dreams of the west

A History of the Chinese in Oregon 1850–1950

Dreams of the West俄勒岡華人奮鬥史

Who were the pioneers of the American West? Some of them we already know: They came across North America on horseback, in covered wagons, on foot, or sailed from the Atlantic to the Pacific; they were European Americans. Lesser known are the immigrants who, by the 1850s, began sailing east from Southern China, primarily from the Guangdong Province. They arrived in the American West port towns of California, Oregon, and Washington. These Chinese, fleeing the hardships at home, sought the same prosperity as all immigrants to America. While there were Chinese who found riches in Oregon’s high desert, gold-mined mountains, coastal fisheries, and bustling Portland metropolis, many faced extreme racism, legal discrimination, and exploitation.

誰是美國西部的拓荒者? 我們已經知道的一些拓荒者是來自歐洲的美國人。他們或者馳騁馬背，或者駕馭馬車，或者步行，或者乘船，從大西洋到太平洋，跨越北美，來到美國西部。鮮為人知的是，那些來自中國南部，主要是中國廣東省的移民。他們在一八五零年代左右，乘船到達美國西部的加利福尼亞州，俄勒岡州，華盛頓州的港口市鎭。這些中國人為了逃離國內困苦的生活，到美國尋求財寶。雖然有些中國人在俄勒岡的髙原沙漠，金礦山嶺，海岸漁場，或繁忙的波特蘭市區找到了財富，但許多中國人卻遭遇了極端的種族歧視，法律歧視和勞力剝削。

Jointly created by the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association (CCBA), Portland State University Capstone students, and students of Ooligan Press, this book fills a long-neglected gap in the history of the West Coast. This rich history of Chinese immigration is detailed in a well-researched text and a wonderful collection of photos, many from private collections not previously seen by the public. Dreams of the West: A History of the Chinese in Oregon 1850–1950 presents stories about the brave men and women who made America their home, and kept China in their hearts.

在中華會館，波特蘭州立大學“頂石課”的學生，和Ooligan出版社學生的協同努力下，“俄勒岡華人史：1850-1950年”一書講述了勇敢的中國男人和女人在美國建立家園的同時，仍念念不忘中國根的故事，填補了美國西海岸歷史中，長期以來被忽略的一段空白。此書詳細記載了華人移民這段豐富的歷史。書中附插了一系列精彩的照片，許多私人收藏照片屬首次公諸於衆。

Ooligan Press is a general trade press run by students of the Publishing Program in the Master’s in Writing at Portland State University. Ooligan, in addition to publishing books that honor cultural and natural diversity, is dedicated to teaching the art and craft of publishing. We integrate as much as possible the press and the classroom. Students run the press under the guidance of a faculty of working publishing professionals, producing real books for real markets, both national and international.

Ooligan出版社是一個普及性出版社，由波特蘭州立大學寫作碩士出版専業的學生經營。除了出版尊重文化和自然多様性的書籍外， Ooligan出版社還致力於教授出版工藝，盡可能將出版業和課堂融為一體，在富有工作經驗的出版専業人士指導下，向國內國外市場發行好書。

Cover design: Chris Ross封面設計: Chris RossCover photo: Chris Ross封面照片: Chris RossPrinted in China中國印刷

Ooligan Press P.O. Box 751Portland, ORUSA 97207-0751

D

reamsoftheW

est

AsianStudies/History$19.95

Portrait of a Chinese family taken in 1905 when more Chinese families were established in the United States. Oregon Historical Society Research Library #015407

攝於1905年中國人全家福. 當時更多華人家庭在美國建立起來. 俄勒岡歷史協會硏究图書館提供

俄勒

岡華

人奮

鬥史

OoliganP

ress

ISBN-13: 978-1-932010-13-8

9 781932 010138

51995

Dreams of the WestA History of the Chinese in Oregon 1850–1950

俄勒岡華人奮鬥史

Ooligan PressPortland State University

&Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association

Translation to Chinese by Ren Hongbao

Copyright © 2007 Ooligan PressAll rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical,

including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher.

ISBN 978-1-932010-13-8 (Softcover)ISBN 978-1-932010-21-3 (Hardcover)

Ooligan PressDepartment of English

Portland State UniversityP.O. Box 751, Portland, Oregon 97207vox: 503.725.9410; fax: 503.725.3561

[email protected]

Photos used with permission from the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association, the Oregon Historical Society, the Clackamas County Historical Society, the Clatsop County Historical Society, the Kam Wah Chung & Co. Museum, the Oregon Parks & Recreation Department, the Heritage Station Museum, and the Umatilla County Historical Society. All rights reserved

by the respective rights holders.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Dreams of the West : a history of the Chinese in Oregon, 1850–1950 / researched by Portland State University undergraduate capstones in history in collaboration with the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association ; and written by graduate students of

the publishing concentration of the Master’s in Writing ; with translation into Chinese by Ren Hongbao.p. cm.

Includes index.ISBN-13: 978-1-932010-13-8

ISBN-10: 1-932010-13-0 1. Chinese Americans—Oregon—History—19th century. 2. Chinese Americans—Oregon—History—20th century.

3. Immigrants—Oregon—History—19th century. 4. Immigrants—Oregon—History—20th century. 5. Chinese Americans—Oregon—Social life and customs—19th century. 6. Chinese Americans—Oregon—Social life and customs—20th century.

7. Oregon—Ethnic relations—History—19th century. 8. Oregon—Ethnic relations—History—20th century. I. Portland State University. II. Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association (Portland, Or.)

F885.C5D74 2007979.5’004951—dc22

2006039605

For information contact Ooligan Press at Portland State University, Portland, Oregon.

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1Printed in Hong Kong, China

This book is dedicated to the Chinese immigrants and their families who came to

Oregon and endured hardships, opened people’s minds to a new culture, and laid the foundation for generations to follow.

獻辭：本書獻給華人移民及其家人。他們

來到俄勒岡，忍受艱辛，讓人們瞭解了

一種新的文化，並為子孫後代奠定了基礎。

Chinese Culture in America

美國的華人文化

A group photo of the members of the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association (CCBA) taken in 1931 to commemorate the grand opening of a new Social Hall. Oregon Historical Socety Research Library, OrHi 59669

中華會館成員為紀念新大廳落成合影，攝於 1931 年。俄勒岡歷史協會硏究圖書館提供

Chinese Associations and Organizations

The gender imbalance among Chinese immigrants con-tributed in some ways to the strong ties of individuals to Chinese associations. These associations acted as a sur-rogate family for many Chinese men. They provided a place to socialize, receive assistance and protection, and find opportunities for work. In many cases, these organi-zations gave the Chinese an edge by creating strong busi-ness alliances.

