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April-June 2012 Vol. LX, No. 2

Editor: Dr. Ansar Zahid Khan

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Executive Committee(2009-2012)

Office Bearers

Mrs. Sadia Rashid ......... President

Prof. Mrs. Mumtaz Moin ......... Vice-President

Prof. Sharif al Mujahid ......... Vice-President

Dr. Ansar Zahid Khan ......... General Secretary and

Director of Research

Prof. Dr. Javed Husain ......... Joint SecretaryDr. Navaidul Zafar ......... Treasurer

Members

Prof. Dr. Riaz Ahmad Prof. Hasnain Kazmi

Sh. Khurshid Hasan Prof. Dr. Tahera Aftab

Prof. Dr. Syed Jaffar Ahmed Dr. Sultan-i-Rome

Dr. Muhammad Reza Kazimi Dr. Inamul Haq Kausar

Prof. Hakim Naimuddin Zubairy

Note

The sacred yt from the Holy Qurn and adth have beenprinted for Tablgh and for increase of your religious knowledge. It isyour duty to ensure their sanctity. Therefore, the pages on which these

are printed should be disposed of in proper Islamic manner.

Acknowledgement

We gratefully acknowledge the assistance of Hamdard Foundation

Pakistan in providing a recurring grant to the Pakistan Historical Society

as well as meeting the printing, publication and postal expenses of the

Journal.

We also gratefully acknowledge Higher Education Commissions

financial grant for the Journal.

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J.P.H.S., Vol. LX, No. 2

OBJECTIVES

The Pakistan Historical Society was founded in 1950 to encourage interest

and research in history by providing facilities for exchange of ideas, publication

of monographs, original texts and research papers. It has also been trying to

focus attention on the study of Islam and Muslim people to acquaint the

general reader as well as scholars with their glorious heritage. Its quarterly

journal (First published 1953) is devoted to:

1. History and Civilization of Islam.

2. Culture and Traditions of Muslim Peoples.

3. Study of History and Culture.

4. Muslims in South Asia.

The Society does not assume any responsibility for statements of facts

or opinion made by the contributors.

Correspondence on editorial or other matters may be addressed to the

Editor, Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society, Bait al-Hikmah at Madinat al-

Hikmah, Muhammad bin Qasim Avenue, Karachi-74700, Pakistan.

The Pakistan Historical Society does not necessarily agree with all the

statements made or opinions expressed by the Contributors who are themselves

responsible for their views or comments.

For review two copies of the book should be sent.

Articles from this journal are indexed in International Bibliography of

the Social Sciences (IBSS) ProQuest, the Quorum, Barnwell Road,

Cambridge, CB5 8SW, United Kingdom.

For correspondence:

Editor

Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society (Historicus)Bait al-Hikmah, Madinat al-Hikmah

Karachi-74700, Pakistan

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Journal of the

PAKISTAN HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Vol. LX April-June 2012 No. 2

Editor:

Dr. Ansar Zahid Khan

Published with the financial support

of the Hamdard Fo undation Pakistan

on behalf of the Pakistan HistoricalSociety, Karachi, Pakistan.

Telephones:36440184, 36616001-436440035-42 Ext. 337

Telefax: (92-21) 36611755

e-Mail:

[email protected]@hamdardfoundation.org

Websites:

www.hamdardfoundation.org

[Hamdard Foundation Pakistan]www.hamdardlabswaqf.org

[Hamdard Laboratories (Waqf)]

www.hakimsaid.info

[Idara-e-Said]

Articles and photographs in this issuemay not be reproduced unlesspr eviou s permis s ion has be enobtained from the Editor.

Price

Inland Foreign

Annual Rs.520/- US$90/-

Single Copy Rs.135/- US$30/-

Inclusive Airmail Postage

Payments should be in the name

of the Pakistan Historical Society

Printed by MAS Printers,Nazimabad, Karachi-74600, Pakistan.

CONTENTS

* Editorial

* An Analysis of the Council of

Pakistan Newspapers Editors some

Guidelines

Dr. Seemi Naghmana Tahir

Dr. Tauseef Ahmad Khan

Dr. Sajjad Ahmad Paracha

* Impact of fism on Sikhism

Special reference to Bb Fard

Dr. Fatima Hussain

* The Dilemmas of Transition from

Military to civilian Regime the

Making of the 1972 Interim

Constitution of Pakistan

Dr. Syed Jaffar Ahmed

* The Bengal Shipping Company on

the Rangoon-Chittagong Line

(1905-1933)

Dr. Mohammad Mahbubul

Hoque

* Book Reviews

* Review Article

* Current History

Historical Reflections from the

Pakistani Press

5

7

23

39

59

75

85

89

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J.P.H.S., Vol. LX, No. 2Editorial

MADINAT AL-HIKMAHCity of Education, Science and Culture

A renaissance of learning has begun to fulfil the perspective and

prospective demands of the evolving mind-set of youth in Pakistan.

This is the culmination of the lifelong dream of a great humanitarian,

Shaheed Hakim Mohammed Said (1920-1998), President, Hamdard

Foundation Pakistan to build a city of education, science and

culture the Madinat al-Hikmah. The work was initiated and funded

by Hamdard Foundation Pakistan in 1981 in picturesque surroundings

of Bund Murad Khan, 35 kilometres away from Karachi. Today, it

is a beehive of activity, with children and students engaged in

academic, technical and sports activities devoted exclusively to

promote learning and culture and through it help achieve moral andphysical welfare, peace and progress. The Bait al-Hikmah Library,

Hamdard Public School, Hamdard Village School, Scholars House,

Centre for Horticulture and the Hamdard University are the major

institutions found there. The Hamdard Universitys mission is to

provide value-based education to all students in its constituent

institutions. Its prestigious institutions include Hamdard Institute of

Management Sciences (HIMS), Hamdard Institute of Information

Technology (HIIT), Hamdard College of Medicine and Dentistry

(HCM&D), Hamdard Al-Majeed College of Eastern Medicine

(HACEM), Shifa ul-Mulk Memorial Hospital, Hamdard Hospital

Naimat Begum Mother & Child Care Unit (Hamdard UniversityCentre of Excellence), Hamdard Institute of Education and Social

Sciences (HIESS), Dr. Hafiz Mohammad Ilyas Institute of

Pharmacology and Herbal Sciences (HMI-IPHS), Hamdard School

of Law, Faculty of Pharmacy, Faculty of Engineering Sciences and

Technology (FEST) and the Environmental Studies Centre.

More development and institutions are visualised by Hamdard

Foundation Pakistan for the future.

Shaheed Hakim Mohammed Said

19201998

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EDITORIAL

The No. 2 issue of theHistoricuscomprises four research papers,

2 book reviews, a review article and Current History reflecting popular

historical perceptions.

Prof. Dr. Seemi Naghmana Tahirand her colleagues, Dr. Tauseef

Ahmad Khan and Dr. Sajjad Ahmad Paracha (Pakistan) have co-

operated to produce a compact study on an important aspect of current

problems of Pakistani journalism in their article, An Analysis of the

Council of Pakistan Newspaper Editors: Some Guidelines. They have

criticized emergence of non-professional owner editors who often work

against the interests of the journalist in general.

Dr. Fatima Hussain(India) has spotlighted the Impact of fismon Sikhism: (With) Special Reference to Bb Fard (Shakarganj ofPak Patan). It is said that a number of his verses and sayings are found

in the GurGranth ib. The author has tried to trace the impact of

the Qurnic verses also.Dr. Syed Jaffar Ahmed (Pakistan) discusses an importanttransitional phase in the constitutional history of Pakistan in his analytical

article entitled, The Dilemmas of Transition from Military to Civilian

Regime: The Making of the 1972 Interim Constitution of Pakistan by

Shaheed Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto.

From Bangladesh Dr. Mohammad Mahbubul Hoquehas provided

a very good study of the attempts of the people of Bengal (particularly

Chittagong and Dhaka) to participate in the shipping concerns in his

article about The Bengal Shipping Company on the Rangoon-Chittagong

Lines (1905-1933).

This issue also includes two book reviews and one review article.The Current History focuses on the study of History and some

sketches of historical personages.

Editor

Editorial 5

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AN ANALYSIS OF THE COUNCIL OF

PAKISTAN NEWSPAPERS EDITORS

SOME GUIDELINES

DR. SEEMI NAGHMANA TAHIR,*

DR. TAUSEEF AHMAD KHAN,**

DR. SAJJAD AHMAD PARACHA***

The Council of Newspapers Editors (CPNE) is responsible for

editorial standard of the Press but it is being observed that for the last few

years many businessmen have entered into the profession of journalism.

They have not only become the owners but also they themselves are the

editors of their newspapers and by virtue of being editor they have become

the member of not only All Pakistan Newspapers Society (APNS) but

also members of CPNE. Though the struggle of CPNE for the just cause

of freedom of the Press has been a glorious chapter in the Press history

of Pakistan, but the increasing influence of APNS and a huge presence of

non-professional editors in the field, has impaired the image of CPNE. If

it denies membership to the new entrants, they would not fall under its

umbrella, and continue whatever they like to do. The CPNE would not

have any right to refrain them. In this context this paper suggests that

CPNE should strictly control its pre-requisites for membership and only

persons having sound professional backgrounds should be allowed its

membership. The Press Council should be competent to check the

commitments of the members of CPNE in respect of professional

background and editorial standards.1

The theoretical framework for this paper is based on the paradigmof Media Sociology. The methodology of document study and survey was

employed to collect the relevant data from media professionals.

