files/iez/07722.pdf. Accessed on June 10, 2012.
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information in the 1990 constitution, the Nepalese media have had a favorable environment
to flourish and have had sufficient space to highlight the issues of the common people.
To some extent, the Nepali media have played a neutral role, but, in some cases, they have
been the mouthpiece of political parties and have spread propaganda against the regime in
power.
2.4.5 Prospects for Nepali Politics Political culture has been rooted in Nepali society for a long time, and sociocultural
loyalties always move around the power holders; this is one of the obstacles of the formal
institutionalization of the democratic system. If we make a broad study on the formation and
power center of political parties, we will find a connection running between past and present
traditions. The history of modern Nepal, since the beginning of the Gorkha kingdom, has
moved on a zigzag path, as the country experienced a devastating war between Nepal and the
East India Company, the political coup of Jang Bahadur Rana, the political coup of King
Mahendra in 1961, and finally, King Gyanendra’s coup. Baral views these issues thusly:
The history of Nepal and its ups and downs, fault lines, and challenges would naturally
cover aspects of culture, religion, society, political economy, administration, and elites.
But democracy becomes difficult to comprehend with contextualizing it to emerging trends
that encompass social, economic, regional, and international dynamics. 229
Nepali political history can be divided into five major phases: (1) the Shaha-Rana period,
post-1950 to 1960; (2) Panchayat political era, between 1960 and 1990; (3) post-1990 to 1996,
after the restoration of democracy; (4) 1996 to 2006, when the country faced a decade-long
armed conflict; and (5) 2006 to the present, where Nepal has held elections for the CA twice,
in 2008 and 2013, to draft the most democratic and inclusive constitution. The coup of Jang
Bahadur Rana was the first political juncture in the history of Nepal. In 1960, five years after
229 Baral, Nation-State in the Wilderness, 2.
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ascending to the throne, King Mahendra suspended the elected government and banned all
political parties, and this next juncture of Nepali politics gave unlimited political power to the
king, which was a great setback in the development of Nepali politics. The revolt of CPN
(Maoist) in 1996 was another crucial juncture that affected the entire country for a decade and
resulted in the establishment of a republic and inclusive democracy.230
Nepal’s multiparty parliamentary democracy faced Maoist armed conflict in 1996 and,
after the signing of the CPA in 2006, Nepal became a federal democratic republic. Einsiedel
et al. assert that endemic poverty and group inequality caused the structural violence that
fueled the outbreak of civil war.231 Up to the present time, political change in Nepal has been
within a specific time framework and leaders have failed to institutionalize democratic values
within that time. After the post-democratic period of 1950, Nepali intellectuals probed
political newness. Malla notes,
The post-1950 decade in Nepal is characterized, in the first place, by a sense of release and
emancipation of the intellect from a century-old and priestly yoke, and in its place, by an
unprecedented expansion of intellectual and cultural opportunities. The decade can aptly
be called a decade of extroversion. For it was a decade of explosion of all manner of ideas,
activities and organized efforts. … It thoroughly exposed the social attitude and political
immaturity of the Nepalese intelligentsia, and the fluctuation—till the end of the decade—
seemed to be more and more to the left.232
Even after the popular People’s Movement of 1990, the country’s leaders could not
address the sociopolitical agenda of the populace, driving the country towards further
instability. The leaders lacked a vision for Nepal, and the country experienced one type of
conflict after another in a very short period. According to Baral, “Nepali politicians have, in
230 The Constitution of Nepal-2015, 8. http://www.nepalembassy-germany.com/pdfs/Constitution_full_english.pdf. Accessed on August 6, 2016. 231 Einsiedel, Malone, and Pradhan, “Introduction,” 8. 232 Malla, “The Intellectual in Nepalese Society,” 277.
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comparison with other countries’ leaders, failed to build institutions commensurate with their
roles of waging movements for change.”233
Analyzing the political incidents shows that Nepal’s mainstream parties were autocratically
structured with all major decisions being made by a small circle of largely male party
leaders.234 From 1950 to 2006, the traditional elite mindset dominated Nepali politics under
different names, like parliamentary democracy and absolute power of king, for example.
Baral agrees with this and writes that “[the] mixture of the old and new values had
perennially played an obstructionist role in the post-1950 politics of Nepal.”235 Traditional
values in terms of socioeconomic structure and use of power were under the invisible or
visible hands, to some extent, of Nepal’s political elites, and this marginalized the majority of
the people. Political parties introduced programs with short-term solutions to gain political
power, while the people were deprived of individual rights, such as identity, well-being, and
the capacity to exercise their own interests. Hangen states that transformation was a goal of
the 1990 people’s uprising, but, unfortunately, the country never achieved political
stability,236 and no government completed tenure successfully. Between 1990 and 2006, three
parliamentary elections were held – in 1991, 1994 (a mid-term poll), and 1999. From 1990 to
2006, the Nepali people were ruled by 15 different governments.237 There were only two
times King Gyanendra ruled the country and exercised absolute power in Nepal. Even after
the successful people’s uprising in 2006, six different governments were formed until
2013.238
Socio-politico-economic transformation was the main agenda of every political change.
Political leaders attempted to grasp the people’s agenda and sought temporary fixes, instead
233 Baral, Nation-State in the Wilderness, 8. 234 Einsiedel, Malone, and Pradhan, “Introduction,” 17. 235 Baral, Nation-State in the Wilderness, Managing State, Democracy and Geopolitics, 10. 236 Hangen, Rise of Ethnic Politics in Nepal, 23. 237 Ibid. 238 Maps of World, Name list of Prime Ministers of Nepal.
http://www.mapsofworld.com/list-of/prime-ministers-nepal/. Accessed on 21 April 2013.
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of finding a sustainable solution for political issues, which is why, within short time, the
country faced frequent strikes and shutdowns.239 The political and economic agendas of
political parties were not implemented, or they were not ready to make a change in the
society.
After 2006, all political parties in Nepal, either democratic or leftist, began to give
priority to the programs that would put them in power and failed to provide a stable
government. Despite fundamental ideological differences, which should have resulted in the
formulation of different policies, parties have entered into non-ideological alliances in the
interest of gaining – or remaining in – power.
Further, scholars have highlighted the fact that Nepal’s mass movement remained
successful and have argued that it was necessary for the Maoists to gain power through armed
struggle. According to Muni, “[T]he Maoists were obviously the principal ‘game
changers’.”240 This point has been raised by several scholars in connection with Maoist
activities, as long as they came to open politics. Critics have argued that in a country like
Nepal, if we talk about the Maoist movement, frequent political programs like bandhs and
chaka-jams are more significant issues to deal with, rather than the revolutionary path.
From 1996, when they started the political movement, following their own party doctrine to
the recent political juncture, the Maoists have posed a continuous threat to the new
democratic republic. In the past, Maoist leaders categorically made political demands such as
establishing a “people’s democracy” a minimum political agenda of their party. Unlike this,
in 2003, it demanded, “to restructure the state in a progressive manner.”241 This shows that
they set the agenda of political transition as a “people’s republic through an elected CA,
239 The guardian, In Nepal,$ 1 bn impact of Strikes over constitution` worse than earthquakes`
https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2015/oct/05/nepal-1bn-dollars-impact-economy-strikes-over-constitution-worse-than-earthquakes. Accessed on April, 2016.
240 Muni, “Bringing the Maoist Down from the Hills,” 313–4. 241 Thapa and Sijapati, A Kingdom under Siege, 219.
80
through their decade-long armed struggle, the People’s War.”242
In addition to this, the new political system was once again set up in 2006 after the signing
of the CPA between the SPA and the Maoists, and the CA elections in 2008. The common
people had some hope that this would establish sustainable peace in the country, as the
Maoist leaders “had sought to forge an alliance with the other parties”243 and had achieved a
significant position in the CA, securing more than one-third of the majority. However,
CA2008 was dissolved without promulgating a new constitution.
In Self Determination & Constitution Making in Nepal, CA, Inclusion, & Ethnic
Federalism, Bhandari Surendra provides insight into constitution-making in Nepal. He
provides a historical overview of the Nepal’s six decades of constitutional history, during
which the country experienced six constitutions. Among these, the 1959 Constitution, known
as the democratic constitution, is one of the shortest-lived constitutions in Nepal, having had
a life span of less than one year.244 In his work, the author highlights both positive and
negative factors of all constitutions and provides some recommendations for a new
constitution. In order to transform uncertainty into political stability, he proposes instating the
directly elected prime minster with full executive authority, along with a president as the head
of state, elected by the parliament, with nominal executive authority, among other
recommendations.245 However, at the time this article was reviewed as a part of this study,
Nepal CA already passed the New Constitution, which will allow us to see how much of
Bhandari’s recommendations were adopted after the promulgation of this constitution in 2015.
Nonetheless, this work is still highly relevant, as the author discusses issues, such as political
interest versus system building, which will provide Nepal stability and peace in the long term.
Prashant Jha, in Battles of the New Republic, a Contemporary History of Nepal, illustrates
242 Muni, “Bringing the Maoist Down from the Hills,” 314. 243 Ibid. 244 Bhandari, Surendra, Self Determination & Constitution Making in Nepal, CA, Inclusion, & Ethnic
Federalism, 1-2. 245 Bhandari, Self Determination, 26.
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the Nepal Maoist conflicts and how monarchy was abolished, through a work that is a diary
of daily political incidents of contemporary Nepal. Jha’s work is particularly valuable for
those unfamiliar with Nepalese political history. However, there is no significant theory or
idea that can be utilized for developing the country in the future.
In Rightward Drift in Nepal, C. K. Lal comments on the November 2013 CA 2nd election
in Nepal, in which the winning party was given a fractured mandate but one that made the
traditional upper caste and upper class groups dominant again.246 In comparison, in the first
CA election, major rebellion parties, such as Maoist, gained prominence relative to regional
parties, yet were sidelined during the 2013 second CA election. In regards to this political
commentator and civil society activity, Shyam Shrestha asks, if Maoist political achievements
were so remarkable, why did Maoists face such an embarrassing defeat in the second CA
election? He says that Nepali Maoists could not properly explain their achievements and their
remarkable and revolutionary nature.247 Further, he pointed out that, while the Maoists
managed to lead the transformation of the Nepalese political system, they failed to bring
about similar transformation in the economic, social and cultural spheres while they were in
government during the first CA.248
In his work, M. Govinda Rao comments on Nepali federalism, highlighting the
socioeconomic interests and political motives and contrasting them to the key drivers in other
economically developed nations or intra-state federations. According to the author, in some
cases, different countries come together to form a confederation for a common interest to reap
the gains from security and common market. In the case of Nepal, the motivation for
adopting a federal system of governance comes from the relatively slowly growing economy,
246 C. K. Lal, “Rightward Drift in Nepal,” Economic & Political Weekly, vol.49, no. 4 (2014): 10. 247 Shrestha, Shyam, “Maoist Defeat in Nepal; The Price of Missed opportunity,” Economic & Political Weekly,
vol.49, no. 4 (2014): 13. 248 Shrestha, “Maoist Defeat in Nepal”, 14.
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where opportunities do not expand fast enough and groups experience exclusion.249
Therefore, he recommends that the political, economic and development aspects be
considered during the creation of federalism.
2.4.6 Social Structure Andra Matles Savada states, “In the mid-twentieth century, Nepal remained gripped in an
old socioeconomic structure despite the influence of Western popular culture, growing
commercialization, and some penetration of capitalism.”250 The first challenge to this
feudalistic power structure came in 1950–1951, when the Rana autocracy was overthrown by
the popular democratic movement that restored the authority of the monarchy. With regard to
Nepal’s caste and class relations, Mikesell notes that the 1990 uprising that brought down the
Panchayat system “may be understood as a maturation of contradictions in a long process of
social development and struggle.”251 Nepal’s political movement brought down the
autocratic system of the Ranas and guided democracy under King Mahendra. The purpose of
a democratic government in Nepal was, as Arendt indicates, “to accommodate the great
plurality of human beings, so they can live in peaceful coexistence and share the earth and
mutually guaranteed freedom.”252
Savada and other scholars, such as Mikesell, highlight social classes and stratification of
Nepali society. According to them, Nepali society is divided into different sub-sectors in
terms of access to power: a small ruling elite class; a growing, intermediate-sized group of
government officials, large landholders, and merchants; and the vast majority of the
population, consisting of a peasant base. Savada sys,
These divisions are descriptive, functional class categories rather than social class
249 Rao, M. Govinda, “Fiscal Federalism Opportunities and Challenges for Nepal,” Economic & Political
Weekly, no. 10 (2015): 35. 250 Savada, ed., Nepal: A Country Study, 1991. 251 Mikesell, Class, State, and Struggle in Nepal, 191–3. 252 Arendt, The Promise of Politics, 202.
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entities based on the Marxian concept of the social relations of production. In a way,
all three classes were a long continuum in Nepal’s social structure because most of the
members of the ruling elite and government functionaries had their direct roots in the
rural landlord, which was one stratum of the farming population. Even though the
agricultural sector as a whole faced similar economic and technological circumstances,
it was diverse and contained several strata in land holding, relative economic
dependence, and independence253.
According to Paffenholz and Spurk, the participation of citizens in political decision-
making is the core of functioning democracies.254 Public participation is an emerging issue
of democracies, and the present Nepali society wants to enjoy “the right to development as a
right of all individuals in a country exercised collectively.”255 Therefore, civil society has a
tremendously important role to play in democracies, not only domestically but also in
international cooperation. In Nepal, armed conflict has directly influenced civil society and
has dramatically changed the life of people at all levels, affecting economic and social change
and the shift of power relations within communities.
Diversity in language and religion has played a central role in political discourse. Vaughn
highlights that, in the historical context, religion has long been an important factor in Nepal,
where, out of a populace of 29.3 million, 81 percent of the population follow the Hindu faith
and 11 percent are Buddhist. Nepali is the official language, though there are over 100
regional and indigenous linguistic groups who speak more than 100 languages.256
Moreover, in the early 1990s, Nepalese society was ethnically diverse and complex,
ranging in phenotype (physical characteristics) and culture from the Indian to the Tibetan.
Except for the sizable population of those of Indian birth or ancestry concentrated in the Terai,
253 Savada, ed., Nepal: A Country Study. 254 Paffenholz and Spurk, “Civil Society, Civic Engagement.” 1. 255 Bleie, The Adivasis of Bangladesh, 65. 256 Vaughn, Political Developments and Bilateral Relation, 3–4.
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which borders India, the varied ethnic groups have evolved into distinct patterns over time.257
According to Dilli Dahal, before 1950, the Rana government wanted to show Nepal as
homogenous country in terms of language, religion and ethnic/caste based structure.258 The
government advocated the single language and religion policy within the framework of Hindu
nationalism. Further, he mentions that the unstable government after 1950, frequent changes
in the government structure, and then the short life of these governments, could not provide
enough space for people to grow. The removal of the Panchayat regime in 1990 did provide a
participatory political culture of people, considering their language, religion, and culture. In
1990, the government started to collect information on caste and ethnicity in Nepal. The
following data recorded by the Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS) show the percentage of
different ethnicities.
Table 4 Ethnic and Caste Proportions in the Nepali Population
Ethnic group/Caste Percentage %
Chhetri 15.5
Brahman-Hill 12.5
Magar 7
Tharu 6.6
Tamang 5.5
Newar 5.4
Muslim 4.2
Kami 3.9
Yadav 3.9
Other 32.7
257 Dahal, Social Composition of the Population, 111-12. 258 Ibid., 87.
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Unspecified 2.8
Compiled by the author. Source: Central Bureau of Statistics 2001, Nepal.
When there was a democratic effort in Nepal in 1950, which overthrew the Rana regime, it
motivated the country to take up different perspectives in measuring the census of the
country.259 Earlier, a general human census was normally conducted (starting from 1911)
until the onset of this democratic revolution, which was later followed by the institution of a
constitution in 1990. The outcome of the revolution and setting up of a constitution caused
the censuses to be conducted in terms of social components, based on language, religion, and
ethnic and castes groups.260 It is without a doubt that the Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS)
was skeptical in taking a census with social components in mind, but taking considerations
into perspectives, such types of census taking is practiced in Nepal. The main reason was to
make the people to be more inclusive or to partake in politics on larger scale261. But although
the CBS took major steps, politicians, planners and academics feel that such a census in terms
of social composition might contribute towards possible disintegration, instead of integrating
the Nepal society262. The system of CBS has, however, helped planners, teachers, students
and NGOs/INGOs to get distinct views of the socio-economic conditions of the people and to
help draw policies accordingly. Furthermore, commentators have argued that detailed
information on groups of people could lead towards the integration of country in terms of
political and administrative angles, rather than following a non-inclusive developmental
model, which might lead the country towards disintegration.
The Hindu caste system is strong in Nepal, and the sociocultural formation of the society
has some specific influences on the day-to-day activities of the Nepali people and affects the
259 Ibid. 260 Ibid. 261 Ibid. 262 Ibid.
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structural formation of political organizations and politics. The Hindu caste system has a
hierarchical structure, ordered from top to bottom on the basis of heredity, membership,
endogamy (marrying within one’s own culture group), purity and pollution, and these cultural
norms influence the political and social development of Nepal’s democratic movements.263
2.5 Conclusion Nepal has experienced a variety of political movements. As long as the Gorkhali king,
Prithivi Narayan Shah, unified a great nation, Nepali nationality was codified with language,
culture and religion. Khasa, a language of the ruling class, Hinduism, as a part of religion,
Sanskrirtization, as a part of national culture, were deeply rooted in Nepalese politics. The
rise of Rana rulers followed the same footsteps and denied the rights of people. The political
movement of 1951 and 1990 were sufficiently unsuccessful in making the people fully
participate in politics, or in providing civic rights, as even political parties imposed their
hegemony within parties and country due to the lack of political culture.
For consolidating a democratic system, the political actors tried to achieve the national
goals in order to get the full support and confidence of common people. An inclusive and
participatory democratic system can develop in a country that mostly can reduce violence and
unnecessary political intervention of any national and non-national political forces. In Nepal,
the state power undermined the civic rights, cultural tradition, and social values of marginal
class and indigenous communities, and discriminated against women and Madeshi people,
and economically exploited rural and backward community people, which ultimately
encouraged Maoists to push the country towards an armed political conflict.
Nepal’s post-conflict situation lacked the management process for conflicts, such as
maintaining law and order. It hardly gave priority to assuring justice for the victims. The
understanding between the political parties on different issues, such as the political
transformation of the society and working with the truth and reconciliation committee set up
263 Hachhethu, Party Building in Nepal, 77-78.
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between the government and the CPN (Maoist) during the CPA signed in 2006, have not been
completed yet. As a result, the rule of law is not effectively implemented, legal mechanisms
are weak, and the inability to ensure transitional justice has created impunity in the country.
There was a state of anarchy in the country when criminals went unpunished and foreign aid
was misused as corruption increased. Social and political contradictions, controversies, and
conflicts have been growing over the years to a higher intensity and dynamics. The current
literature shows that there is gap in the facilitation of disarming, demobilizing, reintegration,
and restructuring of the security sector. This has raised some challenges to the peace process
in Nepal.
The gap between the general public and political parties is widening. Nepali political
leadership lacks the civic culture needed to build an advanced system to govern the people.
This creates a gap between people living in different regions and communities, such as ethnic
groups, women, and Dalits. Even in urban areas, the gap is clearly seen. Ultimately, it will be
visible in Nepal’s ongoing peace process. The political parties only reach out to the people to
appeal for their votes during the election period. In building a democracy in a post-conflict
society like Nepal, passion, tolerance, social learning, reconciliation, and change in the
attitude of leadership are incredibly important. Timely and periodic change through elections
provides institutional resources to new groups for social mobility, and political participation
at the local level makes conflict unnecessary to some extent. The de-politicization of the
people in decision-making creates a gap between the leaders and public, whereas active
political engagement of citizens in fields to promotes civic culture in society. This means that
citizens should take initiatives and actions to play a role in determining policy and political
decisions.
In addition, the complete lack of political freedom has made people turn their attention to
other systems, ideologies, and possibilities. Nepali political parties and leadership failed to
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promote democratic processes within parties and the government itself. During the
democratic experimentation of the political parties, the struggle for power provided the basic
principle for leadership. This paralyzed the country, and no law or order could be restored due
to rising corruption. The case of insurgency also points to incompetent leadership of the then
head of state, along with the fragmentation of the political parties in resolving the issue.
The Maoist Party, an isolated faction of the CPN, vowed to hand power to the long-ignored
and deprived people of Nepal. The Maoist insurgency was especially deeply rooted in the
rural areas that constitutes the major part of the country, and dismantled the traditional
political system, allowing the party to create a new power balance. The diverse population
and geographical features of Nepal provided a conducive atmosphere for initiating violence
and producing counter-violence across the country. The social exclusion of the greater
number of people living in the rural areas, the regional discrimination of the Terai and
Karnali areas, and the Far Western and Mid-western development regions,264 abject poverty,
especially in hilly and mountainous regions, and political marginalization, were serious
internal challenges to Nepal after 1990. From the politico-economic perspective, these were
the common problems of the country, and the post-1990 political movement failed to address
the problems of the Nepali people. In this unfair political situation, the CPN (Maoist)
identified the hidden problems that fueled the conflict in a short period. After 1990, the
marginalized groups of people got a new space to take part in political functions, but a lack of
formal representation in the political structure of the country meant that there were no
changes in their day-to-day life.
Throughout Nepal’s political history, the ruling elites, from the Shah dynasty to the
political parties active in the democratic system that began in 1990, have acted in their own
self-interest and ignored the interests of the common people. This is the root of all social, 264 Administratively the Karnali area falls under the Mid-western development region, a poor area within a
backward development region of Nepal, and thus the Far-western development region is underdeveloped compared to others region in Nepal.
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economic, and political problems in a caste-based social structure and hegemonic state. The
domination of one group over another became a key point for the Maoist rebels. The CPN
(Unity Center) had sent a 40-point demand to PM Girija Prasad Koirala in 1992.265 These are
some of those demands:
End government terror, killing, firing, suppression, and hooliganism.
Abrogate unequal treaties, agreements, and understandings, including the 1950 Treaty
with India, and cancel the understanding that hands over rivers to India.
Provide settlement to squatters and stop displacing them without providing alternate
areas of settlement.
Determine the wages of industrial and agricultural laborers.
End injustice and exploitation of farmers.
End discrimination against women, including their sale in the market. End
discrimination in the distribution of citizenship papers. Ensure that daughters have
equal rights to property.
End discrimination towards people living in Terai and remote areas.
Another 40-point demand submitted to the government of Nepal on February 4, 1996266
contained these further demands:
All discriminatory treaties, including the 1950 Nepal-India Treaty, should be
abrogated.
The so-called integrated Mahakali Treaty concluded on January 29, 1996, should be
repealed immediately, as it is designed to conceal the disastrous Tanakpur Treaty and
allows Indian imperialist monopoly over Nepal’s water resources.
Regional discrimination of the Terai by the hill-caste elite should be eliminated.
Backward areas should be given regional autonomy. Rural and urban areas should be 265 A 14-point charter was tabled by Nirmal Lama to the government of Nepal on behalf of CPN (Unity Center);
its leader was Prachanda. Maharjan1993. More, Thapa and Sijapati, 2003: 210. 266 The United People’s Front headed by Dr Baburam Bhattari submitted this 40-point demand in 1996.
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treated equally.
All racial exploitation and suppression should be stopped. Where ethnic communities
are in majority, they should be allowed to form their own autonomous government.
Discrimination against downtrodden and backward people should be stopped. The
system of untouchability should be eliminated.
All languages and dialects should be given equal opportunities to prosper. The right to
education in the mother tongue up to higher levels should be guaranteed.
Poor farmers should be exempt from loan repayments. Loans taken by small farmers
from the Agricultural Development Bank should be written off. Appropriate
provisions should be made to provide for small farmers.
The CPN (Maoist) party started the People’s War by uniting the isolated youths of the rural
mid-western region of the nation and gradually captured most of the country. After the
announcement of a state of emergency, military forces were mobilized to control the rebellion.
The political crisis became worse in 2001 and triggered stakeholders, such as the Maoists and
political parties, to pay attention. The clash between parliamentary political parties and the
royal palace worsened, and the rift between the political parties and the Maoists increased
day by day. The clashes between the insurgents and the Royal NA took the lives of innocent
civilians. The counter-attack proved provocative to the insurgents, who escalated the
insurgency to new heights. This compelled the parliamentary parties and rebel forces to come
together, and they ultimately reached an understanding to end the age-long monarchical
system in Nepal.
Nepal has experimented with several forms of political systems at different times.
Different democratic constitutions were practiced, including, most recently, a democratic
republic after 2006, when a new Interim Constitution 2007 was declared and implemented. In
1990, the Nepali people had an Multi-party democracy and constitutional monarchy were
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implemented in 1990, with political parties using their constitutional rights to lead the
government. Counter to this expectation, the democratic system became notorious in a few
years, as the political leaders failed to meet public aspirations. The dynamic leadership of
CPN (Maoist) grasped the sentiment of common people as the ruling parties undermined their
political, cultural, social and economic rights. The political rift within and beyond the major
political parties like NC and CPN (UML) hampered the ruling of the country smoothly, and
ultimately a fragile state political power of ruling parties and security system failed to analyze
the political situation before 1996. In this crucial point, the ethnic and regional sentiments of
the common populace proved to be responsible for garnering the political support to the
Maoist, which helped to escalate the conflict alarmingly across the country in a very short
time. In the twenty-first century, therefore, it is interesting to study Maoist movements in
Nepal that lasted for ten years – from 1996 to 2006. Maoist leaders believed the peace
agreement signed in 2006 to be a rupture in continuity and a sort of turning point towards
completing their political goals. It provides different schools of thought that not only
contribute to the study of social movements but also provide an opportunity to understand the
societal influence in politics.
Since 1990, the democratization process has failed to yield political stability. From 1991 to
2006, the country underwent different struggles for peace and security. Thus, Nepal could be
an example of a case in which multiparty parliamentary democracy failed to address the
problems of the people. The differences of political culture to develop political consensus
within and beyond political parties in order to solve the political crisis in different period
became major problem in Nepali politics and the system proved inept repeatedly. If we study
the political period from 1951 to 1960, the political conflict between royal palace and
political parties became unproductive during a decade long transition phase, and from 1990 to
2006, political parties showed no responsibility towards the people and the country saw a
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decade long armed conflict. In both periods, democratic constitutions were endorsed in the
country, but different governments failed to lead the country successfully. Until now in Nepal,
no democratic government has completed its full tenure. It has automatically showed the way
of the country towards political instability. Democracy in the twenty-first century demands
people's participation, irrespective of class, caste, religion, culture, gender, region, and so on,
which allows the people to play a role at the decision-making level. In the absence of these
aspects, Nepali people felt no political security from the government. In Nepal, no political
mechanism was accountable for resolving the issues of participatory democracy and
empowering, among others, women, the marginal class, indigenous communities, backward
groups, or the untouchable caste.
There are still some rays of hope that the peace process has achieved a glorious height.
Maoist combatants are integrated in the NA and rehabilitated in society, which has increased
a level of political trust among the political parties. A strong political resolution is now
needed to solve difficult issues, such as drafting and promulgating a new constitution for a
new Nepal. To some extent, these issues are already being addressed, except that political
parties have still a rift over the electoral system, declaring the number of federal states, forms
of government, and so on, which are the necessary parts of the promulgation of a constitution
in time.
However, issues like missing people and the formation of TRC were completed, but its
political and legal mandates to work for reaching a logical conclusion of peace process have
not been final yet. The major point is that the promulgation of the new constitution, for which
the Nepali people have been fighting for a long time, was promulgated on 20 September 2015.
Nepal's main problem for ending the peace process – development and enhancing security of
the people – is associated with political ideology, forms of governance, good and transparent
governance, inclusive political system, and proportional development. Finally, external
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political stakeholders who generally played positive roles in different times ought not to show
their political interest and their preferences to political parties and political leaders.
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Chapter3: The Maoist Insurgency and Conflict Resolution 3.1 History of the Maoist Party
The political party that initiated a decade-long people’s war in 1996 emerged in that form
after experiencing ups and downs in the political history of Nepal. The Communist Party of
Nepal was formed in 1949 in Kolkata, India, and aimed to establish its own political system
based on ideological doctrine. The party opposed the Delhi agreement267 reached between
the Rana rulers, the NC, and India in 1951, which formally ended the 104-year Rana regime,
as it had no political role in that agreement. The influence of pro-Peking and pro-Moscow
factions gradually resulted in revolutionary and royalist communists in Nepal. Similarly, after
the end of the democratic system in 1961, at a plenum held in Darbhanga, India, the CPN
tabled three proposals as to the nature of the party, that is, that they be, either, supporters of
the royal takeover of 1961, supporters of a democratic system that needed a working alliance
with the NC, or radical leftists who demanded the election of the CA for drafting the
Constitution of Nepal.268 In fact, in 1961, the third proposal tabled by Mohan Bikram
Singh269 got an overwhelming majority, but the central leaders accepted the first proposal of
Keshar Jung Rayamajhi. The designer of the second proposal was Puspa Lal Shrestha270, who
aimed to make a political alliance with NC for establishing a democratic system, but this
proposal got no political support. By late 1974, the supporters of the third proposal formed a
new political party, the CPN (Fourth Convention), under the leadership of Mohan Bikram
Singh, and, in 1979, Nirmal Lama271 led the party, with a clear stand on the question of
armed revolution for establishing a new political system.272
267 Delhi Agreements: is the role of Jawahar Lal Neharu the Indian prime minister who played the role to bring
all the traditional and modern forces together and brokered an agreement in February 1951 in Delhi, it popularly known as the Delhi Agreement, among the three forces- the king, the Ranas, and the NC. The Agreement paved the way for democratization in Nepal, allowed the King to resume his traditional powerful role, and advised the Ranas and the NC leaders to work together in coalition government. See more on Parajulee, Ramjee, P. The Democratic Transition in Nepal, 179.
268 Thapa and Sijapati, A Kingdom under Siege, 23–4. 269 He is the politician and leader of CPN. 270 Pushpa Lal Shrestha was the founding general secretary of the CPN as well as the leader of the CPN. 271 He was Nepalese communist leader, leader of CPN (UC) and popular politician. 272 Thapa and Sijapati, A Kingdom under Siege, 25.
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The CPN (Fourth Convention) split in 1983 and two separate political parties were formed
– the CPN (Mashal) led by Mohan Bikram Singh, and the CPN (Fourth Convention) led by
Nirmal Lama.273 After one year, CPN (Mashal) further split into two parties and CPN
(Mashal), led by Mohan Baidya, and CPN (Masal), led by the same leader Mohan Bikram
Singh, came into political existence as revolutionary political parties and continued to
sharpen the minds of their activists for conducting the necessary class struggle.274 In 1989,
Prachanda became a chief leader of CPN (Mashal) and, after two years, succeeded in uniting
four political parties and led the revolutionary movement in 1991 under the political banner
of CPN (Unity Center).275
In the post-1990 elections, the CPN (UC) took part in the general election and got nine out
of 120 seats in the Lower House, whereas the CPN (Masal), led by Mohan Bikram Singh,
boycotted the election and demanded the election of a CA.276 In the next mid-term election,
the political forum of CPN (UC) boycotted the election for the preparation of a People’s War,
but the CPN (Masal), led by Mohan Bikram, took part in the elections.277 Finally, in 1995,
CPN (Maoist) developed from CPN (UC) and initiated the People’s War in 1996, which
lasted for ten years.278
3.2 Preparation for the Maoist People’s War CPN (UC) had passed a political resolution to initiate a “People’s War” to bring about a
new political system in Nepal. CPN (Fourth Convention) was the root of the then-CPN (UC)
that had just been united with the alliance of CPN (Mashal), CPN (Fourth Convention), and
273 Thapa, Understanding the Maoist Movement of Nepal, XI. 274 Josse, M.R. “History and Genesis of Nepal`s Maoist Insurgency: Tools for Negotiating Conflict.” In Critical
Barriers to the Negotiation of Armed Conflict in Nepal, eds., Shrestha, and Uprety, 4. 275 Ibid. 276 Thapa and Sijapati, A Kingdom under Siege, 182. 277 Ibid.,45. 278 Upreti, Armed Conflict and Peace Process in Nepal, 23.
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CPN (Masal).279 The unity of these Communist parties had accepted Prachanda’s political
guidelines in the light of Marxist, Leninist, and Maoist doctrines.280 In a very short time, the
party felt a clear-cut political rift and the group of Nirmal Lama, which aimed to start an
armed uprising in the urban region, disagreed with the political line of Prachanda, who was in
favor of a protracted people’s war.281
In September 1995, CPN (UC) passed a theoretical premise for the historic initiation of the
People’s War. Some of its points state,
[T]he initiation of people’s war would be based on completing the new democratic
revolution after the destruction of feudalism and imperialism... our struggle will be
totally free from all sorts of petty bourgeois, narrow nationalist, religion-communal,
and casteist illusions. This plan of ours would be based on the great spirit of
proletarian internationalism. Nepalese revolution is an integral part of the world
proletarian revolution and this will serve the world revolution. This plan would be
based on the theoretical premises of building a revolutionary united front and a
revolutionary army under the leadership of the party in the phase of new democratic
revolution...This plan would be formulated on the principle of the right to self-
determination of the party of the proletariat. ...The war will develop according to its
own laws, not in a straight line but in a complex zigzag path. The people’s war will
triumph after going through cycles of victory and defeat and gain and loss. We shall
be able to lead the people’s war only by correctly grasping the law of contradiction of
transformation of wrong into right.282
This formulation of party guidelines for the continuation of class struggle on the premises of
party ideology was part of an intense preparation for initiating the people’s war.
279 Karki and Seddon, eds., The People’s War in Nepal, 12. 280 Ibid., 16. 281 Josse, M.R. “History and Genesis of Nepal`s Maoist Insurgency: Tools for Negotiating Conflict.” In Critical
Barriers to the Negotiation of Armed Conflict in Nepal, eds., Shrestha, and Uprety, 3. 282 Thapa and Sijapati, A Kingdom under Siege, 46.
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The CPN (M) held a series of mass campaigns across the country, and part of its hectic
preparations was to mobilize party members to propagate the ideology of Marxism-Leninism-
Maoism.283 On February 4, 1996, Baburam Bhattarai presented a 40-point demand to the
government of Nepal, asking for all demands to be fulfilled by February 17. The government
of Nepal did not give priority to those demands, and on February 11, Prime Minister Sher
Bahadur Deuba left for a state visit to India, at which time the cadres of CPN (M) carried out
attacks in four districts of Nepal.284 In the beginning, the government of Nepal, including all
political parties, undermined the political move of CPN (M) and searched for a solution
through the police forces. It moved continuously ahead even as the party declared that it
“would lead the people’s war only by correctly grasping the law of contradiction of
transformation of wrong into right.”285
Before the initiation of the insurgency, the Maoist leaders claimed that the “semi-feudal
and semi-colonial” nature of the socio-politico-economic structure of the country would not
solve the problems of the Nepali people and would thwart all efforts at development.286 The
economic poverty caused a gap between haves and have-nots, unequal sociopolitical rights
among males and females, and discrimination among different casts and social communities,
all of which prepared the political grounds for the Maoists in time to initiate the
insurgency.287 The leaders of the CPN (UC) had no hope of solving the issues of Nepal and
they were gradually becoming an unseen power by 1991, as the political parties failed to
understand their ideological political link with the common people of the hilly region.288
For a long time, Nepali politicians tried to see the connection between the Maoist and
rightist political forces such as, for example, RPP and SP. It created confusion among the
283 Karki and Seddon, eds., The People’s War in Nepal, 20. 284 Ibid., 48. 285 Ibid., 47. 286 Ibid., 22. 287 Thapa and Sijapati, A Kingdom under Siege, 55. 288 Ibid.
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political parties and the insurgency had an excellent opportunity to flourish.289 Even after
the initiation of the insurgency, the Maoist leaders used those political differences rooted in
the minds of other political leaders and used the same for the benefit of their people’s war.
Thapa and Sijapati, quoting Narahari Acharya, state,
[T]he seed of the CPN (Maoist)’s ideology can be found in the extremists that have
not accepted the Constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal 1990 that was established as
one of the gains of the 1990 people’s movement. That is why Maoist’s activities have
found sustenance in the activities of extreme leftists and extreme rightists that do not
want a democratic system for Nepal and of forces that do not want political stability in
Nepal.290
Nepali politicians have counter views on the initiation of a conflict that affected the
country for a decade. Pro-Maoist leaders and intellectuals opine that it was a matter of
timing, and some other critics view it as a political game to weaken the parliamentary
political system. The leader of CPN (M), Baburam Bhattarai, claims that the insurgency
in Nepal was aimed at ending “rampant poverty, unemployment, discrimination
manifested in spheres of society” and that the CPN (Maoist) “started an armed struggle
for a decade, calling it a people's war, [they fought] against feudal autocracy, foreign
domination, for supporting the socially backward groups, women, Madeshi, Dalit, and
poor class.”291 Contrary to Baburam Bhattarai, Manmohan Bhattarai states that “Maoist
leaders had a tacit understanding with the king and India…For this they trained the
armies and easily recruited in remote areas, paying between Rs. 500–1000, and the
Marxist slogan was taught by the leaders, saying that every individual from deprived
communities, poor, or marginalized people would get benefits from the people’s war.”292
289 Ibid., 72-73. 290 Ibid., 73. 291 See Appendix 5,292. 292 Ibid.
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CPN (M) launched the People’s War in early 1996, and its armed movement became a
major problem in 2001, as the Party announced a new political doctrine, the “Prachanda
Path”293 from the party’s second national conference. The massacre of the royal family,
including then-King Birendra, and the attack on the Holeri police post, created a rift
between the parliamentary political parties and the royal palace, especially the Royal NA,
as it failed to deploy in the Holeri case.294 The resignation of Girija Prasad Koirala from
the premiership and the election of Sher Bahadur Deuba caused a huge political crisis in
Nepal.295 The Deuba government spread rays of hope after holding a three-round talk on
the table with the Maoists.296 On November 21, 2001, the Maoists claimed
dissatisfaction with the peace talks and, on November 23, the CPN (M) attacked army
barracks, including in Dang, and continued its regular attacks in different places.297 The
government’s decision at that point to label the party as a terrorist organization clearly
divided the whole nation into two opposite blocks.298
3.3 The Maoist Insurgency An insurgency is an organized political movement aimed at overthrowing a constituted
government through the use of rebellion or armed conflict.299 Insurgencies – based either on
ideological, regional, ethnic, or linguistic grounds – tend to be protracted conflicts where the
insurgents fight against a weak government’s legitimate or illegitimate power, and where
state combatants fight to destroy the opponents and remain in power. Insurgency is defined as
an extra-constitutional struggle against the incumbent authority, generally by a small group of
293 “Parchanda Path” is the ideological line of the UCPN (M). It is considered a development of Marxism-
Leninism-Maoism and named after the leader of the UCPN (M), Pushpa Kamal Dahal, commonly known as ‘Prachanda’. “Parchanda Path” was proclaimed in 2001.
294 Upreti, Armed Conflict and Peace Process in Nepal, 23-35. 295 Baral, “Nepal Political Parties and Parliament,” 19-20. 296 Thapa and Sijapati, A Kingdom under Siege, 120. 297 Ibid., 122. 298 Ibid., 123. 299 Shrestha, Chuda, B., Nepal: Coping with Maoist Insurgency Conflict, 5.
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indigenous masses with the purpose of capturing state power or achieving emancipation.300
It uses political organization and irregular military forces to hold power, and aims to
fundamentally weaken the government and ultimately control the legitimacy of the
government.301
Political commentators and political thinkers have questioned why the CPN (M) decided
to initiate an armed struggle, as there was already a democratic constitution in Nepal,
promulgated in 1990. Even the national and international scenario was not favorable for them
to wage a people’s war.302 The beginning of armed conflict in the Himalayan kingdom
surprised the neighboring regional powers, international communities and powerful countries.
They initiated a revolt in a grim situation, and, according to their political document, it was a
right time as people wanted to be free from elite political power and enjoy their own political
space. The main objective of the rebels was to get complete freedom from capitalistic state
power and to establish their own system. As Puspalal states, “[T]he struggle of the Nepali
people is to attain civil liberties through a revolutionary struggle.”303 In addition, to
understand this common question, we may consider these lines from Karl Marx, as cited by
Dipak Sapkota,
At a certain stage of development, the material productive forces of society come into
conflict with the existing relations of production or – this merely expresses the same thing
in legal terms – with the property relations within the framework of which they have
operated hitherto. From forms of development of the productive forces, these relations turn
into their fetters. Then there begins an era of social revolution. The changes in economic
foundation lead sooner or later to the transformation of the whole immense
300 Ibid. 301 Ibid., 6. 302 Ibid. 303 Sapkota, Ten Years of Upheaval, 23.
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superstructures.304
The political insurgency used political guidelines developed by the party to mobilize its
political activists as an irregular military force to achieve its goals. In this sense, it is a
protracted political-military activity directed toward completely or partially controlling the
resources of a country through the use of irregular military forces and illegal political
organizations.305
Arjun Karki and David Seddon write that the rise of Maoism in Nepal has a connection
with the successful political revolution of Mao Zedong in China and the experience of Charu
Mazumdar, the architect of the Naxalite uprising in India. In Nepal in 1971, some youths
started violent political activities in Jhapa, in eastern Terai, and formed a Koshi Regional
Committee of the Communist Party of Nepal, later known as the All Nepal Revolutionary
Coordination Committee (ML). Nepali revolutionary youth got political inspiration from the
Indian peasants’ movement that started in 1967 in the Naxalbari area of West Bengal. The All
Nepal Revolutionary Coordination Committee’s underground guerrilla war306 was the first
political uprising waged by a leftist group in line with concept of “the protracted People’s
War.” The Jhapa Uprising was the first attempt by Nepali Communists to undertake armed
struggle.307 In a very short time, that extra-political activity came under the control of
Nepal’s government. The CPN (Fourth Convention) studied it closely and analyzed the
sociopolitical situation of Nepal.308 Later, in 1995, the same CPN (Fourth Convention)
became the CPN (Maoist) and undertook effective armed struggle to bring changes in the
political power balance.
Studies have found that, in 1990, CPN (UC) opposed the Constitution of the Kingdom of
Nepal 1990, citing it as an inadequate basis for genuine democracy, and continued to demand
304 Ibid., 33–34. 305 Shrestha, Nepal Coping with Maoist Insurgency; Conflict, 49. 306 Also known as the Jhapa Uprising. 307 Ibid., 10. 308 Karki and Seddon, eds., The People’s War in Nepal, 10-11.
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a CA and the setting up of a People’s Republic in Nepal. However, the CPN (Unity Center)
participated in the general election of 1991, under the name United People’s Front of Nepal
(UPFN), led by Dr. Baburam Bhattarai as coordinator, and won nine seats out of 205 in the
parliament. It stood as the third largest political party in the parliament. In the election, CPN-
UML emerged as the second-largest political party in parliament, and the NC got the majority
and formed the government. The NC government began to demonstrate its hostility towards
the more radical leftist parties, which created a rift between the ruling party and the ultra-
leftist political parties.309
The Communist Party of Nepal (Unity Centre) -- CPN (UC) -- held its first Congress in
December, 1991, and decided to adopt “Marxism-Leninism-Maoism” as its ideological
direction and the Path of Protracted People’s War, through the initiation of open class struggle
in rural areas of the country after the Chinese model, rather than a mass uprising.310 In 1992,
Nickson pointed out that “the future prospect of Maoism in Nepal will depend largely on the
extent to which the newly elected Congress Government addresses the historic neglect and
discrimination of the small rural communities which still make up the overwhelming bulk of
the population of the country.”311 Until 1996, the Maoist movement in Nepal was in a latent
state. In the southern part of Nepal, and especially in the central-eastern Indian state of Bihar,
there had been a strong Leftist political movement since the 1930s.312
Until the surge of global democratization in the early 1990s, Nepal was widely regarded a
quiet Himalayan Hindu kingdom with a docile citizenry and exotic tourist spots. Bihar, on the
other hand, has seen ups and downs in its democratic experience since 1947, including the
politics of revolutionary (Marxist-Maoist) violence.313 The comparison of the Maoist
309 Josse, M.R. “History and Genesis of Nepal`s Maoist Insurgency: Tools for Negotiating Conflict.” In Critical
Barriers to the Negotiation of Armed Conflict in Nepal, eds., Shrestha, and Uprety, 11. 310 Karki and Seddon, eds., The People’s War in Nepal, 16. 311 Nickson,”Democratization and Growth of Communism in Nepal: A Peruvian Scenario the Making,” 14. 312 Chaube, Democratic Movement in Nepal and the Indian left, 47-55. 313 Prasad, “Caste, Regionalism, and Political Violence.”2.
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movement in Nepal and India presents very interesting and typical pictures. The movement
flourished in a larger country, such as India, and a smaller country, like Nepal, at different
times. However, the political parties in Nepal and India adopted the same ideology, that is,
Marxism, Leninism, and Maoism or Maoist thought, to capture political power.
Pardip Nepal has argued that the people could not ignore the historical context and
background of the country and the Maoist launched violent movements314. The violent
struggle did not come into existence only on the basis of Maoism’s theoretical concepts; its
development is due to the ideological consciousness of the people. He further mentions that
the Nepalese tendency to extend opposition at its highest level, where violence and war are
extensions of politics. That is why one cannot find a pure political consciousness even in the
struggle launched by the Maoist Party.
Chuda Bahadur Shrestha states that the Maoist People’s War was based on a long-term
strategy. As their strategy in the beginning, the CPN (M) had established public awareness
programmers in remote areas and trained villagers, who were mainly living below the poverty
line, the unemployed, underemployed, and under-privileged youth, to rise against the
multiparty system.315 Nepali people had endured miserable living conditions during the
Panchayat regime. In 1989, the World Development Report ranked Nepal 115th out of 120
countries in the world in terms of its per capita income. Nepal`s per capita income was US
$ 220.316 Before 1990, Nepal was ruled by Panchayat system317 where all political parties
were constitutionally banned. Political movements, participation, and organization were
illegal. In 1990, through the people’s movement, the democratic system was restored and a 314 Karki and Seddon, eds., The People’s War in Nepal, 405. 315 Shrestha, Nepal: Coping with Maoist Insurgency Conflict, 44. 316 The World Bank, World Development Report 1989. http://ina.bnu.edu.cn/docs/20140606092044230772.pdf. Accessed on June12, 2012. 317 In ancient time, Panchayat means an assembly of five wise and respected elders chosen and accepted by
the community. Panchayat System is the political system of Nepal in effect from 1962 until 1990. It was based on the Panchayat system of self-governance historically prevalent in South Asia. It was formulated by King Mahendra after overthrowing the democratically elected government and dissolving the parliament in 1960.
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new interim government was formed under the leadership of NCP leader Krishna Prasad
Bhattarai. The cabinet members of the government, drawn from the NCP, the CPN, royal
appointees, and independents, formulated a constitutional form in November, 1990, based on
fundamental human rights and parliamentary democracy under a constitutional monarchy.
The middle of 1994 saw the dissolution of the parliament due to disagreements within the
political parties of parliament, and the government declared a fresh election of the parliament
to be held in November, 1994. The election did not give any party a majority, but it did result
in a massive defeat for the NCP, and a hung parliament produced political instability.318 A
minority government led by the UML could not last more than nine months, and the
formation of a coalition government failed to address the issues of the populace. The next
five years saw five successive unstable coalition governments. The King dissolved the HOR,
but later the Supreme Court (SC) decided against it and reinstated the HOR. The SC said that
a minority government could not recommend the dissolution of HOR until all alternatives of
forming coalition governments had been exhausted. A coalition government was formed
under Sher Bahadur Deuba in September, 1995. His government faced a vote of no
confidence twice from the opposition, but won with a favorable vote. His government
increased the privileges for MPs, pensions, and tax exemptions to import vehicles without
any opposition from the political parties, despite strong criticism from the public.319
In this situation, the “People’s War” was declared by the CPN (Maoist) against the
Nepalese government, with the goal of establishing a republican state. Nepal then
experienced deadly armed conflict for a decade, from February 13, 1996, to November 21,
2006. The armed conflict started as a small rebellion in the four western Hill districts of
Nepal and quickly expanded all over the country, posing a severe threat to human security.320
318 Baral, “Nepal Political Parties and Parliament,” 20-21. 319 Institute for Integrated Development Studies, The Fourth Parliamentary Election: A Study of the Evolving
Democratic Process in Nepal, 9. 320 Josse, M.R. “History and Genesis of Nepal`s Maoist Insurgency: Tools for Negotiating Conflict.” In Critical
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Upretiand Pyakuryal maintains that poverty321 was the root cause of this development and of
the strength of the Maoist insurgency.322 Otherwise, the Maoists would have been just a
political party, instead of armed rebels.
In 2000, the government of Nepal set a high-level committee to solve the political crisis
related to the Maoists and on July 25, 2001, the government declared the first cease-fire to
hold a dialogue between the rebels and the government.323 The dialogue ended with the
attack on army barracks by Maoists in 2001, and immediately the government declared state
of emergency and curtailed constitutional rights. In addition, after two years, in 2003, the
next political dialogue began, but the reservation remained over holding a round table
dialogue, CA election and formation of a new government. Finally, SPA and the Maoists
came to agreement on a 12-point agreement and ended the deadlock of political crisis, after
the people’s movement 2006.
Causes of the Nepal conflict are a complex web of interacting factors. These include
uneven development within the country, and such factors as endemic corruption, the politics
of the royal palace, and their relationship with the army, ethnic and caste inequalities, intense
politicization human rights abuses, social exclusion and deprivation, and inadequate
infrastructure development.324 Other internal and external factors are also paved the way to
conflict.
The studies of the third world countries including Nepal show that the inability to access
political, social, ethnic and tribal power leads to conflict among the society.325 Since this
leads to denial of rights and identities of minority groups, and since such processes are mostly
characterize by mismanagement, it leads to repression of the people. In addition to these
Barriers to the Negotiation of Armed Conflict in Nepal, eds., Shrestha, and Uprety, 6.
321 Upreti, The Price of Neglect; Pyakuryal, Upreti, and Sharma, eds., Nepal: Transition to Transformation. 322 Ibid. 323 Upreti, Armed Conflict and Peace Process in Nepal, 120-21. 324 Ibid., 26-7. 325 Khanal, Committed Insurgents, a Divided State and the Maoist Insurgency in Nepal,75-94.
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problems, in Nepal, there are issues like inequality in income and regional development and
caste differences that allow more privileged people to repress the other unprivileged
people.326 Studies show that the stronger the democratic ideal is, the more effective the state
and country can be in protecting its people against social and political repression. Nepal's
weak democracy led to the strengthening of insurgency inside the Maoist camp.327
Owing to political and social repression, the Human Rights Organization and it activists
have not been treated well in Nepal. During the 1980s, human rights activists, journalists and
students were repeatedly arrested, among which were people like Rishikesh Shaha, the
chairman of Nepal's Human Rights Organization.328 Violation of human rights in terms of
arrest of those who raise their voices against the government in Nepal has thus become an
ordeal of repression, which receives no help from international bodies, except few exceptions
like the Asia Watch Committee.329 This Committee has helped in monitoring human rights in
Nepal by helping Nepali attorneys, activists and others. The human rights violation and
abuses in Nepal became more rampant with the onset of the Maoists insurgency. From the
initial introduction of the Maoist Movement in Nepal, there has been a rise in human rights
violations in the country330. The Maoist government machinery and the Maoist insurgents
were equally responsible for the violations and repression of the Nepalese. In 2001, the
problem of the human rights violation reaches its height with the royal murder, later followed
by the royal coup in 2005.331
As stated, one of the major causes for repression and violence is the ethnic, tribal and caste
326 Ibid. 327 Khanal, Committed Insurgents, a Divided State and the Maoist Insurgency in Nepal, and Lawoti eds.,
Contentious Politics and Democratization in Nepal,75. 328 Asia Watch Committee (U.S.), Human Rights Violations in Nepal. 1989. https://books.google.com/books?id=CnTFLXce3toC&pgis=1. Accessed on June 12, 2015. 329 Ibid. 330 Dahal Singh, S., K., & Mills, E., “Nepal’s War on Human Rights: A summit higher than
Everest.” International Journal for Equity in Health, (2005): 4-9. http://doi.org/10.1186/1475-9276-4-9. Accessed on June 12, 2012.