Social organizations based on surname, lineage, and native-place associations were traditional in China, and despite the lack of other traditional structures, such orga-nizations became vital parts of Chinese society in Amer-ica. Legitimate or mainstream associations were formed based on two possible factors: name/family (based on surname—if one was a Lee, one would join the Lee asso-ciation, and so forth) and native-place/speech (based on which region of the Guangdong province one was from and on which dialect of Chinese one spoke). These orga-nizations became the most influential and powerful of all associations formed by the Chinese.

The associations in Oregon were usually determined by surname. Individuals with shared surnames were gen-erally in the same group, though groups sometimes in-cluded individuals who had made friendships with the clan. “Some of the early factions in Jackson County in-cluded the Gee, Wong, Foo Chow, Gin Lin, Lo, and Wing How clans” (Lalande 1981, 26). Leaders of the groups were addressed as “uncle” or “grandfather” as a sign of respect. It was the leader’s responsibility to make important decisions and to oversee clan members to make sure they were doing their work properly.

Associations acted as surrogate families, and offered var-ious forms of aid for the Chinese living in America. Port-land’s consolidated benevolent association, a branch of the CCBA (Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association), was known as the Jung Wah Association. The Jung Wah consti-tuted the collective voice of the community; it hired white at-torneys to represent community members in legal matters…and sought recompense for violent acts against the Chinese and their properties. (Wong 2004, 27)

華人社團和組織

華人移民中的性別不平衡，在某種程度上造成了個人與華人社團的緊密聯系。對許多男性華人來説，這些社團起著代理家庭的作用。社團為華人提供社交場所，提供幫助和保護，介紹就業機會。許多時侯，這些組織還為華人建立牢固的商業聯系創造條件。

以姓氏，血統和籍貫為基礎的社團組織在中國是一種傳統。儘管缺少其他的傳統結構，這些組織成為美國華人社團的重要組成部分。合法的或主流的社團由兩個可能因素組成：家族姓氏 (如果一個人姓李，那他就加入李氏宗親會，如此等等) 和籍貫方言 (依據來自廣東哪個地區或講中國哪裡的方言而決定加入哪個協會)。這些組織成為華人所有社團中最為強大，最具影響力的組織。

俄勒岡的華人社團協會，通常以姓氏為基礎。同姓的人一般在同一個團體裏，雖然有時也包括一些有友誼關系的異姓人。Jackson 縣最早的小團體包括“朱、王、福州、金林、盧、榮豪” (Lalande 1981, 26)。團體領導人被尊稱為“伯”。領導人的責任是做重要決策，並監督團體成員把工作做好。

這些協會社團起著代理家庭的作用，為在美華人提供各式各様的幫助。“波特蘭中華會館是全美中華會館的一個支會。該會館是華人社區的代言人，它雇用白人律師代理社區的法律事務，為敵對於華人及其財産的暴力行為尋求賠償”(王 2004, 27)。在俄勒岡南部，華人採礦業之所以成功，部分原因便是華人願意與同姓或同籍的人合羣工作。當年沿著河流競爭淘金地盤的，正是這些結羣合夥的小團體。

秘密會社是有些華人的另一種選擇。在和平時代，秘密會社的功能類似兄弟會或男人俱樂部---在華人社區內從事互惠活動，為會員提供家庭般的基地和社交場所。在動亂時代 (饑荒、戰爭等)，秘密會社合作組成民兵，保護當地社區。在中國，這様的會社一向以參與內戰，推翻政府而著稱。

“堂號”也許是美國西海岸秘密會社最著名的形式。堂號並非源於中國，而是創立於舊金山。“堂”本來是房間，但演變為“俱樂部”的意思。加入這些“俱樂部”的人，多半是對其他佔優勢社團不滿，不合羣的人。堂號起著許多與主流社



團同様的作用，但也因為它們那些被主流社團認為是反叛的行為而聲名狼藉。在華人組織中，堂號被看成標新立異的一類。

“堂號”為在異國文化中求生存的華人提供社會支援。Cynthia Marconeri 這様描述堂號的起源：“這些俱樂部，與兄弟會相似，由華人居民組成，幫助新來的華人適應在美國的生活”(1993, 34)。有些堂號從合同工制中脫變而出，為他們的會員提供社交場所，政治援助，經濟扶持，住房和宗教活動。它們還建立各種項目，為會員提供貸款和保護。

堂號所滿足的華人最急迫的需要，也許是保護華人。“既然華人得不到員警的保護，堂號就為了集體的安全，把社區組織起來” (Marconeri 1993,

56

Dreams of the West


In Southern Oregon, the success of Chinese mining could be partly attributed to the fact that the Chinese tended to work in groups based on surname or place of origin. Clans would compete with each other for placer ground along the river and its tributaries.

Secret societies were another option available to some Chinese. In times of peace, secret societies served as fra-ternal organizations or male-bonding clubs—perform-ing altruistic activities within the Chinese community, providing a family-like base for their members, and offer-ing spaces for social interaction. During times of upheav-al (famine, war, etc.), secret societies banded together to form a militia to protect the local community. In Chi-na, such societies have been known to participate in civil

Various religious accouterments set up as a shrine. Oregon Historical Society Research Library, Oregonian 4980

擺放在神龕周圍的各種供品。俄勒岡歷史協會硏究圖書館提供

34)。這個時期，美國華人缺少公民權，導致了堂號的出現。堂號會員有時把自己出租給主流社團當雇傭兵 (“斧頭仔”)。

宗教儀式是堂號聚會的一個重要方面。每個堂號設有自己的佛教神龕和神像。為了維持堂號，“每個堂號工人薪金的百分之十由堂號留下” (Olson 1976, C30)。堂號之間也為合同、錢財、和地位互相競爭。這種權力和財富之爭，最終暴發了著名的“堂號之戰”。