*Professor, Department of Mass Communication & Dean, Faculty of Arts and

Law, Federal Urdu University, Karachi, Pakistan. e-mail: [email protected]

**Associate Professor, Department of Mass Communication, Federal Urdu

University, Karachi, Pakistan. e-mail: [email protected]

***Assistant Professor, Department of Media Studies, The Islamia University of

Bahawalpur, Pakistan. e-mail: [email protected]

Council of Pakistan Newspapers Editors 7

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An Overview of Council of Pakistan Newspapers Editors

It is commonly believed that the Council of Pakistan Newspapers

Editors (CPNE) was established in 1956, bringing together the leading

newspapers editors of the day onto one single platform to fight for Press

freedom of the Press and before this newspapers editors of the country

were divided.2 However, M.A Zuberi, former Chief Editor, Daily

Business Recorder, claims that it was established in 1958, when the

Pakistan Newspapers Editors Conference and Newspapers Editors Council

of Pakistan merged together.3Those who took the lead in the unity move

were Hameed Nizmi and Fakhr Mtri from the then Newspapers Editors

Conference of Pakistan (NECP) and Altf Hussain and M.A. Zuberifrom the Council of Pakistan Editors (CPE).4 The CPNE received due

recognition from the government and also from the people. In this way

from 1958 onwards, the Council of Pakistan Newspapers Editors started

a new struggle; it worked diligently for the formation of a press council

and also for establishing special benches of high courts to hear the

matters related to newspapers. The Council also enforced a code of

conduct and bound its member editors to follow the same.5Prior to this,

the Newspapers Editors Conference of Pakistan was established in 1948

with Altf Hussain of daily Dawn as its organizational head.6 AltafHussain was the man who resisted the later attempts to censor the policy

address of Mr. Jinnah in the very first session of the Constituent Assembly(CA) of the newly formed country* but later he could not stop division

among the editors, on the issue of Public Safety Act. One group was led

by Faiz Ahmad Faiz and Hameed Nizmi and the other had Altf Hussainin a leading role.7During this period the central and provincial governments

in the country continued their attempts to curb the press, so much so that

the government of the state of Bahwalpur banned two local newspapers,the Insfand Satluj.The All Pakistan Newspapers Editors Conference

decided to boycott the publication of the news of the state and the ban

was at last lifted.8 The Newspapers Editors Conference of Pakistan

continued its role to safeguard the newspapers from the governments

attempts to curtail freedom, but on a very important occasion the

*TheDawnwas founded by the Quaid-i-Azam during the movement for achieving

Pakistan. Altf Husain was its second editor. The reference is to the speech of the Quaiddelivered before the Constituent Assembly on 11th August 1947 when he declared that

in Pakistan in course of time, Hindus would cease to be Hindus and Muslims would

cease to be Muslims not in the religious sense but in the political sense as citizens of

the State. Some people regarded it as a slip on his part and against the Two Nation

Theory, hence the efforts to distort his words. For a detailed discussion see S. Irtiza

Hussain, Compromise with Conciliation, 1997, Karachi, p. 92 et seq. Ed.

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conference toed the line of establishment in 1949. On publication of anews on Kashmir in the Civil and Military Gazette,one of the oldest

newspapers of the subcontinent, the Editors Conference along with sixteen

daily newspapers of the time joined hands in demanding its closure. The

paper was banned for six months, but could never recover and was

finally closed down in 1963.9

During the 1950s conflict between Min Mumtz Daulatnaand Nawb Iftekhr Mamdot, the government of Punjab enforcedpre-censorship on the dailyNaw-e-WaqtLahore because the newspaper

sided with Nawb Mamdot. This was greatly condemned by the EditorsConference. Later on the declaration ofNaw-e-Waqtwas also cancelledfor violation of pre-censorship. The then acting president of Editors

Conference, Maulana Akhtar Ali Khan, appealed to the government to

restore its declaration.10 Similarly during the premiership of KhawjaNzimuddin, the government made many attempts to silence the newspapereditors, Maulana Akhtar Ali Khan once again condemned the government

for ignoring the stand of All Pakistan Newspapers Editors Conference

on the issue.11

In 1954, the Central Government established a Press Commission

to oversee the matters related to the press. The Newspapers Editors

Conference decided to participate in the Commissions meetings to

represent the Urdu press on that forum. From 1955 onwards the

government of Pakistan started utilising newsprint as a lever to control

the press in the country.12It is worth remembering that till then country

was not producing newsprint and it had to be imported through permits

issued on the discretion of the government only. Subsequently in the

following year the government decided to reduce the pages of newspapers

to overcome the shortage of newsprint. This attempt was also condemned

by the Newspapers Editors Conference. It demanded the discontinuation

of permit system and urged the government to allow direct import of

newsprint by the newspapers.13

Role of CPNE vis-a-vis Various Regimes in the country

On 7th October 1958, General Ayub Khan enforced Martial Law

in the country and abolished the 1956 constitution. Ayub Khans Martial

Law regime was the most trying period for the newspapers. It introduced

fresh curbs on the press and there began a black era for the press in the

country. Political parties were banned and there was no room left for an

independent press which could criticise the wrong doings of the

government.14In the following months the fast developing political turmoil


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paved the way for the merger of both the organizations of newspaperseditors and there emerged the Council of Pakistan Newspapers Editors

(CPNE). The first session of this forum was held in Karachi which was

attended by 50 newspaper editors including those from East Pakistan

(now Bangladesh). The forum unanimously put forward the demand for

abolishing the press laws to Chief Martial Law Administrator, General

Ayub Khan.15The united efforts by the CPNE helped in projecting the

unanimous views of the national newspapers to the government. Every

draconian measure, every law seeking to curb the freedom of the Press

was resisted by the CPNE. The standing committee of the CPNE

expressed its views strongly on all such laws and called for the withdrawal

of curbs on Press freedom. Individual instances of arbitrary executive

action against newspapers for their editorial contents, were also strongly

condemned. The CPNE forced Ayub Khan to have a dialogue with it

and to promise the removal of curbs once the editors established a code

of ethics.16

The non-implementation of the promise made by Ayub Khan showed,

in the later years, that to trust him was a big mistake. The continued

curbs on the Press produced a credibility gap, promoted a false sense of

bliss at official levels, and resulted in the traumatic events leading to the

East Pakistan debacle of 1971. But prior to that the CPNE had also

failed to raise voice against the governments attempt of taking over ofprogressive papers limiteds newspapers like the DailyPakistan Times

Lahore, Daily Imroz Lahore, weekly Lailo-Nahr and weekly Sports

TimesLahore under the Safety Act and Martial Law Regulations. The

editors Mazhar Ali Khan, Ahmad Nadeem Qasmi and Syed Sibte Hassan,

were arrested. The government immediately sacked Syed Sibte Hassan

a leftist, from the job while Ahmad Nadeem Qasmi and Mazhar Ali

Khan resigned. Under the intense pressure from the government the

CPNE kept silent on these acts.17 Encouraged by this, the government

further took control of three more newspapers the DailyMashriqLahore,

DailyMorning NewsKarachi and Dhaka and the DailyDainek Pakistan

Dhaka, and established the National Press Trust, which resulted in causing

great damage to the cause of free press in the country. Although in the

subsequent years the CPNE rejected the Press and Publication

Ordinance (PPO) 1963, not only this it also resisted other press curbs

and arrests of editors during Ayub regime. However, its president, AltfHussain, joined Ayubs cabinet as a minister. During Yahya Khans

Martial Law (1970) the CPNE again failed to raise voice against the

arbitrary attempts of the government against the press including

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enforcement of censorship prior to begin operation in East Pakistan andalso when a number of journalists were sentenced by the military courts.18

Under Z.A. Bhutto regime the CPNE continued its struggle for its

just cause of Press freedom. The Bhutto government, contrary to its

earlier claims for a free press in the country, left no opportunity to harass

press in the country. Events like the arrest of Altf Gohar, editor in chiefof the Dawn group, under martial law regulation and punitive actions

against three magazines from the Punjab including Urdu Digest, Zindag

and Punjab Punch were the highlights of Bhutto eras press control.

Retaliatory actions against publications like DailiesJasrat, Hurriyat

andMehrnwere reflective of the Bhutto governments attitude towards

press, which were vocally confronted by the CPNE.19

To sum it up CPNE played a significant role in tackling all sorts of

limitations enforced on the press by the Bhutto government. Banning of

newspapers, curtailing government advertisements and news print quota

and above all the continuation of black laws like thePress and Publication

Ordinance 1963 were the daunting tasks faced by the CPNE. The

editors forum went all out to get its demands accepted by Mr. Bhutto

to restore press freedom in the country, and there were fair chances that

thePress and Publication Ordinancemight come to an end but General

Ziaul Haq toppled Bhutto government down on 5th July 1977. Contrary

to its role during Bhutto regime, the CPNE again kept silent when ZiaulHaq banned newspapers, arrested editors, and subjected journalists to

severe punishments from summary military courts including flogging of

three journalists.20Not only this but in 1984 at one point, the then president

of CPNE and APNS and the editor of Daily Naw-e-WaqtMr. Majeed

Nizmi demanded the promulgation of martial law ordinance to discourage

the competition among the newspapers for circulation figures. In a

statement he termed the competition as unhealthy for the profession and

that he was ready to welcome a martial law regulation in this connection.