331 Ibid.
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conflict in Nepal332. Since the governmental authorities do little to help the discrimination
and domination against the minorities, violence continues to rise in Nepal.333 The continued
exclusion of the ethnic and tribal minorities, along with the lower caste, has alienated
significant populations of the people living in the country. In the beginning, it was the class
exclusion and inequality that made the Maoist insurgency arise in Nepal. Among political
parties, Mongol National Organisation (MNO) and Khambuwan National Front (KNF),
remain as the ethnic minorities that continue to challenge the discrimination issues.334 The
KNF went to the extent of initiating ethnic insurgency in Nepal, owing to extreme caste and
ethnic discrimination in the country.335 The fact that ethnic minorities and lower caste
groups support the Maoists suggests that extreme alienation of these groups attracted them
towards using violence to fight against discrimination. The present political discourse largely
revolves around these issues.336 The lower Hindu Castes, Dalits, which constitutes 14.99% of
the population, continues to face discrimination on a large scale, along with other minor
linguistic, religion and ethnic groups like the Madhesi.337
Poverty and corruption are deep-rooted in Nepal, and it is estimated that more than 42%
live below the nutrition-based poverty line in Nepal.338 Such a poverty issue has been traced
back to income inequality and disparities rampant in the country. Income inequality ranges
across different regions, and political instability in the country continues to add to these
issues, instead of solving them.339
Nepal also suffers from regional differences, starting with education, where those in the
rural areas are deterred from getting the required education due to distance, early marriage,
332 See the details Table 5, 119 and Table 10-11, 175. 333 Lawoti, Contentious politics in democratizing Nepal, 17-47. 334 Ibid. 335 Ibid. 336 Ibid. 337 Bhattachan, Krishna B., Indigenous Nationalities & Minorities of Nepal, 49. 338 International Monetary Fund, Nepal - Staff Report for the 1999 Article IV Consultation.12.
https://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/scr/2000/cr0039.pdf. Accessed on April 20, 2012. 339 Ibid.
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agricultural production, alienation from urban areas and lack of transport facilities.340
In 2001 Crown prince Dipendra murdered the ten members of the royal family, including
his father and mother (the King and the Queen). Surendra Bhandari, in his studies, shows
how the murders eventually overwhelmed the country with political instability.341 The
murdered King Birendra no doubt was undermining the 1990 Constitution of the country, and
his successor became successful in dismantling the rights and principles of the constitution.
Political parties challenged the unconstitutional act, and it was this issue that caused the
Nepalese Maoist insurgency from 1996-2006.342 The civil war was mainly staged between
the government machineries and the Maoists insurgencies, ending with the abolition of the
monarchy, setting up of democratic government, and a peace agreement in 2006.
Within a short time, the factors responsible for the initiation of the People's War in Nepal
affected political, economic, cultural and social structures.343 In 1996, they had begun their
movement from four major districts like Rolpa, Rukum, Gorkha and Sindhuli. By 2000, they
attacked the district headquarters of Dolpa and proved their political existence for the first
time with their own military force. The political insurgence turned to a military insurgency
when they attacked in Dang, Syangja and Solu – three district headquarters – and challenged
Nepalese security forces. For this, as Man Mohan Bhattarai opines in his interview, they had
military training and armaments from India. The government of Nepal aimed to control it in
time, and from the inception of this violent conflict, the Nepal police force was used to
dismantle the plans of Maoists. Finally, the government deployed the NA along with Nepal
Police and Armed Police force collectively. The government endorsed the ‘Terrorist
Ordinance’ in 1998,344 providing management of Unified Command of security forces in
340 Grover, V. ed., Nepal: Government and Politics. 341 Bhandari, S. Self-Determination & Constitution Making in Nepal: Constituent Assembly, Inclusion, & Ethnic
Federalism.11. 342 Ibid., 2-3. 343 Thapa and Sijapati, A Kingdom under Siege, 53-55. 344 Sapkota, Ten Years Upheavel, 125.
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2001, the cordon and search operation, and aerial attacks against the Maoist movement.
Nepali political parties and the government of Nepal failed to address the structural cause
of conflict and assure the common populace on the developmental policy of government.
CPN (Maoist) had opposed some constitutional provisions and demanded the election of CA,
but political parties and the palace were not ready to address such a demand.345 Maoists had
different professional organizations like students’ union, trade union, women’s union,
peasants’ association, teachers’ organization, cultural organization, intellectuals’ organization,
and youth organization346 that were active after 1996. Also, the party had opened twelve
national liberation organizations – Dalit, Magar, Tharu, Newar, Tamang, Tamu, Madeshi,
Limbuan, Kirat, Majhi, Thami and Rai-Danuwar National Liberation Fronts.347
Maoists' political strategy moved from strategic defense, and as Sapkota notes, their
“armed movement was on the defensive stage and the armed force was weaker than
government’s security force.”348 They reached strategic equilibrium after their second
national conference in 2001 and their attack on a military post. In 2004, they declared they
were in strategic offence. During this time, they developed the people’s army and formed
seven divisions of People`s Liberation Army (PLA),349 declared a people’s court, district
government and central government.350 By 2006, Maoist had proposed eleven different states
and practiced federalism within party politics. Among them, Sapkota writes, Limbuwan,
Kochila, Kirat, Madeshi, Tamsilang, Newa, Tamuwan, Magarat, Tharuwan were proposed on
the ground of nationality, and two other states, Bheri-Karnali and Seti-Mahakali were formed
on the ground of geographical identity.351
Coming to the end of 2015, the course of Nepali politics was changing day by day.
345 Thapa and Sijapati, A Kingdom under Siege, 191. 346 Ibid., 147-151. 347 Ibid., 141-143. 348 Ibid., 72. 349 Ibid., 82-83. 350 Ibid., 106-113. 351 Ibid., 144-145.
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Whatever promise was made by the CPN (M) during the insurgency, it was left without a
fulfilment of their own agenda. This not only gives a different direction on Nepali politics,
but it gave rise to the strikes and movement against the government and constitution from
some part of the country, in the name of federalism.
3.4 Stakeholder Analysis352
The Nepalese Civil War between Maoists forces and the government took more than
13,000 lives, displaced peoples,353 and physically and psychologically disturbed others, or
maimed people for life.354 There were stakeholders and parties who were involved in the
Nepal Civil war with their own interests. Stakeholders included a) Maoist Rebels (Both
Political and Military Elements), b) District Government and Line Agencies, c) Political
Parties, d) Police, e) National and International NGOs and Donor Representatives, f) Media,
and g) Business Community. These are discussed in the following sections.
a) Maoist Rebels (Both Political and Military Elements)
Although a constitution was instituted in 1990, the elite continued to rule in Nepal, failing
to address the issues of inequality in the country. It was this condition that led the Maoists to
launch the Civil War in 1996 that lasted for ten years. The Maoists called this the People's
War, and their main stake was to bring equality by overthrowing the constitutional monarchy
352 In regards to the stakeholder analysis and actor in Nepal peace process, in Asia-Pacific Peace Research
Association (APPRA) with the endorsement by the International Peace Research Association (IPRA)- Conference hold in Kathmandu, Nepal on October 9-11, 2015. In this conference prominent scholars, professor on Peace and Conflict Studies and who were in peace negotiation committee and Maoist army management team member in Nepal and police chief of Nepal arm force and army discussed on this topics. Australian researchers on same topic agree on the point, which highlighted in this section. Most of the researcher has similar point and arguments.
353 For displaced people. See table 14.IDPs figures, 249. 354 Sert D, Property Rights in Return and Resettlement of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs): A Quantitative
and Comparative Case Study, Pettigrew, J. and Gellner D.N., Maoists at the Hearth: Everyday Life in Nepal’s Civil War, Ahmed ZS, Regionalism and Regional Security in South Asia: The Role of SAARC,are same opinions.
111
established by the royalty and the elitist group.355 The rise of the Maoists was received with
shock among Nepalese politicians and scholars alike. Added to this, it seemed to come from
nowhere and spread rapidly across the country.
CPUML was one of the main political parties that existed in Nepal since the 1980s, but
this political party, however, has not been blamed for giving rise to Maoists insurgency.
Instead, the Maoist insurgency has been traced to the Maoist faction that broke out from the
Nepal Communist Party (NCP), known as the People's War Group (PWG) and the Maoist
Communist Center (MCC).356 Both PWG and MCC were highly militant and they were
responsible for launching an aggressive terrorism campaign against civilians and
governmental machinery that lasted for a period of ten years.357 Through the instigation of
these two groups the, CPNM formally launched the war by attacking a police post in Rolpa
district of Western Nepal.358
Amidst calamities (discussed later), by the end of the Civil War, and by the time, the CA
was held in 2008, the insurgencies signed a peace accord, and the Maoist-led parties won the
biggest share of votes, getting as much half of the 240 seats, while the NC, which came in
second, won only 37 seats.359 Scholars, politicians and observers continue with the questions
in minds as to what this Nepalese Maoist constituted, whether it was influenced by the
Chinese, whether it was really Maoists, and so on. One thing is clear, however –it became
rather successful in Nepal and sought to bring down inequality in the country, with successful
candidates occupying the prime ministerial post. The Maoists reached its climax of success
by ending the monarchical rule King Gyanendra in 2008, thereby eliminating the institution
355 Sert, Property Rights in Return and Resettlement of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs): A Quantitative
and Comparative Case Study,257-58. 356 Cox et al., Terrorism, Instability, and Democracy in Asia and Africa.131. 357 Ibid. 358 Do, Q. and Iyer, L, Geography, Poverty and Conflict in Nepal,3. 359 Election Commission, of Nepal, CA Election 2008, list of Wining Candidates.
http://www.election.gov.np/reports/CAResults/reportBody.php. Accessed on June 10, 2012.
112
of monarchy in Nepal completely. But Maoist insurgency without a doubt caused damages
and sufferings against the Nepalese.360 During the insurgency, there were political parties and
loyal people who supported the Maoist insurgence by providing the shelter and logistic
support against the revival groups and political cardes. Meanwhile, deployment of arm forces
and military caused a negative impression on the community where police deployed for
operation. This also contributed the raise of supporter to Maoist movement.
b) District Government and Line Agencies
As repeatedly stated, inequality and a wide variation in income distribution, unequal
ownership of property, economic mismanagement, corrupt governments, among others, were
the source of grievances behind the Maoist insurgency. The ideology of the class embedded
in Marxist ideology is also found among the Nepal-Maoist, but the conflict also has ethnic
and caste overtones.361 Hinduism divides society into four main caste groups: Brahmins,
Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Sudras (and other Dalits or untouchables), with the first two
constituting the upper caste group. Since a large proportion of Nepalese follow Hinduism,
their society is also divided into castes. However, the upper caste takes different names, such
as Bahun, Chetri and the Newari.362 The lower caste and the less privileged mostly belong to
the untouchables or the Dalits caste groups. All the life and work in Nepal is dominated by
the Bahun-Chetri-Newari, and the Maoists used the less privileged ethnic groups to fight
against them.363 Thus, these ethnic division struggles are also closely associated with the
element of class struggle, where political, economic and daily lives are dominated by the
360
Ahmed, Regionalism and Regional Security in South Asia: The Role of SAARC. 361 S.Mansoob Murshed and Scoot Gates, Spatial-Horizontal Inequality and the Maoist Insurgency in
Nepal,121-124. 362 Sherman, Jake and Karen Ballentine, eds., The political Economy of Armed Conflict: Beyond Greed and
Grievance, 6. 363 S.Mansoob Murshed and Scoot Gates, Spatial-Horizontal Inequality and the Maoist Insurgency in
Nepal,124.
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Bahun-Chetri-Newari.364 The Maoists therefore aimed to solve the grievances of the people.
In the war that ensued, members of the district development committee were known to co-
operate with the Maoists to end caste and ethnic differences. Some heads of line agencies
acted as effective mediators between Maoists and communities during the war. This played a
double role in the society, sometime minimizing the casualties, but most of time fueling
Maoist movement toward success.
c) Political Parties
Until 1956, Nepal was under the absolute power of the feudal elite, ruled by the Ranas and
later by the Kings, and, until the 1980s, the two main Nepali political leaders of the time – the
National Congress Party (NCP) and the CPNUML – were not even allowed to establish
offices across the country.365 Given such a situation, the rise of Maoist insurgency was in a
way to work out in the interest of the political parties to overthrow the constitutional
monarchical system.
In Nepal, a form of democracy was not established until the institution of the 1990
constitution. When the first parliament election was held in 1991, the NC won a simple
majority, and the CPNUML constituted the minority position.366 Although there have been
cited references that the Maoists insurgency has been instigated by the UML, the party
remains generally blameless for the insurgency terrorism in Nepal. In fact, the participation of
UML in the election, and its willingness to accept positions in parliament caused a major rift
with the Maoist insurgents. Instead, the Maoist insurgency largely emanates from the Maoist
faction that broke out from the Nepal Communist Party (NCP), known as the People's War
364 Mushed & Gates, Spatial–Horizontal Inequality and the Maoist Insurgency in Nepal,124. 365 Sd Crane Obe, The Maoist insurgency in Nepal: 1996-2001, 3. 366 Ibid.
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Group (PWG), and the Maoist Communist Center (MCC).367 Both PWG and MCC were
highly militant and were responsible for launching an aggressive terrorism campaign against
civilians and governmental machinery that started the civil war in 1996, ending in 2006.368
The war formally started with the attack on a police post in Rolpa district of Western Nepal
by the CPN (M)369.
While the government and the royalties viewed the Maoist insurgents as thirsty for terrorist
activities, the Maoists viewed the former as oppressing the lower caste and class groups. The
UML in this scenario was seen as mediator between the government and the terrorist to
resolve and avoid conflicts in the country.370 There was a tradition of cross-party consensus
and co-operation in the district, which was UML-dominated. This was always used to resolve
and avoid conflicts with the Maoists. Through the party's help and other factors combined,
the Maoists signed the peace accord in 2006 and royalty handed over its traditional power to
the SPA.371
d) Police
In the events leading up to the civil war and the political, social and economic struggles
that followed, the police played their own role. Following the institution of the 1990
constitution, parties like the ULF, along with the NCP, launched the Jana Andolan, where
constant rallies were held before the start of the civil war. During this time, police were the
main intermediaries by trying to break up the demonstrations, arresting protestors and even
resorting to using firearms against the protestors.372 Thus, the events leading up to civil war
367 Cox et al., Terrorism, Instability, and Democracy in Asia and Africa.131. 368 Ibid. 369 Helge Holtermann, “Relative Capacity and the Spread of Rebellion: Insights from Nepal.” Journal of
Conflict Resolution Vol.60 (3), 2014, 508-12. 370 Cox et al., 2010; Zuchora-Walske, 2008; Wennmann, 2010. 371 Vaughn, Bruce. Nepal: Political Developments and Bilateral Relation with the United States, 7. 372 Zuchora-Walske, Nepal in Pictures Twenty-First Century Books, 5-36.
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were met with constant fighting between the police and demonstrators. Shiffman and Khadka
gave an interesting insight that the failure of the police force or their inability or
ineffectiveness in protecting civilians against Maoist violence can be traced back to the
government agency under the royalty, and the launching of the police's 'Operation Romeo'
(1995) and 'Operation Kilo Sera II' (1998), which failed miserably.373 The inability of the
police had a negative impact on the locals, and the Maoist leaders saw this as an opportunity
to mobilize themselves against the police during the war.
When the civil war was finally launched in 1996 by the CPNM, it started with the attack
on a police post in Rolpa district of Western Nepal.374 Over the period, policemen, along with
civilians and officials, were tortured by the party, and police outposts were given up during
this war period to the Maoist group.375 By the time the war entered the millennium, the death
toll of the police had risen to 500, and the strength of the police force at 50,000 at the start of
the war had come down to a mere 5,000 by the end of 2000.376 The Maoists thus launched an
attack on government officials, police officers, army depots and banks, and aimed to establish
a people's republic with an elected CA. The end result was the signing of the peace accord,
with total inability of the police force to protect civilians during the war.377 The above police
operations left bad images in the minds of local society, and people who had suffered turned
against the police and gave their support to the Maoists. This gave greater opportunities to
Maoist to conduct their activities without any fear of police and vigilantes.
e) National and International NGOs and Donor Representatives
373 Shiffman, G.M. & Khadka, P.B.The Onset Versus the Continuation of Insurgency -Nepal. In R. Caruso, ed.,
Ethnic Conflict, Civil War and Cost of Conflict. 103. 374 Geography, Poverty and Conflict in Nepal,3., Zuchora-Walske, Nepal in Pictures Twenty-First Century
Books, 30-36. 375 Zuchora-Walske, Nepal in Pictures Twenty-First Century Books, 30-36. 376 Shiffman, G.M. & Khadka, P.B.The Onset Versus the Continuation of Insurgency -Nepal. In R. Caruso, ed.
Ethnic Conflict, Civil War and Cost of Conflict, 103-5. 377 Do & Iyer, Geography, Poverty and Conflict in Nepal, 3.
116
During the war period, there were only a few international organizations working in the
district, but local NGOs. The United Nations, European Union, Amnesty international and
others were the major international actors who worked for peaceful resolution of the armed
conflict. International aide contributed in helping the Nepalese during and after the war to
bring development and bridge inequality. The organizations mainly worked for the children's
rights, a number of whom were recruited by the Maoist.378 Along with international
organizations, Nepal's nongovernmental organizations worked along with them, including the
Advocacy Forum, Child Worker's in Nepal (CWIN), National Coalition for Children as Zones
of Peace, INSEC, among others. Calamities of the NGOs and international workers were also
common during the war. Human rights defenders, lawyers, journalists and other members
were captured, tortured and executed.379 However, the so-called rights group and
international NGOS displayed a double standard by supporting the Maoists through providing
the logistics and advocating in favor on them and criticizing the government. This made
Nepal Maoist insurgency stronger and demoralized the government law agency through the
negative propaganda of so-called rights groups and NGOS.
f) Media
Nepal's civil war has been described by media as "the deadliest conflict in Asia” and the
country as "the single most dangerous place on earth."380 But having said that, the Nepali
media played a very small role in acting as an instrument for communication, peace and
resolving conflict.381 Normally, in times of conflict, mass communication or media have
always been instrumental in bringing information, playing a vital role in conflict resolution
378 Human Rights Watch Organization, Nepal, Children in the Ranks,2007. https://books.google.com/books?id=0fVFzXs5klEC&pgis=1 Accessed on June 13, 2015. 379 Singh, S., Dahal, K., & Mills, E., Nepal’s War on Human Rights: A summit higher than Everest.1-7.
http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1183233/pdf/1475-9276-4-9.pdf. Accessed on June 13, 2015. 380
Perry, Alex, Falling off the edge: Travels through the Dark Heart of Globalization, 151. 381 Tekwani, S., Media and Conflict Reporting in Asia,107-26.
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and the peace-building process.382 No doubt, there were few young journalists who started
regional and national newspapers and TV and radio broadcasting to bring to the society an
update of the war, and activities carried on by NGOs, International NGOs and other bodies,
but more of the masses did not have access to such sources of information. The rural areas in
Nepal remain overwhelmingly illiterate, and 80% do not have access to electricity, while 30%
of the population are too poor to afford batteries to access radio or television.383 Being a
highly patriarchal society, women also had issues in accessing media facilities.384 Some
media that were set up in the process were also interested in covering activities of only the
INGOs, instead of being interested in an playing important part in conflict resolution and the
peace-building process.385 However, during the Maoist insurgency, those associated with the
Maoist media threatened the general public and raised the fear of people disappearing from
their hometown. By this, the Maoist were able to utilize the press as their instrument to
threaten people and spread propaganda.
g) Business Community
Like the NGOs and international bodies aiding the civilians in Nepal, the business
communities suffered during the war period. Some of the businesses suffered from extortion
by the insurgency group. In addition to this, their trade cycle was also adversely affected,
since there were constant strikes and protests that did not allow the functioning of business
properly.386 The productivity within the region also decreased during the war period, and
exports drastically fell by 8% in 1996, 14% in 1998, and 19% in 2002, having adverse effects
on the trade import-export exchange.387 Business persons were strong peace stakeholder in
war, and engaged in helping the civilians and building the country, despite hardships. But
382 Ibid. 383 Ibid. 384 Ibid. 386 Pradhan, G., Nepal’s Civil War and Its Economic Costs, 115-117. 387 Ibid.
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there were business persons who forcefully and willingly supported the Maoists in return for
their safety. This way Maoists were able to fund their movements.
3.5 Ongoing Conflicts in Nepal The Maoist insurgency was principally a reflection of an ideological conflict based on
Marxism, Leninism, and Maoism. The end of the armed Maoist campaign changed the path
of the conflict, and it has been seen in a new form. Previous conflicting elements were
replaced by new factors, especially after 2006 – conflicting constituents, like social,
economic, and demographic; natural resources, including the relationship with allies and
external powers; strong leadership; cohesive identity; or perceived legitimacy.
Even after signing on CPA, Nepali common populaces were not getting a fundamental
economic benefit from the changing paradigm of Nepalese politics. The problems of unequal
economic development, regional differences and huge economic gap persisted among the
people.388
When we analyze the ongoing situation from the perspective of social, economic, and
political activities, we can observe that a new conflict is going on in Nepali society. Social
scientists highlight that in Nepali society the possibilities of future conflict can be linked to
caste/ethnic conflicts, linguistic conflicts, religious conflicts, regional conflicts, and gender
conflicts.
The following table identifies actual and potential conflicts in Nepal at the time of writing.
It can be seen that the conflicts are numerous and complicated and that their solution will be
challenging. The information presented in the table provides background for the discussion
that follows.
388 ADB, Overview of Gender Equality and Social Inclusion in Nepal.
http://www.adb.org/sites/default/files/institutional-document/32237/cga-nep-2010.pdf. Accessed on September 25, 2011.
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Table 5 Internal Conflicts in Nepal
S.N
Conflicts Status of Conflict
Actors of Conflict Demands Prospective
Solution
1 Class-based politics
Ongoing Government, political parties, minority and religious groups, NGOS
State reform, reservation, representation
Compromise/ consequence
2 Ethnic/ Language
Ongoing, silent, and low-paced
Local people, Janajati, Maoists, Government, Bahun Chhetri
Ethnically autonomous states, ethnicity-based federalism
Multiethnic Federalism
3 Caste Possible Dalit/indigenous people Reservation, proportional representation
Federalism/ empowerment at the grassroots level
4 Region Ongoing Hill, Madeshi, Tharu Special measures for development/ representation
Decentralize/ prioritize
5 Develop-ment and economic aspects
Ongoing Far and Mid-western Special measures/political priorities
Use local resources/special measures on economic activities
Compiled by the author. Source: Shrestha and Uprety 2003; Nepal Foundation for Advanced Studies, Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung.
The historical information shows that Nepalese people experienced cultural and religious
violence and the state supported only Hindu people. In this political background, common
people felt socio-cultural injustice, and gender discrimination and economic inequality, and
constitutionally the people got no support from the government. Maoists demanded, “The
patriarchal operation on the women must be ended.”389 Lack of committed leadership or a
strengthening of democratic institutions led to failed leadership, and the palace aimed to use
the advantage of deceitfulness of political leaders and got political power to control the
situation. In the absence of fair election system, democratic institution cannot run smoothly
and it leads to fragmentation of political parties and failure of government services to the 389 Ibid., 95.
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people. Some other causative factors that led to internal conflicts in Nepal were class-based
discrimination, such as religious, language, and castes, politicization in education,
international influence in domestic politics, the role of NGOs and ineffective law
enforcement.
In his current analysis of a violence-free, post-conflict peace process, Mehta mentions that
the government is muddling through in an effort to integrate Maoist combatants into the
security forces and draw up a new constitution. The term of the newly elected CA ended
without the promulgation of a new constitution and the CA was dissolved. Further, Mehta
highlights the political development of Nepal and mentions that the internal conflict in Nepal
has changed not just the political and socioeconomic landscape but also removed the
monarchical moorings of the army. It is on the threshold of a transformation, moving towards
democratic political control from being, proverbially, the King’s Army. This change will not
be easy, given the unequal political balance between the Maoists and the democratic political
parties.390
Literature on political movements indicate that Nepal is in transition but that it still plunges
into different conflicts in the name of nationalism, ethnicity, linguistic identity, and
indigenous nationality that are against the Bahunism391, Hinduization, or Nepalization.392
Dalits are against Brahmanism, untouchability, and other sociocultural discrimination.
Similarly, there is a struggle between Hindu and non-Hindu identities, and some registered
political parties like Shivsena393 – youths who are strong supporters of the king’s system
390 Mehta, “Effect of Internal Conflict,”http://internalconflict.csa-chennai.org/2011/06/effect-of-internal-
conflict-in-nepal-on.html. Accessed on September 25, 2011. 391 The term Bahunsim (Brahmanism) has been used frequently to mean the syndrome of cultural
configurations along with the principles of caste system introduced by the Brahmans. 392 Gllner, David N., Joanna Pfaff-Czarnecka, and John Whelpton, Nationalism and Ethnicity in a Hindu
Kingdom. 393 Shivsena Nepal is a political party in Nepal. It was founded in 1990 by Arun Subedi in order to preserve
Hinduism as the state religion of the country. By the name party is close to that of Indian state of Maharashtra although the founder denies the link between Indian Shivsena. However, again in 1999 another Nepal Shivsena was founded headed by Kiran Singh Budhathoki, claims ties with its Indian counterpart.
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under Hinduism – are not satisfied with the declaration of a non-Hindu country. In addition to
this, Madhesis are against the hill people’s domination, and the Khasa-Brahmans are
demanding their own autonomous state and mandatory national uniform (Daura-Suruwal,
Gunyou Cholo).394
Nepali women are against all forms of gender-based discrimination, violence against
girls/women, and the patriarchal system that made them marginal.395 After the initiation of
People’s War, Nepalese women, especially from low economic background, uneducated
communities, and backward groups joined the Maoist movement as the Maoist leaders had
fought against “alcoholism, polygamy and other social [ill] practices that had direct bearing
on women.”396 They had heavy workloads and physical vulnerability, compared to their male
counterparts within family and society, respectively. The socio-political provision had
delimited the women to casting votes, and very few women had gotten the right of being
representative in local and general election. Ideologically Maoists opposed that apolitical
system and fought to prevent “child marriage and polygamy as social evils.”397 The people of
far-western and mid-western regions have been in conflicts with people of other regions.
They are excluded from the national development agencies, and political leaders and
development activists have benefited from the development work.
Through the empirical study of Nepali political and social development, it can be seen that
Nepal’s geopolitical situation and the chronic poverty in the countryside contributed to the
intensity of the conflict. Thapa and Bandita observe that Nepal’s development is based on
urban-base development modality. In 2000, the Human Development Index (HDI) hereafter
HDI of urban areas was 0.616, compared to 0.446 of rural areas. Similarly, the central
development region had 0.493, followed by 0.483 in the eastern development region. The
394 Bhattahan, Krishna, B. “Expected Model & Process of Inclusive Democracy in Nepal, 5.
http://nepalresearch.org/publications/bhattachan_inclusive_democracy.pdf. Accessed on September 25, 2011. 395 Ibid. 396 Gautam, Shova, Women and Children in the Periphery of People’s War, 39. 397 Thapa & Sijapati, A Kingdom Under Siege, 159.
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HDIs of western, mid-western and far-western development regions in 2000 were 0.473,
0.402 and 0.385, respectively.398 It shows that the people living in poor areas had conflict
with the people of other regions, which could reflect regional variation in developmental
activities.
As countries have experienced conflict and political crisis, Nepalese society, too, has faced
different forms of political crisis and mass movements for endorsing political changes in the
country. Political conflict erupts due to the lack of political commitment and, in some cases,
underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, social exclusion, injustice and lack of education
and health facility have fueled it.399 From the developmental perspective, Nepal’s poor
infrastructure and neglected remote areas are the major contributing factors to the birth of
new conflict.
3.6 Management of the Ongoing Conflicts in Nepal Political ideology constructs the conflict and governs its variables. In this sense, the
ongoing process of conflict management requires the management of ideological issues
politically. It is necessary to stop further violence. Management of conflict includes different
aspects such as social, political, economic, security, military, diplomatic, and at local levels in
accordance with the causes and factors. To manage the conflict, social components should be
analyzed holistically to identify the root causes and consequences of the conflict. Through
management of conflict, it would be easier to convert conflict into peace and change
conflicting forces into constructive powers. The understanding of the main actors in the
Nepali ongoing conflict is necessary to the management and resolution of the conflict.
In the field of conflict resolution at an individual level, systemic approaches to
conceptualizing the conflict process and intervening in tense conflicts have been gaining
398 Ibid, 62-63. 399 Upreti, Armed Conflict and Peace Process in Nepal, 26-27.
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increasing attention.400 Christie, Wagner and Winter emphasize that intervention on the
conflicts parties and recognized their problem and communicating them can minimize the
tensions. Christie, Wagner and Winter's approaches can apply in the Nepal peace process.
Now, TRC is collecting the data of victims of conflict. When completed, the data collection
will have documented the conflict hearing of both victims by Maoist and Government. It can
provide the realization of justice and sense of registering cases in local conflicts. Then it will
give both parties a road to resolution. This approach will be best for Nepal in the current
situation to reconcile the disputes when TRC functioning.
From 1991 to 2012, Nepal has been in a conflict and frequent mass movements have either
changed the government or made the country unstable. Nepal was unable to attain the proper
development it needs in the twenty-first century. At present Nepali people need managing the
conflicts and getting a durable resolution of present political conflicts. For this, a reduction of
poverty and improvement of people’s lives through a concrete plan for resolving the conflicts
and making holistic development of the country can sustain peace and drive the society
forward.
Managing insurgency is a complex and difficult task, and yet it is not impossible to achieve.
The political stability after managing the political crisis becomes an appropriate political
target that guarantees the accomplishment of the national goal of conflict management.
Moreover, the current Nepali political discourse has ongoing conflicts that have mainly been
caused by social discrimination, poverty, and lack of education, incompetent leaders for
resolving the crisis, and the fantasy of people who believe that their every demand can be met
through violence or strikes.
This study has stated that Nepali political leaders are using unnecessary activities to gain
their political ends rather than realistic and fruitful ones for the nation. Such tactics include
400 Christie, Wagner, and Winter, Peace, Conflict and Violence, 225.
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ethnicity-based demands, exacerbating class divisions in society, strikes in the educational
sector, and political influence in the education sector and productive sectors, such as
industries. If leaders were to abandon this kind of political behavior, more than 50 percent of
the ongoing conflicts would be reduced.
At present, studies of insurgency and counterinsurgency examine conflicts around the
world, and they examine military, paramilitary, political, economic, and psychological
strategies to manage insurgency. In the case of Nepal’s current ongoing conflict, it could take
different strategies to settle the issues of ideological conflicts associated with nationalistic
discourse of Nepal. These strategies need to include the participatory movement of women,
Madeshi, untouchable caste, indigenous people. If the leaders want to resolve the Nepali
conflict politically, they have to change themselves and stop misusing the power of local
people for achieving their short-term benefit, rather than understanding the consequences of
conflict. In Nepal, a huge percentage of people are uneducated and the change in the attitude
of leadership could minimize the conflict in society. Further, analyses of Nepali political
movements, rights activists, and general strikes reveal the very common phenomenon of
political and other organization leaders demanding their own rights while hardly respecting
those of others. Eradicating such trends at the political and grassroots level is necessary. For
this, there is one medium that is giving need-based education to all the people and offering
human security. The state government has the responsibility of providing basic things for
meeting people’s needs.
Nepal is now a post-conflict nation, with so-called peace, but it is politically very fragile.
In such a situation, the political parties should decide their further steps wisely, and the
current conflict solution should take its mandate from the people.
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3.7 Armed Conflict and the Peace Process in Nepal In 1996, the UPF submitted its 40-point demands401 to Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba
of NC and gave a 15-day deadline to the government to fulfill their demands. The
government of Nepal did not take it seriously, and the Prime Minister went to visit India.
Because of the lack of government policy and vision to address the UPF’s demands in time,
the CPN (M) launched the People’s War on February 13, 1996, three days before the deadline,
attacking police posts at Holeri (Rolpa) and Thisbiskot (Rukum).402 The attacks on police
posts, government offices, and Agricultural Banks was the formal initiation of the People’s
War that pushed Nepal into a decade-long armed conflict.
Table 2 illustrates the Nepal conflicts actors who were responsible for the escalated
insurgency. In the board perspective through analyzing the conflicts parties and their interests
authored complied table. Maoist is the main actor which had political and party interest.
Royal NA which is fighting against armed Maoist to maintains law order and peace. From the
neighboring countries Maoist got support for the shelter and logistic supports by government
and rebel groups which tiger conflict. The bilateral countries donor nation including USA,
UK support to control armed conflict beside that willing to help for mediation for both parties.
Table 6 Participants and Supporters
Concerned Parties
Supporting Countries and Organizations
Objectives of Support
Maoists India and its rebel groups Encouragement of Maoists’ demands
Royal NA UK, USA To stop the conflict and maintain democracy
Bilateral countries
Switzerland, Norway, Finland, and Germany
To see the conflict settled in a peaceful manner
Compiled by the author. Source: Upreti, Bishnu Raj. Armed Conflict and Peace Process in Nepal: The
Maoist Insurgency Past Negotiations, and Opportunities for Conflict Transformation. 2006. p.35-36., and
401 See Appendix 6, 378. 402 Upreti, Armed Conflict and Peace Process in Nepal, 23.
126
Shrestha, Ananda. P., and Hari Uprety, eds. Critical Barriers to the Negotiation of Armed Conflict in Nepal.
2004. p.82-83.
Some commentators propose that Maoist insurgency was an expression of frustration
against the Nepal democratic government’s activities. Birendra Prasad Mishra points out that
the decade-old Maoist conflict caused the militarization of the nation. Further, he mentions
that the CPA, signed by the Maoists and the government, was an end of a political deadlock
and formally paved a new way for solving the political crisis. It mainly covers the period
from November 22, 2005, to January 14, 2009, and elaborates on and discusses the peace
initiatives taken during this period. He also mentions that the political actors during that
period, such as the two major political forces – the SPA and the CPN (M) – played major
roles in solving the crisis. The traditional political power – the feudal king – that had ruled
Nepal for centuries was already politically sidelined after the signing of the 12-point
understanding with India in 2005.
B.P. Mishra categorizes the armed conflict in different forms. According to him, armed
conflict can have different forms such as political, social, cultural, ethnic, and religious.
According to him, the peace process is the only mechanism for resolving this conflict. In
connection with this, he quotes ideas from Galtung to explain the procedure of Nepal’s peace
process. He says,
This is a ceasefire process, not a peace process. A casual chain from unresolved
conflicts – polarization/dehumanization to violence – trauma calls for a peace process
with four components: mediation for conflict resolution, peace building, violence
control, and conciliation for healing and closure.403
The peace process of Nepal can be divided according to the stages of the peace process.
Mishra states that the first stage of the peace process commenced with the constitution of an
Interim Legislature. The second stage commenced with the adoption of an Interim 403 Mishra,B.P.,The Nepalese Peace Process, 1–3.
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Constitution. The third stage began with the formation of the Interim Constitution.404 The
Nepali peace process substantially changed the political equation between the political parties
and former rebel forces as they joined mainstream politics. It ultimately ended the
monarchical system that had ruled the country for a long time, and it declared the country a
federal republic in the Interim Constitution in 2007. The peace process, despite some
weaknesses such as the failure to address the issues of women, accepted the identity politics
of the Dalits, Madeshis, indigenous community, minority people, and backward groups;
ultimately, it addressed the issues of nationality and national security (the issue of national
security was part of the agenda of peace process of CPA 2006).
Mishra emphasizes the point of view that the progress of the peace process during 2008
was due to the understanding reached between political parties to strengthen the peace
process and to facilitate the process of amending the constitution based on a simple majority
with respect to the election of the president, vice president, prime minister, chairperson, and
vice chairperson. Further, the Nepal peace process is ongoing and conflicting issues are yet to
be solved. The integration of the Maoist army and the issue of arms are major ongoing issues.
Surendra Pandey opines, in connection with this, that “the government of Nepal would decide
to establish one Special Directorate under NA which would comprise 35 percent from
existing NA, 35 percent from Maoist Combatants, 15 percent from Nepal police and 15
percent from Armed Police.”405
Writing the new constitution is the main agenda of the peace process. The entire peace
process focuses on the monitoring of weapons, combatants, and the NA. The entire political
situation around the peace process had some positive as well as negative aspects. The positive
aspect is that the political parties have a positive intent. According to leaders interviewed, “[I]
t sounds a note of caution to stakeholders to be prompt in taking suitable action for building a
404 Ibid., 45–8. 405 See Appendix 5,305-6.
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new Nepal in accordance with their vision and in line with the public spirit and demands of
the time.”406 The negative part of the peace process is that some of the issues remain
unmonitored, like the issues of justice, human rights’ abuse, and involvement of women in
peace talks.
Further, the role of the UNMIN (United Nations Mission in Nepal) in the peace process
has been vital. The government and the Maoist party requested help from the Secretary
General of the UN on August 9, 2006, by writing separate letters. The Security Council
responded positively to the request for assistance from Nepali parties and approved the
advance deployment of 35 arms monitors and 25 electoral advisers.407 In January, 2007, in
Resolution 1740, the Security Council unanimously supported the establishment of the
United Nations Mission in Nepal. UNMIN was to have an initial mandate of 12 months. Ian
Martin, who was then Chief of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights
(OHCHR) in Nepal, was appointed Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head
of UNMIN. This was the first UN involvement in Nepal’s peace process.
The involvement of UNMIN in Nepalese peace process was to engage in shaping a new
political process and monitoring human rights. It had certain limitations in monitoring human
rights and was to monitor both security forces of Nepal and Maoist, work for holding peace
dialogue to bring the warring parties into consensus, and provide election observation for the
election of CA.
UNMIN’s mandate provides that it shall monitor the compliance of the NA and the Maoist
army with the Agreement on Monitoring the Management of Arms and Armies and the
provisions of the CPA. Regarding arms monitoring, UNMIN formed a team of 71 arms
monitors from 18 contributing countries. UNMIN is based around-the-clock at seven Maoist
406 See Appendix 5,305-8. 407 United Nations, Security Council Established United Nations Political Mission in Nepal, Unanimously
Adopting Resolution 1740(2007). http://www.un.org/press/en/2007/sc8942.doc.htm. Accessed on April 20, 2012.
129
army sites where weapons were stored, as well as at the Chhauni barracks, the NA’s weapons
storage site. Arms monitors also pay regular visits to the Maoist army satellite camps.
However, the overall monitoring of the peace process and arms and armies is illustrated by
the following remarks on Nepal peace process and role of UNMIN.
Martin writes, “UNMIN’s main focus was now to maintain its arms monitoring, while
encouraging the progress regarding the future of the combatants through providing assistance
to the technical committee that the special committee had appointed to advise it.”408 The
government of Nepal had requested to Security Council to extend the tenure of UNMIN in
July, 2009, January, 2010 and May, 2010, and finally the Security Council decided to
withdraw UNMIN from Nepal in January, 2011. The UN’s political and technical support to
Nepal’s peace process was a positive force in building trust among the political parties and it
mainly focused on the issues of peace, which is still the goal of the Nepali peace process.
According to Feyzi Ismail, Nepal’s CPA – signed in November 2006 between the
government and other major political parties and the UCP (Maoist) – formally declared the
end of the decade-long civil war. According to Ismail, this peace accord was the response to
mass movements that were held in April of that year (Jana andolan). In his view, the peace
accord made significant promises by the political parties to the people for a political and
social economic transformation that would minimize inequality and exclusion, and which
would aid in the progress of the country. He emphasizes that during the peace process, there
were several groups of people demanding representation and there was much talk on
inclusion and the reform of the state. He points out the need to continue to emphasize
economic equity and the end of poverty.
During the qualitative stakeholder interviews with prominent Nepali leaders and scholars,
Manmohan Bhattarai indicated that he saw the invisible hand of India and the Royal palace in
408 Martin, “The United Nations and Support to Nepal’s Peace Process”, 228.
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the creation of conflict in Nepal. He says that the entire peace process will not end easily and
would take a long time to reach a logical end. Surendra Pandey also believes that the entire
peace process is connected to the integration of Maoist combatants. The immaturity of
political leaders will not remain in the long run and they will be influenced by the procedures
of the entire peace process.
The Prime Minister and President of CPN (UML), Jhala Nath Khanal, opines that Nepal
had already drafted a federal interim constitution in 2007 and the country cannot go back
from this historical reality. Going through with the decision made by the first meeting of the
CA is mandatory, but he believes his party cannot accept the federal division on the grounds
of ethnicity. In his view, Nepal is the country of ethnic groups; therefore, the federal
component should address the needs of everyone living in Nepal. People living in a
multiethnic country will not be comfortable in a mono-ethnic state. According to Khanal,
We ought to move ahead accepting this principle and the federal states will be
declared on this historical decision. It is not possible to declare states on an ethnic
base. It is a country of diverse peoples and ethnic groups. Therefore, the federal unit
should fulfill the needs of everyone rather than some handful of castes and groups.
Even at present, the administrative divisions of Nepal into zones and districts are
pluralistic. The entire country is multiethnic and so are all the village units. Therefore,
all federal units will be multiethnic; otherwise, it will lead the country towards
territorial breakup. Truly speaking, no one needs such type of federal division. In
order to build a New Nepal we should develop a new structure, which truly settles the
demands of people of different ethnic groups, genders, and backward regions.409
The views of Vice Chairman of the Maoist Party Baburam Bhattarai are different from
others. He says that Nepal’s peace process differs from those of other countries. The outcome
409 Appendix 5, 307-8.
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of an armed struggle against feudal autocracy, monarchy, and foreign domination became the
political agenda of the dialogue table that supported the socially backward groups, women,
Madeshi, Dalits, and the poor classes. He believes that unless there is a complete
transformation of the society, durable peace is not possible. An abstract form of peace would
not solve the problems of the country. His views on nationality and ethnicity are different
from those of others and are quite debatable among the political parties. According to
Bhattarai,
We want to do away with the existing unitary state and restructure the state into a
federal set up which is the general principle of federalism… Our proposal is on the
national basis of federalism but not on ethnic basis of federalism. We should not have
any confusion on this issue. People have wrong concepts of nationality and ethnicity.
We Marxists believe in nationality-based federalism. Here, nationality means a group
of people who have common territory, common language, common economic base,
and psychological make-up, who come together to form a nationality or they are the
basic understanding of nationalism. We want to restructure the country on these
certain grounds but not on the grounds of ethnicity. If you go by ethnic federalism,
they will have fissiparous tendency and separatist tendency. However, we want to
strengthen the unity of the country. We want to devolve much power to the federal
units so they become fully able to run and develop the federal territory. In this regard,
in a real sense, we want the unity of the country, which will be based on nationality
and nationalism – common territory, language, economic principle, and psychological
makeup but not on the principle of ethnicity.410
The leader of the Maoist Party, Ram Karki, sees the democratization of politics and parties
as the solution to the entire peace process. Kul Acharya categorically opposes the prospects
410 Appendix 5, 320.
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of ethnic federalism. Indra Gurung opines that strong political determination helps to
minimize conflict in a country; the way leaders use conflict to gain power is a hindrance in
the solution of political crises. Dolendra Khadka sees the problem in the vested interests of
political parties and leaders; he sees ethnically based federalism as the seed of the ethnic
conflict in Nepal.
Remarks
Pragmatically, the peace process in Nepal officially began with signing of a 12 point
understanding between SPA and the rebel group and moved ahead with the signing of CPA
and promulgation of Interim Constitution 2007. The political leaders agreed to sending the
Maoist combatants into cantonments, holding the election of CA in 2008, integrating the
combatants in security forces, rehabilitating them in societies, and building political
consensus among the political parties for drafting the new constitution in the first CA.
However, some issues of the peace process are incomplete, as it failed to promulgate the
constitution in time.
From the monitoring perspective, Birendra Prasad Mishra remarks that “it can be said that
the peace process, especially after the signing of the CPA, has hardly been monitored.”411
When the handling of the peace process in Nepal is examined three negative characteristics of
the process stand out, specifically, only unfulfilled agreements and understandings were
reached; no significant facilitation was provided; and no specific monitoring team was
established. The peace process of Nepal has covered up several issues. However, to date,
neither the political parties nor the international community has addressed human rights
issues. During the decade of armed conflict, state and Maoist forces committed crimes and
violated human rights (rapes, mass killings, and kidnappings, for example). There is also a
411 Mishra, B.P., The Nepalese Peace Process, 77–9.
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culture of impunity in the current discourse. Manmohan Bhattarai states,
[H]uman rights abuse issues have been lopsidedly sidelined by the political parties. Gross
violation of human rights abuse has been committed by Maoists, in fact, rather than by the
government. The state has a certain responsibility when the insurgency was on, but most of
the blame has been put upon the state. The disappearance of the people, killing of civilians
etc. was initially committed by the Maoist as the teachers and civilians were their targets.
Only after the ceasefire, there was acute fighting between Maoist force, police, and army.
But before that time almost for seven years the war was against the civilians.412
The Maoist party, government, and political parties granted blanket amnesty to those
responsible for human rights violations and for disrespecting the rule of law. In returning to
the causes of current armed conflict and its dynamics, it arises from repression, human rights
violations, ethnicity, social exclusion, and deprivation. In such conditions, Nepali
stakeholders should think towards a more inclusive vision for a New Nepal in the future, and
not only mere peace under the current situation.
3.8 Uniqueness of Nepal’s Peace Process Nepal’s peace process began in 2005413, after the signing of the 12-point understanding414
in India, and it was a “turning point in the history of Nepali politics.”415 It was managed by
internal actors – members of civil society and human rights’ workers – and the decision of the
political parties (the seven political parties as well as the rebel Maoist party) shaped the peace
process. The peace process moved ahead after 2005, and the seven political parties and
Maoists called for the new people’s movement to bring to a logical end Nepal’s peace process.
In a press statement, the leaders announced,
[T]he country, today, demands the establishment of a permanent peace along with a 412 Appendix 5, 294. 413 The peace process began in end of November 2005 but the insurgency spoils till 2006. 414 See Appendix7, 382-384. 415 Sapkota, Ten Years of Upheaval, 234.
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positive resolution of the armed conflict. We are, therefore, firmly committed to
establish a permanent peace by bringing the existing armed conflict to an end through
a progressive political outlet with the establishment of the full-fledged democracy, by
ending the autocratic monarchy and holding an election to the CA.416
Martin417 says, “Nepal’s peace process has been exceptional in the extent to which it was
a truly national achievement.”418 There was very little involvement from external actors.
According to Martin, “[UNMIN had] low-profile political engagement, followed by a shorter
period of high-profile human rights monitoring.”419 In a letter written by the political leaders
of Nepal to the Secretary General of the UN on November 27, 2006, they agreed to “continue
human rights monitoring,” to “assist the monitoring of the codes and conduct during
ceasefire,” to manage the “arms and arms personnel of both sides, and deploy qualified
civilians to monitor the confinement of Maoist combatants, monitor the NA to ensure [they
are within barracks],” and monitor the election of CA.420
Nepal did not have the services of a meditator421 while conducting CPA and bringing
Maoists into the mainstream of politics and providing the basis of an interim constitution. It
followed a unique process, whereas, in Africa or Afghanistan, there were several meditators
and UN as well. The extremists or many rebels groups like Rajan Mukti Morcha, Terai Tiger
and so on could not carry out dreadful activities like earlier. They were active in Terai Region,
however, they were avoided by the people and it was also a positive effect of the peace
process.
The interim constitution has tried to include more or less everything for everybody, which
416 Ibid., 234–5. 417 Ian Martin was a Special Representative of the UN Secretary General in Nepal and headed UNMIN from
2007 to 2009. 418 Martin, “United Nations Support,” 201–31. 419 Ibid., 201. 420 Ibid., 204. 421 Mentioned in table 6, they did not play any mediator role during CPA.
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made it a widely accepted, power sharing Interim Constitution, which seems to be leading to
democracy.
The most interesting part of the peace process is the consequence of the fight between the
political parties and the insurgency against the monarchy. At first, the seven political parties
had a political relationship with the monarchy, but this tie was broken with the political coup
of King Gyanendra in 2005, which then resulted in a political alliance between the seven
political parties and the rebel forces, and aimed to establish a federal republic country. This
force resulted in a huge mass movement. The people’s power was reflected then, and Jana
Andolan II was a success. Further, it got popular support from the international community.
Martin says, “The 12-point understanding had included the commitment to international
supervision of the two armies during the election.”422
The validity of the 12-point understanding was reflected in the Jana Andolan and at the
ballot box. Martin disagrees with the comment made by the non-Maoist parties, and says,
[T]hey argue that it was a mistake to proceed to the CA election while the Maoist
army was still in existence. It lacks realism: the state had proved unable to defeat the
Maoist Army, and the terms the CPN-M agreed, in the 12-point understanding, to end
the war was that their army would remain in existence, under international supervision,
until after the election.423
He adds,
[E]ven without a strong mandate to mediate or facilitate, a UN political presence was
able to provide encouragement to political actors, notwithstanding their divisions, to
maintain a focus on the peace process, and some felt it to be a deterrent to greater
confrontation and return to conflict. It also helped sustain the hope of the people of
422 Martin, “United Nations Support,” 205. 423 Ibid., 229.
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Nepal that their political leaders would raise to their demand for peace and change.424
The election of the CA was held with its third declaration and people thought the rebel
group would not win the election. Interestingly, it got the majority of votes in the direct
elections and the rebellion force became the largest party in the CA. The CA abolished the
monarchy and Nepal became a democratic republic.
3.9 Prospective Solution for the Peace-Building Process The solution to this conflict is neither a single “law and order problem” nor a single
“security problem.” It is a problem with complex social, political, and ethnic dimensions
intermingled into one huge dilemma. Baburam Bhattarai views the peace process as
“revolutionary changes in the society.”425 The purpose of this research is to find a solution to
peace building in the country – to create a win-win solution for every party involved by
paying attention to the protection of human rights. In the context of Nepal, the electoral
victory of the CPN (Maoist) in 2008 prepared a positive foundation for a reliable process.
This has reduced the possibility of the then-rebel group to adopt a new armed rebellion. A
positive sign of the Nepali peace process is that the Maoist leaders have, from time to time,
expressed their commitment to reaching a logical end for the peace process. The integration
of the combatants into the NA and their inclusion in Nepali society has prepared a matured
ground for reducing the possible threat of further conflict. In this connection, the words of
Prachanda are quite positive. He says,
[T]he fundamental issues of peace process have been completed. In this sense, we are
successful to make a logical end of the peace process. PLAs have already been
integrated in NA, and the issues of arms and weapons are already completed under
the leadership of our party. If you talk about other things like the case of
424 Ibid., 231. 425 See Appendix 5,316-17.
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disappearance, and Truth and Reconciliation Committee are yet to be completed. We
think all the cases that occurred during the time of a decade-long people’s war has to
be solved by the Truth and Reconciliation Committee.426
Some ideas of how to establish peace building in the country are as follows. The points are
elaborated below.