管轄權分歧以及賭博和女人爭端是堂號之戰的主要原因。始於 1900 年代，持續至 1930 年代，隨著賭博，妓院和鴉片贏利的增長，控制這些行業的堂號之間的磨擦也在加劇。“波特蘭的第一次堂號之戰，使用短柄小斧和大刀。當地報紙稱堂號的鬥士們為打手或暴徒”(Ho 1978, 22)。堂號之間的爭端一般由中華會館調和解決。但是如果不能調停，衝突就會爆發成暴力。最嚴重的一次打鬥發生在 1917 年，西海岸幾州有 13 人死亡，15 人受傷，波特蘭死亡人數最髙。1917 年 2 月 17 日，一場毆鬥發生在 Broadway 和第五街，結果是兩人死亡，五人受傷 (Ho 1978, 22)。員警臨時關閉了堂號總部，阻止聚會。此後，堂號之間還時有暴力威脅，但都被中華會館和其他機構緩解。

1922 年，這種衝突擴展到 Astoria；具多種估計，那裏當時有六到九家活躍的堂號。這些堂號從外埠引進暗殺手，幾個嫌疑華人打手在 Astoria 還遭到逮捕。四月十八日，Astoria 發生暴亂。一名叫葉狗 (譯音) 的罐頭廠工頭和合勝堂會員，在位於第九街 125 號的一個鴉片窟被槍殺。隨後，秉公保良堂一會員，被殺害於第六街和 Bond 街之間的一家雜貨店門前。這迫使 Astoria 的警察局長 Leb Carlson 決定制裁當地華人。Carlson 帶著幾名員警抄查了數家鴉片窟、賭博屋、堂號總部和閒人聚集處。員警破門而入四十多處，把裏面的居住者投入監獄。有人把暴力的結束歸功於這次警方干涉，但也有人認為，這是中華會館調和的結果。有報道説，一旦堂號之間對手，勢均力敵，暴力也就停止。

相比之下，俄勒岡東部堂號的勢力則小得多。可是，1880 年代 Canyon City 和 John Day 地區堂號之間的暴力也突然發生了。1886 年 Canyon City 的火災，迫使以 Sze Yup 主導的社區，向以 Sam Yup

57



wars and have even been responsible for overthrowing governments.

Perhaps the best-known form of the secret societies on the West Coast was the tong, which did not originate in China, but was created in San Francisco. The word “tong” means “room” but has come to mean “club.” The men who joined these “clubs” tended to be misfits who were un-happy with the powerful prevailing associations. Tongs served many of the functions that the mainstream as-sociations did, but they were also notorious for acts that mainstream organizations saw as rebellious. Of the orga-nizations available to the Chinese, the tongs were viewed as the mavericks.

The tong organizations served as a social support group to Chinese members trying to survive in a foreign culture. Cynthia Marconeri describes the origins of these tongs: “These clubs, similar to fraternal organizations, were organized by Chinese residents to help newly arriv-ing Chinese to adjust to life in America” (1993, 34). Some of the tongs emerged from the contract labor system and provided social atmosphere, political aid, financial help, housing, and religious activities for their members. They created programs to assist each other with loans and protection.

Perhaps the most acute need the tongs fulfilled for the Chinese was protection. “Since police protection was not available to the Chinese, the Tongs helped the com-munity band together for collective security” (Marconeri 1993, 34). The lack of civil rights for the Chinese in America during this time contributed to the emergence of the tongs. On occasion, members of the tongs acted as mercenaries who hired themselves out to mainstream organizations.

Each tong had its own Buddhist shrine and god. Reli-gious ceremonies were an important aspect of each tong meeting. For upkeep, “A designated portion (10 percent) of each worker’s wage was kept by the tong” (Olson 1976, C30). The tongs also competed with each other for con-tracts, money, and position. The rival tongs’ struggles for power and wealth eventually erupted into what are known as the “Tong Wars.”

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Dreams of the West


Jurisdictional disputes and arguments over gambling and women were the primary reasons for the Tong Wars. Begin-ning in the 1900s and continuing into the 1930s, as profits from gambling, prostitution, and opium grew, troubles be-tween the tongs that controlled these operations also grew. “The first tong war in Portland was fought with hatchets and large knives. The tong warriors thus were called hatchetmen or highbinders by local newspapers” (Ho 1978, 22). Dis-putes between tongs were generally settled by the CCBA, but if a settlement could not be reached, the conflicts erupt-ed into violence. The worst of the fighting occurred in 1917 with thirteen dead and fifteen injured throughout the West Coast states. Many of the fatalities occurred in Portland. On February 17, 1917, a battle broke out between Broadway and Fifth Avenue, ending with several injured and dead (Ho 1978, 22). Police temporarily closed tong headquarters in an effort to prevent organized meetings. Threats of violence between rival tongs occurred, but the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association and other agencies resolved them.

The conflict reached Astoria in 1922 where various estimates place the number of active tongs between six and nine. The tongs imported assassins from out of town, and several suspected Chinese hit men were actually ar-rested in Astoria. On April 18, violence broke out in As-toria when Go Yet, a cannery foreman and a member of the Hip Sing Tong, was shot in an opium den at 125 Ninth Street. The murder of a Bing Kung Bow Leong Tong member in front of a grocery store on Sixth and Bond forced Astoria’s Chief of Police, Leb Carlson, to respond with sanctions against the local Chinese. Chief Carlson and several officers orchestrated raids of sever-al drug dens, gambling houses, tong headquarters, and hangouts. The police broke down more than forty doors and removed the occupants to jail. Some credit this inter-vention with the end of the violence, while others cite the efforts of Astoria’s Chinese Benevolent Society. Reports also indicate that the violence ceased once the rival tongs had evened their scores.