This was a unique example in the history of press when professional

bodys head was urging the government to stop competition among

newspapers only because his own newspaper was lagging behind in

circulation with the other papers of that time.21

In the early years of Zia Martial Law, the CPNE adopted

a low profile, however, the body, succeeded in organising a three-day

Quaid-i-Azam Press Convention on 8-10 May 1983 at Karachi to review

the situation of Press freedom. On the day of the convention at the

initiative of Muhammad Salhuddin, all the editors gathered at the tomb

of the Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of the nation, and pledged to


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uphold the ideological basis of Pakistan and adhere to the Press Code ofEthics, finalised in 1981 by the CPNE.22

The convention set the pace for the growing demand for press

freedom which reached a crescendo in 1988 and General Zia agreed to

discuss the issue in a joint committee constituted for this purpose. However,

Zia-ul-Haq died on August 17, 1988 in a plane-crash near Bahwalpur.Senate Chairman Ghulm Ishq Khn, who according to constitutionbecame the acting President, promulgated theRegistration of Printing

Press and Publication Ordinance (RPP&PO), 1988. This was not an

ideal law for the Press but the CPNE accepted it to get rid of the

accursed PPO of 1963.23

Benazir Bhutto, who came to power as a result of 1988 general

elections, announced her readiness to review the RPPO for which a

whole exercise was conducted with the consultation of CPNE, APNS

and the working journalists. This development also came to naught when

Benazir Government was dismissed by President Ghulam Ishaq Khan on

August 6, 1990. The government of Min Nawz Sharf also promisedimprovements in RPPO in keeping with the demands of the CPNE and

other Press bodies. The CPNE also submitted a draft legislation called

the freedom of information (Protection) Bill for adoption by the National

Assembly.

In April 1993 a division developed in the ranks of the editors, andthe NECP (Newspapers Editors Council of Pakistan) was formed by the

editors who left the CPNE for reasons of differences on granting

membership to new publications. Prominent among those who left the

CPNE were Majeed Nizmi, M.A. Zuberi, rif Nizmi, Fash Iqbl, ZiShhid, Masood Shorish, Adeeb Jvedni, Sharf Frooq, and Zhid Malik.24

Between April 1993 to September, 1996 there remained two separate

bodies of newspapers editors. However, in this period also the two

bodies did not deviate from the principled stand of defending Press

freedom.

The joint struggle of CPNE, NECP and All Pakistan Newspapers

Society (APNS) against the ban, the PPP led Sindh government imposedon six Karachi evening newspapers in 1995, set the ball rolling for fresh

unity moves. Then in the budget of 1996 new taxes were imposed on

newspapers. Due to all these measures editors decided to bring unity in

their ranks, so the NECP merged in CPNE in October 1996. As per

merger agreement the standing committee of the enlarged CPNE

comprises the standing committees of the merged bodies and had a

strength of some 35 members.

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An important aspect of the CPNEs working is also its condemnationof violence and sectarianism in the country. In that framework it has also

condemned the elements responsible for the arson attack on newspapers

and murderous attacks on pressmen and editors. It has strongly denounced

the failure of law enforcing agencies to apprehend the culprits responsible

for attacks on newspapers and pressmen. It has also called upon all theelected representatives, regardless of their party affiliations, to declare

their commitment to Press freedom.25

Overall the CPNE as a professional body of newspaper editors has

done what it could in the past more than four decades of its working as

the representative organisation of newspaper editors of the country. The

fact that it should have done better is conceded by almost all its members.Let us hope that in the days ahead it would do better. Here we must

remember that newspapers mirror society in its true form and face. But

as a mirror the newspapers cannot become a hall of mirrors to wrongly

enlarge the figures of small men, reaching high position by manipulation

and intrigue and not by the process of ballot. This is the reason for

demagogue and why every sycophant always have a grouse against the

editors community and the CPNE. But that has not deterred the CPNE

in its just stand on Press freedom in Pakistan.26 But there is a strong

perception about the ineffectiveness of CPNE due to the fact that it is

now dominated by owner editors and thus often fails to take a just stand

as editors body only. According to Saleem Aasmi, former editor of theDailyDawnKarachi, this professional body of editors is now dominated

by owner-editors. For this reason why the Council does not pay any heed

to professional issues and standards and often sides with the agenda of

All Pakistan Newspapers Society of low wages for journalists and non

implementation of the Wage Board which is not eventually the purview

of CPNE. Similar views were expressed by Media Consultant Saeed

Usmni, while commenting on the role of CPNE, as per his opinion theinstitution of editor is dying out in Pakistan. This position has now been

taken over by the non professional people. Only few newspapers in the

country have professional editors; rest are mostly owner-editors.27

The increasing number of owner-editors in the country has raised

many questions regarding the editorial preferences and priorities of the

non professional editors and its impact on the overall standards of

journalism in the country. Consequently their role in representing the

newspaper editors in forums like CPNE is a matter of concern for many

people in the profession. In an attempt to revive the actual role of CPNE

a survey was conducted to know the opinion of media professional

regarding the CPNE.


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Survey on Respondents Awareness andPerception Regarding CPNE

To document the respondents awareness and perception regarding

CPNE, a survey research procedure was adopted in which data was

collected through a well designed questionnaire from 355 respondents

working in different organizations of all the four provinces and federal

capital of the country as reporters, subeditors, news editors, chief editors,

district correspondents, editorial, column and feature writers, information

officers and teachers of mass communication.

The respondents perception regarding CPNE is being presented in

the following fashion.

TABLE 1

Perception Regarding Integrity of CPNE (n=355)

Up to some

Fully extent Not at all

Represents editors of all

newspapers and magazines

of the country 18% 44% 38%

Safeguards interests of

editors of all newspapers and

magazines 19% 43% 38%

Satisfaction with struggle for

the press freedom 08% 48% 44%

Role for promotion of

professional values 06% 58% 36%

The figures show that 44% respondents think that CPNE represents

editors of all newspapers and magazines of the country up to some

extent. Substantially less than half of the respondents (43%) feel that

CPNE safeguards the interests of editors of all the newspapers and

magazines up to some extent. Again slightly less than half of the

respondents (48%) express that they are satisfied up to some extent with

CPNE struggle for freedom of the press in Pakistan. Majority of the

respondents (58%) are satisfied up to some extent with the role of

CPNE for the promotion of professional values.

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TABLE 2

Suggestions for Excellence of CPNE (n=355)

Yes No

Educational qualification should be

compulsory for its membership 94% 06%

Professional experience for its membership 95% 05%

Membership should be given to owners

of newspapers 30% 70%

Number of standing committee members

should be increased 72% 28%

Membership should be given on promise

to abide by the code of the press council 79% 21%

Should cooperate with government to

make the press council effective 85% 15%

Editors should have political affiliation 22% 78%

The figures in Table 2 show that the very vast majority of the

respondents agrees with the suggestion that educational qualification (94%)

and professional experience (95%) should be compulsory for the

membership of CPNE. A significant majority of the respondents (70%)

agrees with the proposal that CPNE membership should not be given to

newspaper owners. More respondents (72%) also agree with the proposal

that to ensure the representation of the editors of all the newspapers and

magazines of the country, the number of standing committee members

be extended. Again a highly significant majority of respondents (79%)

agrees with the proposal that CPNE membership should be given to only

those editors who promise to abide by the code of conduct given by the

Press Council. Similarly, a vast majority of the respondents (85%) is of

the opinion that the CPNE should cooperate with the government to

make the Press Council effective. Again a highly significant majority of

the respondents (78%) further agrees with the suggestion that editors

should have no political affiliation in the interest of professional values.


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Fig. 1

Perception regarding minimum educational qualification compulsory for

membership of CPNE (n=335)

Figure 1 manifests a majority of the respondents (59%)

opinion that level of educational qualification for membership

of CPNE should be a Masters degree.

Fig. 2

Perception regarding professional experience compulsory for

membership of CPNE (n=336)

Figure 2 indicates a simple majority of the respondents (51%)

opinion that five years professional experience should be

compulsory for membership of the CPNE.

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Fig. 4Perception for not nominating CPNE members in the

Press Council (n=355)

Figure 4 reflects highly split perception of the respondents. Twenty seven percent ofthe respondents blame that due to the hurdle of the APNS, the CPNE is not nominatingits members for the Press Council. Almost the same ratio (26%) feels that the CPNEis against the representation of working journalists in the Press Council, whereas 24%respondents are of the view that the CPNE does not recognize any Press Council.Similarly, 21% say that the CPNE does not recognize the Press Council constitutedby the Musharaf government.