To bring pressure on peace building from civil society
To have an open political space for all factions and let the civilians decide which they
want to rule their country
To intensify international attention to help solving the issue
To take the path of negotiated settlement, and not military action
To concentrate on equal distribution of facilitating civilians all over the country, fair
law enforcement, and fair civil sector services distribution.
Make active to TRC and Commission to Investigate Enforced Disappearances. By
these commissions, reconcile society and restoring justice.
First, in the case such as Nepal's armed conflict, when violence is over, civil society can
play the vital role to peace building through the protection of society from violence,
monitoring of human rights, and pressuring the stakeholders to implementation of peace
agreements, then the advocacy and facilitation of dialogue on communities. In Nepal civil
society can play the constructive role in peace building.
Second, from analysis of the conflict in Nepal, it is clear that Nepal had democracy, but
that the practice of systems have deficiencies that make gaps between the political parties and
between local communities and raise the kind of distance in governing the country to
minority and people, and this caused conflict. To minimizing further conflict and for the sake
of peace, an open political space for all factions is needed, which will let the civilians decide
426 See Appendix 5, 347.
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how they want democratic process institutionalized.
Third, understanding of conflict root causes is important because sometimes conflict is
local, even though, because of lack of resources, government cannot address them. In this
situation, the attention of international communities can help to minimize human casualties.
International communities can provide mediation and provide a helping hand and advocate
for human rights, so conflicting parties will feel pressure for peace. This will provide an
environment for peace building.
Fourth, government must use soft power for peace settlement because the conflict is based
on political motives and poverty, which need to be addressed through dialogue rather than
military force. Meanwhile, governments must reform the state apparatus for functioning
properly for accountability on the basis of the rule of law, so that people will not feel
discrimination on the basis of ethnicity, region and association.
Fifth, in relation to development issues, Nepal's complex geography and under
development also contribute to conflict. During the peace building process and onward, the
policies and programs must attend to civilian needs and concentrate on equal distribution all
over the country.
Sixth, during the armed conflict there were victims and the disappearance of people. For a
sustainable peace, those issues must be addressed through the TRC and Commission to
Investigate Enforced Disappearances. For this to be effective, both commissions must hear
the voices of victims and find the truth. Through the work of these commissions, factions
within society can be reconciled and justice restored, which can provide for peace in Nepal.
By paying attention to the points above during peace-building negotiations and actions, it
is hoped that peace can be sustained in the country.
3.10 The Recent Political Situation (2006-2016) In April, 2006, thousands of people in Nepal thronged the street, rallying for the restoration
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of democracy. The 19 days movement marked a political watershed in the country. It ensured
a new political discourse of the democratic set up in the country.427 Monarchy was abolished,
multi-party system in politics became fully functional, Nepal was declared a secular state and
a CA was initiated to draft new constitution for 'New Nepal'.428 Unlike the Maoist
insurgencies, the new system did not meet with violence; rather it works toward a peaceful
way to achieve equality in the country. However, the Nepali contemporary political discourse
continues to experience difficulties, even though the Maoist people’s war is over and
monarchy has been abolished. Even after holding CA elections, different governments were
formed, and people lost their lives in different parts of the country.429 The government and
political parties have not maintained law and order; consequently, although people were
optimistic that positive change would be forthcoming, such has not been the case. Even after
the CA elections in 2008, four different prime ministers were elected by the legislative
parliament, but no government worked successfully in coping with the changing dynamics of
Nepalese politics. In the past, the Nepali political process and the democratization process
have both suffered significant disruption. Even after 2006, and especially after the first CA
election in 2008, political parties repeated the same mistakes they had been committing since
1950, with the resulting political instability prolonging Nepal’s political transition. In short,
groups were able to continue acting as they had during the insurgency.
However, since 2008, the Nepali people have been hopeful that a new constitution will be
declared through the new political process. The first ruling political party after 2008 was the
CPN (Maoist), which failed to make any institutional changes in the state mechanism. Baral
comments that “although the UCPN (M) has not done better than other parties either in
projecting its image or in governance, its actual organizational strength will be judged after
427 Hangen, S. I., The Rise of Ethnic Politics in Nepal: Democracy in the Margins.1. 428 Ibid. 429 See Appendix 8, 385.
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the next election.”430 The CA failed to declare a new constitution, and was subsequently
dissolved. In fact, the political parties had some seen and unseen misunderstandings on the
issues of federalism, political system, and form of government. Ultimately, the government
announced fresh elections for the CA to be held on November 23, 2012. Due to the lack of
political consensus, CA election could not be held on its first schedule and it happened on a
rescheduled date on November 19, 2013. In the fresh election, only 30 political parties
succeeded in sending their representatives to the CA, and the largest political parties – NC,
UML and UCPN (M) – received 105, 91 and 26 seats out of 240 seats of first-past-the-post
(FPTP), respectively. Other small political parties got 18 seats in FPTP. Ten political parties
secured their position in the second CA election of 2013, whereas 30 political parties won
their seats in the proportional electoral system.431 The result of the CA election held in 2008
was different, and 25 parties were able to be elected to the CA. Three largest political parties
– UCPN (M), NC and UML – received 120, 37 and 33 seats in FPTP electoral system out of
240 seats. Seven other small political parties received 50 seats in FPTP.432
A holistic approach to analyzing Maoist involvement in the mainstream political process
displays the failure of the CA, and people express their doubt that the tactical approach of the
Maoists is to capture state power through CA. However, according to the Maoist leaders, this
is the only option left, and they want to go ahead through the democratic process of fresh
elections. This act can be termed a bloodless coup because, currently, if the CA is dissolved,
there would be no legal body to run the state and Nepali politics would face a new crisis for
some time. To avoid this, a new political understanding among the political parties will be
required to develop and move ahead.
People also believe that the President, Army Chief, or the Chief Justice of the Supreme
430 Baral, Nation-State in the Wilderness, 143. 431 See the report of Election Commission Nepal, 2013. 432 See the report of Election Commission Nepal, 2008.
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Court might act and take control to curb the lawlessness in the country.433 In such a situation,
the future of the country looks darker by the day. Identity politics has become a central
contentious issue leading to dissolution of the CA; this is a major setback for the nation.
Political shortsightedness in politics drove the country to uncertainty. Thus, the current
political condition of Nepal is volatile and its economic condition is fragile. Even the
UNMIN, which was responsible to drive the peace process, failed to collect the arms from the
combatants, as the number of arms was fewer than the number of Maoist combatants, who
were allowed to dwell in UN-registered cantonments. At present, CPN (M) has money, guns,
and an army.
In this grim condition, political leaders and scholars had opined that if an election of the
CA were to be held, the rebel party might go through the process of ballot instead of bullet. If
it happens at the present time, a free and fair election in a peaceful way seems impossible.
When CA was dissolved, dark clouds were seen in Nepalese politics. Therefore, several
unusual options have been discussed recently, such as the restoration of the current CA and
giving political power to the president. The government was, however, planning to hold a
new election of the CA even as the political parties opposed this move. Finally, a new
election of CA was held and the peace process took a new track.
Further, there is a contrast both within and between political parties. Nepal is now moving
to a new type of conflict – ethnic or religious in nature. There are several sociopolitical issues
such as poverty, energy crisis, and security. The political parties, however, seem to have
433 “The UCPN (Maoist) chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal on June10, 2012 claimed that NA is in grip of Maoists
and that it will abide by the party's orders. Speaking at a program organized by Maoist aligned Tamsaling Rastriya Mukti Morcha in the capital; Dahal claimed that the Maoists have taken complete control of the national army. ‘The NA is in grip of Maoists;’ Dahal said He also said that the Army supports his party because ‘it agrees with the Maoist agenda’. Dahal's did not elaborate. The Maoist strongman further added that if anyone thinks that they will keep Maoists in check with the help of NA, then they are just ‘daydreaming’. Saying that the disbanded People's Liberation Army of the Maoist party only submitted its old and obsolete weapons to the government, he said it would be wrong to think that the Maoists have been completely ‘disarmed’.” nepalnews.com http://www.nepalnews.com/archive/2012/jun/jun10/news02.php. Accessed on June 10, 2012.
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accepted Nepal as being in a transitional phase, thereby enabling them to ignore law and
order.434 If this continues for a long time, or if the government fails to hold new CA elections,
Nepal will be nearer to being a failed state.
The rebel party that led an armed conflict for a decade and led the government of Nepal
twice, finally split in June 2012, citing differences in the policies of the party. This shows that
a part of the Maoist political party is not committed to the peace process and that they are still
in favor of establishing their own political system under Maoist political doctrine. The newly
formed CPM (Maoist) again submitted 70 demands435 to the Maoist-led government, of
which 40 demands were the same as those before the launch of the People’s War in 1996. At
present, the Prime Minister of Nepal, Dr. Baburam Bhattarai (who was also the previous
leader), has commented that the demands were put forward for political popularity, and this
indicates that it is not difficult to understand the nature of Nepali politics and the poor fate of
Nepali people. The ultimate goal of the party is to remain in power through whatever policy
or ideology necessary.
After the dissolution of the CA in 2012, it was assumed that Nepal’s current political crisis
would not show any improvement and would create further confusion in the future. However,
a new election of CA was held once again in 2013, and the political situation of Nepal was in
the track of the post-2008 period, in which political parties had struggled for making a new
understanding among themselves. It shows that new political trust has been built and the
434 See Appendix 5,321. 435 The CPN (M) split on 19 June 2012 and was founded the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (CPN-M) .It is currently led by Chairman Mohan Baidya.The faction was said to compelled to form a new party as the UCPN-M Chairman “Parchanda” and Vice –chairman and Prime Minister “Baburam Bhattarai” deviated from the party line. Here to note and interesting was UCPN-M Baburam Bhattarai is leading government as Prime Minister. After 17 years down the line, history has repeated once again. The CPN-Maoist handed over 70-point demand to Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai that includes the 40-point demands of Bhattarai to the then prime minister Sher Bahadur Deuba. Most demands are related to India, while others are concerned with the “livelihood” of ordinary people. See more: Bhattarai, Kamal Dev, “Maoist tactics wheel comes Full circle: Like Bahattarai in 1996, Baidya Party hands over 70-point charter of demands to prime minister.” http://kathmandupost.ekantipur.com/news/2012-09-10/maoist-tactics-wheel-comes-full-circle.html. Accessed on December 20, 2012.
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stakeholders of Nepalese peace process are willing to go ahead to complete the path of
conflict resolution. The government is giving priority to draft a constitution, which can
institutionalize the political changes of violent conflict and the people’s movement of 2006.
The process of writing the constitution was competed on September 20, 2015. However,
since the promulgation of the constitution, India initiated a blockade and the Madeshi
movement was started, so that still there will be more unrest ahead.
3.11 Conclusion The Maoist Party, an isolated faction of the CPN, has since its origination vowed to stand
up for the rights of the long-ignored and deprived people of Nepal. The Maoist insurgency
first established deep roots in the rural areas of the mid-western and western Nepal, and
gradually expanded across the country. Though there were political movements and changes
in Nepal, the common people felt they had received no justice from the state; their voices
were either ignored politically or suppressed by the state mechanism. When the peace process
began in 2006, it moved at its own pace, and now looks like a unique system, as it has
initiated its own fate.
There was a state of anarchy in the country during the time of the peace process, when
criminals went unpunished and foreign aid was misused. The poor developmental policy of
the government failed to address the common agenda of the Nepali people. Political
instability failed to control corruption. Due to the lack of solid leadership, the peace process
was in political deadlock, even after 2006, when the first CA was formed through elections in
2008. However, Nepal failed to declare a new constitution, and the election of new CA was
conducted in 2013 and now it is working to promulgate a new constitution for a new Nepal,
which is assumed to be a completion of the peace process. Even at present, the root of the
social, economic, and political problems is largely the caste-based social structure and a
hegemonic state and remains politically unsolved. The CA took its first decision on the issue
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of declaring the republican setup of the country in 2008 and had already settled the issues of
federalism, supremacy of the Nepali people, and Nepal as an independent, indivisible,
sovereign, secular, inclusive and fully democratic State (Article 4),436 but it failed to
institutionalize those achievements in a new constitution. Now, the new CA is committed to
working to achieve these political goals.
As a political movement, strike is becoming a permanent phenomenon in Nepal, and the
root cause of the conflict is the social and economic inequality among the people that
remained unsolved by the political changes of 1951 and 1990. The unsystematic social and
economic structure was the by-product of armed conflict, yet the political parties showed no
interest in solving such major issues, further fueling armed rebellion. The common populace
of urban areas, backward regions, women, minority groups, Madeshi, Dalits, and indigenous
communities were marginalized, and the state never heard their voices or demands. The CPN
(Maoist) politically addressed the demands of these marginalized and minority groups and
got the political support of these neglected communities.
The Maoists, therefore, tried to unite the Nepali people ideologically and politically and
convinced them that the party would launch a program to address the demands of the
common people. Though some people argue that this conflict has a connection with India or
the then-royal palace, it was definitely a part of the ideological conflict between the CPN
(Maoist) and the government of Nepal. The CPN (Maoist) had initiated a people’s war in the
true sense to establish their own political system under the guidelines of their own party
436 The CA forms interim Constitution in order to institutionalize the achievements of the revolution and
movements prior 1951 to till 2007. The Constitution, which was promulgated on 2007. Article 4: State of Nepal: (1) Nepal is an independent, indivisible, sovereign, secular, inclusive and federal, democratic republican state. (2) The territory of Nepal shall comprise of: (a) The territory existing at the commencement of this constitution; and (b) Such other territory as may be acquired after the commencement of this Constitution. See; The Interim Constitution of Nepal -2007.
http://www.refworld.org/pdfid/46badd3b2.pdf. Accessed on December 20, 2012
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doctrine. The essence of the conflict was to attain political liberty through a revolutionary
movement.
The clashes between the Maoist insurgents and the Nepali army took the lives of innocent
civilians. This war proved provocative to the insurgents, and they took the insurgency to new
heights. Furthermore, upon analyzing the origins of the conflict and its solution, prospective
conflict resolution tactics, such as traditional and indigenous conflict approaches, can be
proposed. Nepali people have the tradition of solving their problems by themselves. Unity,
harmony and sense of brotherhood are the common values in society. Time to time they have
fought to institutionalize the political change in the political superstructure. Now it is a time
to follow the principles of people's participation in every sector of people's lives, since some
Nepali indigenous community tend to empower women, and work to fulfill the socio-cultural
and civic needs of normal people.
Efficient and effective management of conflicts is fundamental to the development of any
society. The traditional way of conflict resolution techniques like competing or forcing may
provide a quick resolution to a conflict, increase self-esteem and draw respect when firm
resistance or actions were a response to an aggression or hostility. Nonetheless, it may affect
the relationship with the opponent, who in the long run, cannot take advantage of the strong
sides of the other side’s position. Taking this approach may require a lot of energy and be
exhausting to some individuals.
As in many traditional societies, elders were respected for their tremendous functions and
balanced, fair and critical decisions in the society. They are of such a prestigious status that
their deeds and decisions are not easily and simply refutable. Elders play an important role in
the society to properly administer and harmonize the people and that is also a conflict
resolution tactic. In Nepal traditional conflict resolution approaches are localized, caste and
ethnicity-specific and shaped and guided by traditional norms, values, customs and religions.
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For example, Magar –samaj (Magar Community) and Thakali Samaj (Thakali
Community),(Jimmual/Mukhiya) and Raja system in upper Mustang are common
arrangements of local conflict resolution. As a traditional approach, it explains strategic
intentions that could be organized around the assertiveness and cooperativeness, which
jointly produce conflict management styles like avoidance, accommodation, competition,
compromise and collaboration.
The prospective indigenous conflict approaches to conflict resolution are grass-root
approaches to solve conflicts by the society. The most important elements involved in this
mechanism include the tradition of forgiveness and compromises, because of the symbolic
authority to enforce decisions, and transfer of resources as compensation. Indigenous conflict
resolution typically incorporates consensus-building based on open discussions to exchange
information and clarify issues. Conflicting parties are more likely to accept guidance from
these mediators than from other sources because an elder’s decision does not entail any loss
of face and is backed by social pressure. The end result is, ideally, a sense of unity,
shared involvement and responsibility, and dialogue among groups. Accommodation is high
on cooperativeness and low on assertiveness, which is appropriate for situations where you
need to show reasonableness, keeps the peace, or maintains perspective. If we overuse the
accommodating mode, we can find ourselves being taken advantage of, having our
influence limited, and feeling resentful because we are always the one making concessions to
resolve conflict.
These approaches are useful in minimizing further conflicts that can occur in the future.
Through a conceptual analysis, I have come to the conclusion that a rights-based approach
that really empowers the people will be more suitable and sustainable for reconciliation in a
post-conflict nation like Nepal.
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Chapter 4: Peace Building in Nepal and Data Analysis 4.1 Peace Building in Nepal
Peace building in Nepal began at the end of the twentieth century and has seen the
development of international institutions and international law to bring about a logical end to
conflict to make war less likely among the conflicting parties. With the end of the Cold War
and the 1992 UN Agenda for Peace, peace building gained significant international
momentum, and the focus shifted away from intra-state conflicts to the management and
resolution of armed conflict within states.
Paffenholz and Spurk view peace building as an overarching term to describe a long-term
process covering all activities with the overall objective of preventing violent outbreak of
conflict or sustainably transforming armed conflict into constructive, peaceful ways of
managing conflict.437 Galtung 438 distinguishes two forms of peace, negative and positive.
Upreti mentiones that Ackerman, Barenes, and Bailey439 state that peace building is the
process of rebuilding normal relations between warring parties and people in conflict with
each other. It plays a role in rebuilding trust and cooperation in order to join in society. Peace
building does not always proceed as planned and should be adapted to unforeseen conditions;
it needs to be a goal-oriented process. Designing an approach to peace building relies on a
conscious process of developing priorities and strategies. To be effective in reducing conflict,
development activities need to go beyond disarmament to include, for example, infrastructure
development and renewal and the building of schools. The peace-building actors should
conduct mapping according to the context of local circumstances on the basis of importance.
On the other hand, they should identify the means to achieve and assess their effect on the
437 Paffenholz, Thania and Christoph Spurk.”Civil society, Civic Engagement and Peace Building.” Social
Development Papers, Conflict Prevention and Reconstruction, no. 36, 15. 438 Galtung, “Violence, Peace, and Peace Research.” Journal of Peace Research, Oslo, 6 no.3, 167-91. 439 See Upreti, Armed Conflict and Peace Process in Nepal, 148.
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overall process.
To address the Nepali peace process and to bring it to its logical end, the stakeholders who
contribute to the peace process must be addressed. The peace process or peace-building
“transformation” is the establishment of formal democratic processes combined with the
promotion of economic activities. It has been accepted as a basic norm for strategies.
According to a liberal democratic theory, it is proper to stress formal institutions and the
direction of democratic institution building, and focus mostly on creating a fair process for
political competition. Unfortunately, Nepal’s political parties so far have not strived to
achieve this. Ho-Won Jeong440 states that democracy can be consolidated with mature
political conditions, promoting both external and internal legitimacy. In this broader view, the
peace-building process begins with the introduction of an inclusive democracy, with
democratic values being followed by all political parties and political changes – which
surfaced in 2006 – having a direct connection with people’s aspirations. Rapid and massive
political changes, the addressing of people’s views by the political leaders, the
implementation of a people-based democratic policy, and the use of existing natural resources
for the people – all of these will play a role in peace building in post-conflict Nepal. The rise
of the Maoist rebellion, which escalated in a very short time, proves there is a possibility of
an eruption of conflict, but in order to minimize all possibilities of violent conflict that might
erupt in the future, sociopolitical and cultural changes are necessary in Nepali society. For
this, both the interim constitution and, later, the new constitution committed to implementing
a federal structure for the government, equal rights to people and a just society, and the
practice of inclusive democracy. These are all good steps to recognizing minorities and
backward groups, which will minimize the possibility of conflicts in the future.
A stable political order does not necessarily emerge from a new constitutional framework.
440 Jeong, Peace Building in Post Conflict Societies, 11.
149
The success or failure of any peace process depends upon the social and psychological
aspects of the actors. Moreover, in Nepal specifically, implementation strategies have to be
based on the identification of actors and the coordination of activities in sectors within a
given time frame, according to priorities. The different needs of a society recovering from
violent political conflicts must be incorporated into the peace-building design.
The peace process in Nepal was somehow able to move forward a few steps, but failed to
address the human rights abuse issues and the internal displacement of people. During the
insurgency, the people with abundant resources went abroad and returned home only after the
initiation of the peace process. Those people who failed to go abroad or flee their homes
either supported the government move or took part in the movement. The common people
became the victims from both sides. To the detriment of the institutionalization of peace,
there was a lack of response to immediate needs and local capacity building, both of which
are necessary for successful peace building. Thus, for sustainable peace that will help the
population to overcome extreme vulnerability and move towards self-sufficiency, integrative
social development geared towards meeting human needs should be the ultimate focus.
For a country like Nepal to address peace building, the human security approach offers the
best chance for a long-term recovery and for reconciliation and the emergence of sustainable
institutions. Rather than establishing “just peace,” Nepal should focus on creating a lasting
peace that will be sustainable. All actors should carefully fulfill their duties to build the
political and economic capacity of the Nepali people. Political parties should work to
empower the people by adopting nationalistic, rather than party-centric, thinking and action
and by giving their support to the development of human rights for all. Political and non-
political actors in Nepal will have to focus on developing a plan that incorporates both peace
and development.
In Nepal, empowering people and increasing their capacity in different sectors like politics,
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production and the economy, and cultural awareness can act as a fruitful and long-lasting
solution for durable peace and the promotion of democracy. Simply completing the political
process will not bring any long-lasting solution, as there are multiple dynamics to the conflict
in Nepal. So far, Nepal had successful political movements in the history of politics, but all
failed to strengthen the national identity of the country and the sovereignty of Nepali people.
The sociopolitical culture of the Nepali leadership will have to be transformed to address the
political crisis of the country.
Nepal’s peace process so far has been widely praised for its progress, but has also been
highly criticized for its failure to implement its promises. The peace process becomes shaky
when several groups and ethnic communities demand inclusion and participation at central
positions. In this situation, the post-conflict transition has been hampered by lack of trust
within and among communities in dealing with the adverse impacts of the conflict and in
creating opportunities for peace building.
CPN (Maoist) followed the path of peace process after signing the 12-point agreement
reached between political stakeholders. Political analysts agree that despite problems, the
Nepali peace process is moving, and no major political incident has taken place yet to lead to
its failure. The success and failure of the peace process lies in the conscience of Nepalese
political actors. It ended the rule of the royal palace forever, declared a federal republican
Nepal, and brought changes in the political equations in Nepal. The UN accepted the
procedures of Nepalese peace process following the country’s mandate and the UNMIN
began to monitor the arms and armies of Nepal’s government and the Maoists. During the
conflict, the Maoists had established identity politics of different nationalistic groups, women,
and other minority groups. They had declared different states based on nationality,
empowered the women in politics, the voices of marginal class were heard and, even at
present, the rebel party has remained attached to these matters and wants to endorse them in
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the constitution.
4.2 Analysis 4.2.1 Peace Building Assistance Needs NGOs
Since the advent of democracy in 1990, there has been an explosion in the number of local
NGOs in Nepal. It is important to distinguish between genuine NGOs that have human rights
concerns and the capacity for fostering development in Nepal and so-called briefcase NGOs
that were established to make money or for hidden interests. Most NGOs, even if well
intentioned and effective in other areas, have little experience of dealing with violent conflict
situations.
In Nepal, NGOs can be found in almost all sectors, from education, human rights, social
development, women’s rights, health, and social infrastructure, to development, psychology,
and sanitation. More recently, an increasing number of organizations are also focusing on
“conflict resolution,” “conflict management,” and “conflict transformation/peace building.”
For this focus has come about either as a result of (i) a commitment to bringing the war to an
end and the devastation it is causing to people and communities in Nepal, and addressing the
root causes/structures that gave rise to it, and/or (ii) a response to donor focus on conflict
transformation and peace-related activities. With this, an increasing number of foreign
trainers and foreign-based organizations are coming into Nepal, holding training programs,
conferences, workshops, and different activities aimed at addressing the conflict.
In addition to being engaged in human rights and people to empowerment for peace
building, a few civil society organizations have also started to work in humanitarian areas,
such as financially supporting conflict victims, psychological treatment and trauma healing,
educating orphans of the conflict, engaging victims in income-generating activities,
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reconciliation, rehabilitation, and providing physical support to conflict-affected schools.441
Table 7 Peace Building Assistance Needs
Reconciliation It involves both apology and forgiveness, together with truth, justice, empathy, and mourning, including the space and time which may be necessary for these to take place, and active support for them, from civil society organizations, communities, and the government and parties to the conflict.
Governance
Government should have predictability, transparency, and accountability.
Security improvement Empowering individuals and communities. Human security, etc. Rehabilitation of infrastructure
Restoring, mending, repairing, and regenerating after the destruction, moving from violence and its impact towards restoration of health, e.g., physical, psychological, social, cultural, and political. Rebuilding schools, buildings, homes, bridges, roads, etc.
Economic recovery Transformation of economic structures from highly exploitative, unjust, centralized, with unequal distribution and control of assets and resources to a people-centered participatory development that is pluralistic, decentralized, and with fairer distribution of land and resources and participation in decision-making.
Assistance for socially vulnerable population
Providing economic and other reparations to victims of the war and those affected, including those tortured, raped, beaten, abused, and crippled, those whose homes were destroyed and/or fields damaged, people unfairly targeted/dismissed from work, as well as men and women, single parents, children and orphans, and the families of those killed.
Humanitarian emergency assistance
Water and sanitation, medicine, food, and shelter.
Compiled by the author. Source: Literature related to peace building and conflict management.
Points to consider when implementing assistance
Needs-based
Organizations should work with religious and local leaders
Neutrality
Knowledge of community problems
441 Upreti, Armed Conflict and Peace Process in Nepal, 160-3.
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While working in Nepal, NGO’s should make sure that, their organizations are needs-based,
like working with children during the Maoists insurgency. As stated earlier, there were NGOs,
which were helping the Nepali children during the civil war, like the Advocacy Forum,
CWIN, National Coalition for Children as Zones of Peace, INSEC, among others.442.
Organizations should also work with religious and local leaders in order to achieve more
results in terms of peace and conflict resolution, as well as to bring development. In case
political instability or communal or castes/ethnic issues arise, the organization should learn to
work in neutrality and avoid violence, to get to the result of bringing development to the
Nepali community, and making all social and political actors to work together.
After 1990, Nepal experienced a widening economic gap between the poor and rich. The
expectations of the Nepali people were very high after the political change of 1990, but there
was no improvement in bridging the gap between urban and rural areas. The per capita
income of Rolpa – the area from which the Maoists declared their rebellion – was less than
US$100, and a UN Human Development report of 2001 verified that 38 percent of Nepali
people were living in extremely poor conditions and could not meet even their basic needs.443
This includes actors at all levels that are involved in, affected by, and have contributed to the
conflict. The economic growth rate of the agricultural sector in 1991–1995 was 2 percent,
whereas the growth rate of the non-agriculture sector in the same period was 8 percent.444
Mapping all issues, goals, and interests
The issues are goals and interests of each party, including how observers see them, and
how they see them themselves. All political parties have their vested interests and the leaders
want to concentrate all powers within their parties.
Mapping the relationship(s) between them
442 Human Rights Watch Organization, Nepal, Children in the Ranks,2007.
https://books.google.com/books?id=0fVFzXs5klEC&pgis=1. Accessed on June 13, 2015. 443 Thapa and Sijapati, A Kingdom under Siege, 58–9. 444 Source: Ministry of Finance, economic survey of several years.
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Including the relationships between (i) the different actors, (ii) the issues, and (iii) the
actors and the different issues.
Needs-based
Conflict management is an entire political process of every community. Political parties,
different social groups who actively participated in the conflicts or were affected by the
conflicts, marginal community, indigenous groups, women, and different marginal group are
the first-part stakeholders of peace process. Regional and international communities are the
second-part stakeholders of a viable peace process. The ideological conflict that lasted in
Nepal for a decade had prospered in Nepal endemic poverty, economic inequality and a
structural gap that caused the eruption of conflicts. The Maoist insurgency was the most
serious political threat the Nepalese state has ever faced. Finally, it became an instrumental
tool in bringing structural change in political paradigm.
The political movement of 2006 formally institutionalized a political change in the political
structure, which was one of the demands of CPN (M) through the ratification of Interim
Constitution by legislature-parliament in 2007. The changes in the power equation need to
address the issues of women, Dalits, indigenous communities, and marginalized groups. The
political transformation of previous political structure into a new political system can resolve
the conflict dealing with the challenges of post-war Nepal, based upon the real needs of the
country. For this, the government and political leaders have political accountability to attend
to the voices of local people as put forth by the people, themselves.
Prescriptions or “solutions” imposed by external forces often create problems and fail to
address the issues adequately, and the top-down peace processes will exclude certain actors –
social, national, cultural and other groups. Ian Martin says that “the achievements of Nepal’s
peace process are extraordinary,” but that “Madhesis, Janjatis, Dalits, and other marginalized
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groups were nonetheless excluded from almost all stages of peace process negotiations….”445
An important element of the peace process is to ascertain the real needs and issues that need
to be addressed. The constructive participation of all social groups in the political process
itself through local forums can solve the problem properly.
During the time of conflict, the warring group effectively forwards a number of political
issues like transformation of socio-political structure of the country in the legislation and
other demands like rights of women, right of backward communities and indigenous
communities, for example. For this, civil society organizations, NGOs, and the people
themselves – in villages, towns, the capital, and areas across the country – can play a vital
role in raising their voices, participating actively, transforming conflicts, stopping the
violence, building cooperation and confidence at the local and national level, and working to
ensure that their needs and concerns are addressed. At present, Nepal needs to make sweeping
political changes to address the problems of structural inequity, economic discrimination and
to offer all civil rights to the people to integrate with welfare politics. A good process will be
one in which the participation of, and the commitment to addressing the needs of, the
communities and people of Nepal is seen as central to the overall transformation of the
conflict and peace building, including both the final outcome as well as the way it is carried
out. The success of peace process will indicate how Nepali political leaders can transform the
traditional state mechanism into a new mechanism that can make efforts to prompt economic
growth and development.
4.2.2 Capacity Building In contemporary Nepal, there are several mass movements and people participate in
political gatherings in all corners of the country, even in the streets and teashops. People
believe that in Nepal it is difficult to find neutral people – politically unattached people – who
445 Martin, “United Nations Support,” 228–9.
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are not inclined toward any political party. Political movements that took place in different
periods caused people to be the part of different political parties. However, people obtained
less opportunity to get education and other basic needs, which became the causes of people’s
suffering. The neglect of basic humanitarian needs such as education, health, and access to
drinking water increases frustration among the youth, and they are drawn toward violent
activities or seek to create conflict at the grassroots, as well as the national level. Nepal’s
peace process, capacity building of marginalized people, institutionalizing of the democratic
process, and inclusion of different nationals living in the country all remain at risk if the
socioeconomic prospects do not improve.
Capacity building, a catchphrase in development field, is used in all economic planning of
the country all over the world.446 Capacity building through education, cultural awareness,
involvement of local people in the political structure, empowerment of marginal groups
through economic production, and the participation of common people in local and national
decision-making could bring a new stability to the nation. Capacity building of a country
requires charismatic and knowledgeable people, which mean that there is a need to develop
the educational system. A country like Nepal should aim for less expensive approaches to
make education available to all its citizens. Strengthening collaborations with international
actors in developing their educational institutions can also help the Nepalese towards capacity
building. It is a fact that only capable, competent, and knowledgeable individuals can provide
useful inputs in any productive field. Further, if people are capable, they can identify the
situation, maintain neutrality, and retain the ability to work, even in conflict-ridden zones,
and contribute to the nation. Ensuring a significant improvement in the quality of people’s
lives is one of the major tasks in the capacity development of people, and it even helps in
strengthening political parties’ leadership.
446 Gurung, G, “Capacity building is not an event but a process: lesson from health sector decentralization of
Nepal.” Nepal Medical College journal : NMCJ, 11(3), (2009): 205–206.
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In practice, effective conflict prevention is derived from a variety of activities that address
all aspects of society and all relevant actors.447 Merely defusing socioeconomic tensions and
filling the ethnic gaps that exist in Nepalese society is not enough. By analyzing Nepal’s past
and present conditions, it can be said that empowerment is an essential component of peace
building. Peace building and conflict transformation are vital components in a post-conflict
nation and can change society’s attitude towards the war. The empowerment of people at the
individual, organizational, and governmental levels is fundamental to peace building.
For this, the need of addressing the problems of people is necessary and political parties
have no political option except promulgating the constitution in time in order to end the peace
process politically. In a new constitution, there ought to be the people’s provisions, so they
can feel their ownership of the constitution. Women’s empowerment, education for the
empowerment for all, quality health service, social and legal justice, end of economic
disparity, consensus of foreign policy, political consent on national security, mobilization of
natural resources for the development of the country, and so on, can work jointly for
developing the capacity building of people. Right now people do not want to live in fear and
threat, and now it is the responsibility of the government to maintain law and order in the
society in order to institutionalize all political achievements of people’s movement and armed
political conflict for which people were fighting.
Table 8 shows, when applying the Gini coefficient, that inequality has increased. When
looking at the living standard, the surveys indicate that inequality has grown over the years.
Also, although rural inequality appears to be slightly lower than urban inequality, in fact,
inequality in income distribution in rural areas has increased faster than in urban areas from
1996 to 2004.
447 Galama and Van Tongeren, Towards Better Peace Building, 134–5.
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Table 8 Gini Coefficients of Income Distribution Patterns
Survey Rural Nepal Urban Nepal Nepal
Multipurpose Household Budget Survey 1988/85
0.23 0.26 0.24
Nepal Living Standard Survey1995/96
0.31 0.43 0.34
Nepal Living Standard Survey2003/4
0.35 0.44 0.41
Compiled by author, Source; Nepal Human development Report, Nepal South Asia Center, Kathmandu, 1998, and CBS 2004.
Some measures have been taken by the United Nations, Nepal Government and Other
Machineries. Although the country is filled with income inequality448, there has been no
systematic approach towards capacity building for poverty and inequality eradication in
Nepal. The country itself has taken few initiatives to bring change in the country. The United
Nations, however, has encouraged the country to take up capacity building by focusing on
devolution of central government, improving its functions and strengthening District
Development Committees.449 The organizations also encouraged Nepal to concentrate on
decentralizing planning and implementation and to develop systems for bringing
development through Village Development Committee.450 Thus, the aim here is to bring
changes in the political ideologies that will ultimately initiate new changes in other areas,
such as, for example, education, empowerment, economic production.
The UN system is also influencing Nepal on gender equality and empowerment. In fact,
Nepal is now a signatory to the UN 'Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of
Discrimination against Women' (CEDAW).451 The UN has even influenced Nepal to work on
the health of women to curb maternity death and to take care of pre-natal and post-natal 448 See Appendix 9, Nepal Poverty Map, 387. It provides the poverty level at the sub district for whole Nepal. 449 Maconick, Capacity-building for Poverty Eradication: Analysis Of, and Lessons From, Evaluations of UN
System Support to Countries’ Efforts , 879. 450 Ibid. 451 Ibid.
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health. The government of Nepal, along with UN and other agencies, continues to work
towards development and sustainability.
Poverty has become a perennial issue for developing countries like Nepal. The government
should take measures in tackling these problems by eradicating hunger and malnutrition in
the country. Developmental efforts in terms of improving production through scientific
methods can be initiated by the government to improve the living condition, general health
and life expectancy of the people. Geographically, Nepal is also in a region where flood,
earthquake and glaciers are common. The vulnerability of the population to these natural
disasters has made the Nepali government come up with solutions to deal with the
environment issues and which will bring development and lower the issue of inequality in
environmental institution capacity at the national level, in capacity building in river
catchment planning, in capacity planning in urban land use policies, in disaster management
programs, and in clinical waste management, and so on.452
Beginning with the 1990 constitution, Nepal has been trying to rebuild society. Part of the
structure to support development has been the national planning commission that formulates
plans and submits them to the government for consideration and possible action. Despite this,
however, there has been little success in developing and implementing market-oriented and
liberal economic policies. As part of the liberalized economic policies, the country is now
inviting foreign investment to industrialists and entrepreneurs, which is a tool for
improvement. In the line of globalization and liberalization in contemporary days, the country
pursues capacity building in industrial and trade policies through dynamic policies by
encouraging the local entrepreneurs to use foreign capital and technology and to improve
their system453.
452 International Business Publication,Nepal Mining Laws and Regulations Handbook, 2008, 37. https://books.google.com/books?id=AIqzhau2Ua4C&pgis=1. Accessed on June 13, 2015. 453 Ibid.
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Developed countries have shown how capacity building of a country can be realized
through building industries, improving education and improving the economic condition of
the country. Such improvements need constant changes and innovations that require the
commitment of the government for its people. The government of Nepal should therefore
resort to working with private sectors and with its citizens in bringing development in the
country. If the governments resort to such activities as improving the investment procedure of
the public and private sector, there are more chances of improving the development of the
country.
4.2.3 Do Ethnicity and Caste Cause Problems for Peace Building? The term “ethnicity” has rather pessimistic connotations in Nepali politics. The most
favorable issue of it is the formation of and the protection of “community," and, after 1990
and especially after 1996, it has been widely respected in Nepali political discourse. Right
now, it is linked with the sustainability of peace building process. Even in ideological
violence, the political parties tend to mobilize the indigenous community people to garner
political power. For this, Maoist had formed different liberation fronts under the tags of
ethnic names. The political thinkers blame that the Maoist initiated the ethnic politics in
Nepal; whereas the Maoist opine that the issue of indigenous community is a part of national
liberation movement, so they were positive towards the issues of such communities. Outside
Nepal, there are also other opinions on how ethnicity and caste divisions are responsible for
exclusion policies that led to the formation of different political parties. Major international
actors and agencies share this opinion.454 The political system, as seen before, remains
highly feudalistic in nature, with the higher caste and ethnic groups – the Bahun-Chetri-
Newari – dominating the politics of Nepal. To solve this issue, the Maoists therefore resorted
to using the less privileged ethnic groups to form their own political parties.
The national identities of Nepal are connected at present with two universal aspects,
454 Paffenholz ,The Nepali Maoists: Successful Transformation or Compliance with a Strategic Plan, 176-77.
161
namely, the sense of international solidarity with other human beings and the seeking of
political power and respecting the nationality of different ethnic groups. In this sense, Nepal
urgently requires a political process and transformation of its political dynamics. The
historical links between the Mithila and Kathmandu-Newar cultures of the Terai and the
Kirati and Tharu cultures in other geographical locations give an important glimpse of mosaic
culture.The political ties among different ethnic groups have connection with the success of
the peace process, and if they get political identity through political dialogue or in the
legislation of Nepalese constitution, Nepal would certainly be a glorious nation. In addition,
the drafting of new constitution and establishing of new government through inclusion
policies would allow the Nepalese to work towards democracy and peace building process455.
After signing the CPA, Nepali political parties and international stakeholders assumed that
no groups could dismantle the current peace process. On the contrary, the peace agreement
resulted in unexpected problems in the southern part of the country, and it actually deepened
an existing conflict among the people living in Terai region. In addition to this, the people
living in that region rose up against the existing authorities and political forces of Nepal.
Regarding the new conflict that erupted in Terai, Jason Miklion456 states,
After government of Nepal signed a peace agreement with the CPN (M) in 2006 to end a 10-
year civil war, local and international observers were surprised to see new fighting erupt in
the Terai region of southern Nepal. The violence, however, was initiated not by either party
but by groups targeting both the state and the Maoists, polarizing citizens along ethnic issues
largely unaddressed during the civil war. In the course of repeated changes in the political
structure, culminating in the overthrow of the monarchy in 2006, political parties raised
several issues that required constitutional amendment. The resulting changes in political
strata did not help to address the country’s deep-rooted sociopolitical problems, however,
455 Singh,K .`Armed Conflict in Nepal: From Parliament to Seige of Kathmandu’, 152-173. 456 Miklion, Nepal’s Terai, 2.
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which sowed the seeds of ideological conflict.
The Constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal (1990) had declared the country to be a
multiethnic, multilingual, democratic, independent, indivisible, sovereign, Hindu, and
constitutional monarchical kingdom. Despite the promulgation of the constitution, in 1996
the Maoists began their insurgency against such constitutional provisions as the status of the
monarchy and the role of government. The decade-long conflict that followed ultimately
shifted the power balance, and the unity between parliamentary parties and the rebel CPN
(Maoist) constitutionally ended the traditional monarchy at the first meeting of the Nepalese
CA on May 28, 2008.
In the past, Nepali political leaders had blamed the absolute power or the constitutional
role of the king for hindering prosperity and development. From time to time, the Nepali
monarchy had crossed the limitations of the constitution, and ideologically the Maoist leaders
stood completely opposed to the king’s role in politics. Political parties used ethnic, caste,
and class issues and fitted them into a political framework, promising to establish
autonomous states on the bases of caste, ethnicity, and language. As a result, ethnic minorities
and some castes demanded their own separate states within the federal setup, which became
one of the causes of the failure of the Nepali CA. The State Restructuring Commission457
also had differences on the issue of ethnic states and the number of states.458 During this
transitional phase, Nepal developed a complex problem regarding nationalism and identity.
This study began by raising the key elements of ethnicity and caste, and their negative
impact on the future of peace and development in Nepal. The political mass movements that
have arisen at different times (1991-2006) are characterized by the involvement of an elite
457 State Restructuring Commission (SRC) is provisioned the commission in the Interim Constitution 2007 to
recommend on state restructuring, one of the most contentious issues in the process of drafting the new constitution. Its job is to recommend the CA a best model to federate the country.
458 Dhungel, Bidushi, “Same old differences.” http://kathmandupost.ekantipur.com/printedition/news/2012-01-31/same-old-differences.html. Accessed on
December 20, 2012.
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group rather than the participation of the common people. By addressing dominant class
rather than the suppressed classes, they threaten a more severe conflict than that caused by
the Maoist insurgency and a move toward political instability, developing discord between
people in terms of language, ethnicity, caste, and culture, and inciting new clashes in this
beautiful Himalayan country.
The vested interests of the elite, incompetent political leadership and a focus on individual
party interests have brought political parties to the situation where they are raising their
voices only for ethnically based rights and autonomy. The social structure may vary a great
deal in form, but it will always be the key to understanding those societies. At the most basic
level, this affects the most fundamental of social factors – the size of the population. If it is
distinguished according to ethnicity and caste, any form of state reform will divide the nation.
So far, since the success of the Maoist insurgency and the declaration of the republic, the
Nepali people are facing an identity crisis. At present, people are searching for their identities
in the form of ethnic, religious, and caste-based communities. This has also affected the
national identity.
Table 9 Ethnicity, Language, and Religion of Nepal’s Population in the 2011 Census
Table 9a. Ethnicity/Caste Ethnicity/Caste
(There are 125 caste/ethnic groups reported in the census 2011.)
Percent of the Total Population
Chhetri 16.6 Brahman-Hill 12.2 Magar 7.1 Tharu 6.6 Tamang 5.1, Newar 3.2 Kami 4.8 Musalman 4.4 Yadav 4.0 Rai 2.3
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Table 9b. Language Spoken as Mother Tongue
Language Spoken as
Mother Tongue
Percent of the Total Population
Nepali 44.6 Maithili 11.7 Bhojpuri 6.0 Tharu 5.8 Tamang 5.1 Newar 3.2 Bajjika 3.0 Magar 3.0 Dotel 3.0 Urdu 2.6
Table 9c. Religion Religion
Percentage of the total population
Hinduism 81.3 Buddhism 9.0 Islam 4.4 Kirat 3.1 Christianity 1.4 Prakriti459 0.5 Others (Bon, Jainism Bahai and Sikhism)
0.3
Compiled by the author. Source: Central Bureau of Statistics, 2012.
Table 9 also shows the diversity within the Nepali people in respect to their ethnicity,
language, and religion. According to Nancy Levine, ethnic relations in Nepal today can be
seen as the outcome of long-term processes of accommodation between local groups and a
centralizing state. In the northwest of the country, national economic and political policies
459 The Chepangs who practiced Prakriti (nature).They worship many deities including Bhumi (land), etc.
165
that discriminated among groups on the basis of caste and ethnicity have contributed to the
perpetuation of small and insular communities divided by persisting ethnic distinctions.
Despite this, there is considerable mobility; individuals and the entire memberships of
villages rapidly transfer both their ethnic affiliation and position in the local caste system.
The motivation for this seems less an issue of status and caste rank than of change in
economic specialization. Changes in the way a group makes its living in turn affects the
socio-cultural system and are accompanied by a renegotiation of affinity relationships in the
wider region.460
In regards to Levine’s view, I argue that the current political development of Nepali
society reflects group-based interests. According to the developmental view, Nepal’s ethnic
issues would be solved through social programs such as increasing welfare provisions and
decreasing inequality. It should have a particular and positive impact on groups such as
children, the aged and indigenous communities. Taking into account all the stakeholders in
Nepali communities, a development-based approach should be used for reform in Nepal. The
development-based approach is suitable to lead to increased possibilities of education and
opening up of a greater variety of economic and social opportunities.
After signing on CPA, Nepal is now in the process of drafting a new constitution and
building a new Nepal. There are still several issues of linguistic rights, rights of indigenous
people, cultural and religious rights of minority group, and socio-economic security of
common people that remained unaddressed for years and which have come to the political
forefront. After declaring a secular republic state from a longstanding unitary Hindu kingdom,
Nepal plunged into a religious, nationalistic and ethnic debate. Women, backward group,
untouchable community, Janajati, Madheshi, and others who felt marginalized in Nepalese
political history for centuries wanted to be empowered constitutionally.
460 Levine, “Caste, State, and Ethnic,” 71–88.
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Nepal is a diverse community in which ethnic separation or empowerment through the
promotion of ethnic interests is destructive to the nation’s social harmony and state
development. Further, it can lead to religious conflict in the future. The problem of ethnic and
linguistic federal territories already existed, and there are also inter-ethnic conflicts. The
Madheshi movement is demanding a single Madhesh province running from east to west,
covering all Terai districts, whereas the Tharu community wants to divide it into two
provinces. But now Madhesis have agreed to two provinces, like the Tharus.
Some NGOs and ethnic organizations are applying pressure, and indigenous nationalities
and Madheshi communities have been demanding autonomous provinces. Meanwhile,
language presents another problem. In addition, religion has been another issue confronting
the state and communities. After the popular movement of 2006, the Maoists promoted the
agendas of backward communities, ethnic groups, and minority peoples, creating high
expectations among these people. Unless the political leaders succeed in settling these issues
by legal means, Nepal could face further conflict.
Surendra Pandey believes that “if we develop the country and we go ahead economically
and everyone benefits, it becomes easier to address ethnic demands.”461 If we take a
developmental view, however, the problem is not so easily addressed. Kul Acharya says that
“federal division on the basis of ethnicity will do no good for the Nepali people. It will be
difficult to sustain different federal states, which will lead the country towards ethnic
disintegration. The best thing is not to go down the road.”462 Finally, if they want to build a
stable Nepal through a new constitution and federal set-up, political parties should consider
an inclusive state, not in the context of ethnicity, but from a socioeconomic and
developmental perspective that can provide sustainable peace and development. In this
connection, Prachanda, the Chairman of the UCPN (M) –– speaking prior to the
461 Surendra Pandey, in answer to a question. See Appendix 5, 308. 462 Kul Acharya, in answer to a question. See Appendix 5, 330-31.
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promulgation of the new constitution –– agreed with the aforementioned views and predicted
that for a new Nepal based on socioeconomic and cultural rights of the people, they [the
people] would not be involved in any type of conflict, and all sorts of political movements of
small groups would disappear. After the promulgation of a new constitution, he believed,
once the young people had employment and the country moved ahead in the course of
economic development, automatically all issues would be solved.463
4.2.4 Is Nepal Trapped in Contentious Politics? Since 1991, the NC Party led the government time to time, but could not fulfill the
expectations of the Nepali people. Nickson quotes the views of Amik Sherchan, who was a
leader of United People’s Front in 1990 and is now a Maoist leader as saying, “If it hadn’t
been for Girija Prasad Koirala and Khum Bahadur Khadka, there would perhaps be no Maoist
war.”464 This clearly indicates the contentious politics of the NC – on the one hand, the party
talks about democracy, while on the other it fails to understand the problems of the common
people. In the Nepali democratization process, there were ups and downs, which were not
conducive to the development of real democracy. Throughout, Nepali politicians expressed
their commitment to political stability, human security, health services, justice, and human
rights, but whenever the political movement was concluded, those issues were forgotten. The
Nepali political discourse saw the appearance of political parties and their associate
organizations, but, in practice, the real development of a sense of democracy has been limited.
This section covers the nature of Nepali political parties and the development of politics
from 1996 to the 2013. When the monarchy was abolished in 2008, Maoists accepted the
need to get support from some small regional political parties in order to form the
government. Once the Maoists changed course and got involved in open politics, they
became preoccupied with identity politics, whereas earlier they had been mostly concerned
463 Prachanda, Appendix 5, 350. 464 Nickson, “Democratization and Growth of Communism in Nepal,” 376.
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with ideological issues. CA was formed to draft and promulgate a constitution; however, the
political parties spent their time to form the new government, which became a problem for
resolving the ongoing crisis. Finally, the government was compelled to declare the date of
new CA election to be held in 2012. But it was postponed again and finally was held on
November 19, 2013. This CA was able to promulgated the New Constitution on September
20, 2015, but since then Madheshi Communities of Nepal's Terai region started to protest for
amendments to the Constitution.
Other social movements also promoted contentious activities and programs that weakened
the democratic system and affected national politics. The contentious nature of Nepali party
politics not only disturbed social harmony, but also brought ethnic and religious conflict to a
nation that had just overcome a decade of armed Maoist conflict.
4.2.4.1 The Maoist Movement and its Relation with Indigenous Ethnic People
The political goal of ideological politics is to establish a new ruling system by demolishing
the existing political system. In fact, the Maoist movement was based on the class struggle
and they had a single goal of fulfilling the political interests of the working class. From this
point of view, it is not difficult to understand that indigenous ethnic people have no interest in
this conflict. However, Dipak Sapkota opines that “in such a class struggle, issues of ethnic or
national and regional liberation are also attached.”465 In some cases, the ethnic problem or
politics becomes a major political agenda in order to liberate the people from the feudalistic
political culture. As long as the Maoists accepted the political programs of different
nationalities, ethnic groups or backward communities, minority communities, including
women, Dalits, and Muslim, were politically associated with the CPN (Maoist). Sapkota
states that “ [people] came under the influence of the announcement of the right to autonomy
465 Sapkota, Ten Years of Upheaval, 223.
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and self-determination for oppressed nationality and region.”466
During the period between 1991 and 1996, parliamentary politics fell short in making any
difference in the lives of common people, and the regional economic imbalance and
insecurity among the people were acute. Baral says, “Nepali politicians [forgot] this
mutuality of values and norms of institutions building.”467 People's sense of dissatisfaction
grew, due to poverty, injustice, exclusion from the decision-making process. Under these
conditions, the Maoists emerged as the voice of Nepal’s poor and marginalized, indigenous
ethnic people, lower castes, and others. Through mass propaganda, handling of
developmental activities at the local level, and guerilla action against the symbols of rural
oppression, such as in Agriculture Bank and local tyrants, the Maoist movement spread
across the country.