The tongs played a less prominent role in Eastern Or-egon. An outbreak of violence, however, erupted between rival native-place associations in the Canyon City and John Day areas in the 1880s. The 1886 fire in Canyon

City officials brokered an end to Tong Wars in Portland, as indicated in this document, in which it was agreed there would be a thirty-day truce until a permanent peace between the tongs could be established, May 31, 1917. Portland Tong Agreement, Mss 190, Oregon Historical Society Research Library

1917 年 5 月 31 日的這份檔表明，市政府出面調解波特蘭的堂號打鬥，雙方商定，在堂號之間取得永久和平之前，將有三十天的休戰期。波特蘭堂號協定。俄勒岡歷史協會硏究圖書館提供

主導的 John Day 華埠遷移。兩方的對峙直到 1888 年 Sze Yup 最後取得對社區的控制而告終。

時至今日，儘管華人協會在華人社區的職能已大不相同，儘管當年形成華人協會的許多條件和困難也不復存在，但這些協會作為社會組織仍然存在，他們繼續為其成員提供著社會支援服務，組織社會活動，協助華人移民適應異國生活。

59



City forced the migration of that predominantly Sze Yup community to John Day’s Chinatown, which was primar-ily Sam Yup. Hostile confrontations between the groups occurred until 1888 when the Sze Yup finally gained con-trol of the community.

Chinese associations are still present today though they serve a much different function in Chinese commu-nities. Many of the conditions and difficulties that led to the formation of Chinese associations no longer exist. Those that remain serve as social organizations for their members, providing social support services and social activities, as they help Chinese newcomers adjust to the region.

Group photo of the members of the Bowon Tong Protective Association in Astoria, 1930. Courtesy Clatsop County Historical Society, #3194-534

1930 年，Astoria 的保皇黨成員合影.。Clatsop 縣歷史協會提供

宗教和慶典

從 1850 年代到 1920 年代，華人社區中最為普遍的宗教是佛教。佛教著重於個人祈禱和占卜。作為一種信仰系統，它包含“妖魔、鬼怪、仁慈精神、好運魔咒、驅邪符、算命以及喧鬧的公衆儀式” (Barlow 1979， 30)。佛教的很大一部分，建立在拜祖宗和行葬禮的傳統上。死去的人受到高度尊敬，後人每年以頌經和燒香紀念死去的人。

中國人相信，照顧死去先人的靈魂是活著的後代的責任。當一個人去世時，死者的骨頭或存入同門第的寺廟，或埋於家傳的墓區。頭幾年，屍體被

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Dreams of the West


Religion and Celebration

From the 1850s to the 1920s, the religion of many in the Chinese community was a popular form of Buddhism that focused on individual devotion and divination. This belief system encompassed elements such as “ghosts, demons, beneficent spirits, good-luck charms and amulets, fortune-telling, and noisy public ceremonies,” (Barlow 1979, 30). Much of the belief system was based on traditions of ancestor worship and corollary burial rites. The dead were held in high regard and were to be

A Chinese funeral procession takes place in Portland, ca 1890. It is tradition to wear white for mourning. Oregon Historical Society Research Library, OrHi 9062

1890 年，波特蘭華人的殯儀隊伍，穿白衣以示哀悼是一種傳統。俄勒岡歷史協會硏究圖書館提供

埋入一個很淺的墓穴，然後骨頭被挖出，送到更合適的安息處。華人移民在美國繼續這一做法。例如，幾乎所有埋在 John Day 的華人移民的遺骨，最終都被送囘了中國，所以今天在美國的大部分華人墓葬都是空的。在描繪早年華人舉行葬禮時，Andy Bellomo 囘憶：

他們坐在靈車上，每隔幾分鐘便從車內扔出片片像草紙一様的東西。這些紙的面積大約十二平方英吋，每張紙上面都穿了孔。魔鬼如果要穿過這些孔，就會被迷惑，而找不著死者的靈魂 (1992, 16:3--4)。

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honored every year through prayer rituals and incense burning.

The Chinese believed it was the responsibility of living descendants to care for the spirits of their dead ancestors. When a Chinese person died, the deceased’s bones were to be interred in a lineage temple or other filial burial site. The body was buried in a shallow grave for a period of years, after which the bones were removed and sent to the proper resting place. Chinese immigrants in Amer-ica continued this practice. For example, the remains of nearly all of the Chinese immigrants buried in John Day were eventually returned to China so that even now the

A company of people proceeds with a large dragon in a Chinese New Year’s parade, ca 1900. Courtesy Clatsop County Historical Society, #1520-100

1900 年，一羣人在中國新年遊行中隨一大龍行進。Clatsop 縣歷史協會提供

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Chinese cemetery remains largely empty. Describing the early years when the Chinese held their own funeral ser-vices, Andy Bellomo recalled:

[They] would ride the hearse and every few minutes would throw out pieces of what looked like tissue pa-per, about two inches by six inches. These papers had holes punched through them. The object of the holes was that the devil had to go through them, would be-come confused and could not get to the soul of the de-ceased. (1992, 16:3–4)

Bellomo remembered that in those years bodies were buried for approximately ten years before the bones were disinterred and returned to China.

Burials and New Year’s celebrations had special signifi-cance, but the daily religion of the Buddhist Chinese in Or-egon was centered on joss houses (temples). Some were large, permanent structures that contrasted sharply with the sim-ple, temporary shacks in which the Chinese residents lived. The temple in Baker City—erected in 1882 when the town’s Chinese population was just four hundred— was a two-story brick structure that cost $10,000 to build. Other joss houses were small shrines housed in multi-purpose build-ings, like the surviving altar in the Kam Wah Chung build-ing in John Day.

The altar in the Kam Wah Chung building was dedicat-ed to a deity known as “Old General Chen.” Famous as “the General who subdued the barbarians,” he must have seemed the ideal protector against the white population (whom the Chinese referred to as barbarians) (Chen 1972, 102). The location of this shrine within a store reveals the multifacet-ed nature of Chinese worship and the links between religion and business. The supplicants would make offerings to the deity (conveniently purchased from the store), contribute fi-nancially to the upkeep of the statue and the altar, and pay the proprietor (in this case Ing Hay or Lung On) for his ser-vices as a spiritual mediator. Worshippers paid roughly 50¢ each when they entered the Kam Wah Chung building. Ing Hay tended the altar at Kam Wah Chung and made daily offerings of wine, fruit, and incense.