Fig. 5

Perception regarding political affiliation of Editors (n=83)

Figure 5 displays again a split perception of the respondents. Substantially less than

half of the respondents (43%) feel that political affiliation of editors does not affect

professionalism, whereas 41% opine that politics being part of the society is unavoidable.

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Conclusion

To conclude this discussion it is suggested that newspapers should

try to reflect a high degree of objectivity in news presentation, avoiding

sensational approach, and adhere to it in day to day in handling of the

content received from multiple resources to maintain their credibility, so

that the readers may get at the truth for the money they spend on buying

newspapers. The worlds great newspapers became great because they

earned public acceptance. It is imperative that newspapers make greater

efforts in this respect. There is no magic formula but everyone the

government, judiciary, the journalists, the social scientists, the academicians,

the reformists, and the religious scholars will have to contribute in this

process. Here and there the public in general may decide wrongly, but

in the long run it will learn and correct itself. Only thus will its own

judgement be matured and only thus can it ever be. This is the lesson

of history.

Future Agenda

Further research on the following areas would contribute to improve

the standard and working of media and would make it more effective

and transparent. This may be conducted by the students of journalismand mass communication, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Press

Council, media organizations and national and international NGOs working

for the promotion of media.

1. What sort of the business and other interests of the owners affect

the contents of newspapers.

2. The working condition, i.e., salaries, atmosphere of the offices,

behaviour of the newspapers owners with their employees may

affect the performance of the journalists, so a thorough study would

be helpful to improve the working conditions etc.

3. A research on the aspect as to what type of control is exercised

by the owners on the editors to determine the editorial contents of

newspapers would be very interesting.

4. A series of studies regarding the relationship of advertisement and

its impact on editorial contents would also be a valuable contribution

in the body of knowledge.

5. A series of study regarding the policy of each newspaper

organization that determine the editorial contents in respect of


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important national and international issues would also be an interestingaspect.

6. A series of research on the academic and professional background

of the editors would be very interesting aspect regarding print media.

7. A study as to how to make the CPNE more strong and effective

for improving the standard of newspapers and upholding the just

cause of the press freedom, right to know and access to information,

would also be very useful.

The important fact that emerges out from the whole discussion is that the

print media in the country needs to strengthen the institution of editor ifit wants to survive and compete on the basis of content they publish and

not merely on the basis of money it makes out of it.

Notes and References

1. Paracha, Sajjad, (1999) Pakistans print media policy: a historical Perspective.

An unpublished thesis of M.Phil submitted to Department of the Mass

Communication, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Pakistan.

2. Report of the Press Commission, (March 1959), Govt. of Pakistan Press Karachi.

p. 81. 3. Tauseef Ahmad Khan Dr, personal interview of M.A. Zuberi, former Chief

Editor, Daily Business Recorder (2006), in Azdi-e-afat Mein Council of

Pakistan Newspaper Editors k Kirdar, Ek Teqeeq Muli, Published in

Karonjharresearch Journal of Arts and Social Sciences, Department of Sindhi,

Federal Urdu University, Karachi, No 4, June 2011 p. 88.

4. Niazi, Zamir, The Press in Chains, 1986, Karachi: Royal Book Co., p. 117.

5. Mahmudul Aziz, former secretary general CPNE, personal interview (2008),

Tauseef Ahmad Khan, op. cit., p. 81.

6. Ibid.

7. Ibid.

8. Daily Imroz Lahore, July 2, 1952.

9. Niazi Zamir, The Fettered Freedom, 2005, Pakistan Study Centre, University ofKarachi, p, 36.

10. Daily Imroz Lahore, April 21, 1951.

11. Ibid., January 21, 1953.

12. Ibid., February 14, 1956.

13. Ibid., March 10th, 1956.

14. Daily Dawn Karachi, October 17th, 1958.

15. M.A Zuberi personal interview. In Tauseef Ahmad Khan Dr. Op. cit., p, 88.

16. Daily Dawn, May 30, 1966.

17. Daily Dawn, Karachi, September 14, 1959.

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18. Minhaj Barna, personal interview of former president PFUJ 2005 in TauseefAhmad Khan, op. cit., p. 112.

19. Abdul Hameed Chapra, personal interview with former president, PFUJ. 2008,

Ibid., p, 113.

20. Mahmud-ul-Aziz, personal interview with former secretary general CPNE, 2008,

ibid.

21. Tauseef, op. cit., p. 106.

22. Naw-e-Waqt, Friday Magazine, April 20, 1984.

23. Dr. Jabbar Khatak, personal interview with former secretary general CPNE,

2008, ibid.

24. Mujeeb-ur-Rehman Shami mentioned in his column Jalsa-e-Aam, The Jang

April 26, 1998.

25. Niazi, Zamir, The Press under Siege. 1992, Karachi: Karachi Press Club, p. 37.26. Business Recorder, August 14, 1997.

27. Saleem Aasmi (2008) Saeed Usmni (2007) personal interviews with former

editor Daily Dawn Karachi and media consultant, Karachi, op. cit., Tauseef

Ahmad Khan, p. 113.


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IMPACT OF FISM ON SIKHISMSPECIAL REFERENCE TO BB FARD

DR. FATIMA HUSSAIN*

The fs during the Sultanate period had acquired great veneration

from the masses due to their being independent preachers of monotheism

and concept of equality, and their services towards the humanity. Their

shrugging off the state patronage and criticism of the state system brought

them closer to the people.

When Muslims came to India from the west, it was Sindh or the

Punjab through which they came. The land of Punjab has a rich cultural

heritage. The Vedas were composed mainly on the banks of five flowing

waters of the ancient Punjab; the Indus valley civilization also flourished

in its soil. In the epic age, this was a land of glorious people broken into

a number of tribal republics which were known for their pride in chivalry

and honour. Here fism flourished to an unprecedented extent. Andhere, was born, probably, chronologically the youngest religion of the

world, Sikhism.

The advent of Islam and fism in the Punjab led to cultural andlinguistic interaction between the two civilizations. The influence on each

other was immense. Persian as well as Arabic vocabulary was imbibed

by the Punjabi language. On the other hand, cultural tenets of Islam also

received fulsome impact of local dialects and culture. The most important

and interesting outcome of the said inter-mixture was on the metaphysical

thoughts and practices. Shaykh Fard al-Dn Ganj-i Shakar (d. 664/1265),popularly known as BbFard played an important role in transforming

the religious, linguistic and cultural ethos of the land. Two centuries later

GurNnak (1469-1538) was born when a new composite culture and

*Associate Professor, Department of History, University of Delhi, New

Delhi, India. e-mail: [email protected]

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vitally transformed language had evolved in the soil. Hence, the impactof the Arabic-Persian culture and Islam, especially through the fs onthe Punjabi language, culture and on the socio-religious ethos of the

Punjab and more so on Sikhism needs no emphasis.

The essence of Islam is the belief in One God. The people of the

land knew Islam through the fs, their verses and their literature.

These had tremendous impact on Sikhism as well. The single great

impact was the introduction of monotheism as the basic philosophy of

Sikhism laid down in the first verse of the Adigranth. The verse is

identical to the first surah of Qurn i.e. Srah al-Ftiah(the openingchapter) which reads as follows:1

Praise be to Allah,

The Cherisher, Sustainer of the worlds,

Most Gracious, Most Merciful.

Similarly,MlamantrainAdigranthpronounces:2

He is the Supreme Being of eternal manifestation;

Creator, Immanent Reality; Without Fear;

Without Rancour, Timeless Form; Increated;

Self Existent; Realised by grace of the Holy Preceptor.

Thus, there are striking similarities between the Srah Ftiahof

the Qurn and Mlmantra of the Adigranth. Both spell out God asAlmighty, the Creator and Sustainer and also seek His Grace for attaining

salvation. Both Islam and Sikhism believed in unity of Supreme Being

i.e. One God. The Qurn spells out;3

Say, He is Allah,

The One and Only,

Allah, the Eternal, Absolute;

He begetteth not, nor He is begotten,

And there is none like unto Him.

Similarly, theAdigranthspells out EK Onkr, Nirguna, Nirankr

Brahm4

Further, the Adigranth spells out5 about the Day of Judgment

as that of Islamic concept of Qiymah.6 Both believe in equality,

reject idol worship and oppose caste system. Both reject ritualism and

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conceive that any prayer without purity of heart has no meaning theQurn reads;7

Ah, woe unto worshippers. Who are heedless of their prayer; Who

would be seen (at worship).

And in another Srah (Nis, IV:142) Allah says:

(Lo! the hypocrites seek to beguile Allah, but it is Allah who beguileth

them). When they stand up to prayer they stand without earnestness,

to be seen of men, but little they hold God in rememberance.

In the same vein Mlamantra in the Adigranth reads;8

Ritual purification, though million fold,

May not purify the mind.

Both the Qurn and theAdigranthlay down that the salvation liesin obeying the commands of God. The Qurn reads;9

And they have been commanded

No more than thisTo worship Allah by offering Him sincere devotionBeing true (in faith) to establish regular prayer

And to practice regular charityAnd this is the Religion Right and Straight.

The Adigranth unfolds;10

How then to become true to the Creator?

How demolish the world of illusion?

Through obedience of His ordinance will.