Further, during the insurgency period, the Maoists were able to use propaganda and form
ethnic and caste-based party wings, and they promised those communities that when a Maoist
government was formed, or when the Peoples’ War was successfully carried out, they could
get their own state, depending on their participation in the insurgency. This made for a
complex political climate.
Scholars point out that the Maoist movement also had a link with international politics,
and its leader Prachanda has acknowledged his interaction with the Revolutionary
International Movement (RIM) committee.468 The RIM’s support of the Maoist movement in
Nepal is reflected in its paper “The Great Leap Forward: An Inevitable Need of History,”
which argues for the creation of a new communist international organization.469 Nepali
communism is also linked to that of neighboring country, India. As can be seen from the
following, the leaders of the Jhapali communist movement that began in eastern Nepal in
466 Ibid. 467 Baral, Nepal-Nation-State in the Wilderness, 8. 468 The Worker.no.7, 2002. 469 Thapa and Sijapati, A Kingdom under Siege, 29.
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1971 were influenced by the Indian Naxalite party. The former serving with the Nepali
Naxalites for a long time.”470 Like the Indian Naxalite movement, Nepali communists had
accepted an agrarian revolution as the main policy for the revolution in Nepal. Prachanda had
stated in the document of his 1995 plenum that “the target of armed struggle will be
confiscating the lands of feudals and landlords and distributing them amongst the landless
and poor peasants on the basis of land-to-the-tiller theory.”471 The Naxal Challenge: Causes,
Linkages, and Policy Options472 provides insights into the Naxalite movement and finds the
contributing factors to increased violence as being continuing economic and social
backwardness and injustice and poor governance, as well as external linkages with
neighboring countries’ politics and conflicts, which are similar to the Nepali Maoist
movement.
Hachhethu mentions that the plan to initiate the People’s War was based on the principle
that everything is an illusion, except state power. While remaining firm on the principal aim
of armed struggle as a means to capture political power for the people, the party expressed its
firm commitment to relentless struggle against all forms of deviationist thoughts and trends,
including economic reformism and anarchism.473
Further, Hachhethu highlights the reasons for the rapid progress of the insurgency and the
factors contributing to the escalation of the conflict, including the geographical location of
Nepal and that it is favorable to run guerilla warfare either as ideological violence or ethnic
violence and to wage a struggle against the central government. Nepalese people working in
foreign countries, mainly in India, were mobilized in line with the political guideline of the
Maoists and conducted different political programs to supply logistics for the armed struggle
in Nepal. In addition, Hachhethu also identifies several factors such as social injustice,
470 Hachhethu, Party Building in Nepal, 70. 471 The Worker, no. 3. 1997. 472 Ramana, ed., The Naxal Challenge, 110-157. 473 Hachhethu, Party Building in Nepal, 70.
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unemployment, and underdevelopment, the problem of exclusion, and the lack of good
governance, all of which contributed to the escalation of Maoist armed activities.
Furthermore, Hachhethu includes different views and analyses from divergent perspectives.
According to development analysts, the Maoist movement is basically a social and economic
struggle produced and sustained by failed development. Sociologists and ethnologists argue
that the Maoist insurgency is also an ethnic struggle. Lawoti argues that class-based
insurgencies like Maoist political conflict of Nepal, based on Marxist political doctrine, is
escalated by ethnic and nationalistic aspiration.474 They argue for the support of ethnic
minorities and marginalized groups. Meanwhile, political scientists regard the failure of
governance as the main reason behind the constant weakening of the Nepali state and the
strengthening of the Maoists. Hachhethu argues that the Maoists were successful in
mobilizing ethnic groups and giving the ethnic demands a political framework, and that these
internal conflicts and contradictions among the state actors have given an advantageous
position to the Maoists.
Much scholarship concerning Nepali politics highlights the formal development of the
state, state and political leadership, mainstream political parties and their development.475
Further, there has been discussion of the Nepali conflict in terms of mainstream political
actors and parties acting for the attainment of state power.
During the course of this study, a wide range of scholarly discussions have been put
forward that highlight the variables that appeared during the Maoist insurgency, such as
inequality, political exclusion, ethnic dimension, state repression, a weak state, the lack of
development, and environmental degradation.
In addition, some works have discussed the consequences of the insurgency, as well its
474 Lawoti, “Ethnic Dimension of Maoist Insurgencies,” 135. 475 Hachhethu Party Building in Nepal: Organization, Leadership and People, A Comparative Study of the NC
and the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist), 25-74, and Baral, “Nepal Political Parties and Parliament,”10-35.
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negative impact on the economy and development, the increase in the militarization of society,
and the increase in the restrictions on human rights. Some of them discussed the ethnic
grievances and the Maoist mobilization of the ethnic groups.476 Moreover, some political
scientists link the rise of the Maoist insurgency to the failure of the parliamentary democracy
and to the failure of the political parties to work properly within the political system.
4.2.4.2 Identity Politics The unification of the Gorkha kingdom and the formation of Nepal after unification of
Nepal demanded a new possible national identity of Nepal. Before the unification of Nepal,
Kathmandu Newars, and Gorkhali Gurungs and Magars had political access in their
respective states. During that time, they enjoyed cultural right. After the completion of the
expansion of Nepal, and especially after the signing of the Sugauli treaty, a new issue was
created in the identity discourse of Nepali politics. Immediately after the shift of the capital of
the Gorkha kingdom to the Kathmandu valley, the influence of a new political elite was seen
and there was gradual marginalization in the political field. Similarly, different ethnic
communities in their respective geographical regions faced the same problems; however, it
remained latent for a long time. “Manka Khalah,” – the first Newar organization in
Kathmandu – came into existence in 1979 in line with the sign of identity politics which
pressed both for the restoration of radio broadcasts in the Newari language and for its use as
the medium of instruction in schools.”477 Finally, the linguistic influence of “Manka Khalah”
became a symbol of identity politics to others after 1990 and it became a national issue and
other ethnic groups followed the same path. Ultimately, the Maoists promised the different
nationalistic groups to fulfill their demands after making political change through ideological
conflicts.
476 Upreti, The Price of Neglect; Mishra, Locating the “Causes” of the Maoist Struggle, 257-304. 477 Whelpton, John, A History of Nepal, 182.
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The political movement of 1990 led to different national and regional movements, and the
people at both the local and national level demanded to get their inalienable rights to speak
and read or write in their mother tongue, and staked their claim over the country’s natural
resources. After 1990, with the beginning of party politics, problems of people, like Tamang,
Limbu, Madheshi, and Tharu, related to identity politics increased at local levels, as well as
nationally, to form a wider communal identity in terms of religion, language, and so on. As a
result, the Himalayan country has seen the development of several kinds of movements,
which can be described as social movements, identity movements, the Maoist insurgency, for
example.478 The CPN (UML) government formed in 1994 started to air news in Sanskrit
language on Radio Nepal, and the Supreme Court banned to use Nepal Bhasa – language of
Newari people – as an official language along with Nepali in the offices of Kathmandu
Metropolitan city. The government of NC took a decision in 1993 to make Sanskrit a
compulsory language in school education.479 Early in 1990, Nepal was described as a
peaceful country in popular discourse and in academia. Hangen and Lawoti hold the view
that the ethnic movement and identity politics moved ahead after 1990 and became more
violent after the turn of the century.480 The indigenous nationalities movement began to work
more actively to promote social, linguistic, cultural, economic and political rights of marginal
people. Similarly, due to Madeshi, Dalit movements, Muslim activities, and women's
consciousness, Maoists responded and recruited indigenous community members –
Madeshis, Dalits, and women – after 1996, and the voices of those people became the
political agenda of Nepalese conflict.
However, there have been different type of conflicts and rebellions in Nepal's history.
After 1990, the collective mobilization that occurred in Nepal was varied in nature and, hence,
its effects have differed as well. The contemporary contentious activities emerged from the 478 Upreti, Political Awakening in Nepal. 479 Gellener, Pfaff-Czarnecka & Whepton, Nationalism and Ethnicity in Hindu Kingdom. 480 Susan Hangen and Mahendra Lawoti, Nationalism and Ethnic Conflict in Nepal, 5.
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historical backdrop of exclusion, neglect, and changing social and political conditions. After
1990 identity politics became a major part of Nepalese politics, and, in the general election of
1991, NSP – a Madesh based political party – captured six seats out of 205 in parliament and
three seats in midterm poll of 1994.481 After 2006, the growth of ethnic political parties has
resulted in ethnic association, forwarding ethnic demands, and fighting for protecting their
rights. The report of INSEC 2011 – a human rights organization in Nepal – shows that, from
2005 to 2010, a huge number of Madeshi people were the victims of the eruption of new
conflict. In 2007 more than 100 Madhesi were killed by the state or non-state organizations
and this number was 79, even in 2010. The record shows that, in these six years, 97 per cent
Terai based Madeshi people were killed and around three per cent pahadi Hindu people, with
one per cent of indigenous people killed in the same period.482
Furthermore, the groups were mobilized towards identity politics by the Communist Party
of Nepal, their student movement organizations, and their revolts and protests. There were
also the collective struggles of trade unions, teachers, and socio-religious groups.483 National
ethnic conflict has occurred in Nepal throughout its history, but after 1990, it seemed to
become more visible than in the past.
The associations of different ethnic and caste groups are fighting for equal recognition of
their language, religion, and culture, as well as for equal opportunities in politics, economy,
and society. Until now, these movements (except for the Khambhuwan National Front
(KNF)484 and Janatantric Tarai Mukti Morcha (JTMM)) have not launched violent rebellions.
There have also been several conflicts and riots targeting religious sects. The following table
shows the non-Maoist violent conflicts and contentious activities after 1990.
The tables below show the activities that have occurred thus far in the name of social and
481 Thapa & Sijapati, A Kingdom Under Siege, 38-40. 482 INSEC, 2011. 483 Neupane,Govinda, Nepali Samajko Rupantaran [Transformation in Nepali Society],2-39. 484 The KNF joined the Maoists (it split and joined again a couple of times) and JTMM split from the Maoists.
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ethnocentric movements. Since 1996, the tactics of such movements have been changing
from nonviolence to violent activities, and are becoming increasingly visible in the Nepali
political discourse.
Table 10 Non-Maoist Violent Conflicts (Riots and Insurgencies) in Nepal, 1990-2006
Date Events/actors Location October, 1992 Hindu-Muslim riots during
Deepawali Nepalgunj
3-4 November, 1994 Hindu-Muslim riots during parliamentary election
Nepalgunj
3-9 December, 1994 Hindu-Muslim riots during well renovation at a temple
Nepalgunj
25-28 October, 1995 Hindu-Muslim riots during Deepawali
Nepalgunj
May, 1997 Hindu-Muslim riots during local elections
Nepalgunj
26-27 December, 2000 Parbate-Madheshi (Hrithik) riots
Kathmandu and Terai
Since 1999, increased in 02, 2001
Khambuwan Insurgency Khotang, Bhojpur, Solukhumbu, Okhaldhunga
1 September, 2004 Riots against Muslims (Iraq killing reactions)
Kathmandu
January, 2005, April, July 2006
Madheshi insurgency Rautahat, Saptari, Siraha, Sunsari
Compiled by the author. Source: Lawoti: Contentious Politics and Democratization in Nepal.
Table 11Contentious Activities of Dalits after 1990
Year Event Location 1991 Mobilization to sell milk to dairies Udiyachaour, Syangja 1991 Temple entry movement Nawalparasi 1994 Mobilization to sell milk to dairies Chitwan 1994 Gorkhali temple entry movement Gorkha 1994 Right to water from public source Sipapokhari, Sindhupalchowk March, 2000 Anti-carcass disposal campaign Lahan, Siraha 12June, 2000 Mobilization to sell milk to dairies Gaindakot, Nawalparasi Compiled by the author. Source: Lawoti, Contentious Politics and Democratization in Nepal.
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4.2.4.3 Findings Research for this study has shown that the Nepalese political system has undergone a
variety of changes and has been subject to the influence of different movements, for example,
those of 1950 and 1990, the decade long conflict from 1996-2006, and the Madeshi
movement in 2006. Yet, despite all the influences, fundamental sociopolitical transformation
has not been institutionalized. Indeed, at present, even after the Jana Andolan II on May 28,
2008, which declared a republican federal state, there are, in fact, no federal states, and the
country is being ruled under a unitary political system. The constitution of 2015 has already
accepted the principle of federalism, and the political parties have agreed to accept it in their
election manifestos. The problem is that no detailed work has been done for the restructuring
of the state in terms of geographical location, distribution of natural resources, and
administrative procedures. Local elections have not been held for more than fifteen years, and
the political parties are still debating whether to conduct the local election before the
promulgation of the constitution or after.
Several strong social movements threaten to bring ethnic and religious conflicts back to
the forefront in the name of identity politics. Scholarly articles highlight the political parties’
inability to control the collective movements that have significantly caused much violence
and framed the discourse on ethnic autonomy. The Maoist movement can be taken as an
example of contentious politics in Nepal, as it has taken the route of violence to gain political
power. So far, the literature shows that Nepal is enduring rapid and massive social and
cultural changes and that identities are becoming both inclusive and exclusive. The Nepali
political parties have changed since the abolishment of the monarchy. Some of the parties
represent, for example, socialism, liberalism, democracy. However, it now seems that
ethnicity, caste, region, religion, along with others, have become the focus of politics. The
contentious behavior of Nepali political parties and social organizations may be a hindrance
to further peace building.
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4.3 Conclusion In constructing a sustainable and long-lasting peace, all the actors, such as humanitarian,
political, and local and international forces, should play a central role in transforming the
post-conflict nation to a peaceful country. Nepal’s peace-building process is an opportunity to
rebuild the nation. Though the Nepali people participated in different political movements,
the country hardly experienced any substantial structural changes in politics to end the
violence before 1996. Periodic political movements may have increased the people’s
aspirations, but the leaders failed to address the people’s bonafide issues and people received
no political security from the state political forces. Maoist took advantage of that structural
gap in politics and raised weapons against political system from 1996.
The complete peace process of any country refers to the development of infrastructure,
development of human potential, the empowerment of the people and their involvement at the
decision-making level, and ultimately it is reflected in the level of human security. For
fulfilling all these political goals, trust among the political parties is required to get the
support of the people and convince the international community of its commitment to
democracy. Only in such conditions can international donor countries and INGOs become
instruments of economic development and poverty alleviation. In the past, Nepal either
remained undeveloped due to the poor political vision of political parties or the political
conflict slowed down the development process. During the ongoing peace process, Nepal
needs international support to offer justice and establish infrastructure.
Different regional and ethnic conflicts emerged in different parts of the country after the
signing of the CPA. The Madhesi and Janajati movements appeared which might be a threat
to the peace process if the dynamics of these conflicts are not addressed in time. Ethnic
politics in Nepal have gone through several changes in the last two decades and are now part
of political agenda. Before 1990, ethic issues were in low profile, but turned to high profile
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gradually after 1996 and became violent after signing of CA in 2006. It could become more
violent if the government fails to address the demands of ethnic communities.
Further, existing literature and research conclude that Nepal’s political parties and people
are still in need of sociopolitical empowerment. The peace-building process offers an
opportunity to enhance people’s lives and develop their abilities to their satisfaction.
Nepal’s political parties and organizations are becoming more active in social movements,
a significant symptom of the state of Nepali politics. In recent times, political parties have
begun to turn to ethnic and identity movements, which have brought about differentiation
among the central political parties. This has given rise to contentious activities both within
and outside the organizations and political cadres. Rather than referring to themselves as
“Nepali,” people have begun to sub-divide and call themselves Newaraj, Tamang, and so on.
The nature of political parties and social and cultural ties is becoming narrower as identity-
based issues and groups bring politics to a highly contentious juncture. It is visible in almost
all aspects of life in Nepal. The politics of identity have divided the Nepali people, and
communal harmony and national unity have been put at risk. The political parties have been
unable to make good on their promises, and have even in some cases transformed themselves
to keep pace with developments. Both internally and externally, they are still contesting
issues of identity in an unstable, prolonged state of transition.
This study seeks to highlight the triggers and catalysts of the Maoist insurgency, which also
gave a political framework to ethnic and indigenous group demands, and to examine how this
became a problem for Nepal’s contemporary political discourse. On the other hand, political
parties, such as the Maoists, small regional parties (especially those based in the Madhesh
area), and NGOs declared that everyone living in Nepal has a right to take part in politics and
convinced the common people that they had fought to dismantle the undemocratic political
system which had denied the civil rights of marginal communities. In a true sense, it was
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responsible for making a rift in the previous unitary political system by fighting for those
rights through different conflicts within communities.
Nepal’s political parties have been a hindrance to the further development of political
stability in the country. Since the beginning of the democratization process in 1990, political
leaders have failed to institutionalize democracy, and in the political vacuum Maoists
attacked security posts, like the Nepal Police, Armed Police Force and Army barracks. Finally,
the uncompromising fighting between the state and rebel force led to a state of emergency on
November 26, 2001. The widened rift between the political parties and the royal palace
concluded in a coup in 2005. Meanwhile, after the change in political regime in 2006, the
parties largely turned to identity politics to fulfill short-term goals rather than find a long-
lasting solution to the conflict.
From 2006 to the present, Nepali politics and parties have been caught in the politics of
contention. The distrust and widening gap within the political parties in the cases of making
logical end of peace process, restructuring the state, and integrating the combatants in
security forces in time became the causes of the failure of CA. The political crisis deepening
within political parties is mainly related to political ideology and identity politics and, for
resolving all those issues, Nepal lacked solid leadership in political level. The distrust among
the political parties in line with ideological differences for resolving identity politics could
affect the transitional politics and lead to fresh outbreaks of violence in the future.
Maoist leaders thought they would be stronger in the forthcoming CA election, and then
other political parties like NC and UML would support the agenda of Maoist. Similarly,
parliamentary parties believed that if a new election were held, Maoist would be in weaker
position that definitely would compel them to make a political consensus for drafting a
constitution. The rift among the political parties affects national security and the peace
process. Finally, it hinders the reconstruction of the country, divides the nation, and threatens
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renewed violence in this war-torn country.
4.4 Data Analysis 4.4.1 Introduction
In this section, the responses of the research participants regarding the peace building
process in Nepal and the factors playing a role in its success or failure have been interpreted
and their opinions were analyzed for meaning485. The selection of research participants is
done such that the interviewer is able to cover diverse aspects of the vast topic under study.
This is done by including the main actors, like the policy makers, political parties,
government, Maoists and other related people who were more responsible in insurgency, and
in-depth knowledge has been obtained from them.
The need of the peace building process in Nepal has been identified and its progress has
also been analyzed from perspectives of different officials. In addition, the problems faced in
its implementation are also identified. Further, the connections between freedom and peace
building and between freedom and human security have been established. Thereafter, the role
of political leaders in ensuring democracy in the state has been investigated, if any. Lastly,
recommendations have been made which may be used to ensure minimization of conflicts in
the future in the state of Nepal and to ensure effective and successful implementation of the
peace-building process in the state.
4.4.2 Peace-Building Process: Need, Progress and Problems The major reasons due to which Nepal needs peace building are identified by Manmohan
Bhattarai486 as politics of resources within Nepal as well as with India, coupled with the
inter-party and intra-party conflicts. According to him, the Marxists motivated the deprived
communities to indulge in wars due to which the peace-building process becomes even more
485 In this section interview data of Appendix 5; is analysis. For more interview details, see Appendix 5, 288-
377. 486 For details of Manmohan Bhattarai. See Appendix 5, 291.
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important. He also states that the Maoists were responsible for gross violation of human
rights when civilians and teachers were targeted by them and killed brutally for almost seven
years, and the government had to intervene after the cease-fire and was not responsible for
these human security issues. Further, he notes that researchers have noted that Nepalese were
against such division among them, evident from the findings that 78% of people from Terai
region and 85% from hilly regions indicated that they were against ethnic and religious types
of federalism.487 Despite this, after the political changes of 2006, when Nepal became
republican, political parties tried to divide the country on the basis of ethnicity and religion
for their political motives. Yet another reason identified by him is that the results of the
elections were driven by force rather than by will of the voters, leading to final election of the
wrong parties.
Ram Karki488 states, in this regard, that the current situation of Nepal is such that there is
peace for a handful of people, which is encircled by deprivation and poverty for the
remaining people. Such discrimination is a source of violence in the society. Thus, there is a
dire need to build peace in the nation through peace-building initiatives, and the gap between
the sections of the society must be duly filled. Dolendra Khadka489 gives a rather ironical
opinion by saying that Maoists and the NA are not enemies of each other and thus the country
does not need peace building at all. Puspa Kamal Dahal490 states that Nepal has been ruled
by an autocratic regime for a very long time and democracy has never been followed. There
is a need to change the feudal structural pattern and institutionalize things like a federalism
republican state, inclusion and participatory democracy, which can be done through a new
constitution. This new constitution can be in place only after peace building is completed.
487 Manmohan Bhattarai. See Appendix 5,291. 488 For details of Ram Karki. See Appendix 5, 323. 489 For details of Dolendra Khadka. See Appendix 5, 338. 490 For details of Puspa Kamal Dahal. See Appendix 5, 347.
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Sanjaya Kumar Mishra491 states in this regard, that the issue of political agenda raised by
Maoists in the past called for the peace-building process. Thus, it may be said that Nepal
needs peace building, since there is huge discrimination among sections of society. Such
discrimination is capable of creating disruptions in the peaceful environment, thus this issue
must be addressed. However, there is no public violence in the country now, as stressed by
some of the respondents. Further, the citizens of Nepal are not in favor of any religious or
ethnic federalism. Thus, the only factor due to which peace-building process becomes
necessary is to eradicate inequality among the sections of the society.
According to Surendra Pandey492, the peace-building process comprises multiple aspects,
like army integration, dual security systems and handing over the weapons of Maoists to the
government (80% weapons handed over)493. While the latter two have been almost completed,
the process of army integration is yet to be completed. The composition of the army would be
35% each from NA and Maoists and 15% each from Nepal Police and Armed Nepal Police,
and their standard norms for fitness and education are also being worked upon494. Another
important part of the peace building process is the package of rehabilitation, wherein Maoists
are demanding huge amount of money for providing senior level combatants, which exceeds
the budget of the Nepal government. The remaining 20% of weapons will be handed over
after this issue is resolved by them mutually. Apart from these, issues like political rights,
right to freedom of speech, issues relating to ethnicity, religion, class and gender, and even
more basic issues, like food, shelter and livelihood, are being looked into more deeply across
the nation. The peace process needs to resolve these at the earliest if the nation is to gain
political stability and democracy.
491 For details of Sanjaya Kumar Mishra. See Appendix 5, 351. 492
For details of Surendra Pandey. See Appendix 5, 305. 493 Ibid. 494 Ibid.
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According to Jhalnath Khanal495, the peace-building process is moving in the right
direction now and a special committee designed for it is successful in managing the human
resources and handling other responsibilities, like monitoring and supervising the activities of
cantonments and combatants. He indicates that the dual security system has also been well
handled and the trust of stakeholders has been obtained. The process is also providing proper
security to Maoist leaders. Baburam Bhattarai496 also believes that the peace-building
process is on track, though he states that the process is very slow. While there has been
success in controlling the violation of CPA and armed conflicts, some issues like army
integration are yet to be solved. He further states that the country is in a transformational
stage right now towards a more modern society, and it will take some time before it reaches
the stage of mature leadership. He further elaborates that the process will be said to be
completed when there has been a holistic change in the nation, comprising changes in the
field of political system, economic system, social change, and change in cultural issues.
While earlier the focus was only on changing the political system, currently the focus is on
rejecting monarchy and the feudal system and establishing a fully democratic setup; however,
the process will take more time.
Kul Acharya497 acknowledges the role of NRN-UK in the peace-building process and
states that they helped in developing a friendly environment in Nepal before the CPA 2006
was signed. However, currently they play no role in policies of the state. He further states that,
though there are about 200 different organizations of Nepalese in UK, none of them is trying
to divide people on the basis of ethnicity or other factors, and all of them are working towards
uniting them for their good, and also they are all working under the umbrella organization
NRN-UK.
495 For details of Jhalnath Khanal. See Appendix 5, 310. 496 For details of Baburam Bhattarai. See Appendix 5, 317. 497 For details of Kul Acharya. See Appendix 5, 330.
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According to Puspa Kamal Dahal, the peace process is almost complete and only things
like the case of disappearance, and truth and reconciliation commission are yet to be
completed. However, it may be noted that TRC was only formed in February, 2015.
According to Sanjaya Kumar Mishra, the process of peace building is smooth in Nepal and
there are no probable issues if the constitution is promulgated in the right time. He further
adds that people of Terai are quite happy with the signing of the CPA in 2006, since some of
them had no identity prior to this. Shreehari Subedi498 states that the process can be
concluded successfully if the interests of political leaders are common.
Though the respondents mention integration and rehabilitation issues, it was found that
these issues have now been duly resolved, meaning that the peace-building process is
progressing fast. Further, the major issues that the country is yet to deal with are related to
basic things like food and shelter. which are not yet available to all citizens. Also, issues like
political rights, right to freedom of speech, issues relating to ethnicity, religion, class and
gender are being increasingly looked into by the authorities.
According to Manmohan Bhattarai, the peace-building process is being hampered
because political parties and Maoists established mutual understanding and joined hands
against the feudal Nepalese king, since Maoists knew they could not get along with the king.
However, the desired and expected results were not achieved by any of the parties leading to
further delay in the peace-building process. Another problem in peace building that he
identifies is that the Maoists were also divided into two groups, out of which, one was more
inclined towards sincere and honest peace building by way of writing a proper constitution,
while the other was more interested in continuing with the ongoing peace process in which
there are multiple complexities. This disagreement obviously trickles down into the
implementation of the peace process. Further, he notes that the peace process faces the
498
For details of Shreehari Subedi. See Appendix 5, 353.
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problem of low level of education of the deprived people from backward regions, due to
which they failed to participate in the peace-building initiatives. He identifies the major
issues causing such delay as army integration, rehabilitation and issues related to ethnicity
and religion.
Similarly, Jhalnath Khanal also indicates the issues of army integration and rehabilitation
in the peace building process, which were causing problems in the process. Baburam
Bhattarai indicates that the process of peace building in Nepal started with a focus on armed
struggles against the monarchy monarchy and foreign domination and for supporting the
socially backward groups, women, Madeshi, Dalit and poor classes. The problem being faced
is that the focus needs to be changed to complete restructuring of the state, society and
economy, which can lead to durable peace. Ram Karki states that the peace-building process
is being hampered by the conflicting interests of the political parties and that most of them
are looking to serve their own purpose rather than restructuring the society for good. Kul
Acharya notes that the main problem of the peace-building process of Nepal is the selfish
interest of political parties in drafting the contents of the new constitution. According to him,
all the parties focus on serving their own members rather than the people of the state. Indra
Gurung499 also states that the main issue hampering the peace-building process is that there
are conflicts between parties, and all of them are looking to fill their own pockets and outdo
the others. He further adds that NRN plays a big role in the peace-building process and helps
in improving economic conditions of people living outside Nepal. Dolendra Khadka states
that the problem in the process is the issue of army integration, which can be resolved by
political leaders and security people collectively, however, the impacts of such integration
must be deeply understood first. He further notes that the leaders of Nepal are following an
out-dated approach, of interest to historians, but the approach does not apply in today’s
499 For details of Indra Gurung. See Appendix 5,336.
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environment, which is hampering the peace-building process.
According to Shreehari Subedi, it is the lack of consciousness of the government, which is
causing problems in the progress of peace. However, it may be noted that high portion of
respondents indicate issues of integration and rehabilitation, which are now duly resolved by
the authorities. The major issues that emerged as the hampering factors for the peace-building
process were the self-centered tactics of the parties that ignored the welfare of the public.
Further, there is a very low level of education in the country, due to which people are not able
to actively participate in the election process, which leads to election of the parties with
vested interests.
Further, in the process of updating information during mid-July 2015, I carried out
additional interviews. In regard to the peace process, Som Prasad Gauchan500 mentions that
the Nepal peace process is really strange and unique. He highlights that the reason Maoists
came to the peace process is because of an Indian factor, and another factor is that, if the
conflict lasts for years, there will be unnecessary interference of international countries in the
country and political power will be used by Nepalese army. These are the reasons Maoists
came to peace process. According to him, it is mainly the international factors that push
Maoists into the peace process. Sangita Khadha501, highlights that the success of peace
process will be the ending of peace process and getting rights for victims of Nepal's Maoist
insurgency.
Bikash Lamsal502, says that although we have done agreements in parliament – like 12
point agreements – we are still having inequality in society, based on gender, as well as
economic disparities. Not only that, he says, but also there are issues like Dalit, Janajati, and
including all rights in a new constitution will mark the success of peace process. Amrit
500 For details of Som Prasad Gauchan. See Appendix 5, 357. 501 For details of Sangita Khadha. See Appendix 5, 360-61. 502 For details of Bikash Lamsal. See Appendix 5, 363.
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Devkota503, youth leader, argues that Maoist insurgency started with 40 point demands and
that the Maoists are already in the political process, so, they cannot go back from the political
process. Therefore, it will be successful, with the TRC already formed.
Chandra Kant Gyawali504 says that the peace process of Nepal is related to the
promulgation of constitution, so it will end after that. Chairman of CA of Nepal, Subash
Chandra Nembang505, says of Nepal's peace process, “It is taking pretty long time to come
into the normal line; however, if you go through the overall political developments, it is really
encouraging.” PM K.P. Oli (Khadga Prasad Sharma Oli)506, Chairman of CPN (UML), has a
different perspective on the peace process. He says, “It almost is in last phase. Integration of
army is completed and now we are on the process of completing remaining portion, which are
going to manage soon. TRC is formed. It has started its regular work. Mainly the peace
process is completed.” The problem is that of the peace process was delayed for the
formation of the TRC and constitution writing.
Through the overall evaluation of the data and literature, it is found that there is indeed a
major need for a mechanism and commitment within the political parties. There should not be
any distinction on what they deliver and commit. There is a loophole in any agreement or
commitment, that is, the authority should have the capability to acquire it. There should be a
non-political committee as a watchdog to see the overall development of peace process. The
committee will be responsible for taking all the issues that has been raised, highlighted and
side-lined, as well. There should not be any infiltration, at any cost. There is a positive
gesture that the government has put forth for the peace building. It has given a message in the
international arena that the peace process is not merely utopia. This should be taken into
consideration and can be taken as an achievement. The problems are that they have a lack of 503 For details of Amrit Devkota. See Appendix 5, 367. 504 For details of Chandra Kant Gyawali. See Appendix 5, 370. 505 For details of Subash Chandra Nembang. See Appendix 5, 372-73. 506 For details of PM. K.P. Oli. See Appendix 5, 375.
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professionals involved, making it more political with more extrinsic perspectives than
intrinsic perspectives on issues, with a lack of deliberation and discussion of the themes, and
addressing the task at the last minute.
4.4.3 Connecting Freedom With Peace Building and Human Security According to Manmohan Bhattarai, the leaders are the major actors in delineating the
connection between freedom and peace building. The major focus of these leaders is on
grabbing resources. The leaders of minor parties, as well as ruling parties, are equally
involved in this politics of resources. The ruling parties continuously collect and exploit the
resources by handling the civil servants, police and military as per their will, making it all a
vicious circle. On the other hand, new minor political parties are on the lookout for
opportunities for reaching out to resources and exploiting them. Further, Maoists were
identified as another group of actors who played a role in disconnecting freedom from peace
building, since they tried to stop young children and students from getting educated and
wanted them instead to join their armies. However, he also notes that this problem is
decreasing its impact in rural regions and that people are getting more and more aware about
the value of education in their lives.
Surendra Pandey notes that political parties, themselves, lead to delineation of the
connection between freedom and peace building, since the political culture of Nepal is very
immature and weak, which is evident from the fact that all parties oppose each other’s
decisions and there is no consensus on anything. The parties do not follow democratic norms,
protest the government without any valid reason, and make undue pressure on them to
provide reasons for their decisions. Ram Karki indicates that the budget is focused only on
benefiting the few elite classes, while it should work towards betterment of the poor. The
current budget is only causing more problems for the backward classes or unemployed people
by raising prices of basic commodities. He identifies another issue, wherein the leaders are
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not able to deliver their promises on time, specifically, the writing of constitution, which was
to be completed much earlier, but is still pending. The people of the nation do not feel free to
act as per their will, since the constitution directing their mindset is not ready yet. These
issues also build gaps between peace and financial freedom in the country. Kul Acharya
identifies NRN-UK as another actor playing a role in delineating the connection between
freedom and peace building. According to him, a major technical problem being faced by
NRN currently is the issue of dual citizenship, which is being refused by the government of
Nepal. On the other hand, NRN-UK insists that it would provide economic benefits to the
country if it were accepted. Indra Gurung also notes that NRN plays a vital role in helping
Nepalese living in other countries, especially financially, and thus it helps in connecting
peace with their economic freedom. He also stated that dual citizenship must be allowed for
Nepalese, since they should be allowed to visit their own country whenever they wish to.
Puspa Kamal Dahal notes that efforts are being made actively to free Nepalese from the
feudal political system through a democratic system in which the workers, laborers, peasants,
women, minority group, Madhesi, indigenous community, untouchable caste, Muslim,
backward community, and others would be politically and economically empowered. Such an
economic system would be based on a mixed economic system, and the people would benefit
from economic development and would feel economically free.
With respect to human security, Manmohan Bhattarai states that the judiciary system of
Nepal is far more dependable than the executive and legislative parliament systems. While
the executive system is corrupt, the legislative system is quite weak, due to repeatedly
changing interim constitution drafts. According to him, the situation of Nepal is such that
crime has been politicized by these failed systems. This situation needs to be corrected by the
leaders to enhance freedom and peace. Further, human security was also threatened by big
parties at the time of elections that used the infamous 3Gs of gold, guns and gundas to get
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people to vote for them. He also notes that the abolition of monarchy has been a good
decision for human security, since Maoists unnecessarily indulged in violent practices which
served no purpose for even themselves. Surendra Pandey claims, in this regard, that the
incidents of threatened human security, like killing and kidnapping, are very much in control
now. However, with regards to organized events, like banda and strikes, which pose threats to
human security, they are being encouraged by the forces, including both political parties, as
well as foreign NGO agencies. This is because the NGOs mostly tend to spend money more
on creation of awareness than on infrastructure building and, therefore, such money is usually
used to organize the rallies that threaten human security.
According to Jhalnath Khanal, the issue of human security must be re-addressed in a new
light, with a focus on three things – National sovereignty, national integrity and national unity.
He further states that the people of Nepal are absolutely secure and law and order are in place
in the country. Further, the government of Nepal is maintaining a continuous interaction with
the stakeholders, so as to ensure that they are winners in the situation and there are no
conflicts to threaten human security. UPCN (Maoist) Leader Baburam Bhattarai states, in this
regard, that the issue of education is being handled much better than earlier and the
government is trying to provide modern high class education to all classes and regions of the
society. According to him, the issue of human security relates to good education, economic
freedom and empowerment of backward sections of the society and the government is
making efforts to ensure these aspects. Thus, these aspects of human security can ultimately
lead to freedom for the people.
Ram Karki is of the opinion that, since Nepal shares its border with two giant emerging
countries, a volatile environment in Nepal is likely to negatively impact its neighbours.Thus,
Nepal needs to attain balanced diplomacy to be able to reap the benefits of its location, rather
than face problems in human security.
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NRN-UK Kul Acharya states that the condition of Nepalese in UK is not very satisfactory,
since they are the first-generation in the country and things may take some time to get on the
right track. He points to disintegration caused by a particular community entering UK,
students’ jobs lost due to change in government policies and problems for professionals like
doctors and businessmen. However, he indicates that things are likely to get better with time.
Indra Gurung indicates that dual citizenship should be allowed for Nepalese living in other
countries. He stated that NRN helps such Nepalese people settled abroad financially, thus
providing them with economic security. The NRN asserts that it is the right of these people to
be able to visit their country as and when desired.
Dolendra Khadka states that peoples go and live in foreign countries for security reasons.
He indicates towards poor infrastructural facilities in Nepal, due to which ambulances and
police services cannot reach people in time and thus they turn to other advanced countries for
their security and find freedom in these countries. Shreehari Subedi states that the people of
Nepal are quite secure now, however, focus needs to be on basic things, like water supply,
electricity, fuel and others like industries, employment and foreign investment.
PM K.P. Oli, in regards to security and peace, mentiones that the Nepali people are peace
loving and that they are living in social harmony. They would not like any conflict in the
future. Even though we had conflict, we have managed that. Now, anyone who tries to make
conflict will not be successful. He rules out further conflict in Nepal. Moreover, on the
federalism issue, he says,
Nepalese people never demand the federalism. Exactly Nepalese people have expressed
the desire for rights of good governance, human rights, economic prosperity and
development. In this aspects, Nepal is very small such as in terms of geography, and it is
different in terms of culture – cultural groups are here and the economic condition is not
strong and the country is underdeveloped. In such situation, federalism is whether it
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suitable or not is experimental issue.507
Subash Chandra Nembang points out that the TRC will be able to address the issues of
Maoist insurgency crime and human rights. He mentions that reconstruction of states will
transform the power. It will empower the ethnic communities and backward people. Chandra
Kant Gyawali says that the amnesty by TRC is not acceptable and it will not give rights of
victims, so, in this regard, government should flow the Supreme Court verdicts. Moreover, on
the issue of federalism he has a similar view with the author in that he mentions that
development based federalism is a must for the termination of all the discrepancies in society,
to permit participation of all the creeds and casts for the development of the society and the
nation and also to exploit the natural resources of a certain state. The interviewed people and
politicians agree that the federalism issues came to Nepal suddenly. This is not necessary
good, since Nepali political parties are under pressure and move suddenly to agreement on an
issue.
From analysis of data, it can be said that when there is political hegemony or only limited
authority in the procedure of implementation, freedom cannot be accessed at all. Hence, there
should be freedom while going about any kind of tasks. When people have their freedom for
judgment, finalizing and working towards it, the outcome will be non-biased. Peace building
is almost not possible when there is lack of freedom and independence. When people realize
these provisions, they will be able to appraise each issue and reach a reasonable conclusion.
Freedom doesn’t help to undermine any questions, rather, it reinforce one's power when the
fact and figures are presented. When there is freedom, there is an optimum chance of human
security to be monitored. Freedom is its own justification, since it is the state of not being
imprisoned or enslaved and it means there is already a platform or space for being secure
from threat. Hence, freedom gives all political and civil rights, such as right to life, social and
507 See Appendix 5, 376.
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cultural rights and social security and, of course, human security. It is strongly believed that,
without freedom, no other factor will help in the peace building process and there will be no
human security.
4.4.4 Political Leadership Saving Democracy With respect to the role of political leadership in saving democracy within the country,
Manmohan Bhattarai notes that bigger parties usually are able to have their way in the
parliament and made all major decisions. This is because small ethnic, religious or linguistic
groups had fewer members and cannot pass legislation through majority. However, he notes
that it is not practically possible to consult all parties and have a unanimous decision
democratically. At the same time, he states that there are multiple groups based on language,
ethnicity, religion and minority, and all of them need to duly adhere to the democratic norms
in order to save democracy in the nation. He leans towards an ideological demarcation among
political parties, making, it possible to draft a new constitution for ensuring democracy.
Surendra Pandey proposes, in this regard, that rather than dividing the country on an ethnic
basis, it is important that the political leaders take care of the interests of these minority
groups formed on the basis of religion, ethnicity and class and empower them politically, like
the rest of the citizens of the nation. In this way, it will be possible to create a more
democratic environment and include the voices of all sections of the society. Such a political
leadership can greatly help in saving democracy in the nation. In this regard, Jhalnath Khanal
notes that the nation cannot be divided on the basis of ethnicity or religion and there is a need
to stick to the previous decision of creating a federal state that has the potential of settling the
demands of all people from all ethnic groups, genders and backward regions. This will go a
long way in ensuring democracy in the nation.
Baburam Bhattarai states that there are continuous efforts to encourage nationality-based
federalism rather than ethnicity-based federalism. This will lead to betterment of all the
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people and equality in the nation and, thus, by ensuring such an environment, political parties
can help in saving democracy in the nation. He further states that the political leaders are
trying to draft the constitution along with the elected CA, and it is highly likely that the
leaders will ensure that the new constitution has a sharp democratic focus. Ram Karki states
that, in order to achieve democracy, the support of oppressed communities is a must, and they
should be empowered accordingly. He also stated that the focus is on federalism rather than
grouping on the basis of ethnicity or religion.
Kul Acharya makes a similar observation and is of the same view that having a federal
state is the right step in the direction of achieving democracy and that political leaders must
include such clauses in the constitution. Dolendra Khadka states that, if political leaders make
federalism in terms of an ethnic base or a linguistic base, there is the possibility of ethnic
conflict in Nepal, which is going to hinder the goal of democracy in the nation. Thus,
political leaders should not try to divide the nation on the basis of these factors and see them
as one, whether it is about their rights or any other thing. In this way, democracy in the nation
may be saved by the leaders. Further, he adds that political leaders should not try to replace
kings and enjoy luxuries like them. The death of the king culture is a must to ensure
democracy in the nation. Puspa Kamal Dahal also notes, like most respondents, that there
must be federalism, which would be free from caste-based domination. He states that no one
should be threatened by any other groups or even from the political power of the state, which
would enhance democracy in the nation.
In regards to democratization process, Som Prasad Gauchan mentions that the 1990
political scenarios were main reasons that Nepal democratization faced problems. He says,
“Due to political instable situation, economical gap between the haves and haves not was
increasing, which made the people disappointed.” This caused the conflict. Bikash Lamsal,
concerning the democratization process problem, says that he “saw that the problem in
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leadership – they are incomplete to follow the rule regulation and lack certain moral
characteristics. Since long single and autocratic system ruled, the country and we have the
effects of that system. From this view our leadership is not able to face the problem of our
democracy.”
The lack of solid leadership of Nepali democratization is an idea that faces challenges.
Amrit Devkota, emphasizes Nepal political history and movements that were held during the
course of Nepal politics and which did not provide change in people’s lives, which is why
they suffered from time to time. Chandra Kant Gyawali points out that the problems of
democratization process in Nepal lie in the inability to hold elections for the formation of
parliament, as well as the formation of the local bodies. PM. K.P. Oli says, “Nepal feudal,
autocratic, family base autocratic role made gap among the Nepali people. By this reason
Nepal was behind the economic development.” This brought social awareness to people late
and the lack of progressive and popular parties makes for a short time of practices of popular
democracy in Nepal democracy, leading to unstable democracy. His observation is that
compared to the cases of other countries, Nepal's democratic practice failed often, which is
our bitter history. Those are the obstacles for the further institutionalization of democracy in
Nepal.
There is indeed a great political achievement in the country with the overwhelming
support of political leaders. The leaders are the ones who become an example in the
community at first. He or she has a great responsibity towards society. They perform duties
for the welfare of society, keeping in the mind that they get positive indications from the
people. Once they are addressed unanimously in the society and community, they will be
more responsible. Eventually, they have the capability to be a political leader when they are
supported and when democracy has been institutionalized and adopted by the country. We
cannot deny the hardships of political leaders, in light of the ground reality. There is no doubt
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that democracy is always in favor of raising voices for the safeguard and promotion of civil
rights. These awareness campaigns have been carried out by the political leaders. In
democracy, there is proper use of the power of state, which is ensured already. Political
leaders try to guarantee will and aspirations of the citizens through democracy. Hence,
political leaders save democracy by applying their optimum performance. There is political
consensus and consciousness within most of the eligible citizens. It means the political
leaders have played the vital role.
4.4.5 Findings This section presents the findings from the interviews, which were conduct in several
phases. They related to the research questions composed for this study. It highlights the
findings, which are major issues for Nepal peace building and sustainable peace. In relation
to the issues, I established a number of findings.
In the response of the problems of Nepalese democratization process, I found that political
parties of Nepal are not so democratic. They have a power-centric attitude, and the leaders
want to control central power. They do not believe in the capacity of cadres, the capacity of
people, but they concentrate most of power in themselves, and that kind of culture and
attitude is an obstacle for democratic process. Democracy of centralized power is necessary,
and the freedom of people is necessary in a democratic process. The main essence of
democracy is to empower people, and the Nepalese leaders do not trust it. They believe in
controlling the people's power and want to use it for themselves only. It appears that they are
still in the process of party formation and party building, since the leaders violate the
minimum norms of democratic process. A single leader holds the power of the party – even a
central committee cannot control him or her and the entire party personnel cannot control him
or her – which is fully autocratic and does not fit with democratic culture and attitude.
Monarchy has gone in Nepal; however, the monarchical culture is still prevalent in the
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activities of leadership.
In my interviews and discussions, with Nepali political leaders and policy makers, I found
that they also accepted that point of view. In the CA, also, I observed the same culture, which
exactly is consistent with autocratic monarchy. I found that the CA remained a rubber stamp
for dozens of leaders of four or five political parties, though it was a representative assembly
of Nepalese people. The CA agreed on the issues, regardless of the decision they needed to
take for making a logical end of entire peace process, and this is one of the biggest challenges
of the democratic process in Nepal. Even in the absence of monarchy, the political parties
have practised the feudal culture, which is very much rampant in Nepali politics.
The second challenge is that Nepalese democratic institutions, themselves, are weak.
Every leader believes that the Nepalese political system is not free from transitional phase.
Parliamentary political parties are in the process of democratic transformation. It is in a
transitional development process.
Whenever I discussed with politicians and experts on Nepali issues every time, they said
that Nepal is in transition. When will it end practically? It is a major issue in the Nepalese
context. If we compare Nepal's political system with other parts of the world, the first
political party in Nepal, Parja Parisad, was created some 80 years ago. Nepal's political
tradition is not very long – we had our first democratic government in 1958 AD, only 58 year
ago. In Nepal, the single government elected for the parliament at different times has not
completed its constitutional tenure of five years. Most of the governments have been
dissolved in two or three years, and even in the case of majority governments, it frequently
happened. The Westminister parliamentary system in Nepal has not been effective. Nepalese
are practising a petty bourgeoisie culture, without the patience to wait for five years. For a
parliamentary system, every opposition has to wait for five year. Unlike this, the opposition
parties want to be the government or displays destructive behavior in the street and legislature.
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Political strikes (Nepal bandha) are common, and, if the system cannot be effective to
stabilize the country, a different type of parliamentary democracy will be necessary in the
case of Nepal. A consensus type of parliamentary government, where political parties have
above a certain threshold number of seats, could function in Nepal. In Switzerland, political
parties having three or four per cent votes will be above the threshold, and any party securing
above that percentage will be in government. If that kind of system were practised in Nepal,
everyone would be positive and the system would work. In such a condition, the government
could function well and the national would be strong. As indicated above, a Westminster type
of government, in which party building is so powerful, has not been effective in Nepal. Since
the majority government fails to rule the country for a full tenure, one can conclude that this
system has been unproductive time and again. The first democratic government holding
absolute majority in 1959 was ultimately dissolved in two years. It again came to power in
1991 and failed in 2002 within ten years. The practice has proved that a British type of
parliamentary system is not apparently suitable for Nepali culture and does not address the
psychological aspects of Nepali leadership. This is now a public issue. However, the New
Constitution was promulgated. It includes some of the features of a parliamentary system.
The history reflects that our political leaders cannot wait for five years and they immediately
want to have power.
Further, on the point of empowerment, whenever I found an economist or researcher
speaking about empowering the people, I thought we should empower the leaders (educate
them), because sometimes it seems they do not understand what democracy and a
parliamentary system are. It has been messy. In one way, we have to empower the people who
vote for the parties. The next way is that when everyone comes to the policy-making level
and are busy decision making, the leader lacks a system and never follows the rule and law.
This kind of situation is prevailing in Nepal. Throughout my interaction with political
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stakeholder and researchers, I felt that the leaders of Nepali political parties are fond of
empowering themselves. They never try to understand that democracy always seeks to
empower the common people. Only the people in a democratic system can defend or oust the
government. If the government is effective and performs well for the people and country, they
can defend the government. Contrary to this, if the government is corrupt, they can control
the government through the process of voting. Demonstration in the street will not be
meaningful. The effective implementation of self-government at local level or the exercise of
direct democracy at the local level empowers the local people, and strong local units in a
democratic system assist running the democracy at the national level. Empowering the people,
developing critical capacity of people and making constructive criticism of government are
the three pillars of democratic norms. In the absence of the supremacy of public opinion,
democratic institutions cannot function well. If public opinion gets under the shadow of
political authority, there will be the control of leaders, and such a political system cannot run
well in the twenty-first century. In the case of Nepal, a directly elected president or prime
minister can comprehend the problems of the people and the country, and, in a real sense, it
will be a strong public opinion in Nepal. Though time and again the parliamentary system
turned out to be less effective, Nepalese leaders could not realise this fact and frequently
crushed the voices of common people. Nepalese people are still in favour of a directly elected
head of the state who could exercise the executive power of the country. This shows very
clearly that our leader does not hold up public opinion. General public opinion is political
stability in Nepal and is not possible if there is a parliamentary type of Westminister
government, and around 95 percent have the same opinion, favouring a directly elected
government. Contrary to this, the top leaders whip their parliament members not to cross the
party line, and the lawmaker has to vote according to leaders. Political leaders have very little
hope of becoming the leader and ruler from the direct vote of the people. In Nepal, it is the
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appropriate way to empower the people. A provision of the Interim Constitution was to get
public opinion on a referendum in case the government intended to take a major decision, as
in the case of a treaty and political agreements. On the basis of legal practice the leaders
failed to accept this provision though it is a democratic process. In the case of Europe, if the
government is making a fundamental decision on any issues, the government gets ready to
get approval through a referendum. It is quite natural in a democratic system. Unfortunately,
Nepalese political parties disagree with this democratic process in practice and make
decisions in their own ways. There is provision in the Interim Constitution that if a political
party cannot decide in any case, then that will be put to a referendum. They are that if there is
a referendum, people will overwhelmingly decide in favour of a directly elected government.
From that, I can assume that our leaders do not respect the public opinion; the minimum
criteria of democracy are to accept the people's will and that it is the people's will that is
supreme.
Criticizing the government and the leader is the right of the people, particularly if the
government is autocratic and the leaders ignore people's sincere voices. Again and again, the
editors of magazines are confined to prison as long as they raise critical matters. Even the
writers get the same fate. In word and constitution, democracy exists in Nepal, but does not
have any function at all. In democracy, human rights and press freedom are important factors,
but freedom in Nepal is under the control of legal authority. The situation of press and human
freedom will be very tough in the new constitution; in fact, the Interim Constitution is more
liberal in such cases. This is sufficient to prove that Nepalese political leaders have a strong
autocratic attitude and feudal practice, which are the main challenges of the democratic
process.