In Portland, four main Taoist temples were used for social and religious gatherings. These “ joss” houses were

A Chinese boy plays with firecrackers during the New Year celebrations. Oregon Historical Society Research Library, #48794

中國男孩在慶祝新年時放鞭炮。俄勒岡歷史協會硏究圖書館提供

Bellomo 還記得屍體要埋葬十年左右才被挖出送囘中國。

雖然葬禮和新年慶祝具有特殊意義，但俄勒岡華人佛教徒的日常宗教活動，主要在寺廟裏進行。有些寺廟是永久性的大建築，這與華人居住的簡陋而臨時性的小屋，形成鮮明對比。Baker 城的一座兩層磚結構的寺廟，就是 1882 年花了 $10,000 元建成的，而當時那裏的華人剛剛達到四百人。其他寺廟則是設在多用途建築物中的小神龕，如 John Day 金華莊至今存留的祭壇。

金華莊的祭壇，是為供奉一位稱為“陳老將軍”的神人而設。他被當時的華工們看作理想的保護神。祭壇在商店裏面，這表明華人拜神的多面性，以及宗教和商業之間的聯系。祈禱者要獻供品給神人 (從商店中方便購買)，贊助維護塑像和祭壇的費用，支付業主 (伍喜或梁安) 為他們提供心靈解脫服務。膜拜者進金華莊，每次付大約 50 美分。伍喜在金華莊負責看管祭壇，每日奉酒、水果和香火。

波特蘭當時有四處道教寺廟，用於社交和宗教聚會。這些寺廟位於華人店鋪的樓上 (最老的一家位於第二大道的一家商店的樓上。) 那些皈依基督教的華人，則在當地的華人教堂裏聚集。第一個華人基督傳教團誕生於1874年。

除了宗教活動之外，節日慶典是保持中國文化傳統的另一種方式。喜賀中國新年在波特蘭有著悠久的傳統。中國人在冬至後的第二個月開始慶祝新年。1915 年中國轉換為陽曆，但波特蘭的華人社區依然決定像他們的祖輩一様，慶祝傳統春節。在早年，每逢春節，波特蘭華埠的華商，都要花一週的時間舉行宴會。到時樓房張燈結彩，炮竹聲聲，舞獅隊，鼓樂隊遊街串巷，走訪商號，驅散鬼邪，帶來好運。

表演舞獅的通常是當地的演員，但 1931 年十二歲的 Paul Lee 創建了 Shar Gee 俱樂部，組織兒童為慶祝新年舞獅。舞獅隊為波特蘭華埠的老弱病殘收集募捐。第二次世界大戰期間，他們收集的捐款還被送到中國救濟難民。

俄勒岡東部的中國節日慶典也以新年為中心。在慶賀新年期間，礦工們可以離開礦區，囘到華埠渡假幾天。華人還邀請白人赴宴，從而有力地改變了自己一慣簡樸的形象，也有助於白人對中國人人情世故的瞭解。

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located above Chinese businesses (the oldest was located above a store on Second Avenue). Chinese who had con-verted to Christianity could gather in the local Chinese churches. The first Chinese Christian Mission was start-ed in 1874.

Aside from religious observance, holiday celebration was another means of maintaining Chinese cultural tra-dition. Chinese New Year, for example, had a long tradi-tion in Portland. The Chinese celebrated New Year on the day of the second full moon after the winter solstice. In 1915, after China switched to the Gregorian calen-dar, Portland’s Chinese community decided to celebrate, as their forefathers had, at the traditional time. (This celebration was in addition to the American New Year’s celebration on January 1st.) In earlier years the Chinese merchants of Portland’s Chinatown would spend a week holding banquets. Buildings were decorated, firecrackers lit, and lion dancers and musicians danced through the streets, visiting businesses to drive away evil spirits and to bring good luck.

Though local actors usually performed the lion dance, in 1931, twelve-year-old Paul Lee started the Shar Gee club for child dancers who would dance the lion dance for the New Year’s celebration. The dancers collected do-nations for the old and the infirm in Portland’s China-town. During WWII this money was sent to China to aid refugees.

Holiday celebrations in Eastern Oregon also tended to center on the New Year festival. This was a time when miners could leave their claims and return to the Chi-natowns for several days of festivities. Including white residents in the revelry allowed the Chinese to challenge their reputation for frugality. This open invitation to all the community helped some whites recognize the com-mon humanity of the Chinese people.

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Chinatowns

The Chinese of Oregon were able to find strength and solidarity through the religious, social, and cultural tradi-tions they brought with them from their former country. Maintaining their traditions was made easier by the fact that the Chinese tended to live in segregated communi-ties. Though this segregation was enforced by white law and regulation, it also served as a protective mechanism against white discrimination. Additionally, since the Chi-nese population was composed almost entirely of bach-elors, many Chinese men substituted these community ties for the stability of traditional family life back home.

Chinatowns throughout Oregon proudly carried on Chinese customs, even in the face of alienation. In

華埠

俄勒岡華人能夠從自己故鄉帶來的宗教、社會、和文化傳統中找到力量和協調。他們傾向於住在隔離的社區，這使保持傳統變得更加容易。雖然這種隔離居住迫於白人法規，但也是反對白人歧視的保護機制。此外，華人人口幾乎全是單身漢，許多華人就用這種社區紐帶替代家鄉傳統家庭生活的穩定性。

即使面臨疏遠隔離，俄勒岡的華埠依然驕傲地沿襲著中國習俗。僅在俄勒岡東部，影響的華埠就出現在 Canyon City、John Day、Baker City、及 Auburn 等地。在華埠，華人還其自由身，不用害怕來自週圍的歧視和嘲弄。波特蘭華人社區就是一個特別恰當的例子。

The Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association float in Portland’s 1936 Junior Rose Festival parade. Oregon Historical Society Research Library, #59665

1936 年波特蘭少年玫瑰節遊行中，中華會館的花車。俄勒岡歷史協會硏究圖書館提供

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An 1890 view of Portland’s Chinese district, looking south along 2nd Avenue near Alder. Oregon Historical Society Research Library, OrHi 8356

1890 年，Alder 街和第二街向南的波特蘭華人區一瞥。俄勒岡歷史協會硏究圖書館提供

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自從第一批華人移居波特蘭以來，華人在保持自己獨特傳統習慣的同時，已經成為波特蘭社區一個必不可少的組成部分 (見附注四)。在到達波特蘭市一個世紀之後，華人沿著市河前岸，在二街與四街之間創立了一個生機盎然的社區。1959 年俄勒岡雜誌中的一篇文章有對早期華埠的生動描述：

