jcc pakistan formattedirc.princeton.edu/pmunc/docs/jcc_pakistan_formatted.pdf · a brief history of...

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JCC:EastPakistanCrisisPakistaniCabinetChair:RebeccaSobel

CrisisDirector:AlexFager

Pakistani Cabinet PMUNC 2016

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Contents

Letter from the Chair…….………………………...……………………...…..3

Introduction………………......………………….....……………..……..……4

The Situation in Pakistan….......………………….....……………..………..…6 Setting the Stage…..,..…………………………….……………………..…….……………6 A Brief History of Modern Pakistan….………...….….……………………….……………7 Relations with India…………..….……..…………………….………….……….…………8 The Rise of the Awami League & East Pakistan….………….………….…………………11 Governmental Structure….. …………………….……………..……..………...…………13 Religion & Civil Liberties….. …………………….……………..……….……...…………14 Conclusion….…....…………………………………………….………………………….15 Positions……………….….......………………….....…………....………..…16


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Letter from the Chair

Dear Delegates,

My name is Rebecca Sobel and I'm a sophomore from Long Island, New York,

planning on majoring in the Woodrow Wilson school. I'm particularly interested in

international economics, ethnic conflict, foreign languages. On the rare occasion that I'm

able to crawl out from under my piles of work, I also enjoy watching Scandal, eating absurd

amounts of ice cream, and thinking about how great PMUNC is going to be!

I have previously been a director both at PMUNC and at PICSIM (our collegiate

conference), and am quite familiar with the ins and outs of crisis committees. The inspiration

for this topic came largely in the form of a Human Rights class I took with Prateek (Chair of

the India committee). The genocide in East Pakistan is a topic that is rarely discussed, yet

extremely important in our current dialogue. The subcontinent houses almost 20% of the

world’s population, yet this period in history is often overlooked. That is why it is imperative

we delve into this topic and rigorously debate it.

Alex (our crisis director) and I are looking forward to the innovative solutions you

come up with in response to various crises and scandals; it’s exciting to both expose you to

this topic as well as to allow you to experience one of the most important periods in

establishing the modern-day Indian Subcontinent.

Please feel free to email me with any questions at [email protected]. I’m looking

forward to meeting all of you soon!

Regards, Rebecca


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Introduction

Adab fellow Pakistani patriots! The date is March 6, 1971 and we are facing a dire

situation here in the West. I attempted to allow for free and fair elections and unify our

country on December 7th1. However, my efforts were futile and allowing any bit of

democracy has allowed chaos to ensue.

The traitors of the East are determined to seize control of the government and

destroy our great nation through the creation of policies that would only benefit their

population. Almost the entirety of East Pakistani seats have gone to the Awami League,

which is far from supporting our policies of “Islamic socialism.”2 The proportion of Hindus

in the East far exceeds that in our wonderful Western enclave, and their Bengali language

vocalizes their differing interest.3 This committee has convened to ensure that our policies

will prevail, and that we can subjugate this misguided minority, forcing them to abide by our

laws and excluding them from decision making to the highest extent possible.

As Yayha Khan, the fearless former Commander-in-Chief of Pakistan’s Army and

President of this wonderful nation for the past few years, there is nothing I value above

maintaining dominance and securing our ideals as truths.4 We must prioritize the maintained

unification of Pakistan, both West and East, in order to assure our continued peace and

security. This will go hand in hand with our international dominance, proponed by our

1 Sharif al Mujahid “Pakistan: First General Elections” in Asian Survey, Vol. 11, No. 2, A Survey of Asia in 1970: Part II (Feb., 1971), pp. 159-171 2 “Chronology of the Crisis” in Pakistan Forum Vol. 1, No. 4 (Apr. - May, 1971), p. 3 3 “Self Determination in International Law: The Tragic Tale of Two Cities-Islamabad (West Pakistan) and Dacca (East Pakistan)” in The American Journal of International Law, Vol. 66, No. 2 (Apr., 1972), pp. 321-336 4 Lawrence Ziring, “Militarism in Pakistan: The Yahya Khan Interrengnum” in Asian Affairs, Vol. 1, No. 6 (Jul. - Aug., 1974), pp. 402-420 [Journal]


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ongoing alliances with the United States and China.5 Furthermore, we cannot forget the

threat that Russia poses on the world stage and should continue to recognize them as our

most prominent enemy, most likely to support our Eastern foes.5

To guarantee that all of the esteemed individuals gathered here today are prepared to

take on the challenges that await us and understand the happenings preceding our present

circumstances, I shall outline the unfortunate series of events that has procured this chaos in

the following pages.