In relation to Nepal peace process, I asked the question and evaluated the CPA. I discussed
the Nepalese peace process earlier. Overall, I found that the Nepali peace process is a very
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new kind of experience in the world and a new kind of experiment in peace building and
peace-making process, as well. In the rest of the world, the ideological conflict that was
initiated following the dogma of Maoist principles intending to establish a communist system
has not entered the peace process. The violent conflict of Peru was crushed by power and the
same situation happened in the cases of Latin American conflicts. The prolonged conflict in
Nepal came to an end through frequent dialogues, negotiation, forming an interim legislative
body, promulgation of an Interim Constitution, holding the election of CA, integrating the
combatants into the NA, finally ending with the process of following promulgation steps of
the new Constitution. The Nepalese peace process adopted these provisions and now it has
been a landmark for establishing peace anywhere in the world. Even India – a neighbouring
country which has been experiencing the same conflict for a long time – can follow the same
path to address the situation. In the twenty-first century, it is a new experience of the Maoist
to achieve peace and to establish the political achievements through a legal process.
A second thing is that the Nepal peace process is not only a peace process, it is a kind of
revolutionary process, and within the peace process of Nepal some salient revolutionary
processes have occurred. Through the peace process, the feudal monarchy that ruled in Nepal
for 240 years has been abolished. New features in parliamentary democracy have been added,
such as, for example, a proportional election system, inclusion of minority groups, and
federal provision in the constitution. These are the achievements of Nepalese peace. The 240
year-old unitary centralized political system was legally abolished and the federal political
system has been widely accepted. For a long time Nepal was only a Hindu state in the world,
but now it has become a secular country.
Armed insurgency, which controlled two-thirds of the country, finally agreed to initiate the
peace process and a certain section of their red army has been successfully integrated into the
NA. This integration has already been successfully completed. A kind of socio-political
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transformation has taken place in Nepal and it will bring a positive impact in the socio-
cultural aspect of Nepalese life. If we analyze the CPA, there is a provision of land reform, a
condition for democratization of the NA and terms for changing the administrative system of
Nepal. By practice, these transformations could not happen in Nepal, but will happen
gradually in the future, as the major changes in political sectors have already taken place in
Nepalese political system. It has not happened, but provision is there. If we analyze this point,
Nepal's peace process can have reversal effects. It is a reverse process, as the Nepalese peace
process is the shortest in the world, though it took long time to make necessary
implementation and every issue to be resolved in CPA.
If we minutely observe the outcomes of the CPA, only about six thousands combatants are
integrated into the security sector, the majority of combatants are unaccounted for, the cases
of wounded people and disappeared members are still unknown, and the majority of people
are ignorant about the result of the peace process. The CA is drafting the constitution.
Restructure of the state is a part of CA that is fully ignored by the political parties. However,
these issues are temporarily resolved and at present obstacles of the peace process have been
cleared; now, it would be better to address such things for making a sustainable peace.
Writing a constitution is a fundamental part of the peace process, and if the promulgation of
the constitution is successful, the peace process should be finished. If it brings a positive
result, the whole peace process becomes victorious. On the negative side, although Nepal's
constitution writing was completed, the Madeshi movements started.
In the case of security, after signing onto CPA, minor political groups and arms groups
were seen in the political arena of Nepal. I found that their activities and their prospects for
initiating new conflict in the future are still concerning. There were arms groups in Nepal
after CPM (M) that agreed to tread the path of peace. At first as long as the Maoists adopted a
political line in the peace process, people thought the crisis of conflict was finished. However,
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gradually, with the passage of time, new groups emerged in Nepal and initiated violent
conflict, especially in the southern parts of Nepal. The motives of these groups are to
destabilize the political scene in Nepal. If the constitutional provisions turn out to be more
radical or fully democratic, there will be a less chance of new conflicts erupting. Otherwise,
the country once again will experience conflict in the future. Some drastic political groups are
still waiting to see whether the constitution will adopt the principles of political
transformation in Nepal. Some radical Maoists who were part of the Maoists in the past are
now in the separate wing and want to initiate new conflicts in the names of revolutionary
Maoist groups. Netra Bahadur Chanda 'Biplav', Mohan Baidhya 'Kiran', and Matrika Yadav
all are not happy with the present political process of Nepal were the insurgent leaders are in
the Maoist political parties. The biggest insurgent group has adopted the path of peace
process and the other four Maoist groups, including Mani Thapa, are outside the CA. In case
these four radical groups become united, the democratic process of Nepali politics will be in
trouble. In order to soothe their movement, Nepalese government has to agree to transform
everything that was accepted in CPA. If political government gets free from corruption, the
positive sign of political transformation will be seen in Nepal. The government free from
corruption can address the problems of rural areas, make delivery of government services to
the people and transform the lives of the poor people. At present, people are frustrated with
the unending political process, and people are feeling disillusionment due to the absence of
structural reform of Nepalese political system.
As of 2015, the economic status of the country remained weak, and it had been eight years
in which the country had not observed any sign of political transformation or progressive
change in the state apparatus. The feudal land ownership system was still strong in Nepal and
land absenteeism was a genuine problem; big landlords were holding land and landless
people who had labour power were in foreign countries to sell their labour. The richest five
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percent of people occupied more than 37 percent of fertile land and some 47 percent of
people held only 15 percent of the total land in Nepal508. If the foregoing conditions persist,
and if the government fails to abolish the feudalism in land, it will not be easy to strengthen
the democratic institution in Nepal. Without bringing land reformation policy from the
government side, there is less chance of controlling the flow of population from rural areas to
urban parts of the country. In Nepal, agriculture is still a main occupation, and, if there is no
change in farming side, no change will happen in the overall country. Political stability and
disability will also depend on the same case. It is also a crucial part of making political
democratization in Nepal. As long as the Nepalese farmers become independent, they play a
highly crucial role in making the parties more political, which brings expected results in the
political apparatus as well.
In Nepalese markets, the government institutions protect neither the farmers nor the
consumers. A farmer sells a kilo of tomatoes for Rs 5 ($0.05) in the market, and immediately
a consumer buys the same tomatoes for Rs 40 ($0.4) in market. The margin for selling a kilo
of tomatoes is Rs 35 ($0.35) and is grasped by a middleman who plays the role of
deinstitutionalizing the political system of Nepal. In this case, both the producer and
consumer are exploited highly, and only the middleman is making huge benefit from the
markets. This ultimately creates an economic gap in the distribution of resources. This
apolitical system is prevailing in Nepal. Some merchants control every type of consumer
goods relating to agriculture. Day by day, they are becoming richer and richer and the
producer and consumers are being pushing relentlessly backward day by day. If this ill
economic system prevails everywhere, it will surely weaken the democratic system, which
definitely gives space to the eruption of conflicts in the future. People now in Nepal expect
508 United Nations Development Program (UNDP), Human Development Report: Empowerment and Poverty
Reduction 2004, 43. http://hdr.undp.org/sites/default/files/nepal_2004_en.pdf. Accessed on August10, 2015.
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that the exploitation and corruption will be controlled, leading the country in a positive
direction – and only in this situation can people feel security from the state. Otherwise, the
aspects of human security will be not bright and it will further weaken the majority of people
and empower some handful of leaders and the elite class. The prevalence of frustration,
disillusionment, practice of corruption and an uncontrolled market system will definitely give
rise to violent conflict. In Nepal, at present, the inflation rate is seven or eight percent and our
exports are eight times lower than imports, resulting in a trade deficit. The income through
remittance is positive; however, if remittances fall in any way, the Nepalese economic system
immediately suffers and might collapse. This problem is the reo rating. Ten years before our
trade deficit was 1 to 3. Now, during the democratic process it has worsened and has been 1
to 9.509 If this continues and the government is unsuccessful in bringing this under control,
the economic condition of Nepalese people will worsen, the number of poor people will
increase, exploitation will be rampant, and, in such a vulnerable situation, some group will
initiate new conflict in Nepal.
On April 25, 2015, a powerful earthquake hit Nepal. In this context, I asked the leaders
and Nepali people how it impacted the constitution writing. Most of those interviewed said
that it had a positive impact on Nepali politics and some of them said that it was not
connected. In reality, however, it made circumstances for consequences that paved the way in
CA for the 16-point agreement among parties. I found that the earthquake in Nepal has
brought positive impact in the constitution making process, though it had created huge losses
and killed peoples. Prior to the earthquake, the political parties had numerous differences on
federalism, forms of government, judiciary system, salient features of constitution, and
provisions on citizenship, and, for a long time, these were contentious issues. After the
earthquake, political parties agreed to sign a sixteen-point-understanding that proved to be a 509 Ghimire Lal Shanker, Nepal`s Widening Trade Deficit: Some Issues, Challenges and Recommendations, 1.
http://www.npc.gov.np/images/download/Nepals_Trade_Deficit.pdf. Accessed on February15, 2016.
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landmark for resolving the contentious issues. All the leaders got a constructive lesson from
the natural disaster, and the leaders resolved the remaining crisis. However, some marginal
groups, like Dalit, Madeshi, and Janajati, were happy with the work of the first CA; and in
the second CA, they expressed some reservations on some aspects. Women, Dalit, Janajati,
Madeshi and Muslim felt that their voices were neglected in the constitution making process.
The unity among the women, Dalit, Janajati, Madeshi and Muslim would bring problems in
the future. Though the shocks it had some positive signs among the political parties, it has
also some negative effects, and if these issues are not addressed properly, Nepalese politics
will face some challenges. Unity among Madeshi and Dalit and Janjati combine for a huge
percentage of Nepalese demography. Now they can raise some issues because of this, and that
would be the situation if all of these groups stand together. Therefore, the positive outcome is
that major political parties are united and these groups like Madhesi, Muslim, Janjati, Dalit
also are parts of these major political parties. If the situation worsens in the future, it can
create havoc in the Nepalese political process.
4.4.6 Recommendations: Minimization of Conflicts and Successful Implementation of Peace Building Process
Manmohan Bhattarai identifies corruption check as one of the major areas, which need to
be worked upon in the nation to reduce future conflicts. He states that ministers and other
senior officials with contacts usually enjoy a very luxurious lifestyle, since they are able to
exploit national resources for their personal luxury, due to their power and position. He
indicates an increasing number of officials being jailed for this and says that if the trend
continues, corruption could be controlled to some extent. It is also required that people be
allowed to vote as per their own will, rather than by force, so that actual democracy can be
achieved. He further notes that political leaders need to spend people’s money on public
infrastructure and road maintenance, rather than pocketing it for personal use. This can help
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in improving the situation of people by development of the nation. He specifies that the
system of real democracy should be applied rather than Marxism. While, in Marxism, the
state rules over individuals and is more powerful, in the case of real democracy, the state is
directly responsible and individuals have a stronger backing. In this respect, Surendra Pandey
suggests that the political leaders duly address the interests of all groups of society, including
the minority groups. By ensuring this, conflicts between these groups can be greatly
minimized.
However, for this to happen, it is required that the nation develops economically, which
again points towards the need for eradication of corruption and unequal distribution of wealth.
Jhalnath Khanal states that there is a need to transform the political system of the country and
to draft the new constitution in order to develop a feeling of confidence among the people and
political parties. He also notes that state should aim to become a federal state, which can take
care of the needs of all the people from different backgrounds. In such a case, conflicts
between these people will be reduced considerably.
Further, he also notes that, though the interim constitution is being amended over and over
again, it is necessary to make these amendments since conflict management is an ongoing
process, with new and unexpected situations for the leaders to face. Since all issues, arising in
this process of conflict management could not be forecast in advance, the constitution draft
requires changes from time to time. The process of peace building and conflict resolution are
now going hand-in-hand and must be resolved very soon. Leader Ram Karki states that the
constitution must be written in full consideration of the political doctrine, as well as of the
values of democracy, so that everyone is satisfied and unnecessary conflicts are avoided. He
also states that the fundamental rights of all the groups must be fulfilled in order to avoid
conflicts between them. He further notes that there should be limited amendments in the
constitution, since the situation of Nepal is not good in terms of corruption and poverty and
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thus, when amendments are made, they are seen as changes made to satisfy leaders’ wishes.
Thus, fewer amendments are likely to keep people satisfied and less likely to indulge in
conflicts. Kul Acharya notes, like most other respondents, that it is important that the new
constitution consider the interests of all sections of the society, like a federal state, rather than
being divided on the basis of ethnicity or any other factor. He further states that the parties
within the country have rivalry among themselves, due to which the leadership is weakened.
In addition, other countries are interested in Nepal, mostly for the resources, which is not
good for a small country like Nepal. Thus, he suggests that the country should come together
as a single entity, with strong leadership. Indra Gurung states, in this regard, that there is a
need of political awareness among parties, so that they work towards minimizing conflicts
rather than trying to hold power through it. Dolendra Khadka states that the army integration
can be very tricky since the ideologies of the two groups are not likely to change, even after
integration. Thus, issues may arise within the army at a national level, as well as at the
international level, where Nepal's army may not be seen as a very credible one. He suggests
that the personnel from the Maoist army be used elsewhere, in some other sectors, by giving
them jobs that make them satisfied. In this way, there will be no resentment among them, and
the army would be well integrated leading to no conflicts between groups.
Sanjaya Kumar Mishra maintains that, in order to avoid future conflicts, it is important
that the policy of the government provides people with freedom for education, health, and
property and takes responsibility for the same. The citizens should be able to enjoy peace,
empowerment, inclusion, and respect for human rights of all the people, prosperity and
employment. This will create no reason for any conflicts.
Surendra Pandey states that, to facilitate the implementation of peace building in Nepal, it
is of utmost importance that basic issues like food, shelter and livelihood are addressed
effectively. Thereafter, issues like right to free speech, political rights, and issues relating to
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gender, class, religion and ethnicity need a good amount of attention. These were identified as
the basics required for a solid foundation of political stability in the nation. Another major
issue identified by him is the package of rehabilitation, which is preventing the process of
army integration to be completed. He indicates the need to resolve this issue as well.
Baburam Bhattarai states that the issues of poverty, unemployment and discrimination based
on class, gender, and region must be addressed and resolved and complete equality, freedom
and prosperity among people must be ensured in the society in order to implement effective
peace building in Nepal. He further notes that all citizens should be able to enjoy complete
freedom and should have access to education, health facilities, empowerment, shelter, and
food.
Kul Acharya states that there is a need to promulgate the constitution, so as to establish a
proper structure which political parties can follow and, at the same time, help in resolving
basic issues of providing the people with good quality facilities. He further notes that the
issue of the right of becoming NRNs must be resolved soon, so that NRN-UK is able to
implement newer projects in the state, which would benefit the state in the long term. With
respect to people who live outside Nepal and are born in a different country and having
different citizenship, they are still demanding dual citizenship so that they can invest and
claim the benefits of being Nepali citizens, as well.
Indra Gurung suggests that the young educated group of Nepalese should try to use
political parties and leaders for the betterment of the nation, rather than following them
blindly. He states that this can go a long way in creating good leadership and developing the
nation. Dolendra Khadka states that political parties should focus on the interests of the
nation rather than their personal interests. Since they are more focused on themselves, they
are unable to address national issues successfully. Thus, it is suggested that they change their
political outlook. In addition, they must not try to reap benefits, which kings enjoyed due to
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their power; otherwise, the situation of Nepal will never improve. He also states that the
political leaders should follow democratic norms and perform democratic practice after the
promulgation of new constitution, so that the peace-building process is successful. He
suggests that the political leaders should try to create a clean and trustworthy image rather
than a selfish and dishonest one, and act towards betterment of the country, so that the peace
process can be successful. He also states that the political leaders should adopt a new
approach to leadership, rather than outdated ones, and their approach should be applicable in
the current environment of Nepal.
A state of disagreement or disharmony exists over ideas, and this is a universal conflict.
From the very beginning, it is recommended that there should deliberations and discussions
for any views from the Truth and Reconciliation Committee510 relating to further
developments. If it is prolonged, it is hard to achieve any goal that is prescribed by the state.
Keeping the view of democratic norms and values, no one can deny that there should not be
conflict at all. However, I recommend that, if the conflicts can be minimized within limits
and in reasonable time, it will reinforce the easy implementation of every aspect that is
provided. Political parties have been overlooking the implementation part, though they have
committed to a lot thing in several cases. There is a maximum chance of implementation of
action for the peace-building process when there is minimum conflict and with a common
agenda. Most of the political experts have focused on critical conflict that can add value to
the implementation in any aspects. Successful implementation of the peace-building process
cannot be realized without dialogue and discussion. Nevertheless, less conflict and utmost
agreement can be the only successful path to implementation of the peace-process building,
which I emphatically recommend.
510 Truth and Reconciliation Commission, Nepal(TRC); The TRC is responsible for finding out truth about incidents of gross violation of human rights in the course of armed conflict and providing recommendation for legal actions. See more TRC, Nepal. http://www.trc.gov.np/organization-chart. Accessed on February 20, 2016.
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4.4.2 Conclusion The historical background, including serious conflicts between Maoists and political parties
and even within parties, called for the peace building process. In addition, discrimination,
done on the basis of ethnicity or religion or of any other sort, has deeply rooted the seeds of
conflicts in the nation, and political parties are enjoying its benefits. The process has been
found to be smooth by most respondents with deficiencies in terms of self-centered political
parties and low level of education. The leaders of political parties within the country are more
concerned about their own welfare rather than about the general public, and they use their
powers to gain benefits, resulting in unequal distribution of income and education. In addition,
there are international parties that try to help Nepalese people living in other countries.
Respondents indicate the NRN-UK as one such organization, which provides such people
with economic help and human security and aims to provide them with dual citizenship, so
that they can visit their country without fear.
In terms of connection between peace building and freedom, it was found that there are
strong connections, and political leaders, Maoists and NRNs are all playing active roles.
Similarly, there is a connection between human security and freedom, since financial and
emotional security achieved by a person infuses a sense of financial and emotional freedom
in them. The analysis also found that political leadership has a huge role in saving
democracy in the nation. This is because, provided the leaders do not divide the nation on
the basis of factors like ethnicity, gender, caste or religion, the people of the state would be
united as a federal state and be able to live in a democratic environment.
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Chapter 5: Human Security in Nepal 5.1 Human Security
Human security is one of the latest paradigms of global politics.511 Since 1990, it has been
a major issue in public forums and academia. Practically as well as theoretically, it is
connected with the seven pillars: food security, economic security, health security,
environmental security, personal security, community security, and political security. They are
primarily linked with the dignity and well-being of people, human rights, right to identity,
and developmental aspects. These human security aspects are context-dependent with regard
to, among other things, local circumstance, communal values, socio-cultural norms, personal
perception. Even in the twenty-first century, global poverty leads to hunger and disease,
malnutrition, bad health, and death due to the unequal distribution of food and other required
services. Deepening inequality between elites and non-elites, politically empowered and non-
empowered classes, rural and urban areas, and developed and undeveloped geographical
locations have created problems in local, national, regional and global politics.
Human security is a general concept covering the entire spectrum of human development,
including economic growth and economic development, socio-cultural prospects, political
empowerment, and personal and communal protection of the populace. It includes people's
wealth and prosperity and the threat to their lives from genocide, mass murder, war, and
political turmoil and instability. Human security has been a part of the modern theory of
development. If we talk about the conventional theory of development, it gives emphasis to
capitalistic structure as the best thing and in which capitalism is an inevitable thing. Its focus
on “economic growth over development or [the theorists] see development as economic
growth”512 and it accepts the accumulation of economic resources, like land and the means of
production. The traditional economic system creates social inequality, injustice and exclusion
and creates a favorable situation for further conflict in the society.
511 Paris, Roland, “Human Security: Paradigm Shift or Hot Air?,” 87-102. 512 Peet & Elaine, Theories of Development: Contentions, Arguments, Alternatives, 21.
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At this time, development and human security are the fundamental factors of most
inclusive and fair democratic societies. The existence of human life requires the essential
progress of every society. The degree of material development for economic growth is the
standard of every country. The ratio of the development of human security fluctuates from
one country to another. Peet and Elaine give the example of the United States and Rwanda
where “the average US citizen spends some $ 44,000 a year…, while the average Rwandan
survives on $230 a year.”513 Here we can agree upon one primary thing – that the aspect of
human security is a universal phenomenon and people need particular services for survival.
We can measure the differences by effect on quality life and services. We can, for example,
use different tools to find greater human security by quantifying the quality of life of a
Japanese, Nepali and Indian. The national indicators such as years of schooling, life
expectancy, GNP per capita, and the number of people killed in internal violence can be
selected and compared to those of people living in other countries to help to arrive at a
conclusion. Even if nations are consistently high or low on these indicators, they may differ
considerably on others, such as income inequality, literacy rate, gender equality, or the level
of violence. A measurement of human security must take into account the different aspects of
human protection, the different ways of measuring each aspect, and the differences and
similarities of nations in these measures.
Since the decade-long conflict, Nepali people have been displaced both within and outside
the country. Migration within and beyond borders has become an increasingly prominent
theme in domestic and international debates, and is the topic of the 2009 Human
Development Report, which states, “The starting point is that the global distribution of
capabilities is extraordinarily unequal and that this is a major driver for movement of
513 Ibid., 5.
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people.”514 In Nepal, people were displaced by conflict and the threat of armed groups and
the violent activities of political parties. According to HDR 2009, migration can expand
people’s choices in terms of incomes, access to services, and participation, but the
opportunities open to people vary from those who are best endowed to those with limited
skills and assets. During the conflict period, the state and non-state sides committed gross
human right abuse that compelled the people to support the movement, stand against the
movement or leave the birthplace for security reason. The people unwillingly were forced to
abandon their homeland to find individual or family security. Manmohan Bhattarai, one of
the interviewees for this research, says that Nepalese conflict was for grasping the resource of
the country, so it escalated in a very short time. He further says, "Even at present almost more
than fifty countries with some kind of conflict has deep connection with the politics of
resources. I do not think here in Nepal the conflict was guided by the politics of principles
and ideology – it is a fact to keep in mind."515 If it is the fact that, in the Nepali
democratization process, Nepali people encountered continuous obstacles from the country,
itself, which had the desire for resource exploitation, and obstacles from the political conflict
that escalated within the country, especially in a political fragile period, then they were the
victims of Nepalese conflict. It definitely raised the question of human security during the
time of conflict, which is not fully improved yet – although the peace process of Nepal is
moving ahead at its own pace. Since the peace-building initiative began in Nepal, people’s
civil and political rights have perhaps increased, but the quality of their lives has not been
significantly impacted by positive political changes.
Furthermore, the relationships between conflict, poverty, and development are correlated.
As long as the Maoists initiated armed violence, different parts of the hill and mountain
regions, or even the villages of Terai region, were not connected with the center of the
514 Human Development Report -2009, 112. 515 See appendix 5, 291.
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country’s administration in Kathmandu. The development of the country is, in part, offering
education, providing pure drinking water to the people, establishing medical institutions to
provide health services, creating jobs for youths, and supplying other services to the people.
In the absence of government basic services, people cannot be free from fear, hunger and
disease. Sustainable developmental activities and involving the common people in politics or
in policy-making can reduce the threat of insecurity. Conflicts exacerbate human security
issues, and insecurity can lead to disintegration and violence. Conflict affects people in
different ways, especially in the field of education, health service, internal and external
migration, killing, disappearances, wounded people, and ultimately in increases in the cost of
living. During 1996 to 2006, peoples either went to nearby town areas or left the country,
including some who went abroad. One report notes that, at the peak of Nepalese conflict, in
one particular month, “40,000 people went to India”516 due to security reasons. Migrations
like these affect aspects, like internal political stability, development of the country, and
destruction of government property. For example, “by September, 2002, 1107 Village
Development Committee offices in Nepal were destroyed, which cost 245.3 million Nepali
rupees.”517 This clearly also affects the other countries of the region, thereby leading to
border control and further displacement of people. Further, long-term transition processes in
Nepal have had high costs and led to the loss of development-related projects, as well as
increasing poverty, income and wealth inequalities, unemployment and corruption.
Even after the initiation of the peace process, the cost for the restructure of developmental
projects has been high, and the present political system, which changed in 2006, requires
frequent economic assistance. External stakeholders can be a major tool of bringing
economic change for mitigating the violence and controlling the further conflict. Otherwise,
the political instability presents the threat that Nepal may become a failed state. Since the
516 Thapa and Sijapati, A Kingdom under Siege, 155. 517 The Kathmandu Post, September 27, 2002.
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extension of the term of the CA, political parties have failed even to elect a prime minister for
a long period. At the time of drafting a new constitution, the CA took 17 rounds of elections
at the legislature parliament to elect a prime minister, which all resulted in failure. This is the
political leaders’ apathetic attitude towards establishing peace and stability in Nepal. In fact,
it was not a sound democratic exercise and was definitely reflected in poor human security
system. In this situation, people may well lose their trust in the political accountability of
leaders and state institutions.
The central message of 2006 people’s movement and the Maoist armed conflict has been
the demand to empower the Nepalese people politically, in order to make them free from the
system that lasted for more than two centuries, during which people did not feel protection
from the state. The voice of the Tamang people of Rasuwa district, and the opening of a
communal Newar organization in Kathmandu valley, “Mankha Khala518”, were to enhance
their own communities. As long as the Maoists initiated the armed conflict, marginal
communities supported their political slogan, as the people were assured for their communal
security by the CPN (Maoist). At present, Nepali people are in search of an inclusive
democratic system in which the voiceless, uneducated, poor, marginal, minority – women,
Madheshi, the Tharu community, the indigenous community, untouchable caste, Muslims,
and the backward community – will have complete political and economic security. For this,
Nepal ought to find a right way of forming a political system in which there would not be a
huge gap between poor and rich people, rural and urban people, and one, which completely
addresses all the visible and invisible or latent problems of Nepali people. In a broader sense,
without guaranteeing a prospect of human security, no political system can operate smoothly
in Nepal.
If we talk about the human security system at the micro level, after the end, of conflict it is 518 “Mankha Khala”: is umbrella organization of groups and societies dedicated to the development of Nepal
Bhasa and culture in Nepal. It was founded in 1979 by Newar language lovers to fights for the linguistic and cultural rights against the repression of Panchayat regime.
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gradually improving. At least, people have rights to move inside the country easily, and the
extra judicial killing is controlled. In a decade-long political conflict, people observed several
atrocious activities committed by both sides, like killings, kidnapping, and torture. The
conflict had made the state organizations too weak, and the government was run with the
advice of security forces. The rule of law, accountability of the government to people and
respect of human rights were totally under the shadow of conflicts. During in-conflict and
post-conflict periods, non-state organizations, like INGOs and NGOs, prepared the ground
for insecurity, and in this regard, Surendra Pandey opines, "If you talk about the situation of
Nepal, large numbers of people are involved in political activities and security situation is not
driven only by the political parties. Different forces are responsible behind it. For example,
different NGOs spend money to raise awareness and money comes through foreign
agencies,519 and that money could be the tool of challenging the people's security. Every
conflict moves on different ups and downs, and different factors are involved in harming the
people's lives, but the situation gradually becomes normal again if the state apparatus starts
functioning very well.
5.2 Human Security and Peace Building Peace building and human security are interrelated. The goal of peace building is always
for safeguarding human security; and human security always ensures the people are not
involved in conflicts. Conflict is escalated in the absence of human security. In a conflict
prone region or post-conflict state, people may suffer from structural, cultural and direct
violence. Structural and cultural violence hamper the people on a small scale, whereas the
direct violence can threaten the people on a large scale. In the case of Nepal, the political
conflict that lasted for a decade was an outcome of structural violence and turned to a direct
violence from 1996 onwards.
The conceptualization of human security in peace building has three fundamental aspects.
519 See the appendix 5,308-9.
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First, individual sources of insecurity include actions against people or property, such as
banditry and looting. The second aspect includes institutional factors such as neglect of
human rights, welfare, education, or political rights. The third is structural and cultural
tensions between two or more groups in the society, which results in the political instability
of the entire country. From this perspective, Nepalese people left Nepal and went to other
countries due to the threat of conflict in their individual lives. The government could not
assure the safeguarding of their individual rights, they received no good education or health
services, and this compelled them to leave their country. The gross violation of human rights,
killing, abducting and arrests were the primary issues of a decade-long conflict, and raised
serious concerns for human security. These previous two problems were the outcome of
socio-cultural tensions in the political structure, which negatively affected the security of
people. Even at present, the assurance of these three things is fully necessary in order to
conclude the peace process in Nepal. We can study these three things in the following table.
Table 12 Sources of Human Insecurity
Personal Sources Institutional Sources Social Structure and Culture Banditry, looting, rioting, hates crimes.
Corruption, torture, state repression
Poverty, hunger, inequalities, unemployment
Compiled by the author. Source: literature and International Journal of Peace Studies, Volume 1, Spring/Summer 2005.
The above table shows the sources of insecurity related to society, government, political
parties, and other concerned groups. To build a sustainable peace, it is necessary to remove
all the societal cleavages and achieve a balance of power between state agencies. To achieve
this, during peace building, all the aspects of society should be addressed promptly. Peace
building is a long process that includes activities that mostly have the objective of preventing
violent outbreaks or creating sustainable transformations of armed conflict into constructive
state building. To avoid human insecurity, leaders should address problems with a bottom-up
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approach and not a top-down approach, so that the new developmental process will build
bonds among people and establish a peaceful society. An Agenda for Peace admits that it is
important to “identify and support structures which tend to strengthen and solidify peace to
avoid a relapse into conflicts.”520 Similarly, the United Nations World Summit in 2005
agreed to make “a dedicated institutional mechanism to address the special needs of countries
emerging from conflicts towards recovery, integration, and reconstruction and to assist them
in laying the foundation for sustainable development.”521 For this, there should be a strong
partnership and coordination among all international, regional, and national actors to fulfill
peace building in conflict-prone or post-conflict countries.
Studies have found that, in conflict transformation, reconciliation, and the restoration of
societal relations are all vital to preventing future violence.522 Furthermore, truth seeking and
dealing with the past without taking into account the specific social conditions may threaten
post-conflict stability and lead to a reemergence of violence. Fragile countries should
introduce a responsible government to be transparent in economic revenues, build people’s
capacity for collective actions, and cultivate more innovative social reforms to reconcile the
inconsistencies. The successful making of the constitution by CA and endorsing democratic
norms in the constitution can regulate the human security prospective and, finally, consolidate
the democratic system. Human security and peace building in the case of Nepal are the
common issues defining the success of the peace process. When the Nepalese people's
movements of 1951 and 1991 raised voices for institutionalization of democratic principles in
the constitution, the country suffered in a short time. Both democratic norms and human
security aspects have been elusive in the country.
People's desire of becoming free from any fear and surviving with using the basic facilities
for living determines the quality of life. Any sort of violence, like political, cultural, 520 United Nations, UN Agenda for Peace, paragraph 21. 521 Cedric de Coning. Clarity, Coherence and Context: Three priorities for Sustainable Peacebuilding, 3. 522 Mani; Robert, L. Rothstein, ed. After the Peace, Resistance and Reconciliation, 194.
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ideological, linguistic, ethnic, or nationality-based challenges democracy and peace. In fact,
this issue of human security is linked in Nepal with the success of peace process. Maoist
leader Dahal categorically says, "Whenever we were fighting against the feudal regime, we
were thinking how we could change the feudal structural pattern of means of production. To
some extent, we succeeded in the case of federalism, republican state, inclusion, participatory
democracy through the first CA. Right now, it is the time to institutionalize them in a new
constitution. As long as they are reflected in the constitution and Nepali people use them in
practice,"523 people can survive easily.
A small incident happening within the country can threaten the regular security system, and
now it is a process of institutionalizing the democratic values in the constitution, which
requires time to make it visible to the people. If we talk of the issues of education and health
service, the widening disparities in vertical and horizontal level have created a noticeable gap
in the economic sector, which has polarized the people at two opposite poles. The figure
indicates that, out of $5.4 billion GDP in 2003/4, 20 percent of the richest people had $2.88
billion, but only 0.286 percent belonged to the poorest 20 percent of people.524 If this repeats
in the future, the peace process will remain incomplete, and it ultimately affects human
security. Huge numbers of people are living in the Terai region, and they have endured
economic deprivation, exploitation, exclusion in politics and are part of the peace and
security question. Due to an open border with India, people living there are feeling internal
and external security threats within their own country. In this connection, Sanjaya Mishra
states, "Since [Terai People] are the citizens of this country, they should be treated equally.
They should not feel any sort of discrimination; again, it is equally applicable in the case of
all the people living inside Nepal. They should enjoy all sorts of constitutional rights and they
523 See Appendix 5,347-48. 524 Baral, Lok Raj, Nepal - Nation-State in the Wilderness: Managing State, Democracy and Geopolitics,165.
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should feel proud within their territory."525 The equal provisions of constitutional rights can
reduce the linguistic clashes, regional economic and social disparity, gender gap and class
conflict in the future to enhance the socio-political and national integration within the country.
The issues of Nepal's human security and peace building are connected parts of the
Maoists' agenda of political ideology and peace process. They started an armed conflict for a
decade against the traditional political system and foreign intervention. Baburam Bhattrai
opines, “We started an armed struggle for a decade; we call it people’s war, against feudal
autocracy, monarchy, and foreign domination; for supporting the socially backward groups,
women, Madeshi, Dalit and poor class. Until and unless there is complete restructure of the
state, society, and economy, we cannot have durable peace. We never like to talk on peace in
an abstract form or way, but in a concrete sense it is related to the development of the country
and the progress of the people – which is the agenda of Nepal’s peace process."526 The issues
of human security and success of Nepal's peace process are broadly intertwined in his view.
Political stability, a democratic government responsible for security and peace, rule of law,
and an accountability mechanism to monitor developmental activities are major components
for any peace-building prospects. Equal socioeconomic development across the country, good
governance, political transformation for justice, and the security of people are supporting
factors for economic recovery of the country. The sustainable use of resources, people’s
capacity building for sustainable management of existing natural resources, reintegration of
the combatants into the national security force, as in Nepal, and their involvement in
developmental activities and management of displaced people in their respective society are
the common ways of building peace from human security perspectives.
525 See Appendix 5,351-52. 526 See Appendix 5,316-17.
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5.3. Impacts of the Armed Conflict in Nepal Armed conflict has had a profound impact on the social structure and the lives of the people.
Table 13 shows the different stages of the conflict from 1996 to 2006.
Table 13 Armed Conflict Intensity Stages
Circumstance Time period Before the State of Emergency (SOE) 1996 to November 2001 The period between the first ceasefire to announcement of second ceasefire
November 2001to January 2003
Second ceasefire period February 2003 to August 2003 After the second ceasefire August 2003 to January 2005 1st February royal takeover February 2005 to February 2006
Compiled by the author. Source: literature data and Upreti, 2006.
As shown above (section 5.2 and table 12) the political system, national security, tradition,
culture, economic development, international relations and daily life have all been affected by
the Maoist conflict, and the effects are ongoing.
The economy can be seen to have contracted sharply when the indicators are compared
with previous figures – for example, the per capita income for 2001/2002 was down by $14
compared with 2000/2001.527 This economic decline caused mass migration in western
Nepal.528 The Ministry of Finance’s Economic Survey 2001/2002 reported that no hospital or
health post was added during the review period.529 In 2002, claims of Rs. 380 million
(approximately $43 million) were made by organizations,530 and an estimated Rs. 245.3
million (approximately $28 million) of losses were sustained in damage to VDCs property.531
Furthermore, people were internally displaced during the insurgency as a result of torture
and threat by both Maoist and government forces. Leaving their homes and jobs, people
migrated to the district headquarters, the capital, and in some cases to a neighboring country.
Thus, the armed conflict has affected human security deeply. According to the internal
527 Government of Nepal, Ministry of Finance’s Economic Survey, 2001/2002. 528 Thapa and Sijapati, 142. 529 Government of Nepal, Ministry of Finance’s Economic Survey, 2001/2002. 530 New Business Age, May 2002 (Yogi 2002). 531 Thapa and Sijapati, 144.
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displacement-monitoring center, as of April 2012, around 50,000 people remain displaced in
Nepal. The following table shows the data on internally displaced persons (IDPs) collected by
different organizations in different periods.
Table 14 IDPs Figures Since 2003
IDP Figure Source532 Report publish on
Comment/limitation
50,000 OCHA July2010
70,425 Government of Nepal Sep,2009 Total displaced 1996–2006 50,000-70,000 IDP Working Group June,2009 Number of people who have not
yet found a durable solution 35,000-50,000 OCHA Mar,2008 IDP agencies estimate 25,000 Government of Nepal Jan, 2008 Based on compensation
applications only 50,000-70,000 OCHA Jul,2007 IDP Protection Group estimate 38,000 Government of Nepal Aug,2006 Sourced to NHRC, 2006 21,985-27,2600 Caritas Feb,2006 IDPs living in district HQs only 200,000 UNHCR May,2006
350,000 Caritas Jan,2006
At least 100,000 CHR Jan,2006
400,000 UNFPA Nov,2005
18,666 Home Affairs Ministry
Jul,2005 Only those displaced by Maoists
17,583 SCA & CCWB Jul,2005 Children migrating to India Jul-Oct 2004
40,000 ILO/CWIN Jun,2005 Children displaced since 1996 300,000-600,000 Ministry of Finance May,2005
50,000 INSEC Apr,2005 Only covers 2001-2004 period 2.4 million ADB Sep,2004 Cumulative figure since 1996 More than 100,000 Government of Nepal Aug,2004 Includes displacement to India More than 60,000 NMVA Aug,2004 IDPs in Kathmandu displaced by
Maoists 350,000-400,000 CSWC Jan,2004 Based on the identification of
532
In table 14, there are different figures of IDPS since 2003 to 2010.For your understanding, here is the full form of above mentioned abbreviations of organization. OCHA (Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs), Caritas (Caritas Nepal),CHR (Commission on Human Rights),UNFPA (United Nations Population Fund), SCA (Save the Children Alliance) & CCWB (Central Child Welfare Board), ILO (The International Labour Organization), CSWC,(Community Study and Welfare Centre), INSEC; (informal Sector Service Center),ADB (The Asian Development Bank), NMVA (Nepal Maoists Victims Association),CSWC (Community Study and Welfare Centre), GTZ (Agency for German Technical Cooperation/GTZ Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit), SNV/INF (Netherlands Development Organization /International Nepal Fellowship), EC (European Commission ) & RRN (Rural Reconstruction Nepal), UNDP-RUPP (Rural Urban Partnership Programme).
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160,000 IDPs in 5 districts 100,000-150,000 GTZ, INF, SNV &
CIE Mar,2003
500,000 EC&RRN Apr,2003 Includes forced migration to India
80,000 UNDP/RUPP Jan,2003 Only covers 2001-2003 extra migration to urban areas
7,343 Home Affairs Ministry
Jan,2003 Only those displaced by Maoists
Source: Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre. http://www.internaldisplacement.org/idmc/website/countries.nsf/(httpEnvelopes)/1949E98C81942B55C12571FE004D8821?OpenDocument. Accessed on October 17, 2012.
The table illustrates the human suffering that has resulted from the armed conflict in
different periods and its effects on Nepali society. Maoist insurgency had negative impacts,
which were political instability, economic degradation, the destruction of infrastructure, and
threats to human life. However, the history of human development shows that revolution or
conflict is often a dynamic of human civilization.
Furthermore, during the conflict, criminal activities increased, either because they were
supported by the parties or were ignored by them. During the time of conflict, the state could
not function smoothly and the government failed to provide primary security to the people, so
that society became weak and vulnerable, and, ultimately, the violent conflict escalated in the
absence of government institutions in rural areas. In the name of opposition, innocent people,
other political parties’ supporter and members were killed. The violent and antisocial
activities, including forced donation and looting, as well as severe crimes, such as murder,
rape, trafficking, and kidnapping, were reported, spreading fear among people.
The conflict affected not only society but also the economy and development of Nepal.
The dramatic increase in migration slowed agricultural growth and reduced per capita income.
In one month from, December 14, 2002, to January 14, 2003, more than 40,000 people left
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Nepal for India,533 and similarly from mid-September 2002, to mid-January 2003, more than
100,000 people crossed into India.534 Indian embassy officials report that roughly 120,000
displaced Nepalese crossed into India during January 2003 alone.535 During a decade of
conflict, Nepali state forces killed 8,514 people, while 5,102 were killed by Maoist
insurgents.536
Economic infrastructure collapsed and major national development projects were stopped,
as foreign investors dropped out because of the threat from armed groups. To increase the
military budget, governments cut development and other social projects. This directly
affected the Nepali people’s lives. Acharya537 states that the average growth rate of Gross
Domestic Product (GDP) during the 11-year period from 1990 to 2000 was 4.8 percent,
whereas it remained at 2.6 percent during 2001–2005.538 This shows that the economy
contracted by 2.2 percent of GDP each year after 2001.
Moreover, Nepal’s major income resource, the tourism sector, was negatively impacted by
a decade of armed conflict. In 1999, the number of international tourists was 491,504, 6 per
cent higher than the previous year’s figure, despite the conflict; however, by 2000, the arrival
of international tourists had declined by 5.7 percent to just 361,237. Similarly, in 2001, 2002,
and 2005, international tourist arrivals declined by 22.1, 23.7, and 2.6 percent, respectively,539
due to security threats, the frequent blockage of highways and bus strikes. This caused the
closure of hotels and restaurants, leading directly to the loss of jobs and foreign currency.
Any time that Nepali people cannot be involved in political affairs, it is the leader’s
responsibility to address the common issues of people in a reasonable time. 533 Thapa and Sijapati, 155. 534 Himal Khabar Patrika, January 15–19, 2003. 535 International Crisis Group, Asia Report 50. 536 Informal Sector Service Center (INSEC), Human Rights Year Book 2006. 537 Acharya, K., An Assessment of Economic Cost of the ongoing Armed Conflict in Nepal, 4. 538 Upreti, Armed Conflict and Peace Process in Nepal, 256–7. 539 Government of Nepal, Nepal Tourism Statistics 2012, 6.
http://www.tourism.gov.np/uploaded/TourrismStat2012.pdf. Accessed on August 23, 2013.
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During the armed conflict, the Maoists also damaged infrastructure, such as police posts,
health posts, government offices and financial institutions, which continued to cause
problems even after the armed conflict ended. People are still not fully integrated into society
and a legacy of structural violence and economic problems remains. Different studies that
have been made by multiple organizations on the negative impacts of Nepalese conflicts
show consequences of conflicts. However, the information given in the reports indicates
that a fragile country likes Nepal cannot bear this type of conflict in the future. The reports of
different state and non-state institutions carried out from 2006 to 2010 show that a huge
number of people were killed (around 15,000), masses of internal and external IDPs were
documented, the loss of VDC offices worth Rs. 245.3 million540 was shown, effects in
developmental activities were observed, problems in the state security system were felt, a
declining number of tourist-arrivals in Nepal was reported, and a falling trend of economic
growth was seen during the conflict periods, all of which are key factors that emphasize the
need for bringing a logical, positive end to the Nepalese peace process.
5.4 Analysis The outbreak of Maoist insurgency and its development in Nepal around the last decade of
twentieth and first decade of twenty-first century defined Nepali society and politics. In a
short period of time, the conflict caught the attention of national, regional and international
stakeholders of Nepalese politics. Finally, the Maoists chose to hold political dialogue with
the state force for peaceful settlement of the conflict and changed the political power balance
of Nepalese politics. Finally, the Maoists occupied the major position in the post war CA
election and lost the previous in the second CA election held in 2013.
According to Krishna Hari Puskhar, occlusion has become the contemporary identity of
Nepal, where bandhs, strikes, and halts are now common phenomena. No one knows when
540 Kathmandu Post, 27 September, 2002.
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the country will be fully open for business again. The people look uncertain about the fate of
peace process, and there is wide spread impunity in the legal system, which causes social
insecurity. The revolt of ethnic people against other communities, especially after 2006, is
observed as a chronic disease of transitional Nepal. The ongoing peace process and overall
state restructuring have been pushed into limbo. The national peace has been destroyed,
security is fragile and human and civil rights are held captive by criminals. Impunity is
flourishing and security is moribund.
The occlusion syndrome has become the principle tactic of all oppositions, or the actors
who differ from the ruling parties and the government. It does not matter who is in opposition,
they perform in the same manner and character without considering their basic political ethics
and ideology. The occlusion culture is integrated in Nepalese polity on a cyclic basis. Some
political parties use brutal violence and others use political pressure to achieve their goals.
As of 2016, Nepal was passing through a critical state of transition, as it had been since
2006. The institutional development of democracy cannot function unless the national
political circumstance achieves stability. In spite of the fact that there are some positive
prospects in Nepalese politics post 2006, and people have not felt a great crisis regarding the
peace process. Political leaders are controlling the situation and holding frequent dialogue to
overcome upcoming problems. However, the development of the democratic system has been
weaker, as the political parties have been feeble, due to the lack of solid leadership, poor
organizational structure, and failure of democratic institutionalization. For these, political
leaders are responsible.
Contemporary Nepali political parties are jeopardizing their future through severe political
complicity. When the Maoists started their insurgency, for example, they vowed to take care
of the ethnic issues and claimed that they would bring autonomy to the ethnic base, and
several efforts were made to recruit new members into the political cadres and movements.
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The Maoist party established itself in ethnic communities such as the Kham Magar in the
countryside of Rolpa. There, the Maoists became popular because of poor economic
conditions, by raising the issue of a Magar nation-state. The use of identity-politics as a tool,
mostly by the insurgency, has become a problem for Nepal. It can lead nations into religious
conflicts. To minimize future religious conflicts and to harmonize the political parties, their
leaders should act very quickly with regard to identity politics that exist between higher
castes, the Dalits, and ethnic groups. However, what is interesting is that Shreehari Subedi
mentions that the result of the latest second CA election, which was held on November19,
2013, somehow sidelined the insurgency identity politics and the recent power balance
among political parties in the CA reflects the fact that the people are not willing to form
federal states on the basis of caste and ethnicity.541
There are some political hindrances at the underlying level of Nepalese politics on the
issues of electoral system, federal structure, executive power, and the structural pattern of the
political system, making it right time for accomplishing the objectives of the present political
process to empower local communities and members of marginalized groups, which is
important. The basic questions of the Nepalese peace process were ignored in the past, and
this is a good opportunity to address those overall issues and develop the country equally in
order to mitigate further conflict. Nations throughout the world are struggling to eradicate
inequalities of class, caste, gender, race, and ethnicity. These efforts can be achieved only
through the policy initiatives rather than by converting the problem into conflicts. Sanjaya
Kumar Mishra argues that it is not the people who create the conflict, but rather the policy of
the government creates it. People need at present the freedom to seek education, health,
property and freedom of speech. These are the crucial points for sustainable peace. Peace by
meaningful dialogue, political empowerment to needy people, inclusion in politics, and
541 See Appendix 5, 355.
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respect of human rights, economic prosperity, justice and employment are the tools for
controlling the eruption of new conflict. If they incorporate all these provisions and state
security into politics, none would resort to fighting at all.542 For this, the government should
bear the responsibility and garner parties' confidence at the national level.
At almost every political juncture in Nepal, and especially after the abolition of the
monarchy, the nation became more fragile, as the political parties failed to promulgate the
required constitution through the CA. The unlawful practice of the political parties is a bad
sign for the future of the country. As Sokolowski observes, history is replete with examples of
insurgency and acts of terrorism that prove that the behavior of one cannot typify the
behavior of a group, and that the loss of leadership can create even greater chaos. If party
leaders fail to prove their control over the political parameters, it will either push the country
into renewed conflict or bring back the past regime.
In Nepal, post-insurgency politics has become more inclusive. The unidentified people in
Nepalese politics in the past, marginal and minority classes, women, Dalits, Janjatis, and
Madeshi, have had more representatives in the CA elections than in previous parliamentary
elections. President, vice-president and chairperson of CA are elected from ignored group of
society. The CA elected women as the vice chairpersons, and the formal structure of the
Nepalese democracy process is in flux. The formal structural change in politics necessarily
gives a clear way out to the political crisis of Nepal, which needs to make socio-political and
economic transformation in the status quo of present politics of Nepal.
5.5 Conclusion Nepal’s decade-long conflict damaged developmental infrastructure and affected the lives
of people. Besides this, in a very short time, it weakened the political system and the
established political forces. However, it also paved the way for creating a new and inclusive
542 See Appendix 5,352.
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democracy based on federalism. In the course of the peace-building process, people desired a
more sustainable peace rather than a mere truce. During the peace-building process, Nepali
people wanted to see change in the political system, which really could empower the public
and socio-cultural reconciliation at local, regional and national levels. People were hopeful
that the issue of displaced, wounded, disappeared and dead people would be politically
addressed. Even the rebel force and common people wanted effective governance, political
accountability, economic freedom, and the overall freedom to receive education, health care,
social or individual respect and communal protection.
It is the responsibility of the state to guarantee the civil, economic and political rights of its
citizens. The Nepali government has to change the culture of occlusion, address the absence
of security, and realize that it is directly concerned with the issues of capability and
legitimacy. For the proper functioning of the state mechanism, the government should revamp
its security and law enforcement organs promptly. In a post-conflict country heavily affected
by ideological-based conflict, there is a need to emphasize the proper management all of
sources by coordinating with national, regional, and global actors, and the private sectors
should get proper space to be the part of human security and the peace-building process. In
order to establish a strong relationship between development, governance, and security, the
need is to maintain rule of law, respect human rights, empower different socio-cultural
communities, and secure local ownership in the peace-building process. At present, Nepal is
significantly vulnerable to catastrophe, and the common populace is struggling to get basic
services like health services, education, and protection. Abject poverty, social injustice,
gender problems, political marginalization, unemployment, impunity, land dispute, and poor
economic infrastructures are the major challenges to peace building in Nepal. At present, the
country needs a strong economic partnership through a political mechanism with the private
sector and civil society in pursuit of development, imparting education, and eradicating
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poverty.
In the pre-CA election of 2008, political parties were in common on the points of holding
the election of CA, making the conclusion of peace process, integration of combatants in
security force and drafting the constitution in time. Their voices differed after the election on
the ground of ideological and identity politics. As the history of the past political movement
and recent political developments shows, party leaders have failed to imagine a future course
of politics. The replacement of Shamser rulers in 1951 lengthened the political transition for
eight years, and, even at present, the replacement of the monarch in the political
superstructure has not ended the political crisis, nor has it given any great social, economic,
and political benefits to the people. Politically, it is a great achievement and if the leaders
show determination, it can develop the foreseeable path to Nepalese democracy. First, the
political leaders have a common understanding that they can rule the people in twenty-first
century in a traditional way, and their understanding of a changing paradigm of political
system can help to bring reforms in the political system. NC's favor in traditional politics and
leftists' attitude to ideology politics can come together if they become flexible in their root
understanding of politics. Clashes among the parties and their sister organizations cannot
hold the center of politics and can lose their existence. The common expectation of people
towards the political leaders is to feel security, use civic rights, envision economic
development, and see the democratic culture behavior in political parties.
The 2008 election was part of Nepal's attempt to set up a federal constitution. However,
repeatedly the (CA) has faced issues to get a draft for approval to constitute a federal
constitution. The underlying reason for such failure is that the country is divided into several
castes and ethnic groups, which leads to constant interference, complicating the process in the
end. However, it remains without a doubt that setting up federating units will open up
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opportunities for the Nepalese towards development.543 When there are federating units,
there is the possibility of distributing responsibilities to two levels of government, thus
ensuring more equitable distribution of services and attention to groups and communities in
Nepal. This will create a system of checks and balances in the country.
The Nepali peace-building process has been, and is, influenced by politics, yet this has
been largely ignored. The success of Nepal's peace process largely depends on the
incorporation of socio-political and economic agendas of the people. Women's empowerment,
addressing Madhesi's demands, acceptance of the demands of the indigenous communitis,
reflection of the rights of minority classes, marginal classes, backward groups and the
untouchable caste in the constitution are the crosscutting issues of Nepal's peace building.