精心設計的華人殯儀，由銅管樂隊和堂會打鬥開路；逢年過節，華埠門前鞭炮薺鳴；到處舉辦著豐盛的中國宴會；碰上鄉親返鄉之際，同鄉人羣集波特蘭市河岸相送；在現今的麥魯瑪縣體育場，以及沿西山的斜坡上，處處可見華人精心種植的菜園。

波特蘭華埠最初坐落於 Pine 街和 Taylor 街之間的西南第二大道。社區中心位於第二大道和 Alder 街之間。美式樓房上掛著中國字的招牌和燈籠，顯示了中國人的存在。華人因為不能擁有自己的房産，就改裝現成的房屋，以表達對自己文化的傳承。他們甚至模倣中國的建房方式，把陽臺加到房屋上。據1890年的一個記載：

華人佔住的房屋多用堅固的磚頭建成，最初一般由美國人建造。後來華商長期租用，就按照自己的方便和審美觀來改建。這些建築物溶合了濃郁的東方氣息，帶著拱形房頂下的長廊，房頂漆成黃、白、和朱紅，懸掛著紙燈籠和其他裝飾物。各種紅紙黑字的招牌貼滿了門窗。每逢佳節，整個社區燈火煇煌，裝飾一新…還有陣陣笛子弦樂和喧天的鑼鼓。

1900 年與 1915 年間，市政府提倡美化城區，促使華埠向 Burnside 以北遷移，進入後來被稱為 “小東京”的日本人區。第二次世界大戰帶來的經濟發展，導致了四十年代城市擴展，這又把剩下的中國舊城進一步向北推移。

波特蘭華埠提供賭博、嫖娼、和鴉片，以使華人從艱辛的生活中有所解脫。儘管賭博和娼妓為多數未婚男人提供社交活動，而鴉片則使他們的身體得到放鬆，但這些活動卻造成了白人社區對華人的負面印象。

妓院在華埠的普遍，使白人社區對其持否定態

Eastern Oregon alone, significant Chinatowns emerged in Canyon City, John Day, Baker City, and Auburn. In the Chinatowns, the Chinese were free to be Chinese, without fear of discrimination and ridicule from those around them. The Chinese community in Portland is an especially apt example of this.

Since their first settlement in Portland, the Chinese have been a vital part of the city’s community while still maintaining their own unique traditions. In the century after their arrival in Portland, the Chinese have created and maintained a vibrant community along the water-front between Second and Fourth Avenues. An article from a 1959 issue of The Oregon Journal offers a wonder-ful description of Chinatown in its early period:

Elaborate Chinese funerals preceded by brass bands; tong wars; the crackle of fire crackers in the Chinese quarter during special celebrations; elaborate Chi-nese banquets; the crowds of Chinese gathered along the waterfront when fellow countrymen were leaving to return to their homeland; the beautifully tended gardens of the Chinese where Multnomah stadium now stands and along the slopes of the westside hills. (Aaron)

Portland’s Chinatown was first located on Southwest Second Avenue from Pine Street to Taylor Street, with the heart of the community at Second Avenue and Alder Street. American buildings covered in Chinese signs and lanterns made the Chinese presence known. Because the Chinese could not own buildings or property, they modi-fied existing buildings as an expression of their cultural heritage. They also added balconies to their buildings in imitation of buildings in China (Wong 2004, 225). Ac-cording to one source from 1890:

The buildings which they occupy are mainly of solid brick, put up in the first place largely by Americans, but on long leases to the Chinese merchants and have been fixed over according to their convenience and ideas of beauty. They are intensely oriental in their general air, with piazzas of curved roofs, highly orna-mented with yellow, white, and vermilion paint, and paper globes and gewgaws. Red paper inscribed with

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度。1860 年，波特蘭有 12 家由商人或堂號開辦的華人妓院。(華商佔不到人口總數的百分之五，但卻操縱著主持各主流社團，也是堂號的支持者) 為了鏟除妓院，1871 年波特蘭市政府頒布了取締娼妓的條令；1880 年，該條令又得到進一步修改。這一條令對任何與妓院有聯系的人 (包括租賃樓房的人)，處以 100 美元罰款或 20 天監禁。但這項條令被証明無效，到了 1910 年，在 Pine 和 Flanders 之間的第四街仍有掛牌的“女性膳宿屋”。

雖然波特蘭市政府也試圖取締鴉片，鴉片仍是流行於華埠內的一種商業活動方式。1877 年11月，市政府修改了以前的法令，增加了懲治出售和擁有鴉片的條例。然而，華埠繼續為顧客提供地方，讓他們購買並於夜間吸用鴉片。

賭博是華埠內一種主要的娛樂方式。1890 年代早期，波特蘭的賭博和彩票生意超過40家。華人在這些地方玩“翻攤”，賣彩票。位於第二大道和第

characters in black serve as signs, and are pasted nu-merously over doors and windows. On gala days the entire area is lit up by lanterns, or gaily ornamented with paper, and…[the] tones of their flutes and fid-dles, and…gongs. (Scott, 437)

Official efforts to beautify the city between 1900 and 1915 pushed Chinatown north of Burnside into the Japa-nese district (later known as “little Tokyo”). The econom-ic boom of WWII also allowed for more urban devel-opment in the 1940s, which forced the remnants of old Chinatown north.

Portland’s Chinatown offered relief from the hard-ships of life to the Chinese in the forms of prostitutes, opium, and gambling. Gambling and prostitutes provided social interactions for the mostly unmarried male popu-lation while opium offered a physical form of relaxation. However, these activities also contributed to the negative view of the Chinese held by the white community.

Houses of prostitution were common in Chinatown and the white community viewed them negatively. In 1860, there were twelve Chinese brothels in Portland run either by merchants or by tongs. (Chinese merchants were less than 5 percent of the population, but they man-aged to dominate the mainstream organizations as offi-cials, despite also being backers of the tongs.) In an effort to drive out these brothels, the City of Portland enact-ed an ordinance to suppress prostitution in 1871, which was revised in 1880. These ordinances sanctioned anyone connected with a house of prostitution (including people who rented out the building) with a fine of $100 and a sentence to twenty days in jail. These ordinances proved ineffective, however, as “female boarding houses” along Fourth Avenue between Pine and Flanders were still list-ed in 1910.