Elaborating the concept further Gur Arjun Dev* notes:

*Gur Arjun (also Arjan, b. 1581 A.D.) was punished by Jahngr in 1606because he met the rebel prince Khusraw and blessed him putting a saffron qashqah

(sectarian mark on the forehead by the Hindus) on his forehead. It is also reported thathe gave him monetary help also. According to Jahngr he was punished and his familyand residences were confiscated (Tuzuk-i Jahngr, Persian ed. Syud Ahmud (Sir Syed),Ally Gurh, 1864, p. 34). According to another version he was fined Rs. 2 lacs but

refused to pay on the plea that he was a faqr hence his punishment (CambridgeHistory of India, vol. 4, 1937, p. 245). According to one tradition the dwn ChandShh was against the Gur and he was responsible for his punishment. It is also saidthat he was drowned while bathing in the river (1610 A.D.).

He is, generally, reported to have initially collected the sayings of the first four

Contd....

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Whoever by the Masters guidanceUtters the holy Name is liberated.

Notwithstanding this, the source of the basic Sikh philosophy was

not the Orthodox Islam, but the fs and their concepts and way of

practising of Islam, which was universal and often crossed the boundaries

of religion and region. It was through the fs they knew Islam. Theremarkable resemblance of the Qurn andAdigranthcould not merelybe accidental. It could possibly be attributed to GurNnaks interactionwith and learning from the fs. He had evidently visited Pkpattan and

Multan to meet the descendant successor of Shaykh Bah al-Dn Zakariyand BbFard respectively.12GurNnaks interaction with the officialsof Dawlat Khn Lod, a shiqdr at Sulnpur and later governor ofLahore, also might have influenced him. GurNnak had worked underDawlat Khn Lodi at Sulnpur.13

The fstaught the way the religious books were to be respected.

The Qurn was the core book and the guiding force for all their activities.The importance of this singular book in Islam was (is) immense. It is

given the highest regard, and is always kept at a higher place and on a

ral (stand). In Sikhism also, a similar practice is followed. Gur

Granth hibis kept and revered in a similar way, kept on a raland

is considered as the singular most guiding force, as the Qurn is for theMuslims. As stated earlier the opening verses of the Qurn and theGurGranth hibare similar which reveal the greatness of God, Who

is One and Alone, Merciful and All-encompassing and All-embracing.

In Sikh religious history, fism had an important role to play. Thecompilation of the Gur Granth hib is the core event of Punjabi

literary and religious history. The best compilation ofNirguna Bhagat

like Bb Fard and Nmdev are contained in it. Gur Nnak whowas born in14 April, 1469 i.e. 204 years after the death of BbFard had gone to Ajodhan to meet Shaykh Fard Thn, (Sh. Ibrhm)who was in the line of succession of the FardChisht order to collect

hymns of Bb Fard, which were later on incorporated in the Gur

Gurs including GurNnak and joined them with his own bnand compiled the GurGranth ib.For a detailed discussion see Abul Amn Amratsari, GurGranth iband Islam, Urdu, Lahore, 1960. See Also Ll Har Rm Gupt, Sikh Dharam kiPhu lwr, Lahore, 1933.

Shaykh Nim, a Chisht f of Thanesar also met Khusraw. He was alsoordered to be exiled. He went to Hijaz for the pilgrimage and on his return settled down

at Balkh. Shaykh Akhnd Darwzah who successfully opposed Byazd Anr, theRoshniyah pr, was his disciple Ed.

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Granth hibby GurArjun Dev in 1609.15At a later stage, verses orkfs of Shh ussayn of Lahore, a great fshaykh,* inspired theSikh community in their devotion, as his verses have deeper meaning and

lyrical excellence in expressing passionate love for the Creator. Similarly,

Writh Shhs compositon ofHeer Rnjhain 18th century had a definiteinfluence in Punjabi and Sikh classical literature.

The first popular fwho had settled in the Punjab was DtGanjBaksh or Al al-Hujwr. He is considered the pioneer of fism inSouth Asia. All other fswho came to India, sought his permission on

their pilgrimage orziyrat(visit) to his shrine, DtDarbr at Lahore.

He came to Lahore in mid-11th century and wrote the famousKashfal Majb,16which became the bible for fsof various orders. Shaykh

Mun al-Dn Chishtwho is considered the founder of the Chishtorderin India, visited his mazr(tomb) to seek his permission to come to India

and addressed him as DtGanj. Henceforth, people began call to himDt Ganj Baksh lit. bestower or giver of treasures. Shaykh Munal-Dn settled at Ajmer17and his khalfahShaykh Qub al-Dn BakhtiyrKk18 at Delhi. Shaykh Fard Ganj-i Shakr or Bb Fard was the

latters khalfah or spiritual successor who settled at Ajodhan.19

Bb Fard was a great fshaykh who gave importance tohuman values and tolerance. The following verse reflects his concept of

tolerance and non-violence in a simplistic way:

Farde Jo tein mrain Mukkian, tinhn na mrain ghumm

Aa panre ghar jiya, pair tinhn de chumm

O Fard! Do not strike back at those who strike your face withfists you should rather go back home after kissing their feet.

As Bb Fard, the wandering famous f, had tremendousinfluence on Gur Nnak, the founder of Sikh religion, thus, it is no

wonder that he is a highly venerated saint in the Sikh traditions. There

are many verses of BbFard recorded in the Adigranth. In fact, hisverses are well preserved only in the Adigranth. Bb Fard is alsoconsidered the first ever to compose in any of the modern Indo-Aryan

*Shaykh usayn of Lahore (1538-1600) belonged to theMalmatiyah Qdir forder. He wore red apparels, shaved his hairs (head, beard, moustache of eye brows

chr abr). He used to dance on the beat of drum and apparently imbibed wine. Heleft behind four dwns or khalfahs. Two great popular celebrations of Lahore onBasant and Mela Chirghn on his urs, are observed by his followers. Ranjt Singhalso used to pay respects to his tomb on the eve of Basant. See Ghlam Dastgir,

Buzurgn-i Lahore, Urdu, Lahore, 1966, pp. 10-19) Ed.

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languages. He composed his preachings in Lehindi-Punjabi, which wasthen spoken in the Punjab and some parts of Rjasthn. Many considerhim as the father of Punjabi literature and others consider him as the

father of Sindh-Sgr poetry. Sindh-Sgr is meant here to convey the

link language spoken in this part of the country, which was a broader

version of Lehindi-Punjabi. Urdu is also attributed to have emerged out

of this language.Fard bn,which includes twenty-fourshlokas(stanzas

of two verses) and fourshabds(words), is included in the GurGranthhib.

Adigranth contains Bb Fards verses on Dhol (lover or

darling), which is the first symbol of an ideal lover in Lehindi and its

dialects. It reads:

Nath na ain kasumbhre jal jasi, Dhol

(Dhol, dont touch the opium water, lest it spells disaster on you).

This is in the context of Umr, a villains design to intoxicate Dhol,while he was travelling with his wife, so that when Dhol* was out of his

sense, he would abduct his wife. The verse was made out to have been

sung by a drummer-women as a warning. The verse is relevant in

philosophical and religious terms as a symbol of warning to all so that

they may not to be lured by evils or evil designs of others.

BbFard composed both in Persian and Lehindi. His compositionsin Lehindi are pure, unalloyed and undiluted and are away from the

aparbhransha tradition of love-romance and feudal heroism and are

focused on the liberalistic mystical mode in a great measure. His verses

totaling 123 in the GurGranth hib20emphasise good deeds and highthinking. There are about 2000 words contained in theAdigranth,which

pertain to the verses of BbFard, out of which more than 1800 wordsare in chaste Lehindi. Some of the words like Rabor hibuse forGod, which did not belong to Lehindi language, were later incorporated

in the GurGranth hiband now are completely naturalized. Thus, tobegin with such naturalization the GurGranthis called GurGranth

hib .The originality of BbFards verses in Lehindi is pure and well

preserved. Those are in chaste Lehindi with minimum Persian or Arabic

words, which for that matter is common in many compositions. Another

influence of BbFard on Sikhism is his use of word omat the endof verb form such as bhaviom,which was incorporated by GurArjantowards the close of sixteenth century.

*Name of a famous lover Ed.

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During BbFards time and thereafter there were cordial relationsbetween Hindus and Muslims, due to the impact o f his teachings. The

impact of his teachings continued during the Sultanate and the Mughul

period. This is also evident from the fact that Bhi Mardna, a Muslim,

was GurNnaks constant companion during his long journeys. GurNnaks message was like that of the fs in as far as it was meantboth for Hindus and Muslim. Thus in his first utterance in his mission he

said:

There is no Hindu, no Musalmn

Nnak, the true teachers great trust is to unite all.

He further says:

He who looks upon both parties as one

Will alone be able to solve mystery;

He who regards others as heretics;

Will burn (in hell fire)21

Almost in the similar vein, a century earlier, despite Islamic aversion

to idol worship, Amr Khusraw, a disciple of Shaykh Nim al-DnAwliy had said:

Dont look down upon the idol worship of Hindus

Learn from them the way of worship.