Peace movement, conflict resolution, fulfillment of basic human needs, establishment of
infrastructure of development, good governance are the common guidelines of the peace
process, which broadly includes the demands of every sector of the population. Respect of
human rights by government and security to oppressed people, education for all, reliable
health service, employment, delivery of regular government services to people all assist peace
building. Among them, security is a common need of people against any type of threats from
other people, state institutions, cultural groups, religious sectors, or other entities.
The involvement of the UN as a mediator in the peace process and electoral victory of
Maoist in post-insurgency CA election have contributed the peace process to drive it in a
nonviolent direction. UNMIN’s involvement reduced the possibility of erupting violence
from both sides, and the subsequent CA election and its results blocked the way for the
Maoists to return to armed rebellion, so that their six-day political strike across the country
and other activities occurring during the time of the peace process can be seen as satisfying
their wartime cadres. The present change can rebuild the new Nepal and stop violence if it
543 Rao, M.Govinda, ‘Fiscal Federalism`, 30.
233
fully addresses the people’s demands. However, to achieve this, socio-political movement
might be an important tool for pressuring the leaders to make the necessary decisions.
In addition to the intervention by UN and the peace-building process between political
parties, setting up federalism along with a sturdy constitution is required in Nepal, since the
success of a federal government will depend on the constitution. The institution of a strong
constitution will protect the interests of all groups of people and protect their rights and
identity. Although such development presents formidable challenges to the Nepalese, the
recent "16-point deal" is a start towards constituting a federal government and a strong
constitution.544 The motive behind the setting up of a federal government in Nepal is mainly
to come up with building her economy and to make all groups and communities living in
Nepal to be included inside the Nation building framework.545 To make this possible, the
political parties in Nepal need to take a constructive role in bringing what the people require
for economic growth, development and change in the country.
544 Bhattarai, K.D.‘Way Paved for Constitution as Four Parties Reach 16-Pt Deal’ Kantipur.com, 2015.
http://www.ekantipur.com/2015/06/09/editors-pick/way-paved-for-constitution-as-four-parties-reach-16-pt-deal/406314.html. Accessed on June 12, 2015.
545 Rao, M.Govinda, ‘Fiscal Federalism,`30.
234
Chapter 6: Conclusion of this Study The history of Nepalese conflict is very long. The political changes of 1951 and 1990
ignored the issues of the common people. In 1951, Nepalese communist leaders had no
significant role in politics. After a decade long transition period, the Nepalese communist
movement took different paths. One group that opposed the king’s move took a radical
political path and demanded election of the CA. The rise of Maoist movement after 1990 in
Nepalese politics was the reflection of denial of politics of ruling elites to radical communist
in Nepal. The Maoist had taken part in parliamentary election of 1991 from their open
political organization, the United People’s Forum, and focused on people’s day-to-day issues
in parliament and public forums in order to lure the people to their politics.
Subsequently, on February 13, 1996 the “People’s War” was declared by the CPN (M)
against the Nepalese government, with the main goal of establishing a republican state. It was
especially deeply rooted in some parts of western and eastern areas and it affected both the
rural and urban areas in a very short period. In less than ten years, it dismantled the
traditional political system and forced the country to accept a new political power balance. It
made obstacles for economic growth –– it again was not implementing pro-people
developmental activities and the widening gap –– and hampered the security system of states
and people.
The diverse population of Nepal, including ethnic groups, minorities, and backward
groups, and the unparalleled geographical features suitable for guerilla warfare, provided a
favorable situation to initiate conflict and extend it across the country. Poverty,
unemployment, social exclusion, caste differences, and regional discrimination between
Kathmandu and non-Kathmandu areas were the supporting factors for the rebel forces, but
were major challenges to the Kathmandu government. Maoist leaders united youths
ideologically and politically and convinced them that the party would launch programs to
235
address the demands of the common people. Though some peoples doubt it had any
connection with the power politics of India and Royal palace.] It was, without any doubt, an
ideological conflict between the CPN (M) and the government of Nepal, which they had
initiated to attain political liberty through a protracted revolutionary movement.
From a politico-economic perspective, the post-1990 political movement was unsuccessful
in addressing the common problems of Nepali peoples, and marginal people living in
absolute poverty felt insecurity under the government. Thapa and Sijapati express the same
views that the gap between poor and rich became wider, and “it was as if the 1990 movement,
which people expected so much of, had not even happened.”546 Political parties and leaders
spent their time in holding onto power, and Nepal saw two general elections in a very short
period. NC was in favor of a capitalistic economic policy, yet the level of people's economic
condition was very low and they received no subsidies from the government in agricultural
sectors. After 1990, the elite had new political space to take part in functions, but the
marginalized people received no political space to make their formal representation secure in
the changing political structure of the country. The widening gap between the urban and rural
areas and the elite and non-elite people led the country to possible threats of an explosion of
violent conflict. In this grim political situation, the CPN (M) identified the problems in the
political structure and appealed for support for their armed movement, which fueled the
conflict in a short period.
For this, the party had organized mass programs to encourage its cadres to become
involved in the movement. The CPN (Maoist) started the people’s war by uniting the isolated
youths of the mid-western region and gradually encouraging the youths of other parts of the
country. Along with ideological and sociopolitical factors, the root cause of development and
strength of the Maoist conflict was the differences between rich and poor and the widening
546 Thapa and Sijapati, A Kingdom Under Siege, 55.
236
poverty of the Nepali people living in different areas. With the announcement of the state of
emergency in 2001, the conflict gained new heights as the Maoists were fighting with NA.
The frequent violent attacks taking place in different parts of the country killed and wounded
people, and caused disappearances, finally producing obstacles in the delivery of government
services to the people so that the state became weaker.
The democratization of Nepal began after 1990, but it was hampered by a new political
conflict. From the analysis of political development of Nepal from 1951 to 1960 and 1990 to
2006, the conclusion is that the political parties showed almost no progress in political
democratization and party building for strengthening political cultures among the political
parties and leaders. The lapses in building democratic institutions that were powerful and
reliable in supporting the people fueled the escalation of the conflict. In Hachhethu’s words,
“Since democracy largely failed [1990] to deliver expected services to the people, there was a
greater adverse impact on the popularity of leaders.”547 The failed democratic process and
the power struggles among the political parties and leaders led towards uncertainty and that
proved to be a visible hindrance to the national political interest and security.
The conflict also grew out of a complex web of interacting factors, such as ethnicity and
caste discrimination, regional variations, social exclusion, deprivation, and unequal levels of
development within the country. In Nepal, regional and ethnic conflicts emerged in Terai and
the eastern part of Nepal after signing of the CPA. The Madeshi and Tharu communities
clashed in Terai and the Janajati movement got new strength. Different regional and ethnic
parties emerged by splitting from the major political forces could become a threat to national
politics if the dynamics of new emerging conflicts are not addressed in time. Widespread
poverty and social exclusion and a political misunderstanding among the national and
regional political leaders regarding the issues of the Terai and ethnic problems have polarized
547 Hachhethu, Party Building in Nepal, 261.
237
Nepalese politics. After the change in political superstructure in 2006, Nepali political parties
largely turned to identity politics to fulfill short-term goals rather than find a long-lasting
solution of the ongoing conflict. The emergence of fervent identity politics could affect the
transitional politics and invite new violence in the future.
Nepal’s political organizations are becoming more active in support of ethnicity and
identity-based political movements, which gives rise to contentious activities within and
outside the organizations and political cadres. It has changed the political nature of the parties,
and identity-based issues are at a highly contentious juncture. Identity politics has created a
complete rift between different castes and religious communities and brought problems in
communal, linguistic, and social harmony. Ultimately, this affects national sovereignty and
unity. Both internally and externally, they are still contending over the issues of identity
politics in an unstable way that is not good in handling the transition situation. The CPA that
was signed in 2006 gave a new twist to ethnic politics, especially Terai politics that had been
a threat to both the state political force and the Maoists. This research highlighted some
demands of ethnic and indigenous groups and their link to political instability, which became
a problem for Nepal’s contemporary political discourse.
Political dishonesty, the conspiratorial involvement of the royal palace in politics, the
relationship of the palace with the army, human rights abuses, inadequate infrastructural
development, regional economic imbalances, and rampant poverty fueled ideological conflict
in Nepal. The rift between the political parties and the royal palace widened, concluding in a
political coup in 2005. These factors were exacerbated by the regional and global factors of
powerful donor countries using the conflict for their own political interests.
In the past, Nepal remained undeveloped due to political instability or the poor vision of
political parties. To correct this grim economic situation, the present ongoing peace process
needs to get international support for changing the status quo in all fields, such as economic
238
development. The state government has a responsibility to guarantee the civil and political
rights to the people, to address people’s security, and to bring change in the political culture.
Such would convince people that those issues are directly related to the issues of state
legitimacy and the resolution of the political crisis. For this, the government should restore its
security and law enforcement organs promptly. Recent history shows that the leaders have
failed to imagine the future political path of Nepal, and the replacement of the unitary
political system with a federal political system has not given any social, economic, and
political benefits to the people. Constitutionally, the country accepts a federal system, but,
even at present, it is ruled by a unitary administrative political system. This contradiction may
cause a severe problem in the future. This shows the immaturity of the political leaders in
guiding the country, and if democracy is not practiced, it definitely would be a threat to
security, economic development, and the legitimacy of political parties.
The collapse of rule of law from 1996 to 2006 caused the Nepali people to look to their
own safety. The democratization process that had started in 1990 had not brought them any
involvement in the sociopolitical affairs. Political faithlessness and bad systems were
prevalent within government institutions and political parties. Once the CPN (Maoist) joined
the political mainstream, it broke with its underground political system, and changed its
organizational structure, ideology, and the behavior of the leaders towards its cadres. (At the
same time, other political parties also experienced internal problems of leadership and
control.) At the national and district levels, the Maoist leadership is no longer in control of its
lower cadres. There is a great danger of a split in the Maoist camp, which could result in a
new type of political violence within the country. So far, the movement has split into two
groups, and further splits are expected. Popular opinion is becoming equally disillusioned
with the government and the Maoists, since neither is convincingly fulfilling the fundamental
demands for good livelihoods and good governance. Thus, the post-conflict situation has
239
been fragile, and the nation is facing a political vacuum and is close to becoming a failed
state.
The second CA election, held in 2013, led to the promulgation of a new constitution on
September 20, 2015, thus completing the peace process. With the success of the peace
process, the political leaders stand united for institutionalizing the constitutional provisions.
Socio-political transformation of society, economic empowerment, cultural and religious
rights, nationality and gender inclusion in political sectors, and building democratic norms
will determine the future course of the Nepali democratization process. The cohesive efforts
of political parties, leaders, government institutions, and members of civic society can all
play a role in institutionalizing democracy and helping to prevent the further outbreak of
conflict. The government and political parties can delineate the potential connection between
people’s freedom and peace building.
Every peace settlement process is a positive sign of democratic movement of the country.
Peace building and democratization are the desirable goals of present political dialogue in
Nepal. To date, the ongoing dialogue in Nepal is not aiming to restrict civic rights, freedom,
human security, and democratization. The fundamental components of the peace process are
recorded in the 12-point-understanding of 2005, CPA 2006, and the Interim Constitution of
2007. At the time of writing, the political parties are in the formal process of institutionalizing
the agenda delineated in previous documents. The CPA and the Interim Constitution of 2007
made it clear that the government of Nepal has the responsibility to abide by all provisions
and deal with all issues in an appropriate manner. The constitution of 2015 continues the
work of the 2007 Interim Constitution by providing for a democratic, inclusive, gender-
friendly society that enables different sects to participate fully.
However, a crisis has arisen due to poor governance and an inability to grapple with the
challenges of a growing population, widening poverty and deprivation, social exclusion, rapid
240
urbanization, and the slow pace of developmental activity. The lack of democratic
participation and its relation to poverty can be seen in terms of ineffective political parties,
local governments, national parliaments, civil society, and the civil service. In addition, the
lack of dynamic and visionary political leaders, pro-business leadership, and periodic
elections are the main hindrances to democratic participation.
Furthermore, the hierarchical Hindu caste system assigns political power, privilege, and
influence according to birth and hereditary relationship. The leaders of the main political
parties are from the high caste of Hindu society and impose their vested interests within and
beyond their parties. After the general election of 1991, Girija Prasad Koirala –– a member
from Koirala family –– came to power in NC party politics and in government, defying other
leaders, to the extent that he “was accused of cronyism in making government appointments
from within his own party. …Ganesh Man Singh [charged] accusing the prime minister of
practicing bahunbaad favoring people from the bahun community, to which Koirala belonged
in his appointments.”548
Nepal’s decade-long conflict damaged developmental infrastructures and affected the lives
of depressed people –– e.g., 1107 VDC offices were damaged, which cost of about 245.3
million NRs549 and affected about fifteen thousand people directly, with others wounded,
disappeared, or forced to migrate for survival. As well, the conflict weakened the established
political system. The government called for political dialogue to address the conflict, and
finally it paved the way for establishing a new and inclusive democratic system after signing
on CA in 2006. In the course of peace building, common people have desired to achieve
sustainable peace rather than getting temporary peace, and the political dream of people is to
see the empowerment of the general public through structural change of political system and
to develop reconciliation among the people of all creeds. They are in need of an effective and
548 Thapa and Sijapati, A Kingdom Under Siege, 38-39. 549 Kathmandu Post, 27 September, 2002.
241
accountable government to offer peace that could guarantee freedom, security, human rights,
education, health facilities, and complete civil rights.
For the institutionalization of peace, it is necessary to engage with capacity building and
other steps required within political parties. More than a decade after Nepal adopted
parliamentary democracy, Nepali political leaders still had not strengthened the
democratization process needed for sustainable peace to work. Political party leaders must
create a culture of peace that will contribute to the process to nation building. The stability of
Nepalese democracy, peace, and development rests largely on the civic culture of leadership
accountable to the people it represents.
This research identifies the causes of the violent ideological movement that fought against
inequality, socio-cultural discrimination, and the conditions of an exclusive political system
prior to the establishment of the new political system. It helps understand the people’s
normative understanding of democracy. State actors failed to address developmental activities
in the changing political discourse during the 1990s, and this encouraged the populace to
embrace the political principles of the Communist Party. With regard to conflict resolution
after the Nepali civil war, this study proposes the perspectives of conflict resolution tactics
such as traditional and indigenous conflict approaches and the use of other possible tools for
negotiating the ongoing conflict. This study identifies that, for controlling further conflict,
countries such as Nepal should adopt the capability-building approach. The living standards
of the Nepali people are gradually decreasing, and chronic poverty always makes people
fearful. Every nation should provide for the basics needs of its people, such as, among others,
education, social security, health service, food, transportation.
For a country such as Nepal, using the human security approach to post-conflict peace
building offers the best chance of long-term recovery, reconciliation, and the emergence of
sustainable institutions. Finally, through this analysis, it is observed that a post-conflict
242
situation that affects human security will cause the birth of a new conflict if it is not improved
in time. At present, the analysis of the origin of the conflict and its solution and prospective
conflict resolution should address the issues of traditional and indigenous ideas that would be
useful in minimizing further conflicts. The rights-based conflict resolution approach would be
more practical for social reconciliation and for making the state restructure complete. For this,
in building a sustainable peace, all the existing political actors, such as political parties and
local and international forces, should play a major role in transforming the post-conflict
fragile country to a peaceful, stable, and strong democratic country. The peace-building
process of Nepal is an opportunity to rebuild the nation, which was not the case after the
political coup of King Guanendra in 2005. From time to time, Nepali people participated in
different political movements, yet they hardly experienced any type of political changes,
although there were some changes for political elites after the political change of 1950.
Similarly, the political change of 1990 gave no space to marginal people, rural and poor
people, or minority people in terms of religion, culture, language, women's rights, and the
caste system.
The complete peace process of any post-conflict nation must bring change in the socio-
politico-economic status of the people. The establishment of an infrastructure for
development, inclusion of neglected people in the political space and their involvement at the
decision-making level, an increase in human potentiality through social transformation,
empowerment of the people through education, and the assurance of human security are the
common, universal issues facing the present political system. The social progress and
perfectibility of every human being can contribute for the positive development of the
country. The entire progress in political structure, economic system, education system, health
service, use of natural resources for the development of the country equally, equal rights of
people in using natural resources, all directly meet the needs of common people, and only in
243
such a changing paradigm can possible violence be avoided. Political determination and ideas
always become important in molding the shapeless political condition into a concrete political
form; for this, all political parties readily agreed to conclude the ongoing peace process by
addressing almost all the political issues during the time of conflict and post 2006 period.
The fundamental political system of the state must change or transform to resolve conflict
if political disagreements of different political parties develop to a critical point. The progress
in human security aspect synthesizes between poor and rich people, rural and urban regions
and internal and external stakeholders of the peace process. For fulfilling all these goals
through structural change in the culture of all political parties, leaders must accept the
ongoing reality, for the success of Nepali peace process relies on the adoption of a new
political culture supporting democratic norms and ethics.
244
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Appendix 1: Questionnaire550
Dear Sir,
How do you do? I am Karki Purna Bahadur, a PhD student from Tokyo University of
Foreign Studies Japan. During the period of my PhD research, I would like to do research
through conducting interviews with political leaders, policymakers, experts, and influential
persons in the Nepali political discourse. This is the part of my doctoral research. My
research topic is: “Post War Instability and Human Security in Nepal” In this connection, I
would like to request your kind support to conduct my research, which might be useful to
future generations and help build our nation-state. The interview will focus on the above
topics and some open discussion will be conducted for further understanding. I would like to
discuss the following questions during our meeting:
What are the main causes hindering further democratization in Nepal?
Do you think the Nepali political parties lack solid leadership?
As political parties are always voiced, they are fighting for the People but there were
no significant outcome of Nepali people?
What kind of freedoms would your party ensure?
How you scale the people security? How people should understand the New Nepal?
How is the peace process going on?
What are the main problems for the peace building process? Do you think the ongoing
550Due to Nepal’s complex political situation and to cover the ongoing peace process, the Maoist insurgency, and the often-changing government structure in the questionnaire, different questions were posed to different state actors and leaders.
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peace process will succeed?
After the change of political doctrine in Nepal, there were several armed groups and
other radical political parties in Nepali politics. Do you have any vision to minimize
future conflict?
How can we distinguish between the Communist Party of Maoist and former
parliamentary parties? We have seen that the Maoist leaders’ lifestyles seem to have
drastically changed after joining the government?
Do you think the general people will ever feel that the Maoist leaders will not just
think about their own lifestyles, but also about poor people when formulating their
agenda?
Don’t you think that political leadership should empower themselves to understand
the democracy rather than simply talking democracy?
What is security and law in the context of Nepal?
When we listen to interviews and read the news, the message we get is that political
parties are trying to save criminals and take law and order in their own hands. In such
a situation, can we expect the new constitution to lead the nation to peace?
If you could provide your time then I would be very thankful to you. If you do not have
time, your answers will also be a huge help.
Your prompt action will be highly appreciated.
Sincerely Yours
KARKI Purna Bahadur
Phone no; 9849776991
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Appendix 2: Questionnaire 2
Interview questions asked during the United Kingdom research with Nepali Diaspora
and expert from (2011.10-2012.3.)
What do you think about the peace process in Nepal?
What are the main problems for the peace building? Do you think current ongoing
peace process will succeed?
After the change of political doctrine in Nepal, there were several armed groups and
other radical political parties in Nepali politics. Do you have any vision to minimize
future conflict?
Can you tell us about the role of the NRN in the peace process?
NRN is raising a voice for dual citizenship. Why do you think this is necessary?
Do you know who/how many were displaced due to the insurgency and government
fear, who then migrated to other countries including the UK?
Do you have any suggestions or visions for betterment of Nepal?
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Appendix 3. Chronological events related to the monarchy and politics of Nepal
Date Event
1768 Gurkha ruler Prithvi Narayan Shah conquers Kathmandu and lays
foundations for a unified kingdom
1792 Nepalese expansion halted by defeat at the hands of Chinese in Tibet
1814-16 Anglo-Nepalese war, which establishes Nepal’s current boundaries
1846 Nepal fails under Rana regime
1923 Treaty with Britain affirms Nepal’s sovereignty
1950 Anti-Rana forces formed.
1951 End of Rana rule
1955 King Tribhuwan dies,King Mahendra ascends throne
1959 Multiparty constitution adopted
1960 King Mahendra seizes control and suspends parliament, constitution, and
party politics
1962 New constitution provides for non-party system of councils known as
“Panchayat” under which the king exercises sole power.
1972 King Mahendra dies, succeeded by Birendra
1980 Constitutional referendum follows agitation for reform. Small majority
favors retaining existing Panchayat system.
1986 NC boycotts election.
1989 Trade and transit dispute with India leads to a border blockade by Delhi
1990 Pro-democracy agitation and popular mass movements help bring a
democratic constitution.
1991 NC party wins the election and Girija Prasad Koirala becomes prime
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minister.
1994 Koirala’s government defeated in a no-confidence motion. New elections
lead to formation of a Communist government.
1995 Communist government dissolved.
1995-1996 Radical leftist group, the Nepal Communist Party (Maoist), begins
“People’sWar.”
1997 Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba loses the no-confidence vote,
ushering in period of increased political instability, with frequently
changing prime ministers.
2000 GP Koirala returns as prime minister, heading the ninth government in 10
years.
Compiled by the author, from newspapers and BBC news country profile.
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Appendix 4: Timeline of political instability after the massacre of the royal
family
Date Incidents
1 June,2001 King Birendra, Queen Aishwarya, and close relatives killed in
shooting.
4 June, 2001 Prince Gyanendra crowned King of Nepal after Dipendra succumbs to
injuries.
26 July, 2001 Maoist rebels step up campaign of violence. Prime Minister GP
Koirala quits over the violence; succeeded by Sher Bahadur Deuba.
November,
2001
Maoists end four-month old truce with government, declare peace
talks with government a failure.
26 November,
2001
State of emergency declared after more than 100 people are killed in
four days of violence
22 May, 2002 Parliament dissolved, fresh elections called amid political
confrontation over extending the state of emergency
4 October, 2002 King Gyanendra dismisses Deuba and indefinitely puts off elections
set for November. Lokendra Bahadur Chand appointed as PM.
29 January,2003 Rebels and government declare ceasefire.
27 August, 2003 Rebels pull out of peace talks with government and end seven-month
truce.
3 June, 2004 King Gyanendra reappoints Sher Bahadur Deuba as prime minister
with the task of holding elections.
1February,2005 King Gyanendra dismisses Prime Minister Deuba and his government,
declares a state of emergency, and assumes direct power, citing the
need to defeat Maoist rebels. Hereafter he becomes the chairman.
285
30 April,2005 King lifts the state of emergency amid international pressure.
November,
2005
Maoist rebels and the main opposition parties agree on a program
intended to restore democracy.
24 April, 2006 King Gyanendra agrees to reinstate parliament following weeks of
violent strikes and protests against direct royal rule.These protests
were known as Jana Andolan. GP Koirala is appointed as prime
minister. Maoist rebels call a three-month ceasefire.
16 May, 2006 Parliament votes unanimously to curtail the king’s political powers.
The government and Maoist rebels begin peace talks, the first in
nearly three years.
16June,2006 Rebel leader Prachanda and PM Koirala hold talks.
21 November,
2006
The government and Maoists sign a peace accord, the Comprehensive
Peace Agreement (CPA), declaring a formal end to the10-year
insurgency.
15January, 2007 Maoist leaders enter parliament under the terms of a temporary
constitution.
1April, 2007 Former Maoist rebels join interim government, a move that takes them
into the political mainstream.
May, 2007 Elections for a CA pushed back to November.
December, 2007 Parliament approves abolition of monarchy as part of peace deal with
Maoists, who agree to re-join government.
January, 2008 Terai plains group demands regional autonomy.
10April, 2008 Former Maoist rebels win the largest bloc of seats in elections to the
new CA, but fail to achieve an outright majority.
28 May, 2008 Nepal becomes a republic.
286
23July, 2008 Two months after the departure of King Gyanendra, Ram Baran Yadav
becomes Nepal’s first president
18 August, 2008 Maoist leader Prachanda forms coalition government, with NC going
into opposition.
25 May, 2009 Prime Minister Prachanda resigns in protest against “unconstitutional
and undemocratic” move by President Yadav to block the sacking of
the army chief.
28 May, 2010 Governing coalition and Maoist opposition agree to extend deadline
for drafting of new constitution to May 2011.
6 February,2011 PM Madhav Kumar Nepal resigns, following prolonged pressure on
him from Maoists to step down.
June, 2010–
30 September,
2010
The eight rounds to elect the Prime Minister also result in failure;
apathetical attitude of political parties.
10January, 2011 UN Peace monitoring mission ends.
6February, 2011 Jhalnath Khanal elected premier, ending a seven-month stalemate
during which Nepal had no effective government.
28 May, 2011 CA fails to meet deadline for drawing new constitution.
29August, 2011 PM Jhalnath Khanal resigns after government fails to reach
compromise on new constitution and issues of integration of Maoist
combatant. That same month, Parliament elects the Maoist Party’s
Baburam Bhattarai as Prime Minister.
14 May, 2012–
March, 2013
Prime Minister Bhattarai dissolves parliament, calls elections for
November after politicians miss a final deadline to agree on new
constitution. Currently, Bhattarai remains PM of a caretaker
287
government
14 March, 2013 -
11Ferbuary,2014
Khil Raj Regmi becomes the Chairman of the Council of Ministers.
after aretaker PM leaves office without resignation.
1April 2013 Supreme Court suspends government plan to set up a Truth and
Reconciliation Commission to investigate crimes committed during
the civil war, citing concerns it could allow amnesties for serious
crimes.
Compiled by the author, from newspaper and BBC news country profile.
288
Appendix 5: Interviews with stakeholders of Nepal
Name list of the person Interviewed
1) Manmohan Bhattarai, Central Leader of NC and CA member. This interview was conduct
on July 14, 2011 in his resident Bhaktapur, Nepal by author. The medium of interview
was English.
2) Surendra Pandey, Leader CPN (UML), Ex-Finance Minister (May 25, 2009-February
6,2011). This interview was conducted on July 25, 2011 in Mimire Media Centre
Kathmandu; Nepal by the author. The medium of interview was English.
3) Jhalnath Khanal, Prime Minister of Nepal (February 6, 2011–August 29, 2011), Chairman
of the CPN (UML) and Leader of the CA Parliamentary Party of the CPN (UML). The
interview was conducted during his premiership on July 24, 2011 at Prime Minister
Office Baluwatar Kathmandu, Nepal. This interview was conduct by the author and
medium of interview was Nepali. The following is a translation by the author.
4) Dr. Baburam Bhattarai, Vice Chairman of UCPN (Maoist), prominent leader.
During the interview period he was vice chairman of his party, but one month later he
became Prime Minister of Nepal (From August 29, 2011 to March 14, 2013). The
interview was conducted in the CPN (M) head office Paris Dada, Kathmandu Nepal on
July 23, 2011 by the author. The medium of interview was English.
5) Ram Karki, leader UCPN (Maoist) and central committee member.This interview was
conducted on July 22, 2011 at his residence in New Baneshwor Kathmandu by the
author.The medium of the interview was English.
6) Kul Acharya, President of NRN–United Kingdom and entrepreneur. This interview was
conducted on March 17, 2012 at his residence in London. The medium of this interview
was Nepali and has been translated by the author.
7) Indra Gurung, London, UK, ACCA (Association of Chartered Certified Accountants).This
interview was conducted on March 28, 2012 at his residence at Greenford London by the
author. This medium of this interview was English.
8) Dolendra Khadka, living in UK for 20 years; he went there to study and worked as RND
chemist and researcher. At present, he is working in a college. The interview was
conducted on March 18, 2012 in his residence at Greenford, London by the author. The
medium of this interview was English.
9) Interview with Puspa Kamal Dahal “Prachanda,” ex-Prime Minister of Nepal (August 19
289
2008- May 25, 2009) and Chairman of CPN(M). This interview was conducted on
February17, 2014 at his residence in Lazimpat, Nepal by the author. The medium of the
interview was Nepali and translated by the author.
10) Interview with Dr. Sanjaya Kumar Mishra, Patan Multiple Campus Lalitpur. This
interview was conducted on February19, 2014 in Lalitpur, Nepal by the author. The
medium of interview was English.
11) Interview with Mr. Shreehari Subedi, Entrepreneur, working at Shangri-La Group of
companies (Hotel, Resort, and Travel) as a Manager.This interview was conducted on
February18, 2014 in Lainchour, Nepal by the author. The medium of the interview was
English.
12) Interview with Prof. Som Prasad Gauchan Political Science, Tribhuwan University, (TU),
Kirtipur. Kathmandu. This interview was conducted on July 17, 2015 in Balkhu, Kirtipur,
Nepal. The respondent was interviewed in Nepali and translated in English by the author.
13) Interview with Sangita Khadha Secretary Federation of Nepali Journalists. Kathmandu.
This interview was conducted on July 18, 2015 in Babarmahal, Kathmandu, Nepal. The
medium of the interview was Nepali and translated by the author.
14) Interview with Bikash Lamsal, Leader CPN (UML), 2nd CA member. This interview was
conducted on July 18, 2015 in Kalopul, Kathmandu, Nepal. The medium of the interview
was Nepali and translated by the author.
15) Amrit Devkota, He is the President of Dynamic Youth forum Nepal and Centre committee
member of All Nepal National Free Student’s Union (ANNFSU).This interview was
conducted on July 19, 2015 in office of dynamic youth form Nepal, Baneshwor,
Kathmandu. The medium of interview was English.
16) Interview with Chandra Kant Gyawali. He is the constitutional lawyer and has been
working for the Supreme Court since 10 years and teaching Sociology at Patan Multiple
Campus, affiliated to Tribhuwan University for 20 years. He is one of the prominent
lawyers in drafting Interim Constitution. This interview was conducted on July 17, 2015
in Singhadarbar Kathmandu, Nepal. The medium of the interview was Nepali and
translated by the author.
17) Interview with Chairman of CA of Nepal, (2006 to 2015) Subash Chandra Nembang, in
his office Singha Durba Kathmandu. This interview was conducted on July 18, 2015 in
Singha Durba Kathmandu. Nepal. The medium of the interview was Nepali and translated
by the author.
18) PM, K.P. Oli, (Khadga Prasad Sharma Oli), Chairman of CPN (UML) and strong leader
290
in Nepal Contemporary politics. He is parliament leader of CPN (UML) in CA. This
interview was conducted on 2 August 2015 in Singha Durbar in Parliament office;
Kathmandu, Nepal by author. The medium of interview was Nepali and has been
translated into English by the researcher. He became the Prime Minister of Nepal on
October 12, 2015 now still in office.
291
1) Manmohan Bhattarai, Central Leader of NC and CA member. This interview was
conduct on July 14, 2011 in his resident Bhaktapur, Nepal by author. The medium of
interview was English.
Here are some questions related to my research on“Post War Instability and
Human Security in Nepal “Now, would you explain what are the main causes
hindering further democratization in Nepal?
First of all, we have to enter to the issue, what really was the cause behind the conflict in
Nepal? Then we can relegate into the genesis of what made us get concerned regarding peace
in Nepal. There was a distorted regime before 1950 AD; we achieved democracy some 60
years back from today. But, it was snatched by the distorted regime of the king in 1960. Then
again, Nepali people struggled to restore it. Ultimately, democracy was restored in 1990 by
the popular uprising of Nepali people with a constitutional monarch and multiparty
democracy with the basic tenets of the democratic system of 1990. Even after that, there were
hindrances and obstacles in Nepal. After 1996 the Maoist group, the Communist Party of
Nepal launched a war, but that conflict did not have any valid reason and could not have yet
been established what the reason behind it?. The combatants were trained in India and armed
basic supplies also came from India, which has been established. If you ask me what kind of
politics, it was I could plainly say that it was a politics of resources and they were all behind
to grab whatever resources there were within the country.
The interest of using the resources brought them to this conflict that stands as a question,
and the interest of India could not be solved by the constitution of 1990, neither could it solve
the interest of the king as the power of the king was curtailed. Similarly, Indian interest over
the national resources of Nepal was also not really easily accessible as all treaties regarding
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between Nepal and India were to be ratified by a two-third of the majority of the parliament.
Actually it was tough, and the first situation confronted by the government led by Girija
Prasad Koirala was the Tanakpur treaty; it was already signed between king’s regime before
1990 and the government of India. In this connection, a few amendments were made between
the government of India and the government of Nepal led by Koirala after 1990. Its
provisions were brought to parliament and ratified by the two-third majority, which was not
simply possible. It resulted in inter-party and intra-party conflicts.
If you ask me about Mahakali treaty between India and Nepal, it was not out-and-out
wrong. Actually, it was a part of power conflict inside Nepal, which had a connection with
India; and such type of conflicts cannot be resolved by the interference of foreign powers.
Therefore, India thought that if that constitution of 1990 could be amended or some other
constitution can be replaced by some other constitution; actually it was a complicated job to
perform the entire process. It means the constitution of 1990, which had to be replaced, for
Indian and royal palace and even the Maoist leaders had admitted that they had a tacit
understanding with the king and India on it. For this they trained the armies and easily
recruited in remote areas paying Rs. 500-1000 and taught the Marxist slogan, which said the
every community or individual of deprived community, poor and marginalized people would
get benefit from the people’s war. Unfortunately, in these years, people’s expectation was not
fulfilled and it was not possible to achieve all these things overnight. For that reason, the
peace process is being delayed.
When the Maoists raised weapons, the political parties were not in the same
political line. But as long as the king Gyanendra held political power in 2005, the
political parties united with the rebel force. Why do you think the parliamentary
parties agreed to walk together with Maoists as the rebel group was practicing
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an ideology different from the principle of formal democracy?
A group of Maoists thought that this insurgency is not going to finish fighting with national
army and establishing a Maoist state is not possible. They were aware of that very fact even
before raising the arms before 1996. Only they intended to make the state weak and get
political power. In the meantime, the political balance in Nepal changed after the massacre of
royal palace. The feudal king and its group had high ambitions. India also thought it was not
possible to go ahead with the Nepalese king. The Maoists thought they could not get along
with the king and agreed to make their political understanding with parliamentary parties.
Those factors mentioned above brought changes in Nepal’s political scenario and ups and
down were seen in the political scene. Therefore, the Maoists had to politically tie up with
parliamentary parties and the parties thought it was only the right path to restore democracy
in Nepal.
There is one faction within the Maoists that still advocated the hard-liner political doctrine
propagated by Marx, Lenin and Mao Zedong. It is one of the hindrances of the success of
Nepal’s peace process. The political alliance among the parties came into effect with the
introduction of 12-point agreement, which aimed to establish a new system in Nepal
dethroning the king. The Maoists thought that in the initial stages, the peace process would
go ahead smoothly; and neither Indian diplomacy nor other political parties would be
preventable in Nepal, but unlike their expectation, the entire peace process was delayed.
Maoist combatants are in cantonments at present along with their weapons but
their weapons are not equivalent, as they had seized during the insurgency
period from the state force what do you think about it and its impact in the peace
process? Do you think there would be a sustainable peace in Nepal in the future?
None of the peace processes in the world happened for the same reasons as Nepal. Even at
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present almost more than fifty countries with some kind of conflict has deep connection with
the politics of resources. I do not think here in Nepal the conflict was guided by the politics
of principles and ideology –it is a fact to keep in mind. Every one, either domestic or
international force or a close-by country tries to grab resources of the country.
I do not think the whole political process would be conclusively completed in Nepal in a
very short span of time. A section of the Maoists is sincerely and honestly walking towards
peace process and constitution writing as they have got the reality of time and political power
balance of this region. However, another section of the same party is adamant in the ongoing
peace process. The peace process of Nepal has different components and stakeholders, for
example army integration, rehabilitation package of combatants, and seized property to be
returned to the owners by the Maoists, have to be commenced in time as they were agreed by
the political leaders while drafting the CPA in 2006.
What is the situation of human rights abuse in Nepal?
It is also under the surface of peace process. Human rights abuse issues have been
lopsidedly sidelined by the political parties. Gross violation of human right abuse has been
committed by the Maoists, in fact, rather than the government. The state has certain
responsibility when the insurgency was there, but most of the blame is put upon the state. The
disappearance of the people, killing of civilians etc. was initially committed by the Maoist as
the teachers and civilians were their targets. Only after the ceasefire, there was acute fighting
between Maoist force, police, and army. However, before that time almost for seven years the
war was against the civilians.
After the political change of 2006, now that Nepal is a republican country, we can
see some radical political parties and armed groups across the country. Ethnicity
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has been a top priority of the parties and it gives the space to the ethnic and
religious conflict. What do you think on those overall issues of Nepal?
There are issues in Nepalese politics and they were raised by the Maoists in the past to fuel
their movement up. They easily recruited the human resources to fight the state and it was
common for them to establish federal politics in Nepal. Everything was based on their
political interest but I do not think it has any connection with the ideology of politics. The
surveys were conducted by the media and independent researchers throughout the country in
which Nepali people were not in the mood of dividing the country in terms of ethnicity and
linguistic entities. 78 percent of people from Terai region and 85 per cent of people from hilly
and mountainous region are against ethnic and religious type of federalism.
Nepali political leaders always talk about democracy and democratization. If we
see in the CA or legislature parliament, only the leaders of four political parties
make the necessary decisions within a few hours and other leaders of smaller
parties do not get any chance to be involved in the decision-making process.
What do you think about it?
I agree with you and after the people’s movement of 2006, it happened as the people’s
aspiration was high and leaders of some political parties practiced it. It was due to the direct
and proportional electoral system that different ethnic, religious, and linguistic groups had the
opportunity to be in a legislative parliament, but their numbers at the decision-making level
was not sufficient. In the beginning, there were 24 political parties and now there are
altogether 29 political parties in CA. However, all political parties did not get the role of
making decisions as larger parties had enough number to pass legislation and to amend the
constitution. It does not sound democratic and again neither it is realistically manageable to
consult all political parties nor pragmatic to follow it democratically.
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Political leaders amend the constitution for their mutual understanding
frequently. What can Nepali people expect from them?
They are doing everything to fulfill their mutual interests. It is very difficult to draft a new
constitution as Nepali people have disillusionment or they have come to know the real
situation of Nepal. In these four years all groupings that we saw based on language, ethnicity,
religion, minority etc. can be addressed democratically if democratic norms are well adhered
by political leaders. If political leaders address the problem genuinely, there will not be any
problem. Both NC and CPN (UML) believe in Socialist principles and they have very thin
ideological differences. CPN (UML) –a Marxist Party which has its connection with liberal
economy; and NC which proclaims itself a Socialist Party has the link with liberal market
economy. Now people have given up their hard feelings for these two political parties, as
there are fewer differences between these two parties.
If you talk of UCPN (Maoist), it stands a little further than other political parties and it is
hard-line leftist party. Similarly, other political parties especially in Terai – created in the
name of Madesh issues – are regional political parties; they look as if they are like political
forum established to achieve certain agendas. Though the Madesh-based parties have been
continuously splitting into different political parties or groups, they do not bear ideological
differences. I think there is very a thin possibility to unite them and form a single political
party in Terai for Madesh ethnicity, as there are couple of linguistic groups, much ethnic
variations etc. within them. Political parties would ultimately remain in Nepal as rightist,
centrist, and leftist. It means there will be a very ideological demarcation among the political
parties, so drafting a new constitution will not be so difficult if democratic values are
followed by the political parties.
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Every time we read in the newspapers that there is no rule of law in the country
and the leaders favor the criminal groups and people. What can we expect from
the situation and what type of security can Nepali people get in such a situation?
This time the judiciary system has been appreciated by Nepali people and it is the only
functioning organ in Nepal. It has been taken as more dependable than the executive and
legislative-parliament. People believe the executive system is a corrupt and failed organ. We
are not abiding by the interim constitution so the legislative system has been weakened. If we
amend the interim constitution repeatedly for our interest – it has been amended for eight
times in past three years – what we can expect from the politics. At present politics has not
been criminalized but crime has been politicized. People think if two organs do not function
properly, they corrupt themselves and in any cost that lapses is bound to be corrected by the
leaders to drag the situation into the right track. Actually, we are lacking it and if it occurred,
things won’t be changed.
Actually, the election of CA was held to draft the constitution. If we see the
activities of the leaders, they have spent the whole time in changing the
government rather than drafting the constitution. What do you think about it?
It has the link with the resources of politics but no problem with ideology. It is the politics
of resources, politics of resources, and politics for resources. Even the small political parties,
which are deprived of resources, have the political desire to grab the resources and they
intend to be the part of the government. For example, in fourteen years the Maoists exploited
the resources in different ways. It is not true only in Nepal; if we see all conflict-ridden
countries in Africa; Asia, and South America, political parties have same tendencies to grab
the resources. Similarly, the ruling parties also exploit the resources by handling the civil
servants, police, military etc. and they continuously collect the resources through the
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pipelines. They command everything through politics and ultimately the politics of resources
enhance their resources. Some new political parties reach onto resources and want to form the
government to use or exploit the resources. It is a very complicated situation and definitely, it
takes time to make a correction.
Last time there was a debate that the Minister appointed a person to work in
Nepal Airlines and there was unfriendly situation in the office. Similarly, if we
see the living style of government official is very high whereas people are not
getting anything. Do you think it has the connection with the thing that you
mentioned above? What can we do for controlling such corruption?
As I mentioned earlier that the Minister wants to exploit the resources through that person
who was newly appointed to handle the official works and who has already expressed his
strong commitment to offer the commission that comes in the government organization to the
party and the Minister. The Minister wants to buy a couple of aircrafts and he wants to exploit
to enhance his resources. The leaders do not care whether that person does have managerial
skill or knowledge about the aircraft.
The people who have the connection with politics have a very luxurious lifestyle, good
building, car and property and it is always a problem with the politics of least-developed
countries. For this, we have to build up a very strong judiciary system to control the
corruption. Now ministers are sent to jail for the corruption cases and top government
officials are taken to jail. If it is practiced frequently, certain amount of corruption can be
checked.
What do you think of the education quality of political leaders?
First, we have to impart education to the people and then they can decide everything.
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People have been awakened through media and they have the interest of getting formal
education this time. Their level of consciousness is very high as there are around 300 FM
stations and 14 television stations and cables services throughout the country and they get
different kinds of messages frequently. People have satellite television service and can watch
domestic, national and international programs at home. It alerts them what is going to happen
in the country and what kind of leaders they are going to elect to rule the country. If the
people are educated, they can make necessary decision for the society and country. They
know the importance of free and fair election and they can decide which party is going to be
elected for the next tenure. Unless they are free to choose their representatives, the
democratic system cannot work properly and people can’t expect much from such a system.
You talked about the importance of election in a democratic system. If we
observe the situation of the CA, Maoist leader Dr. Baburam Bhattarai got too
much votes in his own constituency of Gorkha district. What do you think of it?
There are certain election codes and conducts that have to be practiced by the parties
during the time of election. Otherwise, it invites hooliganism and there will be the sense of
fear and terror in the election. Political parties are forming the organizations like Young
Communist League, Youth Force to exercise power in the election. There is one infamous
saying e.g. 3Gs –gold, guns, and gundas– are needed to win in the election and they are the
determinant factors to make someone’s victory sure in the election. If that malpractice
prevails in the election, the voters are helpless to elect right representatives. Last time the
election of CA was held under the shadow of terror and people were not free enough to vote
in a free and fair way. But now the situation has been changed.
You have already mentioned the importance of education in people’s life. In the
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past, Rana rulers established schools to impart education to their children. In the
past insurgency, Maoist delivered and convinced the people that they would get
benefit from the movement and recruited the youths from deprived communities.
They raised the issue of ethnicity, language etc. Similarly schools have been shut
down by the political parties even at present to prove their political power but
there is no effect in the education system of leaders’ children. What is your
comment on it?
Every communist regime says the system is going to mitigate the class but in fact, it
creates class in the society. The Maoists leveled the education as bourgeois education in
people’s war and encouraged hundreds of youths to join their armies. They barred the
students to go to schools and that has been problem at present. The uneducated people hardly
come to developed areas and ultimately they are backward people in the society. Only the
people who get some kind of education or a little education come to cities and get involved in
politics. During the insurgency, schoolteachers were the first targets to bar the students to
attend the schools. In this way, they indoctrinated the youths, created ruling, and ruled class
in the country.
Now people have come to realize the situation through different media and communication,
and this has been important as 15 million Nepali people have access of communication
through either landline telephone or cell phones out of 30 million people. During insurgency,
there was no direct connection between the people and radio or cell phones. Once I was
listening to the radio in remote areas and they asked me why I listen to the radio and told me
to throw it away –but now things are different. The situation is changed and even in remote
areas there is access to laptops, internet etc. Some intelligent people who can afford them talk
with their fellows, parents, villagers that help to understand the realities. So people are not in
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the dark and other political parties should not use schools to prove their political power. It is
not a good practice.
How do you think the situation of development in Nepal? Last time when I was
here the road was not much dirty or the situation was comparatively better than
presently. Even the ministers and other leaders travel by national highways and
local roads, but the situation is not improved at all. Why?
They do not pay attention towards it and too much focusing on state is a problem,
especially as it prevails in Marxist society. I believe that state is a facilitator and raises money
from people but does not produce anything at all. It has a basket to collect money. If we let
the state spend money, a chunk of money will go in people’s pocket; so for that reason
everyone believes that the state is corrupt. It does have legislative organ and it can pass law to
impose tax upon the people. The majority of the representatives in the legislature can amend
the law or introduce new law to bite the people. The state can say, whatever you earn 80 per
cent of your income goes to state’s income as it is legal in accordance with the prevailing law
of the state. Then we are bound to pay. It is a legitimate tyranny of democracy and it is the
problem of democracy. The businessperson can never do that and it does not have any right to
perform that work. In this way the state exploit the people and ultimately makes the private
sector weak. The strong state does not take the responsibility of people and developing the
country. You may find the road is in bad condition. The people who are in upper position of
the state their houses are in good condition.
Once I traveled in the highways, I found many traffic accidents and people were
dying on their way. Here in Nepal we never value people’s lives which is most
valuable for them. Why the situation is happens like that in Nepal?
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When you come here to see me you see certain lane especially side lane is beautiful and
blacktopped. But the main road as you came here through is broken and dirty. If you ask me,
the reason behind it that the side lane is constructed by the local people and we local dwellers
bear 60 per cent of its total expenditure and only the 40 per cent is contributed by the
municipality. We are concerned for it and we maintain the side lane properly as we get
initiation of it. 60 per cent is collected by us and we get 40 per cent from municipality and
even that is our money as we are the taxpayers. But the state is supposed to maintain the main
road in which the state is a large government but it never listens to the people. In case of
municipality, we elect the local government directly and it pays attention to our voice. It
means in a country where the state is directly responsible and individual is made stronger
than the state the country is built faster. But in Marxist country, the state is more powerful
than individual and directly rules over the people cannot go faster. It is the basic difference
between real democracy and Marxism.
Before the abolition of monarchy, the security situation of Nepal was good and
now security system looks fragile. Do you feel abolition of monarchy was a good
decision in Nepal?
It was a good decision. People have come to know different kind of situation, Maoist
insurgency was an unnecessary violence, and it happened without any goal to be met
politically. We can talk of 1951 political violence, which aimed to dethrone Ranas’ autocratic
system that ruled in Nepal for 104 years. But in ten-year-violence, they looted the property
and did unnecessary practices in Nepal. Though some 17,000 people lost their lives and many
more got injured and disappeared, Maoists are not going to establish any regime in Nepal.
People suffered from violence for no real cause and politics of Nepal was concentrated on
resources only.
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Maoists raised weapons to establish their system in 1996 as they expressed it in
the past. In the meantime, political leaders delivered their views that they were
communicating with the Maoist and again they had ordered the security agencies
of Nepal to fight the Maoist army. Don’t you think they played a double role
during the time of the insurgency? For it should they get the responsibility or
not?
As I told you earlier there was internal and regional or some kind of international factors
responsible behind that conflict. The Maoists had a tacit understanding with royal palace and
other power centers. There was the involvement of larger institutions in the conflict and India
wanted to convert a unitary political system into a federal system. Some people say that India
has the interest of using Nepal’s water resources, but there were other factors too. Bihar is
now building 10,000-km six-lane roads and 10,000-km railway tracks to build up the
infrastructure within three to five years. For this Bihar does not have stone, sand, wood etc.
which will be easily available from Nepal. Bihar does not have these materials and Jharkhand
had a little but now it is a separate state.
At present Bihar has been set11 percent economic growth rate and most of the poverty-
ridden areas have been converted into developed areas and again it needs resources from
Nepal. It means there was a long design behind it and once Nepal becomes a federal state
Bihar effortlessly can negotiate with the nearest federal state to supply the resources from
Chure to Bihar. For this they had supplied arms and money to the Maoists for fighting. Time
to time President of Nepal has been telling to save Chure and once Chure is gone, there
would be environmental and ecological imbalance. As long as Chure falls down Mahabharata
ranges faces the same destiny and ultimately the Himalayas might fall forever.
The problem is Nepali leaders could not understand the political interests of India. What I
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mean to say is it was interconnected with national and international interests and Maoists
were used for this. Our country is so small and if we develop a railway service, we can travel
from Mechi to Mahakali in three hours. It is around 1 thousand kilometer from Mechi to
Mahakali and if we develop a railway service with 350 km speed per hour, we can cover the
distance in three hours. Therefore, frankly speaking federalism is not needed in Nepal. People
think that Baburam would be a best choice for Prime Minister and actually he is the person
trained by India and he would sign the day he’s made the Prime Minister of Nepal that all
Terai be made a single state.
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2) Surendra Pandey, Leader CPN (UML), Ex-Finance Minister (May 25, 2009-
February 6,2011). This interview was conducted on July 25, 2011 in Mimire Media
Centre Kathmandu; Nepal by the author. The medium of interview was English.
I am a Ph D scholar and the title of my research is “Post War Instability and Human
Security in Nepal” and here are some questions on the issues of Nepalese peace process.
How do you think the peace process is going on in Nepal?
The peace process has the connection with army integration, and it is a pertinent issue of
the overall aspect of peace process. If you talk about army integration, there are five major
issues –modality of army integration, how many combatants will be integrated in security
forces, standard norms of army integration, ranking of integrated army in security forces, and
model of rehabilitation package. At present, the political parties of Nepal are discussing those
issues formally or informally. Besides this, there are some other issues, which are completed,
for example, the dual security system has been theoretically resolved, 80 per cent weapons
have been handed over to the government by the UCPN (Maoist) and 20 per cent weapons
are still in their possession due to their internal conflict.
The political parties have the same consent that the government of Nepal would decide to
establish one Special Directorate under Nepalese Army, which would comprise of 35 per cent
from existing NA, 35 per cent from Maoist combatants, 15 per cent from Nepal police and 15
per cent from Armed Nepal Police. However, how many combatants would be integrated in
the security forces of Nepal has not been decided yet. Major political parties have the opinion
of making 5,000; Madeshi parties have the view of integrating 6,000, while the Maoist
leaders are demanding of integrating 8000 in security forces.
What may be the real number of the combatants to be reintegrated?
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Definitely it might be 7,000 or around it and automatically there will be an agreement on
the real numbers. Actually, it is the second issue of Army integration. The third issue is
standard norms that will be applied in course of integration process. More or less, we have
agreed on the standard norms –height, weight, physical fitness, education for entering certain
posts, and age. The age limit of entering in NA is 23 years, and to facilitate the integration
process even a combatant of 24 years can be legible. We can relax for one or two years for the
integration of the combatants. Unlike it, if a combatant is of 40 years he or she won’t be
accepted in the security force.