Though the City of Portland later tried to suppress it, opium was a popular form of business in Chinatown. In November 1877 the city revised a previous ordinance, add-ing penalties for the sale and possession of opium. Never-theless, Chinatown continued to provide a place where a customer could purchase opium and a bed for the night.

Gambling was the major form of entertainment in Chinatown. In the early 1890s, almost forty gambling

An early Chinese lottery ticket. Oregon Historical Society Research Library, #48744

一張早期的華人彩票。俄勒岡歷史協會硏究圖書館提供

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四大道的賭場主人，大規模地裝修店面以掩護他們的活動。市政府試圖禁止賭博，通過法律，限制為了掩護賭博而裝修房屋。1921 年的俄勒岡人報報道：八個中國男人把自己鎖在一間鋼房裏玩“翻攤”；員警企圖破門進入，但未獲成功，這些人等賭完才自己出來。

類似這様的事件表明，員警要制止華埠的非法活動是多麽艱難。1881 年至 1911 年的逮捕記錄顯示，因賭博、嫖娼和鴉片而被捕的人數，跟阻塞人行道和街道而被捕的人數一様多。可見，不管手段多麼強硬，波特蘭官方從未能夠完全制止華埠的非法活動。

華人戲院通過為波特蘭華人社區提供娛樂，而成為保留中國傳統文化的另一種重要方式。1879

and lottery businesses were running in Portland. Here the Chinese played fan-tan and sold lottery tickets. The owners extensively remodeled the buildings located along Second and Fourth Avenues in order to hide these activi-ties. The city attempted to stop gambling by passing laws that restricted modifications made to buildings. A report in The Oregonian in 1921 stated that eight Chinese men had locked themselves in a steel room to play fan-tan. The police unsuccessfully tried to break down the door but the men emerged only when they had finished their game.

Incidents like this one show how difficult it was for the police to control illegal activities in Chinatown. Ar-rest records from 1881 to 1911 show that as many people were being arrested for obstructing sidewalks and streets

Opium smoker in one of Portland’s dens. Oregon Historical Society Research Library, OrHi 10604

吸鴉片者在波特蘭一個鴉片窟。俄勒岡歷史協會硏究圖書館提供

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as were being arrested for visiting prostitutes, using opi-um, and gambling combined. No matter how fierce their efforts, Portland officials could never fully stop any of the illegal activities that took place in Chinatown.

Chinese theaters offered another important way of maintaining the traditional culture by providing custom-ary entertainment for the Chinese community in Port-land. In 1879 the Chinese merchant community built a theater on Second Avenue to stage Chinese operas. The theater was frequently under attack for operating at night and in 1881 the city passed an ordinance prohibiting the theater from showing performances after midnight. The Chinese community argued against the ordinance, saying it would deprive their community of a significant source

年，華商聯合在第二大道建了一家戲院，上演中國戲劇。這家戲院因晚上經營而不斷遭受襲擊；於是，1881 年市政府通過禁令，不許該戲院午夜之後開演。華人社區爭辯，認為這一禁令取消了社區一個重要的娛樂來源。後來，雙方達成協議，華人同意午夜之後限制樂器的使用。 (這家戲院一直開到 1904 年，主要由舊金山、溫哥華、甚至中國來的廵廻戲班演出。) 1882 年，第二家戲院在第二大道和 Yamhill 開業。幾年以後，第三家，也是最後一家戲院在第二大道和 Stark 開業。

到 1900 年代早期，這幾家戲院統統關閉，雖然廵廻戲班仍在當地的其他劇場演出。1946 年，一家業餘俱樂部在第二大道的華人音樂俱樂部，和中華會館的大廰演出傳統中國戲劇；演出收入所得，

Cast of the Portland Chinese Opera, 1950. Oregon Historical Society Research Library, OrHi 96427

1950 年，波特蘭中國戲劇演員。俄勒岡歷史協會硏究圖書館提供

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of amusement. Eventually, a compromise was reached in which the Chinese agreed to limit the number of in-struments that were played after midnight. This theater, hosting traveling companies from San Francisco, Van-couver, and even China, operated until 1904. A second theater opened in 1882 on Second and Yamhill and a few years later the third and final theater opened on Second and Oak.

By the early 1900s, these theaters had all shut down, although traveling groups still played in other local play-houses. Even in 1946, an amateur club continued to per-form traditional Chinese opera at the Chinese Music Club on Second Avenue and the CCBA Hall. The pro-ceeds were used for relief efforts in China during the war with Japan. Even though Chinatown changed signifi-cantly, the Chinese community remained a vital presence in Portland with organizations such as the CCBA still maintaining traditions within the community.

In addition to the Chinese living in the core area of Portland’s Chinatown, significant numbers of Chinese lived in outlying areas. One example was the garden com-munity in Northwest Portland.

The urban Chinese settled primarily along the flood-prone waterfront of the Willamette River, and their rural countrymen chose a far less developed, marshy area of Portland west of the central downtown in an area identified by Portlanders as the Chinese Vegeta-ble Gardens. (Wong 2004, 209)

The Chinese Gardens were located between Fourteenth and Twenty-first Avenues east to west, and between B Street (later renamed Burnside) and Market Street north to south. This area was dominated by Tanner Creek, which was improved in 1873 with a culvert dug by Chinese work-ers to control flooding. The improvement allowed the Chi-nese to build wooden huts and shanties along the northern bend of the creek as well as to plant vegetable gardens. The Chinese worked together in the gardens, sharing the labor and the profit gained by selling their produce in the city.