BbFard, like his predecessors popularized the concept of deg(big cauldron) and langar(free food/open kitchen) in the Punjab.Deg

means a big food pot,* which was popularly used in the fkhnqhs22

of that time. Bb Fard had his khnqh at Ajodhan, which was

strategically a very important place, as all trade routes passes through

Ajodhan. People of all sections, creed and religion came to his khnqh

or jamat khnah.Both inmates and visitors partook food cooked outof a common deg.Whatever was available was consumed together by

all on the basis of equality. This concept is linked with the concept of

langar i.e. open kitchen.

*At Ajmer on the tomb of Khwjah Mun al-Dn Chisht three huge open degs(cauldrons), nearly a storey high, still exist. According to a tradition they belong to the

Mughul period. On the eve of his urs, rice mixed with gur and nuts is cooked

throughout the night. In the morning they are allowed to be looted. People even dive

into the virtually bubbling hot recipe to get the most of it Ed.

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Thus, the principle of food for all was incorporated in the khlahrank, whereby each from the khlahpanth including the Gurmust eatthe same food. Sharing food and eating together was laid down as a rule.

Like in fkhnqhs, Sikhism outlawed untouchability. Both fism

and Sikhism in their turn thus opposed the dogmatic principles of the

caste system, status based on birth and concept of pollution accruing

due to touch by lower castes.

Bb Fards langar was run from fut, unasked for gifts.Sometimes dire poverty was witnessed. The inmates shared the food and

poverty in equal proportion. In his khnqahthe inmates irrespective of

their status had to pluck pelu and delha from the kareel trees, fetch

water, collect wood from the jungle and thus food without a grain of salt

was prepared.23 Similar traditions are found in Sikhism also. It is

noteworthy that one of Bb Fards khalfahand his son-in-law, Alal-Dn bir or Piran Kaliyar,24 who is the greatest known jall (aweinspiring) f in the subcontinent of South Asia was in charge of thelangar.As he was in charge of it, he performed his duty with religious

devotion and did not eat even a morsel out of it. He had lost weight and

looked sick. BbFard, on enquiry, found that he did not eat out of thelangar,as he was merely asked to look after it. Because of this patience

orabr,BbFard named him as bir.* He preferred him to his ownsons because of his spiritual attainment.

Another khalfahof BbFard was Shaykh Nim al-Dn Awliy(d. 1325) who is considered the most popular fshaykhof his lifetime.Shaykh Rukn al-Dn, the spiritual head of then Suhrawardsilsilah,therival of Chishtsilsilah,addressed him as king of religion.25The conceptof langarwas further popularized and carried forward by him.Langar

was meant to serve food to all, the inhabitants of the khnqhas wellas all the visitors, without any discrimination. The food was cooked in a

deg,which could cook large amounts of food materials and could feed

large number of people at a time. Food was cooked in the deg

intermittently till all were fed. The degof Shaykh Mun al-Dn Chishtat Ajmer is probably the largest deg found in India and is a tourist

attraction. The langar system is still prevalent in many f darghs.In the dargh sharfof Shaykh Qub al-Dn, the spiritual leader of BbFard at Delhi, there is a practice of langar twice a day i.e. at 11 amand 4 pm even today.

The khnqhs were the only places where people of differentshades of opinion, professing different religions and speaking different

*From him the sub-order of br Chisht originated. He lies buried at Kaliyar(U.P. India) Ed.

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languages met. These khnqhs became veritable centers of culturalsynthesis where ideas were fully exchanged and a common medium for

exchange was evolved.26

The Sikh Gurs followed this practice as well. In exemplifyingthe creed of deg Gur Govind Singh introduced twenty-four hourkitchen service at nandpr ib, which was open to all withoutdiscrimination. The concept of degand langar,taken from ftraditions,

in due course, has percolated down to almost all thegurudwras the

world over. In fact, the concepts of langarand degare more popular

and more extensive in Sikhism, though this originated as an Islamic f

tradition.

Al al-Dn bir and Nim al-Dn Awliy had performed theduty of looking after the kitchens in BbFards khnqhbefore theyfounded and became heads of the sub-f orders i.e. biriyah andNimiayah orders of the Chishtsilsilah. In a similar tradition Angad

and Amar Ds performed the same service in their spiritual leadershouse before they were elevated as Gurs. Both khnqah and langarbelonged to a common pattern and their development in Sikh society, as

institution unknown in Hindu society might not have been quite accidental.27

There is also a similarity between Udsi sect in Sikhism and the biriyahsect of Chishtfs, as both believed in seclusion.

The khnqhs of the fshaykhs had spread throughout thelength and breadth of the country by the end of the Sultanate period. By

the time GurNnak was born these were popular institutions, amongthe Muslims as well as Hindus, specially the lower strata of the society.

Similar institutions sprang up among the Sikhs as well. As a result of

GurNnaks travels and activities of successive Gurs, there sprang

up, networks of places of worship calledgurudwras and centres of

Sikh missionary activities known assanga ts.The sangatswere placed

under the charge of a leader known as Bhi-j, the revered brother, whopresided over their congregations and instructed them in their spiritual

religion, and social and moral duties. Thesangatswere on the pattern

of khnqhs.Bhiji is similar to the shaykhof a khnqh.28The termpangat was also popular. The evolution of pangat was a practical

demonstration of the high ideals of thegursand it helped to inculcate,

into the minds of the Sikhs the spirit of the dignity of labour. The same

is in vogue today also, as ingurudwras,people of all classes perform

services to the visitors i.e. not only serving food, but also washing dishes

and polishing shoes, which is remarkable.29This community service also

appears to have been inspired by the practices of fs khnqhswhere

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community service was extremely important, indicative of abolition oftaboos related to touch, smell, interdining etc. which had been stretched

to absurd limits under the agies of Brahmanism. Great fslike Shaykh

Burhn al-Dn Gharb and Shaykh Nir al-Dn Chirgh of Delhi wholead the society in spiritual terms respectively in the south and north after

Shaykh Nim al-Dn Awliy, also performed similar services. Theformer was personally looking after the kitchen of Shaykh Nim al-DnAwliy. Khir Khn, the heir apparent of Suln Alal-Dn Khaljandprince ShdKhn are reported to have served thefaqrswith their own

hands, by washing their hands, serving food,sherbet and betel, when

they commemorated their discipleship of Shaykh Nim al-Dn Awliy.30

Other princes and amrs also joined them in their service towards thefaq rs.

Islam preached social equality, but the aristocratic character of the

ruling class in India, especially after Balban, emphasized clear class

division based on blood (ethnicity). It was fism which comfronted thearistocratic character of the Islamic ruling class and the Hindu verna

system prevalent during the Medieval period. The mosques were open

to all the Muslims and thus, there the concept equality among the believers

prevailed, but in the royal court there was clear class distinction. However,

the fkhnqh not only demolished the feeling of inequality amongthe Muslims only, but also did not extend any special treatment to the

sulns,when they visited them, or rather avoided meeting with them.The khnqh was open to all. All were treated alike. It reflected

brotherhood of humanity. Large number of yogis, and untouchables

flocked to the khnqhs.There are many anecdotes relating to encountersbetween the fsandyogisin which the latter attained higher status ofspirituality due to their interaction with the fs. There are strikingsimilarities of fhagiography andjanam sakhstyle of Sikhism in thisregard.31 Bb Fard learned yoga from yogis and practised ardhamukhogami, the most difficult known yoga i.e. having ones feet tied

on a tree and lettering the person upside down with his eyes peeping

deep into a well for meditation. All were allowed into f faith. Onecould retain ones religion and still be a believer of the f. A low castecould become an important disciple. Similar practices are seen in Sikhism

as well. GurNnak opposed caste system and so did subsequent Gurs.Thus in 1969, Bhi Jatia, a low caste was administered the oath of thecreed and renamed Jwan Singh.

The fs were probably the first ones to preach the concept of

equality during medieval period, which was followed by the Bhaktsaintsand taken to its highest manifestation by Sikhism. The concept manifested

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clearly in the concept of deg and langar system of fism and wascarried forward by Sikhism. The following prayer of Sikhs, even today,

reflects the concept of equality and service towards humanity in its

correct perspective:

Those who shared their food (with others)

Applied the sword,

Ran the free food service

Consider their great work

And please, Khlah, utter Whe Gur

The egalitarian ethos of fism was adopted by the Bhakt saintsand further developed by the Sikh faith. The concept of zakt is

popular among Muslims from its very inception. This concept was in a

form was used in giving fut to the fs for running of the langar.

The amount fixed for this was of certain percent of the income of a

person. The Sikh tradition of daswnor parting ten percent of income

towards community welfare including langaris akin to this.* A linkage

between the two thus appears logical even if borrowing of the concept

is not indicated by authentic sources. The emergence of similar concepts

in two different religions, however, could not be accidental.

The architecture ofgurudwrs is close to the architecture of themosques and fkhnqhs.Both are influenced by Persian architecture,

in which the dome is roundish and the structures have rounded pillars.

There are also notable similarities in the etiquettes of visitation to f

khnqhs, mosques and gurudwrs. While in the former there wereprovisions for wu or ablutions,32 which comprises washing of face,

hands and feet etc., in the latter also there is provision of water for

washing of hands and feet. This is typically mandatory for the followers

or visitors there. Further, covering the head in the vicinity is also a

convention. Covering the head with a handkerchief is thus a common

practice at f darghs and gurudwrs.