Similarly, regarding the issue of education we can make certain reassessments. One Nepali
citizen can apply for the post of Second Lieutenant after completing Higher Secondary
Education. But, in the case of the combatants, if anyone has passed only School Leaving
Certificate and wants to integrate in the same post; the Special Committee can give him or
her two years’ time for study. After completing that education level, he/she will be qualified
for the target post. Otherwise, the combatant will be disqualified. In case of training required
for the integration, process the institution will provide them the training needed, for three
months or six months; and after completing the training, they are legible to be the part of
Nepali security force. Unlike these two provisions education and training, we are not ready to
relax in other cases like physical fitness, height, weight and they ought to fulfill the
conditions, which had been practiced by the security force of Nepal for years. Yet, there is a
debating issue of ranking among the political parties. NC and leaders of other political parties
are in favor of resolving this process first before integration, but we are talking side by side.
We want to give that responsibility to the technical committee represented from NA, Nepal
Police, and the Maoists; this committee can be comprised of service people of these
organizations. Then it becomes easier to resolve what will be the ranking of the combatants,
and number of combatants to be reintegrated in the security forces. Really, it is a time-taking
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activity and that committee takes the responsibility of training course, duration of training,
and ranking of the combatants in the security force.
The next issue of peace process is the package of rehabilitation; it has to be resolved in
time. Right now, the Maoist leaders are asking 700,000 for the candidate up to company level,
800,000 for battalion members, and 900,000 for brigade and above them, their demand is 1
million. This is a real debate. The government of Nepal is preparing to provide not more than
500,000. After resolving all those issues regarding the modality and numbers of combatants
to be integrated in NA, the combatants will hand over the weapons to the government of
Nepal.
Actually, the whole procedure was previously scheduled to be completed by June 19, and it
has crossed more than 1 month. In addition to these issues, we are discussing other things like
solving the issue of peace process in broad perspective. In 1990, we were fighting for
political rights, the right to organization, right to freedom, and right to free speech. During
that time, we were engaged in a formal democratic movement; and the issues like livelihood,
shelter, and food were untouched. We had raised those things but NC denied accepting them.
Therefore, we were confined to the formal democratic movement and it could not work in the
last 20 years. However, they became the major agenda of the democratic movement of 2006,
which had a wider scale in the society and dethroned the feudal king. It formally raised the
issue of ethnicity, gender, region, and the agenda of class came in the surface. Right now, we
are discussing over those issues throughout the country. Whenever we settle them, politically
we can lay the foundation of political stability and that will really strengthen the democratic
institution of Nepal.
This time restructuring the country into a federal system is a new political
agenda. The major political party, the Maoists, is in favor of dividing the state in ethnic
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federalism i.e. Newa Rajya, Tamsaling State etc. If we divide the country on the basis of
ethnic federalism definitely, there will be more conflict in the future. How do you
analyze it, as you are a leader of one of the largest parties of Nepal?
It may happen if we do so. Unless we settle the issue in a proper way, our country will go
in a further conflict. However, one thing is clear that there are certain issues in the fields
regarding ethnicity, regional disparity, gender, etc. There are lapses and if we exclude them
and undermine the voices of the people, we cannot go forward. This is the demand of the
people. We should address all those things but the important thing is the state should be
indifferent. We must concentrate on the representation of those ethnic communities, back
ward groups and gender. Therefore, the real issue is to empower them politically. At present,
the politics has been professional, so everyone is raising his or her voices. If we develop the
country and we can go ahead economically, everyone gets benefit, and it becomes easier to
address ethnic demand. The people slowly sit in the proper position and main thing is the
economic challenge of the country, which has to be met through political change.
Right now politically Nepalese people are conscious and most of the people are
affiliated to certain political parties- it is the real situation of Nepal. How do you see the
condition of human security of Nepalese in terms of law and order of the country?
It is gradually improving. We experienced a decade-long serious conflict in Nepal. In the
beginning, in post-conflict time, we experience heinous types of crime like killing,
kidnapping etc. Some unwanted events happened and had gradually increased like a trend in
Terai and other parts of the country – during that time the state was weak. At present, the state
organizations have been strong, comparatively better than before. Therefore, the crime rate
has been decreasing alarmingly and the security situation of every society is improving day
by day.
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Even in the developed countries, there are different criminal activities. India was also in a
difficult situation when there were serial bombings in Bombay. If you talk about the situation
of Nepal, large numbers of people are involved in political activities and security situation is
not driven only by the political parties. Different forces are responsible behind it. For
example, different NGOs spend money to raise awareness and money comes through foreign
agencies. I can give you one example: when I was a Finance Minister; a representative came
from UNDP headquarter to Nepal to evaluating whether the program is working in Nepal or
not. He said Nepal always experienced Banda, hadtal (strike) and everything, which hamper
the successful launch the program. Then I clearly said to him “even those things are your
gifts as you spend money for awareness. If you spend money for construction of road people
get ready for it.” Naturally, the money spent for awareness is used to organize the program
and rallies become the output of that program. In order to spend all money given for such
things will be used to organize different rallies and programs. Here my point is that there are
different forces to create the problems. But things will come in track slowly and in the course
of time it will come in proper shape, but definitely, it takes time.
What do you expect from the political culture of Nepal? If one party forms the
government, immediately the opposition party opposes the government program?
It is not a good culture and does not reflect the maturity of the political parties.
The leaders of political parties express that they are fighting for democratic
movement. But they never to follow democratic norms and without any valid reason
they protest the government and compel the majority government to reason. What do
you think of that? Do you think the leaders should be empowered to strengthen the
movement?
I am part of that. What I feel is that it is the immaturity of the leaders and I hope they will
be more mature. Otherwise, they will be isolated in right time.
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3) Jhalnath Khanal, Prime Minister of Nepal (February 6, 2011–August 29, 2011),
Chairman of the CPN (UML) and Leader of the CA Parliamentary Party of the
CPN (UML). The interview was conducted during his premiership on July 24, 2011
at Prime Minister Office Baluwatar Kathmandu, Nepal. This interview was conduct
by the author and medium of interview was Nepal. The following is a translation by
the author.
I am doing Ph D and my title is “Post War Instability and Human Security in Nepal ”and
here are some questions on the issues of Nepalese peace process.
How do you think the peace process of Nepal is going ahead?
The peace process of Nepal is definitely moving in its course through different ups and
downs. First, it geared up with the official support of UNMIN, which was established to
assist in the issue of Nepali peace process. As long as UNMIN left the country, we developed
our own institution to carry out the official responsibility of the UNMIN and now it is
moving ahead in our own model. Right now, monitoring the peace process is the sole
responsibility of Special Committee and it is active in handling different responsibilities like
monitoring and supervising the activities of cantonments and combatants. For this, we have
managed the human resources and sent them in different cantonments and getting all
information from the cantonments. Similarly, this time we have been able to end the situation
of dual security system of the Maoist Leaders and they had been under the government
security system.
Nepali peace process has achieved the height and at least the trust among the stakeholders
has been established and it is a positive thing. We are giving security to the Maoist Leaders.
Even then there are challenges and they are not completely resolved yet. We are thinking of
how to complete it and declare the constitution in time. Army integration and rehabilitation
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are two major issues of our peace process and in order to complete the things we have to
address other five issues. As long as we address those five issues, the peace process achieves
a new height.
Everyone is talking about New Nepal. We are reading and listening about New
Nepal many times. Do you think talking and sharing the ideas about New Nepal would
make it possible? What is your vision regarding the security system of Nepal, which
might be helpful in finding a logical end to the peace process?
Nepal is historically in the new stage and going ahead is, in its way, experiencing a
transitional period. We have to rethink all traditional beliefs and values, which do not match
with present time. It is the demand of this period. After the people’s movement of
2062/63(2005/2006) we have to rethink on the issue of national security policy of our country.
It should be redeveloped on the basis of changing time and political system. We are working
to draft a new policy of national security system. National sovereignty, national integrity, and
national unity will be the focal points of our national security system. Similarly, we should
think the political change is a most and we are definitely moving to achieve this goal. Prior to
it the peace process of Nepal and drafting the constitution ought to move smoothly which
helps to build the confidence among the political parties. Right now, my top priority is to
address those issues and achieve a complete goal in time.
Nepal has already decided to be a federal country. The largest political party
Maoist is in favor of ethnic states like Newa Rajya and Tamsaling State, if we make a
division of the state on such issue there will be a chance of arising conflict or not.
What do you think?
We have already agreed to draft a federal constitution and the country cannot move back
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from this historical fact. We ought to move ahead accepting this principle and the federal
states will be declared on this historical decision. It is not possible to declare the states on an
ethnic base. It is a country of diverse people and ethnic groups. Therefore, the federal unit
should fulfill the needs of everyone rather than some handful caste and groups. Even at
present, the administrative divisions of Nepal, like zones and districts, are pluralistic. The
entire country is multiethnic and so are all the village units. Therefore, all federal units will
be multiethnic otherwise; it will lead the countries towards territorial breakup. Truly speaking
no one needs such type of federal division. In order to build a New Nepal we should develop
a new structure, which really settles the demands of people, ethnic group, gender and
backward region.
Right now, Nepal is a republican state and the political leaders of Nepal have
abolished the feudal monarch and drafted a new interim constitution to end Nepal’s
peace process. But the interim constitution is amended time and again which shows the
immaturity of the leaders. What do you think; will such type of amendment of the
constitution affect the country in the future?
Truly speaking we are in transitional phase and definitely, our interim constitution is a
transitional constitution. In order to implement the constitution and make a logical end of the
peace process we have been facing obstacles and our main goal is to settle the political
conflicts so we are in need of frequent amendment. We have made necessary changes to
address the political crisis. Every time we have been following democratic norms so the
amendment is not only for amendment’s sake. Its sole objective is to address the political
challenges of the country, so it is not odd for me.
This time we are ready for conflict management, transforming the conflict for making
necessary changes and drafting the constitution. Thus, we have some opportunities and
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challenges. No one can forecast the nature of conflict, duration of conflict, and wave of
conflict. It moves in its own path making its own end. Only we are facilitating to end the
conflict that surfaced in Nepal for years. In the past, we said we would be able to do all
necessary things in two years and we proposed two-year tenure of CA, but it took longer than
we had expected. Actually, we were not able to understand the nature of peace process and
conflict as they stand side by side and in the course of drafting the constitution of Nepal the
conflict turned to a new shape. For this, we are compelled to extend the tenure of the CA.
Unless we understand the reciprocal relation between peace process and conflict, we won’t be
able to address the problems. So we are moving towards this way.
Every time, especially after the 1990 Nepali leaders are expressing their views
that Nepal is still in transitional phase. There is an agreement between the government
and the Maoists regarding the withdrawal of weapons that were seized by the Maoists
during the war, but they have not returned all weapons. Newer political organizations
like Young Communist League and Youth Force, including other armed groups, are
being protected by the political parties. In such condition how can the government
assure the general people about security of the people who are not directly involved in
politics, and how can you maintain law and order in the country?
I am fully confident that law and order is intact in the country. The government is run by
following the Interim Constitution 2007. Any group not following the constitution
intentionally or by any cause would be liable to get action by the government and we would
be compelled to control such situations immediately. Still one thing is clear that we are
mitigating the effects of the ongoing conflict and drafting the constitution simultaneously –so
there might be some problems in understanding the give-and-take effects of those two
components. Similarly, the major thing at present is to maintain law and order, which is the
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supporting factor of mitigating the effects of conflict and making a conclusive end of the
peace process. If we are thinking of promulgating a constitution of new Nepal -we keep it in
mind that everyone should feel they are winning rather than losing in their life- we should try
to settle the problems of Nepali society. Otherwise, Nepali people would feel complete
disintegration which leads the country towards un-ending conflicts. In order to solve the
contradictions of Nepali society, continuous dialogue among the different stakeholders is a
must and the government of Nepal is following the same principle to achieve the goals.
The present government restructures the salary of the employed people in
government institutions. It is a fact that unemployed people would be the victim of
increment of salary. How do you think the unemployed people would get the benefit
from the government’s budget?
Nepali society was the direct victim of a decade-long conflict and it affected the economy
of Nepal. Unless we boost up the condition of Nepal’s economy, it will be impossible to
address the problems of Nepali people. Your question is directly concerned with this very fact.
Therefore, the main issues are linked up with improving the economic condition of Nepal,
building a dynamic economy of the country and increasing the production. For these, the
present budget has given the highest priority. As you know, we failed to table the yearly
budget in right time for the last three years. Unlike this, this year, the present government
tabled the budget in the legislature parliament. Mainly it is a pro-people budget and stands
upon the three pillars of economic policies. We are thinking of giving priority to the people so
that they can increase the production- the present budget aims towards it clearly.
There are so lapses in agricultural sectors, which we can reduce immediately. Only in this
condition can Nepali farmers be independent to work more and they can invest money in
different sectors like producing fruits, flowers, meat, milk-products. There is no way out to
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improve the economic field of Nepal without improving those sectors mentioned above. It
automatically makes the country independent and decreases trade loss and finally raises the
quality of life. For this, I hope the present budget plays a pivotal role. We have 3.5 per cent
economic growth rate, we are working day and night to increase the economic growth rate as
the present growth rate is not sufficient to meet our demands. If you ask me the same
question next year, you will find a change in economic growth rate.
Finally, what are your suggestions for my research as it is related to the entire
issues of peace process and security?
There are different models used to transform the conflict in the world, we want to
contribute our own model in this field. It has been moving ahead in its own path and if you
focus upon such things, it would be better to convince people around the world about our
own effort. Then the people living beyond our country would get the practical knowledge
about conflict management and conflict transformation; this should be the main focus of your
ample research. Now we are in the last stage of the peace process, and you are doing your
thesis on this very issue; as long as the peace process of Nepal gets a logical end your thesis
definitely gets completed. If your document becomes the part of this peace process, it would
be more logical and convincing in this regard. For this, I appreciate you and express my
sincere words about the success of this very research.
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4) Dr. Baburam Bhattarai, Vice Chairman of UCPN (Maoist), prominent leader.
During the interview period he was vice chairman of his party, but one month later he
became Prime Minister of Nepal (From August 29, 2011 to March 14, 2013). The
interview was conducted in the CPN (M) head office Paris Dada, Kathmandu Nepal on
July 23, 2011 by the author. The medium of interview was English.
I am a Ph D scholar and my title is “Post War Instability and Human Security in Nepal”
and here are some questions on the issues of Nepalese peace process.
I would like to ask some questions related to my research –peace and security
situation of Nepal. How do you think the peace process of Nepal is moving
ahead?
It is moving in a very slow pace like a snail’s motion for last five years. Though it is slower
than we had expected, it is moving successfully as there is no violation of CPA; no armed
conflict has been initiated by any warring parties. But there are certain provisions of it on
which the parties are still not coming in a common point, such as army integration and other
issues. Anyway, I think it is moving positively to achieve the goals but still things are yet to
be completed.
Do you feel any hindrances or problems that created the obstacles for the success
of peace in Nepal?
Nepal’s peace process is slightly different. We started an armed struggle for a decade; we
call it people’s war, against feudal autocracy, monarchy, and foreign domination; for
supporting the socially backward groups, women, Madeshi, Dalit and poor class. Until and
unless there is complete restructure of the state, society, and economy, we cannot have
durable peace. We never like to talk on peace in an abstract form or way, but in a concrete
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sense, it is related to the development of the country and the progress of the people –which is
the agenda of Nepal’s peace process. For this, things are moving positively.
Do you think visions like peace can prevail through developmental tools? In
addition, what are your ideas about sustainable peace?
People of Nepal resorted to armed struggle against the old state because of rampant poverty,
unemployment, and discrimination manifested in spheres of society. Until and unless the
issue of class, gender, and regional discrimination is done away with and complete equality,
freedom and prosperity are ensured in the society we can’t establish durable peace in Nepal.
As you mentioned class and society were covered thing during the people’s war;
and your student wing ran a movement and tried to close Sanskrit and English
education across the country. Don’t you think it will hamper the new generation
to disconnect them from cultural heritage of the country, and they will lose the
space in the international market due to the lack of English education?
No. Our struggle was for complete restructuring of the politics, economy and society.
Education is one of the major components of change, as you know the prevailing education
system of Nepal is not based upon equal access and it empowers only a few people,
advantaged and rich people. The fundamental thing is the majority of the people living in the
countryside are deprived of getting modern high-level education. Our movement always gave
priority to that very community and we think education should be for each and every citizen.
Thus, we were never against education and our struggle is to offer education facilities to all as
their right.
But the situation is different; mostly the public students are suffering. Students
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who were reading in capital or small cities are learning. Don’t you think those
students who were reading in the remote or in village areas were the victims
during insurgency period, as they could not continue their schooling?
No...No, schools were never closed. No school was closed but in fact, we paid attention to
run the schools regularly. Due to our movement, teachers were forced to pay more attention
in teaching-learning activities. It assured to offer quality education to students. During the
insurgency, there was a better education environment in countryside than earlier.
What kind of freedom do you and your party want to ensure to Nepali people?
Here it is understood in terms of economy, education, and empowerment of the
people.
We want real freedom. If you talk about it in the prevailing old society or in bourgeois
democratic society, freedom is understood in a general sense, which is totally abstract. But
even at present, a majority of the working people is oppressed and is spending very complex
life. Our society has a caste-hierarchy system, which subdivides the people into touchable
and untouchable castes. In our democratic setup, we envision or provide real freedom to the
majorities of the people. Only then, the working class people and poor people, women and
oppressed people get the real sense of freedom and feel complete security.
At present, everyone including political leaders talk about New Nepal but it is
not clear yet. How do you think Nepali people should understand the sense of
New Nepal?
Definitely, it is a developed and prosperous Nepal. Everyone will enjoy real and complete
freedom and everyone will have access to education, health facility, empowerment, shelter,
and food. If the people get all those facilities which are needed to have a prosperous life that
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will be the new Nepal.
How do you distinguish between the rebel CPN(M) and other parliamentary
parties? In the past, your party raised many issues and people expected many
things from your party. But when this party formed the government or joined
the government, people thought that some of its leaders are not different from
the leaders of other political parties.
People have wrong concepts regarding this issue. We want revolutionary changes in the
society. Now it is partially complete and we successfully abolished the feudal monarchy and
converted a centralized state into a federal state with secularism. These are definitely
positive gains of our movement, and some of them need to be institutionalized through a
legitimate CA in a new constitution, which is not completed yet. Apart from that, we have to
bring complete socioeconomic changes in the society. Otherwise, the revolution cannot fulfill
its goal. Unless these positive changes are established in the society, we cannot say revolution
is complete.
What we Maoists are trying to intervene is the exciting state for establishing the changes.
For that reason, we formed the government and participated in the government. At present,
we have no full control over the state. Now is the time to control the state. Until and unless
we revolutionary forces have the full control over the state, the positive changes cannot be
institutionalized and that will not work for the people. In this transitional period where the
revolution is partially successful, problems are bound to be there. But our party and we are
striving for total change; and only then, you can judge whether we are different from other
parties or not.
Let me ask you one thing related to ethnic-based federalism. CPN(M) is in favor
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of ethnic states like Newa Rajya, Tamsaling State etc. Don’t you think such type
of ethnic-based federalism is dangerous for ethnic conflict that can erupt in the
future? Do you believe it is suitable for restructuring the country?
Let me simplify on this fundamental issue of federalism. What we want to perform is to do
away with the existing unitary state and restructure the state into a federal setup, which is the
general principal of federalism. There is a debate on the basic principle among the political
parties. Our proposal is on the national basis of federalism but not on ethnic basis of
federalism. We should not have any confusion on this issue. People have wrong concept on
nationality and ethnicity. We Marxists believe in nationality-based federalism. Here
nationality means a group of people who have common territory, common language, common
economic base, and psychological make-up which come together to form nationality. We
want to restructure the country on these certain grounds but not on the grounds of ethnicity. If
you go by ethnic federalism, they will have fissiparous tendency and separatist tendency. But
we want to strengthen the unity of the country. We want to devolve much power to the federal
units so they are fully able to run and develop the federal territory. In this regard, in a real
sense, we want the unity of the country, which will be based on nationality and nationalism –
common territory, language, economic principle, and psychological makeup – but not on the
principle of ethnicity.
Now I want to ask about the lack of solid political leadership in Nepal’s political
structures. Do you think existing Nepali leadership should be empowered to
understand the democracy rather than only talking about democracy? There is
interparty and intraparty conflict in all political parties of Nepal. What do you
think about these issues?
We cannot talk of leadership in an abstract way. The development of the leadership always
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depends on the development stage of the society. Even at present, our society is passing
through medieval feudalism to modern society. In this transitional stage, naturally political
parties and political leadership will undergo changes. If you expect fully developed and
completely matured leadership this time it will not be right and here my point is that
leadership will not be changed overnight and certainly, it takes time. So it is not the time to be
pessimistic and we have to be optimistic. Nepali political parties and leaders have been
handling the present change quite successfully.
Every time, especially after 1990 to till now, Nepali leaders express that Nepal is
still in transitional period. When do you think Nepal would be a stable country?
This change means overall change of the country. Change in the field of political system,
economic system, social change, and change in cultural issues reflect the sense of overall
change. This change indicates a holistic change and after institutionalizing those changes, we
will have a new society. But in 1990, there was only political change in superstructure and
there was no basic change at all. Monarchy and feudal system was as it was in the past and
only certain parliamentary features were introduced in the old autocratic system. That was a
hybrid type of political system.
We waged insurgency against that feudal system in 1996 and only after our people’s war,
when Nepali people fought for 10 years against the feudal regime, was the old feudal system
overthrown and the real bases of democratic changes were created within the country. It took
around 60 years to make that change in the country and only at present democratic change is
about to complete. We still say we are in the transitional condition and we will be able to pass
through transition and move towards fully developed and prosperous society.
When do Nepali people get a new constitution? We extended the tenure of the
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constitution and political parties have unity while changing the provisions of Interim
Constitution 2007 in order to extend the tenure of the CA. The CA has spent most of the
time to form a government rather than drafting the constitution. Don’t you think such
type of practice would create problem in the future?
No. The election of CA takes place once in a hundred years. This is the first CA in the
history of Nepal. We should draft the constitution successfully through the CA and only three
years have passed. It will certainly take time and there is no reason to be pessimistic. In a
very short time, especially in next six months, we will be able to make a new constitution and
move towards a democratic society.
What would you suggest or comment for my research finally?
I offer my good wishes for your success, and you should try to analyze the concrete
situation of Nepal and Nepali society. Still we are passing through feudal medieval stage.
Most of the Nepali people living in rural areas practice very primitive and substantive
farming and a majority of the populace is poor, unemployed, socially excluded. People are
feeling gender, caste, and regional discrimination. Whenever we make a change in those
concepts durable peace is possible. All the time there should be the absence of violence in the
society and absence of root cause, which gives the space to the violence. If your research
provides that approach, surely it will be a great study in this field.
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5) Ram Karki, leader UCPN (Maoist) and central committee member.This interview
was conducted on July 22, 2011 at his residence in New Baneshwor Kathmandu by
the author.The medium of the interview was English.
I am a Ph D scholar and my title is “Post War Instability and Human Security in Nepal”
and here are some questions on the issues of Nepalese peace process.
Here I want to talk about security of people in terms of peace, food, education,
economy etc. What do you think of those things in the context of Nepal?
Regarding your title I want to express that peace for handful of people is encircled by
deprivation and poverty. If you want to talk about sustainable peace, we have to bridge a gap
between one strata of life to other strata of people. Otherwise, there will be the possibility of
violence in the society. We should keep in mind that peace for minority, peace for handful of
people, privilege for a few people at the cost of imagining of people is a source of violence.
Therefore, we should work to fill the gap to build peace in the society.
How do you analyze the current peace process of Nepal?
I want to put some points on people’s war; it was not merely initiated by our party in 1996;
as there was violence in the society and in fact, there was a monopoly of violence. For
hundreds of years some powerful people perpetuated the violence against the majority of
oppressed people, so for the first time our party put forward the 40-point-demand for
awakening the people, nationalities, oppressed sexes, oppressed regions, deprived people of
Terai region etc. Instead of addressing those demands, the then-government continued the
violence, so our violence was just the retaliation of the previous violence perpetuated by the
government. Now unless and until we restructure the society by addressing those grievances
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of the majority of people we can’t build peace or sustain that peace for long term.
Here other political parties have no good agenda to restructure the society. For example,
NC talks on democratic system, which aims to empower only elite people. Similarly, CPN
(UML) had no agenda for republican state, land reform, restructure of education system etc.
Both parties agreed to accept the latest agenda of republican state theoretically after the
pressure of people’s agitation across the country. They still are not fair in such things and
want to stick on the words but we want to restructure the state indeed or in practice.
Therefore, they look reluctant in this regard and want to maintain status quo. Now we feel
that there is a clear contradiction and our sole agenda is to institutionalize the changes for the
sake of majority of people whereas those parliamentary parties are hesitant upon the issues of
changes and this is the real contradiction between other parties and our party and such things
are taking place in Nepal’s peace process.
What are the main problems of peace building of Nepal? Do you think it will be a
success?
One thing is clear that even our party has created some problems. Due to our own
confusion, there are some problems. At present, our party is talking about the democratization
of the country in order to make a logical end of the peace process. Once we talk about this
process in order to change the society, we have to change ourselves. The vehicle of change is
the political party and when we proclaim we change the society, the change in the politics is a
must. Whenever we appreciate that a movement for democratization of the country or society
to empower the people, we have to change our party structure, which is the demand of
present time. If you ask me a question – what is the constitution? I think it is the
manifestation of power balance in the society. In the past, there were two forces fighting in
Nepal, now the leader of one force is out from the battle but the socioeconomic relation is
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same and it is not changed at all. If you talk about the outcome of a decade-long people’s war
neither we got victory upon the old regime nor did they win against us. Therefore, there was
an understanding among the political parties, which should be reflected in the constitution of
new Nepal. But some extreme mindset people from NC and UML opine that the constitution
should reflect their values of democracy and even at present, they claim that the Maoists
should surrender in front of the state and it should be reflected in the new constitution.
Similarly, some leaders from our party demand that the constitution of Nepal should be
written in accordance with our own political doctrine. We have to keep in mind that Nepali
people don’t want war anymore and if we wage a war this time, it is not possible to sustain.
Therefore, we should come out of that confusion and we should try to draft the constitution
addressing both realities. Similarly, at the same time in our party should try to make
necessary changes in its own structure. Once we devolve the authority of power to the local
committee, there will be sufficient strength to implement same thing in the society. As long as
we make a decision of restructuring the state, NC and UML accepted our agenda in words
and when we do, so in practice automatically they will follow us and then definitely it will
pave a way to draft the constitution and make peace sustainable.
After signing on CPA in 2006, many armed groups appeared in the country. Even
your party has stressed to restructure the country on the basis of ethnic federalism. Do
you have any vision to minimize further conflict that may arise in the country in the
future?
We as Marxists take everything like nationalism and ethnicity to strengthen the class
struggle and to strengthen socialist agenda. Even Marx supported the Irish movement to
extend the democratic movement. So even in Nepal, Brahmin, Chhetry, and hill upper caste
people have been always in power and they have captured the party organizations. Even in
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Communist parties, they are dominant. Until and unless we get support from oppressed
nationalities, women, Dalit, and Madheshi people, we can’t accomplish democratic
movement in Nepal. Without their participation in the movement, we cannot ensure their
rights practically. It guarantees to determine their destiny, which is the right to self-
determination. Now we are talking about nationalities but not ethnicity; nationality is a
developed form of ethnicity. We never emphasize the caste system or ethnicity to restructure
the country into federalism and in practice; it integrates Nepal and Nepali people. You can
talk about the migrated people to Kathmandu valley due to violence from different southern
places like Birgunj, Lahan, Rajbiraj, Kalaiya etc who use Maithali and Bhojpuri languages
and are dwelling in Kathmandu and Bhaktapur. Now you can raise a question why they did
not go to Darbhanga –geographically an adjoining part of Terai region. Here we have to
understand the aspiration and feeling of Terai people and same rule applies even in the case
of Limbu, Gurung, and other people. If we settle the issues of their fundamental demands,
there won’t be any violence in the future.
How do you define the security situation of Nepal at present?
Nepal has shared its borders with two giant emerging future superpower countries, which
are economically powerful and geographically big. As long as we have a volatile situation in
Nepal, there will be direct impact in those two neighboring countries. Therefore, if we want
to establish peace in this area we should work for that. Now is the time to formulate a
balanced diplomacy in Nepal and only in that situation can we get benefit from both countries.
As long as your party formed a government and participated in the government the
lifestyle of the leaders has changed. In the past people had the expectation from this
party. How can you differentiate between UCPN (Maoist) and other parliamentary
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political parties?
This is a major thing and we are losing this field. When we joined the peace process,
Nepali people had positive feelings, hopes, and high aspirations upon us. Our distinct
impression slightly disappeared as we formed the government or participated in other’s
government; so we have lost moral authority. During the insurgency, we had earned name and
fame or moral power and to some extent, people have the right to reserve that feeling over us.
Once we were in the wartime and we were in hardship, our necessity was very limited. After
signing the CPA in 2006, some people close to headquarters, who are in high rank-and-file,
coveted their lifestyle. As a result, some people engaged in money-earning business and other
activities. It is quite notable and we are raising this question –the question of a financial
system, which is not systematic until now, and our chairman himself is a cashier or governor
and a leader. We feel ultimately it will give a space to the tussle in the party and we hope
there will be austerity measure within the party. Every leader and cadre should maintain the
financial norms of the party and should be under the committee system; and only then will it
lead our party to a correction process.
Recently the coalition government of CPN (UML) and UCPN (Maoist) tabled a
budget in the legislature parliament and it increased salary of civil servants. But the
common populaces who are unemployed do not get anything from the budget but lose
due to increase in market price. How do you analyze it?
This budget is solely to appease the comprador class. People who claim themselves they
are industrialists; actually they are not and they do not generate any employment opportunity.
They never spend money for the construction of roads, building bridges etc. I personally
don’t agree with the principles of that budget which aims to appease some handful of people.
It never works for the common people in reality. Only certain people get benefit from the
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increment of government salary and it creates problem in the market price as the price of day-
to-day things for the common people goes up. The poor people have to face the challenges of
the budget so it can’t be a pro-people budget. When we will be in chair or in that position, we
will continue all the legacies that we claimed in the decade-long people’s war. Every party
claim they are working for the betterment of people but in reality, there is a gap between
saying and action. Many people in our party are maintaining austerity and they have no
relation with businesspersons, share agents, and contractors. At present, our sole aim is
politics and you will see what we will do when we stick with our legacy.
Do you think the constitution of Nepal will be promulgated within a deadline?
It is a very complicated process. Leaders of all political parties were enthusiastic in the
initial phase, so they expressed the view that they would do everything within six months –
they said that they would finish this thing within two months or that thing within three
months, but the time was very short. They could not foresee the future course clearly. In fact,
it is a very complicated process to go to federal democratic process from feudal stage. The
parties and leaders had to tell the Nepali people beforehand but they did not. The parties
failed to estimate the entire process of democratizing the system and drafting a constitution in
time. Other hand we have no good governance and Nepali people are restless due to the weak
government. Therefore, the framing of the constitution is not taking place properly, which has
increased the people’s anger towards political parties.
At present leaders, get united to amend the interim constitution time to time. How
about changing the constitution, as there is frequent amendment of the constitution to
fulfill the interest of the leaders? Don’t you think it would create problem for the
country in the future?
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Every constitution will have a space for amendment and it should be on behalf of the
people but not for fulfilling the interest of the leaders and elite class. Therefore, every review
should have the sole intention of giving better chances to the common people. Similarly, if
there is good governance and people are getting daily services from the government regularly,
people won’t object to the amendment. Unlike this if the prevailing situation of the country is
not good and there is corruption, there is lack of commodities, people opine that the
amendment will be for satisfying the interest of the leaders and but not for the people-
definitely in such condition it is not good.
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6) Kul Acharya, President of NRN–United Kingdom and entrepreneur. This interview
was conducted on March 17, 2012 at his residence in London. The medium of this
interview was Nepali and has been translated by the author.
I am a Ph D scholar and my title is “Post War Instability and Human Security in Nepal”
and here are some questions on the issues of Nepalese peace process.
What is the role of NRN–UK in Nepal’s peace process?
NRN–UK has played a role to facilitate the peace process. Before signing on CPA 2006,
we invited the political leaders of Nepal to UK and played a role in developing a friendly
environment in Nepal. If you are asking a question about the latest role of NRN–UK, at
present there is no direct violence among the parties; there is the absence of violence and we
have not done anything at policy level in Nepal.
What is the main problem of Nepal’s peace problem?
The main problem of Nepal’s peace process is the interest of political parties. The leaders
think whether the new constitution will please the interest of their own people or not. If you
just compare the present situation of Nepal that happened in the past especially in insurgency
period, things have changed alarmingly. Now we have to be optimistic that the constitution
will be declared on May 28.
What is your opinion on the issue of ethnicity and linguistic entities reflected in the
Constitution?
We know that Nepal is a common garden of four castes and thirty-six sub-castes. We
respected every one falling under any caste and in reality; we had a sense of tolerance. If you
ask me a question on federal division on the basis of ethnicity, it will do no good for Nepali
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people. It will be difficult to sustain for Nepal, so it will lead the country towards ethnic
disintegration. The best thing is not to go through that track.
Nepal became a republic country after 2006 and since then many armed groups have
emerged at the regional level. Even some political parties express their views about
breaking up the country if their demands are not fulfilled. What sorts of Constitutional
provisions can address those problems?
Naturally, many things appear on the surface especially in this transitional time. Different
class and people want to fulfill their demands using force and we should take it easily. If the
leaders succeed in promulgating the constitution in time it will definitely end many problems
of the people. At that time, the political parties will be sincere about the future of the country,
which will solve many things. Even at present, we have seen many changes in Nepal and the
main thing is to establish it constitutionally. After that, Nepal will enter into a developmental
stage and there will be the facilities of education, health service, electricity, good
communication system, highway service etc. and every problem will have the right end at
that time.
How do you judge the quality of Nepalese leadership? Do you think the problem of
Nepal is not solved yet due to the weaknesses of the leadership?
Definitely, there are some problems within the parties. Every party has rival contradictions.
There might be international interests in the country, which is not good for a small country
like Nepal. Therefore, the main thing is to build up a single interest of the country and move
ahead to achieve that goal.
What is your opinion regarding dual citizenship?
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We talked about dual citizenship since the birth of NRN. But the leaders and bureaucrats
took the word “duel” negatively and thought two things at a time in two hands. Then we
began to think about it differently and at present we want to put an emphasis upon “once a
Nepali forever Nepali wherever he or she lies.” At present, the seventy-five countries in the
world have that the provision to facilitate the developmental works and to lure the investment
in the respective country.
Nepali people are in different countries for getting education, employment, business and
our understanding is their citizenship should not be terminated as once they were Nepali and
still love their country. In this globalized world, there are many advantages for the first
country from the new provision of citizenship. If a child is born in United Kingdom and if he
or she has two citizenships, he or she will go to celebrate holidays in Nepal and spend money
there. It will definitely be the positive part of Nepal that we should understand in time.
Time to time we have been in Nepal in order to talk about the provision of our citizenship
issue. I think the political leaders of Nepal have understood about that very problem. The
main concern is how to address it in the new constitution and leaders are positive in this issue.
For example if a Chinese is born in UK or in USA, the Chinese government sends a passport
to the concerned person, so it is in India. These two countries are not losing anything from it
but getting benefit. The government of Nepal should take it positively and ultimately it will
do no harm for the country, it is our understanding.
How can NRN play a pivotal role in the development and the peace process of
Nepal?
Recently we were in Nepal and talked to leaders. Political change is a tool and the major
thing is to develop the country economically. In the past global conference of NRN, we
declared to generate 100-megawatt electricity and it would be our first project but not the last
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one. Every founder of NRN is positive and that would be our collective project. Similarly,
many people have invested money individually in the social sector too. But there are some
technical problems regarding the registration of companies in Nepal. We have been saying
that any Nepali living more than three months beyond SAARC countries, for getting
education, business, or employment, he or she should have the right of becoming NRN. The
government of Nepal is repeating for two years, here is a real debate between the government
and NRN. If this issue is settled, we are ready to invest in Nepal and convince other investors
to invest in Nepal. Then it will definitely boost up the economic condition of Nepal.
How do you think Nepali people living abroad are personally helping the country in
economic sector?
Many things have been done in this field. Every organization is committed to develop
Nepal and Nepali society. Last time I was in Darbang of Myagdi district to see the activity of
Nepali people living in UK. Nepali people living here handed over three ambulances of 6
million rupees. Similarly, Sahara–UK has sent 10 million rupees to build a stadium in
Pokhara and for supporting the helpless children. People from Gulmi district organized a
charity program to help for differently capable people like blind, crippled etc. One
organization opened by the people from Parbat district Char Bhanjyang established a school
and supplied a telemedicine technology to Falebas hospital of Parbat. Actually, they wanted
to hand over to the district hospital but unfortunately, they could not accept it. Similarly, I
personally have invested money to build school buildings in my village, and every time they
expect from me and I am bound to, say that how much money they will collect in the name of
school I will donate the same amount. But we have no exact figure how much money is
invested in Nepal. In three months NRN–UK has handed over 17 million rupees that we
collected through charity. The main thing the local people should take the initiation and then
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it becomes easier for us to help them. People are sending money from here but it is not
utilized properly in the village areas. You can see the trolley in Kathmandu Airport; I had
handed over there as a coordinator of that help; the situation of the trolley now is very much
depressing. We Nepali living here are ready to help there in different fields and we hope that
should be properly utilized.
A number of Nepali people came to United Kingdom during the time of insurgency.
Do you have the exact number of Nepali people in this country?
We do not have exact number of Nepali people. It is a very sensitive issue so it is not good
to bring it out publicly. Fortunately as a leader of NRN–UK, I got a chance to help many
people and got inspiration from them. It encouraged me to go ahead in this field. Some
people from Nepal came to UK during the insurgency and some went to other countries too.
People who entered this country until 2002 have got certain privileges, but we have no exact
figure of such Nepali people living here.
We know NRN is a common organization of Nepali people living beyond the SAARC
region. There are many ethnic and linguistic entities in this organization as we find in
Nepal and they are involved in many activities like awakening their own community. Do
you think it would affect the promulgation of constitution in Nepal?
You are right, as it is a common organization of all Nepali living beyond the SAARC
region. Similarly, in United Kingdom there are around 80–85 listed organizations and I know
that there are other organizations existed in this country. If we count all including racial or
ethnic organizations, it will be definitely 200 only in this country. But they are not trying to
break up the situation and their sole intention is to unite Nepali people. We respect each other.
Here we have many problems, as we are the first generation in UK. The number of ex-retired
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army and their family members is very high in UK. Many organizations are working to
establish their rights in UK and we take that positively. The main thing is that every
organization is united under the umbrella organization of NRN–UK and is ready to work with
it. About such organizations affecting the promulgation of the constitution in Nepal, my
simple answer is it would not hamper at all. As far as I know, no organization opened here
has spent money for ethnic division in Nepal. Therefore, every organization has positive
thinking towards Nepal and Nepali people.
How is the condition of Nepali people living in this country?
Here the majority of people are Gorkhas and I think after the decision of British
government in 1997 most of the Gorkhas came here along with their parents and families. It
created the problem of integration in British society. Then, the students are in second majority.
Due to the provision of British government to attract, the foreign students in 2009–10 most of
the Nepali students came here with high expectations. Immediately they became the victim of
changing policy of the government and they lost jobs. The next problem is many private-run
colleges closed down due to government’s policy and ultimately the students suffered. Some
of them left this country and chose another country to survive and continue their education.
On the other hand, even the doctors, nurses, and businesspersons are in hardship. Let us hope
it is our first generation and everything would be solved in the future.
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7) Indra Gurung, London, UK, ACCA (Association of Chartered Certified
Accountants).This interview was conducted on March 28, 2012 at his residence at
Greenford London by the author. This medium of this interview was English.
I am a Ph D scholar and my title is “Post War Instability and Human Security in Nepal”
and here are some questions on the issues of Nepalese peace process.
Originally, I am from Pokhara and have been living in UK for five years. I am doing my
ACCA in London, UK.
What do you think of peace process going in Nepal?
I have been here for five years in UK when the peace process was going on smoothly in
Nepal. Even at present, it is not completed yet, so I do not know much about it. But one thing
is clear: the conflict among the political parties is going on and they want to fulfill their
vested interests.
What are the main problems of Nepal’s peace process? Do you think it will be a
success?
The main problem lies in the interests of political parties. They want to pull each other’s
legs. Unless they get rid of such type of thinking, it won’t be a success.
After the political movement of 2006 many armed, groups appeared in Nepal and
they want to push the country towards the long-lasting conflict. Do you have any vision
or idea to minimize such conflict in Nepal?
They want to hold power through conflict. I think there is a need of political awareness,
which helps to minimize the conflict. If we go ahead with strong determination, we can
minimize the conflict.
What is the role of NRN in the peace process of Nepal?
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NRN involves the people who live outside the country. Directly or indirectly, they are
involved in improving their economic conditions. In the meantime, they have the role in the
peace process of Nepal.
NRN is raising the voice for dual citizenship. Do you think it is necessary for NRN
people?
I think dual nationality is necessary for NRN people, as they want to go to their country
easily. We do have many relationships there, we can meet our people, and ultimately it will
guarantee of liberal economy.
During the insurgency, many displaced people came to UK. Do you know about
those people who came here?
They are lucky who got the advantage of going abroad and some of them returned home
whenever the peace process initiated in Nepal.
How is the condition of Nepali people who came here during insurgency time?
Their condition is pretty much good in UK as UK is in better condition than Nepal.
Everyone knows that is a fact and that is why they are here.
What is your suggestion for the betterment of Nepal?
My suggestion to all the youth who are much more educated, they should not run behind
the political parties and leaders. Those people who are running after the political parties I
want to suggest they use the leaders for the betterment of the country. They should take
initiatives about the politics but they should not run behind the politicians. Only in such
condition, there might be the possibility of going ahead and developing the country.
Do you favor federalism?
I am not quite sure about it now.
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8) Dolendra Khadka, living in UK for 20 years; he went there to study and worked as
RND chemist and researcher. At present, he is working in a college. The interview
was conducted on March 18, 2012 in his residence at Greenford, London by the
author. The medium of this interview was English.
I am a Ph D scholar and my title is “Post War Instability and Human Security in Nepal”
and here are some questions on the issues of Nepalese peace process.
How do you analyze the peace process of Nepal?
The situation of Nepal’s peace process depends on how you define its components.
Anyway, it is going on to establish peace in Nepal. I sometimes find it difficult to talk about it.
In Nepal, the Maoists and the NA are not enemies of each other. It is my perception. If they
are not the enemies, I don’t know whether it is a peace process or not.
What is the main problem?
If you call it is a peace process, the main problem of it is the matter of army integration.
Political leaders and security people should think about the impact of integration in Nepal.
Again, I think if they work hard, it will work.
The government of Nepal collected the weapons in different cantonments and they
are not separated from the Maoist army. In such conditions, what you think about the
current integration process. Are you in favor of wholesale integration?
I am not in favor of integration. It might have bad consequences in the future. If the group
of people has some kind of ideological connection, there will be less possibility of being
neutral in the future. Perhaps they won’t be mentally and psychological fit for the NA to act
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without taking any sides. It will be the problem inside the country and it can affect NA’s
credibility at the international level as well. Even in the international conflict, it might have a
bad effect.
You said integration is not necessary. Do you mean the leaders of Nepal lack
leadership quality to make a decision rationally?
I have already mentioned that the leaders should not integrate the Maoist army in NA.
Instead, it would be a good thing if they were given certain jobs in other places. The
government should find out any specific way out to use those resources somewhere else
inside the country. Otherwise, it might be a problem in the future.
You have already mentioned army integration is the main problem and again
you said integration should not be done. In order to make a logical end of the peace
process and to draft the constitution, the election of CA is held but still there are
many problems in this case. Who do you think is/responsible for it?
Mainly it is the weakness of political parties. They have their own vested interests so they
are inclined towards their own issues. They might have some personal interests along with
the interests of the parties to be fulfilled. They are wasting time rather than thinking about the
issues of the country. What you see in European countries, the leaders always give priority to
the national interests rather than individual business. If they think in such a way, there won’t
be any problem. Otherwise, we should say that it would be leaders’ irresponsibility.
After 2006, many armed groups and radical political parties emerged in regional
levels. Naturally, they can create religious as well as regional conflicts in Nepal.
Do you have any vision to minimize such conflicts?
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UCPN (Maoist) raised weapons for change in Nepal and started armed conflict in the past
against the country. There will be the continuity of such violence even in the future and some
other groups in existence will follow the same path. The past conflict was just the beginning
initiated by the Maoists. They have learned from the Maoists that weapons would be a tool to
do the job and really, it would be a bad tradition in the country.
Do you see the possibility of ethnic conflict in Nepal in the future?
There is the possibility of ethnic conflict in Nepal and the seed of the ethnic conflict is
planted in Nepal’s soil by the political leaders. The leaders intend to make federalism in terms
of ethnic base, linguistic base etc., which is rubbish. Nepal is a tiny country with mixed castes
and cultures. There was a good diversity of human beings. If we divide the country in the
name of language, religion, caste etc., it will invite a disastrous situation in the future.
In Nepal, people are conscious in politics and if we go in deep level, there is a problem in
election. Political leaders express what they are doing is to empower the people. How do
you study the security situation of Nepal in line with democratic practice and people’s
empowerment?
The revolution of 1990 brought some changes in Nepali society. Immediately Maoists went
against the state in 1996 and raised weapons. In a very short time, all political leaders went
against king’s power, which had created many problems in Nepal’s politics. The caste system
was not a real problem there and it was a diminishing trend, which is certainly good for the
people. Similarly, empowering the people is good and it helps to strengthen the democratic
culture in the society. As you said Nepalese people are conscious in politics –it is good if they
are involved in politics. I know in Nepal people from disadvantaged group, backwards
society etc. are attached with Maoists or some kind of Communist parties. If they are
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conscious, they can contribute in the political process of Nepal. It is better if they are
concerned with their rights of the people.
Do you think the political parties give space to the King in the new constitution?
The king is already gone and I have not seen any possibility of the revival of his power.
Some people, perhaps 10 per cent, continue to appreciate him, but that is a very small figure.
He is gone forever, but there lies a problem that the leaders of political parties are trying to
occupy his space. They are thinking of abusing the power and collecting money to enjoy
luxurious life, which never sounds good at all.
What will be the situation of Nepal after promulgation of a new constitution?
I am not sure about it. Unless the political leaders follow democratic norms and perform
democratic practice, peace won’t prevail in Nepal even after the promulgation of new
constitution. This is my perception and the situation is very tough now.
Many people were displaced in Nepal due to the effect of government activities or
the problem created by the Maoist during a decade-long conflict. Some of the
displaced people might have been this country. What is their condition in UK?
I know people were displaced during a decade-long conflict. People were forced to leave
their homeland due to the effect of armed insurgency. The impact of the conflict was felt high
in the western part of Nepal like Rolpa, Jumla, Mugu etc. and they moved to Nepaljung or
Dang. Perhaps some of them who had a little bit resources went to Kathmandu or Pokhara. I
do not think they went to UK, Japan, Korea, and other European or western countries, as they
had no resources and power at all. In my view, they had the easiest access to go to India
where they could earn money doing manual work. It was their second choice.
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How is NRN playing a role in settling the problem and writing a constitution in
Nepal?
I do not think NRN has that expertise to help writing the constitution and settling the issues
of Nepal. Actually, they claim to be helping, but no significant contribution has been made.
Even if they have some experts to contribute, who are in that position; here I mean to say
who are ready to pay attention NRN’s advice. Nepalese political leader in Nepal has that
culture.
Many Nepali people have been here for many reasons. What is the main pulling
factor to Nepali people to be in UK?
There are many reasons behind it. If you ask me, I came here 20 years ago for my further
study. I had a strong desire of becoming a scientist and there was no way out in Nepal.
Similarly, at present many people come here for different intentions. Some people come here
to continue their education, get jobs, and for business. For whatever reasons they come here
everyone’s sole goal might be to succeed in life. They want to compete in the global level, as
there are very limited resources in Nepal for the young generation.
Do you think the pulling factor of Nepali people to UK might be a security
reason?
It might be true to some extent. When I went to Kathmandu, I saw an ambulance going
somewhere without taking any medical equipment. Again, the road was not clear enough for
it to be on time. If you want to take an ambulance service in UK, it is fast and reliable service.
We get this service in five to ten minutes. Similarly, we get police service in five to ten
minutes. If anyone has the problem of heart attack, he or she will be in hospital in time. But
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the situation is very tough in Nepal. We will not have any chance to get those services in time
and a patient may die while going to hospital. If you have the experience of advanced life in
the western countries, you will feel very troubled in Nepal. However, even in UK, here are
some people they want to be back their home country to do something for the home country
and definitely, it is good.
Do you have any vision that the political leaders should follow to build up a New
Nepal?
Frankly speaking the leaders are not realistic and always talk about rubbish things. From
past to present they have been talking more than they are performing. It means they talk
about impossible things. They get involved in the political activities to grab opportunity or
hold power. It readily proves that they are dishonest and they want to divert the general
people’s mind to somewhere else. They play trick to make the people not free. My suggestion
is -the leaders’ image should be clean and pure to improve their behavior so that people will
have trust upon them.
What do you think about the crisis that happened in Terai region and we always
see the problem in broader area?
Everyone talks about it is an issue of nationality. What I think is that India, being a very
big and powerful country, does not have any interest as it has its own internal problems and it
does not get anything from Nepal. But a federal state of India like Bihar and Uttar Pradesh
might have ill intentions towards Nepal. If we divide the country based on ethnic federalism,
there will be definitely a problem. The people living in one federal state might have the
cultural connection with the people living in Indian Federal state, and a Nepali citizen living
in Nepal’s federal unit can feel he or she belongs to the part of India. If it happens, it will be a
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disastrous for the country and not worth it at all. Indian leaders blame Pakistan and say
Pakistan has the invisible hand to create insecurity in India if there is anything wrong in India.
Similarly, Nepali people blame India for its role in fueling the problem in Nepal, but I never
think like that. If our leaders have strong vision and political determination or if they are able
to show their political quality, they can stand up against anybody to fight. Our fundamental
problems are internal crisis and corruption and if they are controlled or settled, we can really
strengthen our nationality. Therefore, there is no meaning of blaming India or western
countries.
Do you think Nepali leaders lack solid leadership quality so that Nepali people
are getting troubled?
Nepali political leaders are influenced by different political ideologies written some
centuries ago in different countries. I think it is not good at all and leaders can claim their
ideology is good. I think definitely it was good in the time when that ideology was written but
time and the situation of the world is drastically changed. If we compare the situation of Mao
Zedong’s long march in Nepal, it never suits with our situation. Lenin started his revolution
and encouraged people to fight against the Tsar system, as there was ethnic discrimination
worse than in Nepal. He completely controlled power in Russia and made necessary changes.
UCPN (Maoist) encouraged Nepali people to fight against the feudal system of Gyanendra,
but Maoist leaders won’t be able to hold complete power in Nepal as the present time is the
period of democracy and no party can go against democratic norms. The problem with our
leaders is that they read history and try to apply that in Nepal so they are in trouble.
Ultimately, Nepali people have been the victim of that impractical political doctrine.