The leasing of five acres of land to the Multnomah Amateur Athletic club in 1893 forced the relocation of many of the Chinese gardens, and continual urban

用於救濟抗日戰爭中的中國難民。儘管華埠變化巨大，但有了像中華會館這様能在社區內保持傳統的組織，華人社區在波特蘭市依然佔有舉足輕重的地位。

就當時的華人人口分佈而言，除了居住在波特蘭華埠中心地帶之外，還有不少住在城市週邊。波特蘭西北區的田園社區便是一個例子：

城裏的華人主要沿 Willamette 河易泛水災的河前街居住；鄉下華人則選擇了波特蘭市西邊一片尚未開發的沼澤地。波特蘭人把這片地稱為華人菜園。(王 2004, 209)

華人菜園東至十四街，西至二十一街，北至 B 街 (後改稱 Burnside 街)，南至 Market 街。菜園完全依賴於 Tanner 河。1873 年，華人勞工為了控制洪災，在河旁挖了一條水道，使河流得到改善。這一改進使華人可以沿 Tanner 河北岸蓋起木棚木屋，開墾菜園。他們一起在菜園裏勞作，共同分享賣菜所得的利潤。

1893 年，麥魯瑪縣業餘運動倶樂部租賃了五英畝土地，許多華人菜園被迫遷移。相繼的城市擴展，又進一步縮小了華人菜園的地盤。與此同時，市政府頒佈法令禁止華人菜農在波特蘭市區沿街叫賣；1897 年，市法令要求華人菜農繳納執照費；1910 年，另一法令又禁止華人菜農在部分街區，包括華埠，出售蔬菜。1910 年的這一限令 (以及城市擴展)，嚴重打擊了華人菜園市場。波特蘭市華人菜園社區走投無路，從此消失。

Astoria 的華埠建於 1870 年代，在靠近罐頭廠與Bond、Astor、及 Commercial 街交界的一個地方。華人在此創立了一個繁榮的社區。他們住在罐頭廠提供的擁擠不堪的雙層或多層的房子裏。在華埠，華人形成一個職能獨立，聯系緊密的團體，為華人提供舒適的環境和經濟機會。在 Astoria 和其他地方，許多華人的孩子白天上美國學校，晚間上華語學校。“來美華人十分看重教育，把教育作為一種在美國競爭和出人頭地的方式。他們對保存自己的傳統也很關切，因此華語學校在 Bond 街建立起來”( Marconeri 1993, 34)。在華語學校裏，孩子們學習中國語言，人物寫作和文化傳統，這表達了華人在適應美國社會的同時，也有保留自己文化的願望。(俄勒岡一些地區至今仍有華語學校，如中華

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會館屬下的波特蘭中華語言學校。)不幸的是，伴隨早年華人移民成長起來的的華

埠，大多已經縮小。由於對中國女移民的限制 (從而限制了人口的增長)，由於對體力勞工需求的減少，許多華人被迫到別處尋找工作，導致了俄勒岡東部的華人社區逐漸衰落。到 1900 年，曾經繁榮一時的 John Day 華埠，居民縮減至大約一百左右，在人口日益增加的邊疆地區，中國文化也變得越來越模糊。逐漸萎縮的華人社區，已不能維持金華莊於 John Day 華埠鼎盛時期建造在其主樓附近的小寺廟。到 1940 年，John Day 只剩下不到二十個華人。華埠一度繁榮的痕跡大多已消失。

The Chinese Vegetable Gardens in Northwest Portland, 1905. Oregon Historical Society Research Library, OrHi 12176

1905 年，波特蘭西北區的華人菜園。俄勒岡歷史協會硏究圖書館提供

development into the area further reduced the number of these gardens. The gardeners who peddled their vegetables on the streets of downtown Portland were further hampered by city ordinances. In 1897 an ordinance demanded license fees. Later in 1910 another prohibited peddling in certain parts of downtown, including Chinatown. This later ordinance (along with urban expansion into the community) helped to effectively destroy the Chinese gardeners’ market. With nowhere to go, the Chinese Garden community in the city disappeared.

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Dreams of the West


Astoria’s Chinatown was established in the 1870s, in an area close to the canneries bordered by Bond, Astor, and Commercial Streets. The Chinese created a thriving community. They lived in housing complexes or in high-density bunkhouses provided by the cannery owners. In Chinatown, the Chinese formed an independently func-tioning, close-knit group that provided comfort and eco-nomic opportunity. Many of the Chinese children in As-toria and elsewhere attended Chinese school at night and on weekends while attending American school during the day. “The Chinese who came to America placed great value on education as a means of competing and getting ahead in this country. However, they were also concerned about preserving their heritage and so a Chinese school was established on Bond Street” (Marconeri 1993, 34). In Chinese school, they were taught Chinese language, character writing, and cultural heritage, exemplifying the desire to preserve their own culture while adapting to American society. (Oregon towns still have Chinese schools, such as the one currently operated by the CCBA in Portland.)

Unfortunately, most Chinatowns that grew up dur-ing the early years of Chinese immigration have since di-minished. The Chinese community in Eastern Oregon suffered a decline due to both the restrictions on the im-migration of Chinese women (which inhibited population growth) and a drop in labor jobs, which forced many Chi-nese to find work elsewhere. By 1900, the once thriving Chinatown in John Day had dwindled to approximately one hundred residents and Chinese culture became less visible in the increasingly populated frontier. The shrink-ing Chinese community could not maintain the small temple the Kam Wah Chung Company had built near its main building at the peak of John Day’s Chinatown. In John Day as of 1940, there were fewer than twenty Chi-nese men and most traces of their once-thriving commu-nity had disappeared.

Flag bearers and lion dancers rehearse for a parade at the Chinese center in Portland, January 27, 1946. From left: Freddie Wong (front), Eddie Low, Gary Lee and Bennie Lee. Oregon Historical Society Research Library, #58756

1946 年 1 月 27 日，持旗人和舞獅者在波特蘭華人中心為遊行彩排。左起：Freddie Wong (前)，Eddie Low，Gary Lee 和 Bennie Lee。俄勒岡歷史協會硏究圖書館提供

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To preserve Chinese traditions in America, many parents sent their children to Chinese schools like this one at the CCBA hall in Portland, taught by Maggie Chen, March 8, 1979. Oregon Historical Society Research Library, OrHi 84045

為了在美國保留中國傳統，許多家長送他們的孩子到華語學校，照片中是波特蘭中華會館大樓中的華語學校，上課老師是 Maggie Chen。照片攝於 1979 年 3 月 8 日。俄勒岡歷史協會硏究圖書館提供

An immigration agent guards Chinese men awaiting deportation, 1924. The Geary Act of 1892 required every Chinese in the US to register and have a certificate of residency or be deported. Oregon Historical Society Research Library, OrHi 48768

移民代理看守被驅逐出境的華人 1924 年，一移民代理看守著等待被驅逐出境的華人。1892 年修訂的排華法要求，所有華人註冊登記，領取居民身份証。沒有証書者，隨時都可能被驅逐出境。俄勒岡歷史協會硏究圖書館提供

dreams of the west

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