The fpractisedsam. Samliterally means hearing of music.The fs organized sam with a view to inducing ecstasy (wajd).

*Zakt (help for the poor) first is given to ones poor family members then tothe neighbours and others. It is mandatory for all Muslims @ 2.5 % on the savings

after the end of an years time. Among the Ism l Muslims it is called dassondh or10%. An Islamic government has the right to collect it on the apparent assets of a

person. Believers are expected to give it on the unseen hidden wealth on their own.

During the British period when the Government did not collect it, the Muslims, in

general, continued to pay Zakt on their own individual basis Ed.

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Al-Ghazlsaid: For him whose heart is with the love of God,samismomentous (muhim), because the fire (of love) is increased by it.33

Later it took the form of qawwl(chorus singing).Bakhtmovement,which was inspired by the fmovement also followed suit and resorted

to krtan, which was also sung in such a way as to attain ecstasy. In

Sikhism also a similar practice was followed. In thegurudwrsa band

of musicians were employed who were called rabbs. The rabbs

who were Muslims, were the principal singers at Darbr ib, at Amritsarand other gurudwrs till the days of partition. There are some verses

attributed to Mardadana, which is symbolic of broad vision of Sikh religion

which was influenced by fswho accepted in their fold both Hindus

and Muslims. These rabbswere Muslims who sang on the pattern of

qawwls.However they used rabb,a musical instrument, then known

in Central Asia, and later came to be known in North-West part of the

sub-continent. amd Qalandar has made a mention of this instrument inhis work, theKhair a l-Majlis,while discussing the concept ofsam.

It seems that the rabbswere in fact qawwls and used to participate

in sam. Gur Nnak was born much later. The services of rabbs

were obtained subsequently.

The ftradition, mentioned in thefhagiography, further havebeen ext ensively been used inJa nam Skh s, which narrate Sikh

traditions. W.H. Mcleod has dealt this aspect extensively in his work theConstituent of the Janam Skhs.TheJanam Skhscompilers appear

to have followed the pattern as well as anecdotes of f hagiography.

GurNnak is referred to as BbNnak in the pattern of referenceto Bb Fard Gur Nnak is attributed to have visited Makkah andother places in the same pattern as the ajjpilgrimage of fshaykhs

narrated in the f hagiographical works. A parallel can be drawnbetween the f hagiography of the tadhkirah malft literature and

Janam Skhs. Janam Skhs are loosely described as biographies of

GurNnak, many of which are considered spurious, but their importanceless in the insight they give us about the popular perceptions regarding

GurNnak and his new faith W.H. Mcleod has highlighted the characterofJanam Skhs.Thefhagiography mentions about miracles including

miraculous locomotion, levitation and instantaneous transportation

(air-i-Safar)* by closing of eyes. The story of moving mosque of

Kabah illustrates this variety of locomotion.34 Similarly Bhi Gurds

*Ilm-i Smy is one of the esoteric knowledges acquired by the fs fortransmigration of soul while ilm-i-Rmy means physical transportation to any placein an instant Ed.

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provides an example of levitation in his account of BbNnak as heascended into the air during his visit to Baghdad. air-i-Safar is also

used inJanam Skhsat occasions and there is mention of GurNnaks

travel of hundred of miles instantaneously. The explanation to this miracle

is also found in f hagiography. BbFard is said to have travelledin this way.

The fimpact on Sikhism is also apparent, as GurNnak is saidto have encountered various fs, most of whom were dead long ago.

The encounter with BbFard is prominent whereby theJanam Skhs,

describes BbFard maintaining a rigorous ascetic discipline by carryinga wooden loaf (chaptt).35 Nnak is said to have encountered Ruknal-Dn, Sharaf al-Dn and Bah al-Dn Zakariy, all of whom had longpredeceased the birth of Nnak.36 Their names appear in the puratanJanam Skhs. Bhi Gur Ds and Miharbn Janam-Skh bothdescribe encounters with Abd al-Qdir Jln, the founder of Qdiryah

order of fs. Santokh Singh refers to Shams al-Dn Tabrz, preceptorof Rm.37 Janam Skh also mentions about BbRatan j, who issaid to have met the Prophet () and lived for 700 years and is buried

at Tabir Hind, the modern day Bhatinda.38

The concept of upholding of justice is also clearly seen in thef

tradition. It is said that once, Shaykh Qub al-Dn brought alive a man

who was executed by the Suln.39

The fshaykh considered manyof the acts of rulers oppressive and often rejected gifts from thesulns40

as they were from unlawful or non-Sharah sources. Pr BudhdhShhof Sadhaura, a f, fought a battle in support of GurGovind Singhalong with his four sons and five hundred Muslims followers against the

Mughuls, which also reflects their principle of upholding justice. This

singular example shows that Islam cannot be construed as a faith of

aggressor, for Islam means peace and peace cannot be achieved in an

unjust way. Similarly, Sher Muammad Khn, the Nawb of Mler Kotlahhad protested against the execution of Gur Govind Singhs children.The philosophy of the Khlah Panth was also similar. Thus, while Gur

Govind Singh was fighting his war against the Mughuls, he believed in

the oneness of mankind, as they are the children of one God. Thus

fism and Sikhism covered and crossed rigid religious boundaries. Thiswas probably why arat Min Mr (1550-1635) the renowned fsaint of Qdiriyahsilsilah41was invited to lay the foundation stone of thesupreme Sikh Shrine, Shri Harmandar ib, popularly known as Darbrib or Golden temple at Amritsar in 1604. GurGranth ib also

includes hymns of 36 others fs and prs.

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The influence of Islam on Sikhism, especially through the fsandmore so by Bb Fard is well known. Gur Nnak lived during the

closing years of the Sultanate and the dawn of the Mughul period. The

religion of the rulers is difficult to be ignored, when it has so much to do

with every day life. Not only was it a religion of the ruling class, but also

a religion of the greatest ascetics of the time. These ascetics or fs

not only led a simple life and engaged themselves in the service of the

humanity, but also had the courage to ignore royal overtures and in turn

identified themselves with the masses and their problems. Their simple

living and simple preaching had made a mark for themselves. Thus

imbibing the verses of the

fs and of their religion added strength tothe new faith and was considered by the populace as an extension of the

liberal faith of the fs, until it emerged as a distinct faith at a later

stage, probably due to political upheavals.

Notes and References

1. Srah Ftihah, al-Qurn Srah-I. Yusuf Ali, the Holy Qurn, Eng. Tr., with

text, translation and commentary, Qatar edition. 2. Sri Gur Granth ib, vol. 1, English Tr, Guru Bachan Singh Tlib, Punjabi

University, Patiala, 1988. p. 1.

3. Srah Ikhl, Al-Qurn, Srah-CXII.

4. Sri Gur Granth ib, vol. I, English tr, 1988, Introduction, p. xxvii.

5. Adigranth, pp. 341, 1035-56.

6. Srah Wqiah,al-Qurn, Srah-LVI.

7. Srah Man, al-Qurn, Srah-CVII: 4-6, Srah al-Nisa, IV:142.

8. Sri Gur Granth ib, vol. I English tr, p. 1.

9. Srah Bayyinah, al-Qurn, Srah-XCVIII, p. 1768.

10. Sri Gur Granth ib, vol. I, English tr., p. 1.

11. Suhi, Guru Arjun Dev, 50, p. 747.

12. G.S. Grewal, The Sikhs of the Punjab, Cambridge University Prss, reprint, 1999,p. 8.

13. Ibid., p. 6.

14. Ibid., p. 6.

15. Gurucharan Singh, Impact of Baba Farid on Punjab, International Seminar-

March, pp. 11-13 and 1991 on fism: History and Philosophy.

16. The earliest known f treatise written in the subcontinent.

17. Amr Khurd, Siyar al-Awliy, Lahore, re-print 1978, pp. 27 and 35.

18. Ibid., p. 55.

19. Ibid., pp. 67-68.

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20. Sri GurGranth ib, vol. I, Intoduction, p. xxviii.21. Raga Majha.

22. f convents; place of dwelling of the fs and their followers.

23. Amr asan Sijz,Fawid al-Fud,p. 74; Amir Khurd, Siyar-al-Awliy,Lahore

reprint 1978, pp. 86, 209 etc.

24. Amr Khurd, Siyar al-Awliy, pp. 203-206.

25. Ibid., p. 139.

26. K.A. Nizami, Life and Times of Shaikh Fariduddin, p. 105.

27. Gurucharan Singh, Impact of Baba Farid on Punjab, p. 13.

28. Darshan Singh, Sikh Religion, Democratic ideals and Institutions, Oriented

Publishers, New Delhi, 1979, p. 58.

29. Ibid., p. 150.

30. Qiwm al-Aqid, as reproduced in Qande Frsi, May, 1994, p. 79; also of.Fatima Hussains, The Chishtis during the Delhi Sultanate; A Balance between

Ideal and practice, Ph.D thesis, 2002, pp. 155-56.