Time to time Nepali people fought for democracy. Nepali people reestablished a
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democratic system in 1990 and immediately the Maoists raised weapons in 1996.
What was the main reason that causes the failure of democratic system in Nepal
time to time?
I do not think multiparty democratic system failed in Nepal. There are many factors
responsible and the leaders are not used to exercising it practically and all the time the royal
palace of Nepal tried to be in power. The power was misused in Nepal, and sometimes the
king was not fair and the group of people who enjoyed power in the past in Nepal tried to
bring the king in power for their vested interests –actually, it is wrong. The political leaders
could not understand the psychology of that gang who never want to establish peace in Nepal.
After 1990, Girija Prasad Koirala and Manmohan Adhikary ruled the country but they always
failed to do the right thing in time and showed the trend of biting tongue. They always failed
to deliver right information clearly in front of the people. It was their weakness but not the
failure of democratic system. On the one side palace played unfair game and on the other side,
the Maoist leader Dr. Baburam Bhattarai and some other leaders successfully manipulated the
minds of Nepali people. In Nepal, people are fighting but they even do not know why they
are fighting and even the Maoist combatants do not know why they joined the Maoist army. It
is a reality. People always run after rumor. I think what is happening in Nepal has been good
and at least Nepali people got rid of the feudal autocratic regime of Gyanendra and people
had been free from the feudal king some decades ago. Now we are in much better condition
and place, as the source of discrimination is gone now. Therefore, the thing has not gone
wrong and certainly, it takes time to run democratic institutions smoothly.
What is the problem of Nepal at present as the political leaders are trying to hold
power in Nepal?
As I told you, the position of big king is empty now and some short kings are on the stage,
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which is not good for Nepal. The problem is the leaders are not ready to understand the
problems of Nepali people. Unless they follow the democratic culture and system, there
won’t be any chance of driving the country to meet the goal of twenty-first century. The
peace process is a bargaining point for the leaders and in such conditions; the peace process
definitely won’t be a success. The leaders should not behave like the previous king and their
sole intention should not be guided to write their names under the list of Prime Minister’s
name. It is always bad for Nepal and Nepali people.
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9) Interview with Puspa Kamal Dahal “Prachanda,” ex-Prime Minister of Nepal
(August 19 2008- May 25, 2009) and Chairman of CPN(M). This interview was
conducted on February17, 2014 at his residence in Lazimpat, Nepal by the author.
The medium of the interview was Nepali and translated by the author.
I am a Ph. D scholar and I am pursuing my Ph D on “Post War Instability and Human
Security in Nepal” Here I have some queries on the peace process.
What are the problems of Nepalese democratization process?
Nepal was ruled by autocratic regime since long, and even the political change of 1990 failed
to address the fundamental issues of democracy. It was deep-rooted on feudal structure and
its control in the means of production. Whenever we were fighting against the feudal regime,
we were thinking how we could change the feudal structural pattern of means of production.
To some extent, we succeeded in the case of federalism republican state, inclusion,
participatory democracy through the first CA. Right now is the time to institutionalize them
in a new constitution. As long as they are reflected in the constitution, and Nepali people use
them in practice this process will be completed.
What do you think about the peace process of Nepal?
We think the fundamental issues of peace process have been completed. In this sense, we are
successful in making a logical end of the peace process. PLAs have already integrated in NA,
and the issues of arms and weapons are already completed under the leadership of our party.
If you talk about other things like the case of disappearance, and truth and reconciliation
committee are yet to be completed. We think all the cases that occurred during the time of a
decade long people’s war has to be solved by the truth and reconciliation committee.
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What do you think on TRC, and how will it be formed?
I have already told you it is a part of Nepali peace process. Nepalese political parties had
already agreed on TRC, and they had sent it to the President for approval. Recently the
Supreme Court has given a final decision, as a case was filed against the provision of TRC.
The Court said to make two different committees on the case of disappearance and TRC.
Now political parties are working for making both commissions.
What sort of freedom will your party impart to Nepalese people?
Politically Nepalese people ought to be free from feudal political system and we are in search
of a democratic system in which the workers, laborers, peasants, women, minority group,
Madhesi, indigenous community, untouchable caste, Muslim, backward community etc
would be politically and economically empowered. We are on the way to finding a political
system in which there would not be a huge gap between poor and rich people, and that the
economic system would be based on mixed economic system and the people would be
benefited from economic development. We are planning to offer culturally autonomous
system to empower the people.
What is your opinion on ethnic and multiethnic federalism?
Really, it has created a political confusion among Nepali people. We think people failed to
understand it politically. We are in favor of federalism, which would be free from caste-based
domination. We think no one would be threatened by any other groups or even from the
political power of the state. In fact, a political achievement could get capitalistic rights being
free from feudalistic political system.
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The first CA formed in 2008 failed to promulgate a new constitution. The
election of CA, which is held, recently is different in terms of political power
balance. What do you think of the election of new CA and peace process?
Everyone knows the first CA failed to promulgate a constitution for making a new Nepal.
Again, it has done many things regarding the issues of new constitution. Eight per cent of
required works for the new constitution have been done and only twenty per cent worked are
incomplete. Thus, that was a great achievement. Again, major political parties have agreed to
get the ownership of previous works that were completed by the first CA. I am hopeful the
present CA would complete the incomplete works for the promulgation of new constitution
and complete two major issues of peace process that I have already shared with you.
If we analyze the structural pattern of Nepalese political parties, the scholars
find Nepal lacks a solid leadership. What is your opinion on it?
Leadership is a historic development of the country. It comes out of a historical process, and
in the present leadership of political parties, the reflection of present transitional phase is
being reflected. It is true. But it is not a fact if anyone says Nepal lacks a good leadership.
Even at present Nepalese people think, our party UCPN (Maoist) has a potentiality for a
grand political change and it has a power for institutionalizing all achievements that we got
through a decade-long People’s War, the people’s movement and other movements. For this, I
had worked with the late Girija Prasad Koirala. As long as I headed the government after the
first election of CA, the entire procedure of peace process began. After the completion of
peace process, the country will move ahead in the path of economic development and
definitely all those things would be made complete by the existing leadership of Nepal.
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After signing on CPA, many small political groups and arms groups are seen in
the political arena of Nepal. What do you think about their activities and their
prospects for initiating new conflict in the future?
I do not think so. If we succeeded to draft a new constitution for a new Nepal based on
socioeconomic and cultural rights of the people, they would not be involved in any type
of conflict and all sorts of political movements of small groups will disappear. After the
promulgation of new constitution, whenever the unemployed young people would get
employment and the country moves ahead in the course of economic development,
automatically all issues would be solved.
What is your advice regarding my Ph D?
I think you would be successful in completing your study in time. The Nepali peace process
is moving ahead in its own way and it is too unique. I have talked to the officials at UN and
other international organizations that the path and contents of Nepali peace process would be
useful in solving local, regional, and global issues of political crisis. There are still many
problems in Africa, East Europe, Latin America, South America, and even in Asia; and the
achievement of Nepalese peace process would be useful to address the issues of different
places that I have mentioned. So, I am hopeful that your dissertation would bring all the light
parts of Nepalese peace process and others will learn a lot from it.
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10) Interview with Dr. Sanjaya Kumar Mishra, Patan Multiple Campus Lalitpur. This
interview was conducted on February19, 2014 in Lalitpur, Nepal by the author. The
medium of interview was English.
I am a Ph D scholar and I am pursuing my Ph D on “Post War Instability and Human Security
in Nepal” Here I have some queries on the peace process.
What do you think of Nepalese peace process?
Right now it is fine and the country is going forward smoothly. In the past, we felt a great
problem. The Maoist had raised the political agenda and in that case, the country handled
it politically. Now everything is over, and if the constitution were promulgated in the right
time, Nepali people certainly would be very happy.
You are from the Terai region, again you are living in Kathmandu for a long time,
what do the Terai people think of the ongoing peace process?
You are right I am living in Kathmandu and involved in my teaching profession at
Tribhuvan University. Again I have some sort of legacy in the Terai region. Every one
suspects about the activities of Terai people, as they got no political rights in the past. If
you ask me about the prospects of peace process of Nepal they are very much happy.
Even the people who were unidentified felt happiness as long as they got political identity
after signing on CPA in 2006. People from different communities have been represented
in CA. Again, this process has not ended and still the state should respect them very much.
What sort of freedom do they expect from the country?
Since they are the citizens of this country, they should be treated equally. They should not
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feel any sort of discrimination; again it is equally applicable in the case of all the people
living inside Nepal. They should enjoy all sorts of constitutional rights and they should
feel proud within their territory.
Do you think there is the possibility of emerging conflict in Terai and other parts
of the country?
If you need the answer in one word, it is ‘No’. Again, it is not the people who create the
conflict, but it depends on the policy of the government. What the people need at present
freedom for education, health, and property. In addition, for this the government should
get the responsibility. Nepali people at present are in favor of peace, empowerment,
inclusion, respect for human right of all the people, prosperity, and employment. If they
get all these provisions and state security in the politics, no one would stand for fighting
at all.
What are your suggestions for my Ph D?
Everyone claims Nepalese peace process has certain unique aspects. We should bring
these to the front. I wish your study will be helpful for establishing peace within and
beyond the country.
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11) Interview with Mr. Shreehari Subedi, Entrepreneur, working at Shangri-La Group
of companies (Hotel, Resort, and Travel) as a Manager.This interview was conducted
on February18, 2014 in Lainchour, Nepal by the author. The medium of the
interview was English.
I am a Ph. D scholar and I am pursuing my Ph. D on “Enhancing Freedom through Peace
Building: Finding Roles, Actors, and Theories towards Nepalese Determination.” Here I have
some queries on the peace process.
What is the main cause of hindrances for further democratization in Nepal?
There is still the lack of consciousness of leaders, which I found from the very beginning.
Now, writing the constitution should not be delayed for long.
How do you scale the people's security? What should people expect for New Nepal?
As compared to the 10-year Maoist insurgency, now, people are mostly secure. It is really
sad to say Nepalese still don’t have basic things: water supply, electricity, fuel. These basic
things need to be guaranteed in New Nepal. Industries, employment, foreign investment
should be focused on.
How is the peace process going on? Do you think that it will be concluded soon as it has
being lingering for the long time?
It is good that peace process had started already. We are confident it will be concluded.
Any processes to conclude always take a long time, however, when there will be the common
interest to fulfill such mandate, then, it will be concluded. Without vested interest, if all
politicians will work then it is not a long way.
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What are the main obstacles for the peace building? Do you think the current so-
called ongoing peace process would success? I use “so-called,” since people are
almost losing hope. But, it is good that it is not a failed state still.
There is lack of consensus, motivation for the time being. It will definitely be a success
when all stakeholders show their positive attitude.
What is security and law in Nepal's present context? Can you please elaborate as it
is said there is no law and order at all?
As this is the interim or transition phase, it is true that there are several loopholes in law and
legislation. But, I don’t agree that there is no law and order. The first thing we have to
understand is that our police administration is the no. 1 in south Asia, according to recent
surveys. So, they are working day and night to try to give full security. In the meantime there
are some hooligans who are protected by leaders that are pathetic, which we hope will not go
on much longer?
What do you think about TRC? It is still a hot issue but still not in a delicate form.
For your information, TRC will definitely form, only the process and some contradictions
are there which is delaying it.
When we listen to interviews and read the news, we get one kind of message, which
is that political parties are trying to save criminals, take law, and order into their
own hands. So in such a situation what we can expect the New Nepal and new
constitution that lead the nation to peace?
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As already told, it is transition phase, we are still drafting constitution, hence, it will take
time but definitely once, we have all in black and white form. It will be eagerly hard for any
leaders to protect. In the past also, it has happened. We can see the examples of Khum Bdr.
Khadka, Govinda Raj Joshi and so on... their political careers are finished and so the
upcoming leaders will be corrected. The new Nepal and the Constitution will emerge.
First historical CA practically failed to draft and promulgates a New Constitution
for Nepal. Now, the second CA was held on November 19, 2013 and result of the
latest election is different, as reflected a new political power balance after 2008.How
do you interpret New CA election and Peace process?
Frankly speaking, this is what people originally wanted, this recent political balance. The
recent political parties in power have real ideology, way to form federal states not by castes
and ethnicity, division of natural resources when needed, and state formation.
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12) Interview with Prof. Som Prasad Gauchan Political Science, Tribhuwan University,
(TU), Kirtipur. Kathmandu. This interview was conducted on July 17, 2015 in
Balkhu, Kirtipur, Nepal. The respondent was interviewed in Nepali and translated in
English by the author.
I am a Ph. D scholar and I am pursuing my Ph D on “Post War Instability and Human
Security in Nepal”. Here I have some queries on the peace process.
What are the problems of Nepalese democratization process?
When you ask this question, I understand that you mean why Maoist insurgency occurred in
Nepal. As long as the insurgency started, the democratization processes was disturbed. I
think this is what you mean. When we are talking about democratization process, we have to
look back on the beginning of Panchayat System; then let me talk on the Constitution of the
Kingdom of Nepal, which was brought through the mass movement of 1990. It is a political
movement for restoration of democracy. It came smoothly and there are many factors
behind that political change – there was even international influence. It was completed with a
compromise between political parties and monarchy. After that, a coalition interim
government was formed under the leadership of Krishna Prasad Bhattarai. As the
government was formed in 1990 under, the multiple democracy people had lots of
expectations. However, when the government of NC ruled the country even after holding
the general election in 1991 and government adopted liberal economic policy such as free
market economy, free economy, privatization, and ultimately it widened internal conflict and
brought the political instability. If you look on the economic data you can see the gap
between the haves and haves not; and it gave a political space to Maoist to raise the issues of
poor people, women, indigenous community, Dalits etc. It made conducive environment to
Maoist for initiating that conflict.
Due to political instable situation, economical gap between the haves and haves not
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was increasing which made the people disappoint. For democratization, process there should
be the stable government, and the political parties should follow rules and regulations of
democracy. Respect of Human rights, freedom of judiciary and representation of social
groups in the structural level and welfare of people and communities are key frameworks for
the democratization, which we really lack in Nepal. Institutional growth, the delivery of
goods and rule of law play the roles for democratization; and how political parties guide and
play the roles to guarantee these things. In the case of Nepal, political parties do not show
such tendency but use much more power, which is a vulnerable point for democratization
process.
What do you think of Nepalese peace process?
Nepal peace process is really strange and unique. The insurgent group Maoist decided to
initiate the peace process in Nepal is one part of unique thing. Normally when any group
initiates the conflicts, it will not be easy to come in the peace process. If we look on other
countries, which were conflicting situation it is not simple thing to come in peace process –
you see the hurdles in peace process even in the case of Latin American countries. Now
people do not understand this complexity as the situation has been normal at present. If you
look on those past days on 2056/57 every day, every second there was bomb blast, killing,
kidnapping, and the fierce battle in which ordinary people, police, journalists, business
persons were dying. In that time Maoist, influence had covered almost 70/80 percent of rural
area. Maoist leaders use to express "hit on the head of enemy leaping on its backbone.
Though Maoists were inspired by the principle of Mao Zedong, they tried to transform his
ideas in the context of Nepal. Maoist strategy is to surround the city by villages and to control
urban areas through the control of highway. In such terrible situation, as well Maoist used the
fear psychosis then attracted people towards Maoist. For example in Kuvende Bhanjyang in
Sidhupalchowk one journalist was killed -Maoist blamed, he was a spy and killed him in the
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crossroad of the village and left his dead body for more than two or three days. It created
fear among the people and they felt insecurity.
Why Maoist concluded that they should come to peace process in Nepal and Maoist
conflict suddenly got high intense in Nepal. They were in the road to make it success but it
could not get the complete result due to geopolitical situation. India has played a role to make
a plausible understanding – different meetings were held in India to make negotiation among
the political parties, to succeed the peace process. However, one major factor is that India
wanted to control Nepalese politics by making a negotiation and ending monarchy through
the Maoist conflict. Another factor is that if the conflict lasts for years there will be
unnecessary interference of international countries in the country and political power will be
used by NA. Those are the reason Maoist came to peace process.
What is your opinion on ethnic and multi-ethnic federalism?
After a huge political change, many slogans came in the surface. In the beginning, there
was no discussion on federalism. Maoist's demand was holding the election constitution
assembly for drafting the constitution –as Maoism and Constituent Assemble are
contradictory terms. Constitutionalism is base of political stability. Human rights,
independent judiciary system or fundamental rights are not changeable in constitutionalism.
For getting these achievements, constitution is necessary. Maoism believes in an idea, which
tries to lead the politics into new direction through power. Their interpretation is different
than constitutionalism – as the Maoists are talking on human rights and economic rights of
the common people.
In Nepal federalism, every caste and region have their own characteristics. For solving the
problems of ethnic groups, they must have certain political rights; and the specific region
they should have their own state. Only in that situation, we can solve their problem. The
centralized state cannot address the issues of locals in practical way. If you talk about the case
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of Jumla, it will take long hours to come to Kathmandu for solving the problems and need
more money –in that case, the federalism can help solve the problem.
Federalism is very complex issue. What I talked before is about theoretical part but
frankly, it is not bad idea for federalism. Regional and community base federalism is not bad.
In other terms, it gives more political power to local state. Further, the setup of federalism is
making another new Nepal. Nepal is in very sensitive geographical situation and we should
consider future perspective and our national security.
What do you think about Nepali 22/23 Rajya (state)? Do you not think Nepal is
going back to past history?
Now the condition is different. In the past, there was King in all Rajya –the state was free and
sovereign. At present Nepal is only a federal country and the government are elected by
people and we are in the process of making powerful central government.
What is the impact of earthquake in Constitution making?
Powerful earthquake and frequent aftershocks devastated the Nepal. It caused a national
disaster. Many youths are helping other people without considering the situation of their
home. NA, police played vital role for rescue. It makes positive vibes on all people
including political parties as well. More than five lakh houses are damaged and millions of
people are homeless and national economy is back for more than 10 years. This time how to
overcome with this disaster? In addition, how to support to the victims of earthquake have
been national agenda. In such situation, political leaders thought positively and did necessary
homework to solve the crisis. In spite of political differences, the leaders came to a
conclusion that they should be united for a political consensus. It brought them in one point
and 16 point understanding was made for making new political commitment. Therefore, they
are on the process of writing Constitution.
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13) Interview with Sangita Khadha Secretary Federation of Nepali Journalists.
Kathmandu. This interview was conducted on July 18, 2015 in Babarmahal,
Kathmandu, Nepal. The medium of the interview was Nepali and translated by the
author.
I am a Ph. D scholar and I am pursuing my Ph D on “Post war instability and Human Security
in Nepal”. Here I have some queries on the peace process.
What are the problems of Nepalese democratization process?
When we look on Nepali politics, there were different movements but it could not come in
track. Since 2007 to till now the country is in transitional phase – we read the political
movement of 1990 and experienced the situation of a decade long insurgency in Nepal.
There was change in political structure, but we felt no change in formal political system.
Though there was change in system, bureaucracy was not changed at all. It was quite rigid
and it could not cooperate the government. Further, every time there was problem in
implementing the political agendas. This is the main problem of Nepalese democratization
process.
What do you think of Nepalese peace process?
The ending of peace process is to get rights of victim of Nepal's Maoist insurgency. During
the conflict time, there were many incidents, which were done by both party government and
Maoist. There are many people who were displaced and number of disappearances in both
sides is still unknown. As well during the verification of Maoist combatant, some people
who had worked as army were disqualified should make settlement for their normal life. In
that case, Nepal peace process will be complete. It means there are some practical problems.
What do you think on TRC recently it was formed?
At first, it was given very important but when it was formed, it got low priority. The process
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of formation of TRC is also not adequate. TRC now has been only the branch of Peace and
reconciliation Ministry.TRC will be very important if it functions properly and addresses the
remaining problems of peace process. In this sense peace, process will be complete.
After signing on CPA, many small political groups and arms groups are seen in
the political arena of Nepal. What do you think about their activities and their
prospects for initiating new conflict in the future?
When Maoist started people's war for the first time, it was a small party. In fact, issue was
genuine and it got popularity among the people. Now the Maoist war and mass movement is
somehow complete, still peace has not prevailed. Unless current government and political
parties bring the equal economic policy to reduce poverty, give employment and security,
people think it will be. Otherwise, there is a chance of occurring the conflict.
Do you think Nepali leaders lack solid leadership quality so that Nepali people
are getting troubled?
If you study it from the view point of Nepalese people, 90 per cent people will accept that
that is real. But I think they have certain ability to lead the people. Certainly, they have some
weaknesses, which had to be corrected. Some Nepalese leaders have come through the
mass movement. As long as they reach on government position, they never maintain their
position and fail to address the problems of people. It is the problem of our leadership.
What is your opinion on ethnic and multi-ethnic federalism?
For the practical development of the country, we must go to federalism. It will help for
development but when it comes to demarcation line we must think carefully.
What sort of freedom Nepalese people like?
Nepali people are really smart even though government has not fulfilled basic problems. We
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are lacking government plan and policy, if you announce for voluntary work people are ready
for that. Here, we can gather mass and mobilize them for betterment. Nepalese people are
really great. Still we are lacking proper development. Political leaders failed to make proper
development of the country, which we are missing.
What is the impact of earthquake in Constitution making?
When the earthquake hit, the very day I thought that earthquake cannot differentiate between
people and political leaders. They definitely got certain lesson from it and realized that we
should not fight for tiny issue. After few days, we from our office went many places and
met the earthquake victims. I found that this disaster gave awareness on political parties that
in this critical time we should think collectively and go ahead for the betterment of the
country. Political parties reach to a new understanding; it helped for constitution making
process.
What would you suggest or comment for my research finally?
Thank you and best of luck for your research.
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14) Interview with Bikash Lamsal, Leader CPN (UML), 2nd CA member. This interview
was conducted on July 18, 2015 in Kalopul, Kathmandu, Nepal. The medium of the
interview was Nepali and translated by the author.
I am a Ph. D scholar and I am pursuing my Ph D on “Post war instability and Human Security
in Nepal”. Here I have some queries on the peace process.
What are the problems of Nepalese democratization process?
For Nepalese democratic process, I saw that the problem in leadership –they are incomplete
to follow the rule regulation and lack certain moral characteristics. Since long single and
autocratic system ruled, the country and we have the effects of that system. From this view,
our leadership is not able to face the problem of our democracy. This is the reason that our
democracy time to time repeatedly faced different challenges. Now we had huge change, the
CA is making constitution and this will grantee all the rights of people. From now, onwards
Nepalese political path will go ahead.
What do you think of Nepalese peace process?
We have done many agreements in parliaments. Like 12-point agreements, we are still having
inequality in society base on the gender as well as economic disparities. Not only that but
also there are very issues like Dalit, Janajati, etc. In the past we had isolation on the basis of
geography. Now we are trying to address all these issues through the CA. We are
materializing the agreements between the all parties, interim constitution 2007, and current
position in CA and past conflict we are on the process of management of these conflicting
issues. When we bring the new constitution all the issues will be settled. We have huge
differences inside the country. Poverty, unequal development, disparity are our common
problems and now we are also going for federalism and all these issues will be addressed then.
As centralize system focused in Kathmandu, the federal system will focus on local
development such as Himali, Pahadi, Tarai, and Kathmandu. Now if the people have any
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problem, they have to come to Kathmandu and after federal system that will be solved in
local level. This will give the proper management of local resource and development of that
region.
Further, we are between two big nations, our boarder is open where culture and system are
different. It makes one kind of fear that might bring more conflict on that area. Moreover,
there might be conflict between states and blockade. So we have opportunities as well as
challenges.
What do you think on TRC recently it was formed?
During the conflict, there were very horrific accidents, which we cannot imagine right now.
Both side Maoist and government committed those events. Many things happened which
were inhuman whatever happened during conflict period – many people disappeared, many
victims are still waiting to get justice. We expect that TRC will solve these issues. From
victims' views they have right to know the exact situation of their family members, the
government has to clarify where they are. Very complex situation is here through those
incidents like conflict parties are facing psychological difficulty to reconcile the society and
government also facing criticism on this. TRC has very critical task and parliament is now
making acts. As soon as we address the issues of victims and provide them assistance, they
feel the real peace.
What is your opinion on ethnic and multi-ethnic federalism?
In our constitution we put Nepal as indivisible (Akhanda). Our federalism is not for making
division. Any conflict is for the prosperity and development, but it is not for the division of
the country. As we know that Nepal is a small country, strategically it is very important. In
Nepal, many developed and powerful nations have interest. They want to do their activities
here against the India and China. We understand this and we should understand it. For the
naming and demarcation line, we have certain view on that minimizing the number of state
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and considering geography is main issues. However, if we see the human index there is
variation. Other hand, if we minimize we cannot address all this is also another issue. In the
case of federal issue the first CA was dissolved. Now we are serious on all contentious issues.
Nepalese unity and sovereignty is our priority. First priority is we want prosperous Nepal.
Our neighbour countries India and China have interest on Nepalese federalism because
federalism might bring instability or raise activities against those countries if the case is not
handled properly. In the case of federalism, we are sincere and we cannot go against our
neighbours.
After signing on CPA, many small political groups and arms groups are seen in
the political arena of Nepal. What do you think about their activities and their
prospects for initiating new conflict in the future?
Now there will be no conflict in the future it is impossible. Monarchy is already abolished
and the constitution will guarantee different rights to people such as political, economic,
education, religious etc. Previous king has accepted to be a normal citizen. We raised arms
against his political power and now he is gone. Now all citizens should obey the rule and
regulation. In such situation, if any group is interested to raise weapons for fulfilling self-
interest, new constitution will not give any space to such group. I do not see any further
conflict in future. We are in last stage of completing constitution.
What is the impact of earthquake in Constitution making?
In Nepal, it is the bigest earthquake after 16 January 1934 AD. More than ten thousand
people were died and twenty to twenty five thousand people were injured. There are damaged
in billion. It is mega disaster to us but we have to manage it within two year and we should
take it as an opportunity. In constitution making process, the earthquake makes leaders more
serious. When the natural disaster hit this time, our leaders took positively and really it
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played a role to mitigate the differences. They felt that in such emergency, if the leaders fail
to come to a meeting point, people will not support them. Earthquake gave a right message
to political leaders. It also opens one door to development our urbanization is not organized
so that now we have to build our city with vision learn lesson from this earthquake.
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15) Amrit Devkota, He is the President of Dynamic Youth forum Nepal and Centre
committee member of All Nepal National Free Student’s Union (ANNFSU).This
interview was conducted on July 19, 2015 in office of dynamic youth form Nepal,
Baneshwor, Kathmandu. The medium of interview was English.
I am a Ph. D scholar and I am pursuing my Ph D on “Post war instability and Human Security
in Nepal”. Here I have some queries on the peace process.
What are the problems of Nepalese democratization process?
We know that the historic dates like 2007, 2017, 2036, and 2047. We had changes in system,
but in real life, people got nothing. Since 2007 to this year Nepal, democratization process
faced many changes as well as challenges. The government and political parties did not give
priority on economic development, which made people frustration –which is one problem of
Nepalese democratization.
What do you think of Nepalese peace process?
Maoist insurgency started with 40-point demands. Now it is already in the political process.
So, they cannot go back from the political process .Therefore it will be successful and TRC
already formed.
What do you think on TRC recently it was formed?
Recently it was formed and Surya Krian Gurung is leading it. It formed a bit late and we
spent 8 year. This committee only give suggestion and recommendation but it does not have
right to implement anything. Here the power of TRC is also important. As you know that one
Army Cornel is arrested in UK, and another one Nanda Ram case is in Nepal –looking on
these cases it is controversial. We put signature on many UN conventions so that we are
obligatory to flow the international treaty. So it’s very complicated .What is the scope of TRC
in case of Colonel Grunge who is in UK. TRC is formed by Nepal government and it is on
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Nepali circumstance however it respects international Human rights etc. In TRC, there are
many politically appointed members but I can say that TRC is one point of completing peace
process in Nepal.
What is your opinion on ethnic and multi-ethnic federalism?
I do not want to speak on ethnic base federalism. I do not like this idea. How we can divide
state in accordance with caste and ethnic bases. I am against it. Nepal should follow
federalism on the basis of resources and geographical variation.
Do you think Nepali leaders lack solid leadership quality so that Nepali people
are getting troubled?
Yes it is. In some extent these days, we say one time we had one King but now we had many
kings. Frankly speaking Nepalese political development came very rapidly like abolishing
monarchy, success of Maoist movement, peace process this change came very fast. Political
leaders were not prepared for current situation and it shows gap on leadership. Another point,
they thought after dethroning the king they can do anything whatever they like. Positive thing
is that political leaders who led the movement and brought change in political system; in this
case I can say they have quality of leadership but still need to modernize.
After signing on CPA, many small political groups and arms groups are seen in
the political arena of Nepal. What do you think about their activities and their
prospects for initiating new conflict in the future?
After CPA, election Maoist won the majority. People saw Maoist brutality and they faced
them long time. Now Maoist is in political mainstream. I do not see that that regional and
small group will be threat for new conflict in Nepal.
First historical CA practically failed to draft and promulgates a New
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Constitution for Nepal. Now, the second CA was held on 19 November 2013 and
result of the latest election is different it reflected a new political power balance
after 2008. How do you interpret new CA election and Peace process?
This does not affect the peace process. Because Maoist already is in government and current
verdict is the people's changing trends. When the Fist CA held people thought let’s see Maoist
once so they casted vote for the Maoists. Now it changed they voted their parties which
running since long time. Moreover, Maoist vice Chairman Baburam Bhattarai is the chairman
of constitution draft committee. Political parties do not have other option so this time
Constitute will be promulgated.
What is the impact of earthquake in Constitution making?
It has the positive effects in Constitution making. Political parties say that they will
promulgate Constitution on 25 Sarwan.
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16) Interview with Chandra Kant Gyawali. He is the constitutional lawyer and has been
working for the Supreme Court since 10 years and teaching Sociology at Patan
Multiple Campus, affiliated to Tribhuwan University for 20 years. He is one of the
prominent lawyers in drafting Interim Constitution. This interview was conducted
on July 17, 2015 in Singhadarbar Kathmandu, Nepal. The medium of the interview
was Nepali and translated by the author.
I am a Ph. D scholar and I am pursuing my Ph D on “Post war instability and Human Security
in Nepal”. Here I have some queries on the peace process.
What are the problems of Nepalese democratization process?
The problems of democratization process in Nepal lies in the inability to hold election for the
formation of parliament as well as the formation of the local bodies. Since long especially
after 2054 no election is held in local level. And, as such, the people elected for constitutional
assembly is unable to be accountable for their promises and even fail to hold election for the
nomination of President.
What do you think of Nepalese peace process, never ending process?
Peace process of Nepal is related with promulgation of constitution. The formation of the first
constitution assembly worked towards the integration of rebels and management of its arms
and ammunitions. Now when the constitution gets promulgated, the peace process comes to
an end.
What do you think on TRC recently it was formed?
After a long debate and discussion in the Supreme Court, the Supreme Court firstly formed
Truth and Reconciliation Committee. But, it didn’t go well amongst the lawmakers so, again
the Supreme Court after a long deliberation time and again succeeded to form a committee
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for the disappearance of the people and also a committee of Truth and Reconciliation. There
happened to be serious crimes against the human rights and the government firstly made way
for amnesty even for those who did the serious crimes. However, it doesn’t suit and now, the
Supreme Court ruled out any sort of amnesty for the crimes against human rights even during
the Maoist insurgency won't be entertained.
What is your opinion on ethnic and multi-ethnic federalism?
Ethnic based Federalism is inconclusive. Development based federalism is must for the
termination of all the discrepancies in the society, whereby, there is a participation of all the
creeds and casts for the development of the society and the nation and to exploit the natural
resources of a certain state.
What is the impact of earthquake in Constitution making?
The impact of the earthquake in Nepal is a very serious for the people in general as there was
lots of destructions of residential houses as well as historic monuments and religious shrines.
The government succeeded to bring forth funds for the reliefs of the victims of the
earthquakes and for the reconstruction of the country. However, the political parties instead of
putting all the efforts in nation rebuilding, they feel urgent to promulgate the constitution. In
fact, the constitution is promulgated very soon after the earthquakes.
What would you suggest or comment for my research finally?
Group discussion, deliberation, and collection of data and figures and deliberation about the
theorists of a particular write regarding peace and conflict subject matter is necessary.
Congratulations and all the best!
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17) Interview with Chairman of CA of Nepal, (2006 to 2015) Subash Chandra Nembang,
in his office Singha Durba Kathmandu. This interview was conducted on July 18,
2015 in Singha Durba Kathmandu. Nepal. The medium of the interview was Nepali
and translated by the author.
I am a Ph. D scholar and I am pursuing my Ph D on “Post war instability and Human
Security in Nepal”. Here I have some queries on the peace process.
What are the problems of Nepalese democratization process?
The main problems were the monarchy, the constitutional monarchy, the rulers who never
thought the people and their demands. People were exploited. The ethnic communities were
helpless, no reservations was there for them. Though the so-called democracies in the form of
different names were here repeatedly, the rights to the public, communities were never
realized. Power was centralized and the resources were handicapped within the handful of
rulers and the team. Hence, People's movement was overwhelmingly supported by every
conscious citizen and were eventually successful to sack Monarchy and the political
development initiated. Hence, if you compare the present context, there are only some issues
to be addressed, and the transitional phase is like this always and anywhere in the world. You
will see the real change and the establishment of democracy soon.
What do you think of Nepalese peace process? Is it never ending?
Well, people are saying this without judging the ground reality. It is taking long time to come
into the normal line; however, if you go through the overall political developments, it is
encouraging. If you look into world politics, there were not any drastic changes, however
dynamic changes has been taking place here. The CPA signed by earlier rebels and the
government are there, it is the main base of peace process. Now we are converting the
situation to end process soon without making any derail and we are careful on the issues of
sovereignty and people's rights. The world will know peace process will not be a utopia. If
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you go through political developments, the only issue left is federalism and demarcation.
However, the political dialogues and discussion are going with the all groups and more or
less, we will find the mid path to resolve these issues soon. Many things had been done
during this course; constitution discussion in the public mass, collecting the suggestions and
so on. Hence, it is a positive gesture.
What do you think on TRC recently it was formed?
There was a serious issue put forward on this commission. However, there is no doubt the
TRC is the best and the task force will do performing without any infiltration. Coming to an
agreement, mainstream political parties have already supported. Hence, it is unacceptable if
other parties stand against it. Truth and Reconciliation Committee are committed to study
each case from the Maoists revolution until now. They will provide amnesty if the case is
genuine and have the political influence and cross checking with all data and analysis.
However, if there are any incidents and serious crimes that are personalized, they will use
retrospective law and the victims will be relived after the punishment to the criminals. The
task team is indebted to the government and not misjudging at all. It is strictly implemented,
be assured. The abduction or disappearance cases will be formulated by another team of
Disappearance team and there no one has the rights to instruct or obligation for the team to
listen. They will take very clear decision without any prejudice. The Government will strictly
go on for the action at any case.
What is your opinion on ethnic and multi-ethnic federalism?
We have to be proud Nepal being “Unity in diversity”. Therefore, we must admit that multi-
ethnic federalism is the best modality in Nepal. If this happens, all the ethnic communities
feel proud of the state, they realize the value of their community, cast and ethnic. In addition,
it is a great opportunity to the individuals of marginalized group, back warded society since
they were exploited and not emancipated by the country from the establishment itself. They
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were vulnerable, behaved like second class citizen within the same country for the long time.
We have been hearing that the so-called high class cast like Bhrahmins, Chettris will be
dominated by the middle and lower caste like Newar, Gurung, Magar, Damai, and Kami. I
doubt why people are thinking or have this perspectives, state to be run only by handful and
so called high-class caste, don’t you think that it is the time of power transmission on this
21st century.
What is the impact of earthquake in Constitution making?
Well, our many MPs were also the victims of the earthquakes. We had tried our level best for
the Emergency Relief to all the citizens and had worked and are still working for the
Reconstruction and Rebuilding. For the constitution making, there was not serious
disturbance; however, was just little delayed. And, now, I see people are happy with the
constitution and had very much supported this big achievement though there were in the
pathetic condition. They have full support and confidence aftermath the earthquake. It was a
big setback this happen to our lovely country. It’s true that there are some agitation and
dissatisfaction towards this promulgation of the constitution. I am sure that this will not
prolong and the situation will calm down soonest.
What would you suggest or comment for my research finally?
Mr. Karki, I am very proud of you to meet you and especially, a Nepali student doing this
kind of research and it is rare to know this. I congratulate you for this kind of great initiation
and Japanese University providing this golden opportunity.
Thank you for your efforts .Your opinions are very important and will help to me to improve
my research and new finding.
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18) PM, K.P. Oli, (Khadga Prasad Sharma Oli), Chairman of CPN (UML) and strong
leader in Nepal Contemporary politics. He is parliament leader of CPN (UML) in
CA. This interview was conducted on 2 August 2015 in Singha Durbar in Parliament
office; Kathmandu, Nepal by author. The medium of interview was Nepali and has
been translated into English by the researcher. He became the Prime Minister of
Nepal on October 12, 2015 now still in office.
I am a Ph. D scholar and I am pursuing my Ph D on “Post war instability and Human Security
in Nepal”. Here I have some queries on the peace process.
What are the problems of Nepalese democratization process?
One is the Nepal feudal, autocratic, family base autocratic role made gap among the Nepali
people. By this reason Nepal was behind the economic development. It means the social
awareness on people came late. Establishment of progressive and popular parties and theirs
active political parties brought the new political scenario in Nepal. It paves the new road map
in politics in Nepal but it faced surpassed and many challenges. This makes the short time of
practices of popular democracy in Nepal democracy but we are lacking stable democracy. If
we observe the cases of other countries, our democratic practice failed many times which we
is our bitter history. Those are the reason which is obstacle for the further initialization of
democracy in Nepal.
What do you think of Nepalese peace process?
Nepal peace process, in Nepal violent and conflict was held it should not hold but now we
brought them in peace process. It almost is in last phase. Integration of army is completed and
now we are on the process of completing remaining portion which are going to manage soon.
TRC is formed. It has started its regular work. Mainly the peace process is completed.
What is your opinion on ethnic and multi-ethnic federalism?
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In Nepal Nepalese people never demand the federalism. Exactly Nepalese people have
expressed the desire for rights of good governess, human rights, economic prosperity and
development. In many aspects Nepal is very small such as in terms of geography, and it is
different in terms of culture – cultural groups are here and the economic condition is not
strong and the country is underdeveloped. In such situation, federalism is whether it suitable
or not is experimental issue. But it suddenly has come and we accept it. In Nepal federalism
is confirmed. But our concern is that even though it becomes federal country, it should not be
useless.
What is the impact of earthquake in Constitution making?
Earthquake and Constitution making process is not interconnected. Because we are in the
process of constitution making, we have got the experience of failure of the first CA.
Nepalese people involved in different political movements which became successful but
failed to institutionalize those achievements that they got in the past. Now we are
institutionalizing the achievement that we achieved through the peace process. Meanwhile we
had disaster called “earthquake” it is the one disaster which Nepali people are facing it. It has
very negative effects in Nepali people's lives economic situation is partly damaged. Now we
have to tackle this and bring the country in normal situation and now it is very important.
Therefore, we are now in reconstruction work and simultaneously working on constitution
making. We are on progress of writing constitution. We have made 16 point agreement
among political parties. CA has already sent the draft to the people for collecting people's
comments and suggestion. Very soon constitution will be promulgated in Nepal.
After signing on CPA, many small political groups and arms groups are seen in
the political arena of Nepal. What do you think about their activities and their
prospects for initiating new conflict in the future?
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Nepali people are peace loving; they are living with social harmony. They do not like any
conflict in the future. Even though we had conflict, we have managed that one. Now in Nepal
who tries to make conflict will not be successful. Significantly, Nepal is birth place of
Gautam Buddha. Nepalese people love for peace, here the circumstance and the interest of
people is for peace.
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Appendix 6: Maoists’40-point demands
A. Demands related to nationalism
1) Regarding the 1950 Treaty between India and Nepal, all unequal stipulations and
agreements should be removed.
2) HMG should admit that the anti-nationalist Tanakpur agreement was wrong, and the
Mahakali Treaty, incorporating same, should be nullified.
3) The entire Nepal-Indian border should be controlled and systematized. Cars with Indian
number plates, which are plying the roads of Nepal, should not be allowed.
4) Gorkha recruiting centers should be closed and decent jobs should be arranged for the
recruits.
5) In several areas of Nepal, where foreign technicians are given precedence over Nepali
technicians for certain local jobs, a system of work permits should be instituted for the
foreigners.
6) The monopoly of foreign capital in Nepal’s industry, trade, and economic sector should be
stopped.
7) Sufficient income should be generated from customs duties for the country’s economic
development.
8) The cultural pollution of imperialists and expansionists should be stopped. Hindi video,
cinema, and all kinds of such newspapers and magazines should be completely stopped.
Inside Nepal, import and distribution of vulgar Hindi films, videocassettes, and magazines
should be stopped.
9) Regarding NGOs and INGOs: Bribing by imperialists and expansionists in the name of
NGOs and INGOs should be stopped.
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B. Demands related to the public and its wellbeing
10) A new Constitution has to be drafted by the people’s elected representatives.
11) All the special rights and privileges of the King and his family should be ended.
12) Army, police, and administration should be under the people’s control.
13) The Security Act and all other repressive acts should be abolished.
14) All the false charges against the people of Rukum, Rolpa, Jajarkot, Gorkha, Kavre,
Sindhuphachowk, Sindhuli, Dhanusha, and Ramechap should be withdrawn and all the
people falsely charged should be released.
15) Armed police operations in the different districts should immediately be stopped.
16) Regarding Dilip Chaudhary, Bhuvan Thapa Magar, Prabhakar Subedi, and other people
who disappeared from police custody at different times, the government should constitute a
special investigating committee to look into these crimes and the culprits should be punished
and appropriate compensation given to their families.
17) People who died during the time of the movement should be declared as martyrs, and
their families and those who have been wounded and disabled should be given proper
compensation. Strong action should be taken against the killers.
18) Nepal should be declared a secular state.
19) Girls should be given equal property rights to those of their brothers.
20) All kinds of exploitation and prejudice based on caste should be ended. In areas having a
majority of one ethnic group, that group should have autonomy over that area.
21) The status of Dalits as untouchables should be ended and the system of untouchability
should be ended once and for all.
22) All languages should be given equal status. Up until middle-high school level (uccha-
madyamic) arrangements should be made for education to be given in the children’s mother
tongue.
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23) There should be guarantee of free speech and free press. The communications media
should be completely autonomous.
24) Intellectuals, historians, artists, and academicians engaged in other cultural activities
should be guaranteed intellectual freedom.
25) In both the Terai and hilly regions there is prejudice and misunderstanding in backward
areas. This should be ended and the backward areas should be assisted. Good relations should
be established between the villages and the city.
26) Decentralization in real terms should be applied to local areas, which should have local
rights, autonomy, and control over their own resources.
C. Demands related to the people’s living
27) Those who cultivate the land should own it. (The tiller should have right to the soil he/she
tills.) The land of rich landlords should be confiscated and distributed to the homeless and
others who have no land.
28) Brokers and commission agents should have their property confiscated and that money
should be invested in industry.
29) All should be guaranteed work and should be given a stipend until jobs are found for
them.
30) HMG should pass strong laws ensuring that people involved in industry and agriculture
should receive minimum wages.
31) The homeless should be given suitable accommodation. Until HMG can provide such
accommodation they should not be removed from where they are squatting.
32) Poor farmers should be completely freed from debt. Loans from the Agricultural
Development Bank by poor farmers should be completely written off. Small industries should
be given loans.
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33) Fertilizer and seeds should be easily and cheaply available, and the farmers should be
given a proper market price for their production.
34) Flood and draught victims should be given all necessary help
35) All should be given free and scientific medical service and education and education for
profit (private schools) should be completely stopped.
36) Inflation should be controlled and laborers’ salaries should be raised in direct ratio with
the rise in prices. Daily essential goods should be made cheap and easily available.
37) Arrangements should be made for drinking water, good roads, and electricity in the
villages.
38) Cottage and other small industries should be granted special facilities and protection.
39) Corruption, black marketing, smuggling, bribing, the taking of commissions, etc. should
all be stopped.
40) Orphans, the disabled, the elderly, and children should be given help and protection.
We offer a heartfelt request to the present coalition government that they should fulfill the
above demands, which are essential for Nepal’s existence and for the people’s daily lives as
soon as possible. If the government doesn’t show any interest by Falgun 5, 2052, (February
17, 1996), we will be compelled to launch a movement against the government.
The above demands put forth by the Samukta Jana Morcha, led by Dr. Bhattarai, were handed
over to the then Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba. The Maoists submitted the above
demands in February 1996, to the then-Sher Bahadur Deuba Government.
(Source: As translated by Barbara Adams—published in People’s Reviewon 2007-02-17
14:59:10. Nowavailable in several resources and books related to the Maoist movement,
insurgency, and so on. Online:
http://www.telegraphnepal.com/backup/test/news_det.php?news_id=46. Accessed on April 10,
2013.)
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Appendix 7: 12-point understanding reached between the Seven
Political Parties and Nepal Communist Party (Maoists)
The struggle between absolute monarchy and democracy running for a long time in Nepal
has now been reached in a very grave and new turn. It has become the need of today to
establish peace by resolving the 10-year old armed conflict through a forward - looking
political outlet. Therefore, it has become an inevitable need to implement the concept of full
democracy through a forward - looking restructuring of the state to resolve the problems
related to class, cast, gender, region and so on of all sectors including the political, economic,
social and cultural, by bringing the autocratic monarchy to an end and establishing full
democracy. We hereby disclose that in the existence of previously mentioned context and
reference in the country, the following understanding has been reached between the Seven
Political Parties within the parliament and the CPN (Maoists) through holding talks in
different manners.
1. The democracy, peace, prosperity, social advancement and an independent, sovereign
Nepal is the principal wish of all Nepali people in the country today. We are fully agreed
that the autocratic monarchy is the main hurdle for this. We have a clear opinion that the
peace, progress and prosperity in the country is not possible until and full democracy is
established by bringing the absolute monarchy to an end. Therefore, an understanding has
been reached to establish full democracy by bringing the autocratic monarchy to an end
through creating a storm of nationwide democratic movement of all the forces against
autocratic monarchy by focusing their assault against the autocratic monarchy from their
respective positions.
2. The agitating Seven Political Parties are fully committed to the fact that the existing
conflict in the country can be resolved and the sovereignty and the state powers can
completely be established in people only by establishing full democracy by restoring the
parliament through the force of agitation and forming an power full - party Government
by its decision, negotiating with the Maoists, and on the basis of agreement, holding the
election of constituent assembly. The CPN (Maoists) has the view and commitment that
the aforesaid goal can be achieved by holding a national political conference of the
agitating democratic forces, and through its decision, forming an Interim Government and
holding the election of constituent assembly. On the issue of this procedural agenda, an
understanding has been made to continue dialogue and seek for a common agreement
between the agitating Seven Political Parties and the CPN (Maoists). It has been agreed
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that the force of people's movement is the only alternative to achieve this goal.
3. The country, today, demands the establishment of a permanent peace along with a
positive resolution of the armed conflict. We are, therefore, firmly committed to establish
a permanent peace by bringing the existing armed conflict in the country to an end
through a forward-looking political outlet of the establishment of the full democracy by
ending the autocratic monarchy and holding an election of the constituent assembly that
would come on the basis of aforesaid procedure. The CPN (Maoists) expresses its
commitment to move foreward in the new peaceful political stream through this process.
In this very context, an understanding has been made to keep the Maoists armed force and
the Royal Army under the United Nations or a reliable international supervision during
the process of the election of constituent assembly after the end of the autocratic
monarchy, to accomplish the election in a free and fair manner 3 and to accept the result
of the election. We also expect for the involvement of a reliable international community
even in the process of negotiation.
4. Making public its commitment, institutional in a clear manner, towards the democratic
norms and values like the competitive multiparty system of governance, civil liberties,
fundamental rights, human tights, principle of rule of law etc., the CPN (Maoists) has
expressed its commitment to move forward its activities accordingly.
5. The CPN (Maoists) has expressed its commitment to create an environment to allow the
people and the leaders and workers of the political parties, who are displaced during the
course of armed conflict, to return and stay with dignity in their respective places, to
return their homes, land and property that was seized in an unjust manner and to allow
them to carry out the political activities without any hindrance.
6. Making a self-assessment and a self-criticism of the past mistakes and weaknesses, the
CPN (Maoists) has expressed its commitment for not allowing the mistakes and
weaknesses to be committed in future.
7. Making a self-assessment towards the mistakes and weaknesses committed while staying
in the Government and parliament in the past, the seven political parties have expressed
their commitment for not repeating such mistakes and weaknesses now onwards.
8. The commitment has been made to fully respect the norms and values of the human rights
and to move forward on the basis of them, and to respect the press freedom in the context
of moving the peace process ahead.
9. As the announcement of the election of municipality is pushed forward for an ill-motive
of deluding the people and the international community and of giving continuity to the
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autocratic and illegitimate rule of the King, and the rumour of the election of the
parliament are a crafty ploy, announcing to boycott it actively in our own respective way,
the general public are appealed to make such elections a failure.
10. The people and their representative political parties are the real guardians of nationality.
Therefore, we are firmly committed towards the protection of the independence,
sovereignty and the geographical integrity and the national unity of the country. It is our
common obligation to maintain friendly relations based on the principle of peaceful co-
existence with all countries of the world and a good-neighborhood relationship with
neighboring countries, especially with India and China. But we request all the patriotic
peoples to remain cautious against the false attempt of the King and the monarchists to
create confusion in the patriotic people by projecting the illusory the fake ('Mandale')
nationalism to prolong the autocratic and illegitimate rule of the King and to raise
question mark over the patriotism of the political parties, and we appeal to the
international powers and the communities to support the democratic movement against
the autocratic monarchy in Nepal in every possible way.
11. We heartily invite the civil society, professional organizations, various wings of parties,
people of all communities and regions, the press community, intellectuals all the Nepali
people to make the Movement succeed by actively participating in the peaceful People's
Movement launched on the basis of these understandings reached by keeping the 5
democracy, peace, prosperity, forward-looking social transformation and the
independence, sovereignty, and dignity of the country in center.
12. Regarding the inappropriate conducts that took place among the parties in the past, a
common commitment has been expressed to investigate the incidents raised objection and
asked for the investigation by any party and take action over the guilty one if found and
make informed publicly. An understanding has been made to resolve the problems if
emerged among the parties now onwards through the dialogue by discussing in the
concerned level or in the leadership level.
22 November 2005
Source: Government of Nepal, Ministry of Pease and Reconstruction
http://www.peace.gov.np/uploads/files/1_GoV.pdf. Accessed on September 25, 2011.
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Appendix 8:No.of people killed from 1996 to August 2004 (classification by district)
Source:Thapa, Deepak, and Bandita Sijapati. 2006. A Kingdom Under Siege: Nepal’s Maoist
Insurgency, 1996to 2003. Kathmandu: The Print House.Scanned on April 23, 2013.
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Appendix 9: Number of people killed during the six years after the CPA (By district, January 1, 2007 to December 31, 2012)
Source: Nepal Human Rights Year Book 2013.http://www.insec.org.np/pics/1362455754.pdf.
Accessed on April 24, 2013
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Appendix 10: Nepal Poverty Map
(Source: Adapted from Einsidel, S. V., D. M. Malone, and S. Pradhan, eds. (2012). Nepal in
Transition: From People’s War to Fragile Peace Cambridge University Press. p. 11.