31. W.H. Mcleod, Early Sikh Tradition,Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1980, pp. 70-71.

32. Barani, Trkh-i Frz Shh, p. 344.

33. Al-G hazli, Kimiy-i-Sadat, p. 370.

34. Janam Skh,B.40, F.154b.

35. B.G. 1:44 GNSR, pp. 35, 142 etc.

36. Janam Skh,B.40.

37. Janam Skh, B.40, (Eng) p. 50n.

38. Asrr al Taawwuf, Lahore, 1925, pp. 10-11 of Fatima Hussain, The Chishtis

during the Delhi Sultanate; A Balance between ideal and Practice, Ph.D thesis,

2002, JNU.

39. Amr Khurd, Siyar-al-Awliy, p. 89.40. Amr Khurd, Siyar al-Awliy,pp. 63, 204, 294 etc., Trkh-i Frz Shh,p. 344.

41. Founded by Abd al-Qdir Jln.

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THE DILEMMAS OF TRANSITION FROM

MILITARY TO CIVILIAN REGIME

THE MAKING OF THE

1972 INTERIM CONSTITUTION OF PAKISTAN

DR. SYED JAFFAR AHMED*

In its history of over six decades Pakistan has experienced four

military rules, the total period of which exceeds more than half of the

history of the country since independence. In each case the transition from

military to the civilian regime involved numerous political and legal

problems. But the transition in 1971-1972 proved quite unique in the

sense that it was required to be done solely by a civilian regime which was

put in office while the country was still under Martial Law. In December1971, following the dismemberment of the country, the military regime

handed over power and also martial law, to a civilian, Zulfiqar Ali

Bhutto. How his Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) and other political parties

managed to get rid of the martial law through the promulgation of an

Interim Constitution, is studied here. The paper looks into the political

dynamics of the transformation and also into the respective, and often,

contradictory interests of the political parties involved.

Introduction

Four months after the separation of East Pakistan on 16 December

1971, the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan adopted, on 17 April 1972,an Interim Constitution which paved the way not only for the removal of

martial law, imposed on 25 March 1969, but also for the countrys

onward journey towards the realization of a permanent constitution. Passed

on 10 April 1973, and promulgated on 14 August of the same year, the

permanent constitu tion ushered in an elected civilian rule which,

*Professor & Director, Pakistan Study Centre, University of Karachi, Karachi,

Pakistan. e-mail: [email protected]

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unfortunately, could not survive beyond a four-year period and wasreplaced by another military rule, imposed on 5 July 1977.

The Interim Constitution remained in force for sixteen months, that

is, from 21 April 1972 to 14 August 1973. Though it had transformed the

martial law regime into a civilian and constitutional dispensation, the

Interim Constitution was the outcome of difficult parleys and bargaining

between the contending political forces, the sitting government of the

Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), on the one side, and the National Awami

Party (NAP) and Jamiat-ul-Ulama-e-Islam (JUI), two major opposition

parties, on the other. It also sought to respond to these forces diverse

interests some of which have been referred to in this paper. For example,

contrary to the generally held view, the paper argues that Bhutto did not

want to deprive his opponent, Abdul Wali Khans NAP or its ally, JUI,

a political role. Instead, he facilitated and accepted their role at provincial

level so as to marginalize them. Not only this, the Interim Constitution

also carried anomalies and contradictions which enhanced the tussle

between the contending sides, and also widened the rift between the

centre and the two provinces of Balochistan and North West Frontier

(NWFP, present Khyber Pukhtunkhwah-KP). This paper attempts to

look into the background in which the Interim Constitution was made; it

also endeavours to analyze the political crisis which existed at that time.

The constitutional provisions have also been looked into, for, these carriedanomalies and contradictions which could only enhance political polarization.

The period after the adoption of the permanent constitution in August

1973 was not characteristically different from the period immediately

before it, and the political crisis continued unabated in the subsequent

months and years. One may find some of its roots embedded in the

tensions created by the Interim Constitution and the manner in which it

was made and implemented.

Background

Following the country-wide mass protest movement against his

authoritarian rule, Field Martial Ayub Khans fall accompanied the take-

over of power by Pakistans second military ruler General Mohammad

Yahya Khan. While stepping down and handing over power to his

successor, Ayub abrogated the 1962 Constitution made by none else but

him. Yahya promised the nation that as soon as the political turmoil in

the country was controlled he would hold elections for a new Constituent

Assembly which would draft a new constitution, after the adoption of

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which the martial law would be removed. On 28 November 1969, Yahyaannounced the time table for the restoration of democracy. On 30 March

1970, Yahya Khan issued a Legal Framework Order (LFO) which spelt

out the details of the structure and composition of the national and

provincial legislatures. It laid down that the Constituent Assembly would

frame the constitution within 120 days from the commencement day.

Once the constitution was made and accented to by the President, the

Constituent Assembly would change into a legislature. The elections to

the provincial assemblies were to take place along with the Constituent/

National Assembly elections. The seats to the central legislature were

allotted according to the principle of population deviating from Pakistans

previous two constitutions of 1956 and 1962, which had created an

artificial parity between eastern and western wings of the country,

overlooking the numerical majority of East Pakistan. According to the

LFO, East Pakistan was given 162 general seats in an assembly of 300,

while the rest of the four provinces, all in the western wing, had 138

seats altogether. One major flaw in the LFO was its silence over how

the constitution would be approved in the Constituent Assembly.

In July 1970, he also restored the old provinces of the Punjab,

Sindh, and NWFP in the western wing of the country. Balochistan was

made a province for the first time at this stage. The elections to the

National Assembly were held on 7 December 1970 and to the provincialassemblies on 17 December. The pro-provincial autonomy Awami League

led by Shaikh Mujibur Rehman swept the board in East Pakistan by

winning 160 seats. Pakistan Peoples Party emerged as the majority party

in the western wing where it secured its victory mostly in the Punjab and

Sindh, with overall 81 seats in the Assembly.1In the provincial assemblies,

Awami League won all of the 288 seats in East Pakistan while Punjab

and Sindh went to the PPP, which secured 113 out of 180 seats in the

Punjab and 28 out of 60 seats in the Sindh Assembly. The National

Awami Party and Jamiat-ul Ulama-e-Islam, both could not do well in the

National Assembly but did get sufficient seats in the two provinces. In

Balochistan, as well as in NWFP, they could attain simple majority with

the support of a couple of other members.2

The post-election developments resulted in a severe crisis. As

Awami League enjoyed overall majority in the National Assembly, and

since the LFO did not lay down the detail about voting on the constitution,

it was likely that the majority party could, through a resolution, get it

passed, and that the constitution would be adopted by simple majority

which the party commanded. PPPs position was that a federal constitution

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should not be adopted by the votes of only one of the five federatingunits. PPPs leader, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, also asked for waiving the

clause of 120 days limit for constitution-making so that the assembly

could dilate on constitutional matters in detail. The divergent positions of

the two major parties as well as the military regimes inability to manage

the differences precipitated a crisis which led Awami League to announce

civil disobedience movement. On the night between 25 and 26 March

1971, Yahya Khan launched military operation in East Pakistan and

arrested Mujib who was brought to West Pakistan to face a trial of

sedition. Following the military crackdown Awami League and certain

Bengali officers of Pakistan Army declared independence of Bangladesh.

Most of the leaders of Awami League including a number of MNAs and

MPAs crossed the border to take refuge in India where they declared

an independent Bangladesh government-in-exile. From March till the end

of November 1971, East Pakistan remained subjected to military operation

on the one hand, and clashes between Pakistani security forces and

Mukt Bhin, the Bangladeshi liberation army, on the other. In the

beginning of December war broke out between Pakistan and India as

India backedMuktBhin.The war ended in the surrender of Pakistan

armed forces on 16 December 1971 in Dhaka. Four days later under

popular pressure and dissent within the army, Yahya Khan and his close

associates in the military relinquished power and handed it over to PPPsZulfiqar Ali Bhutto on 20 December.

In his very first broadcast, Bhutto spoke about the creation of a

new Pakistan and a new era of reconciliation and consensus among

political forces. A few days before the breaking of the war, NAP was

banned by Yahya Khan on 26 November 1971.3 Bhutto removed this

ban. The leader of NAP, Wali Khan also promised to work for the

restoration of democracy. As Bhutto had inherited the system governed

by Yahya Khan, and as LFO was still intact, he served as the President

and Chief Martial Law Administrator both. Even Wali Khan had not

much objection in the beginning on Bhuttos serving as the martial law

administrator. He justified it on the ground that there was no constitution

in the country, therefore, even elected representatives were forced to

continue martial law.4But soon differences emerged between PPP and

NAP. On assuming power Bhutto had appointed governors in four

provinces. He chose all the four from his own party. This became

contentious as the NAP leadership thought that in the provinces of

Balochistan and NWFP, the office of governorship should be given to it

as along with JUI it had mustered majority. NAP was also of the view

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that representative ministries should be established in the provinces.Mufti Mahmood, Secretary General of JUI, thought that the establishment

of ministries would resolve the issue of governorship also.5The problem

in taking this course was that the LFO had laid down that the provincial

assemblies would meet after the constitution was adopted. In the absence

of the constitution, the session of the provincial assemblies could at best

determine

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