5 Gary J. Bass. The Blood Telegram: Nixon, Kissinger, and a Forgotten Genocide. New York: Knopf

Doubleday, 2013.


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The Situation in Pakistan

We are currently addressing a situation that results from the success of Sheikh Mujib, an

Eastern Pakistani, in the December elections.6 His faction and interests simply cannot prevail

in our parliament if we hope to sustain ourselves as a nation. I have demonstrated the

policies we seek to propone, including strict adherence to Muslim practices and a strong

autocratic government.

Setting the Stage

The great general Bhutto sets a great example for the autonomy necessary both in

our armed forces and in our legal and executive governments.7 As civil disobedience

continues to rise up in the eastern territories, we will continue to crack down on any reform

movements and enforce our unwillingness to alter our current systems and

governmental/social mechanisms.8

If necessary, we must be prepared for all out war to maintain the eastern territories

as part of our superior homeland. Need be, I and my loyal advisors (which I believe includes

you, wonderful comrades) are prepared to slaughter the resistance movements and pressure

them into subservience.9 India must be regarded with the utmost caution as Indira Gandhi

and her cohorts continue to be one of our most powerful enemies. Like the East Pakistani

“Bengals,” Indians seek to deteriorate our culture and pummel us into an insignificant role,

6 “Chronology of the Crisis” in Pakistan Forum Vol. 1, No. 4 (Apr. - May, 1971), p. 4 7 “Tragedy of Bhutto” in Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 14, No. 14 (Apr. 7, 1979), pp. 641-642 [Journal] 8 Gary J. Bass. The Blood Telegram: Nixon, Kissinger, and a Forgotten Genocide. New York: Knopf Doubleday, 2013. 9 Jahanara Imam, Mustafizur Rahman “Of Blood and Fire: The Untold Story of Bangladesh's War of Independence.”


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beneath them, on the world stage. 8 With these immediate threats, we must also associate our

northern foe, Russia. The Soviets will back the commie filth that resides in India simply to

weaken the United States, and our fearless ally in the esteemed Kissinger. 8 We mustn’t

forget our underemphasized comrades, the Chinese. As they transition to major global actors

and exit their long period of isolationism, we will serve as facilitators for their goals and they

will repay us with ideological, political and military support. 10

A Brief History of Modern Pakistan

Following the end of the British colonial rule in the Indian subcontinent, two new

nations emerged; the Islamic Republic of Pakistan (which was geographically split between

the Punjab/Sind regions in the West and Bengal in the East) split down the middle by the

Republic of India.11 Our esteemed late leader Muhammad Ali Jinnah shepherded our cause

since the Pakistan Movement took root in India in the 1940’s, and saw to it that Lord

Mountbatten agreed to a two-state solution divided on the basis of religion, not on language.

The plan that Lord Francis Mountbatten, then Governor-General of India, drew up for the

partition set forth the following proposals;12

• That the Sikh, Hindu, and Muslim populations of Punjab and Bengal would vote in

referenda within each group; if any wanted partition, then India would be partitioned

into Hindu and Muslim states

• The provinces of Sind and Baluchistan would independently decide their own status

• India would gain its independence by 15 August 1947

10 “China-Pakistan relations: A history” in Daily Times, 2014. 11 Dalrymple, William. "The Great Divide." The New Yorker. Condé Nast, 22 June 2015. Web. 15 Sept. 2016. 12 “Mountbatten Plan of 3 June, 1947,” accessed from: http://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/51922/15/15_chapter%208.pdf


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• Bengali independence was taken off the table

The last provision was pivotal to ours and our predecessor’s cause; the possibility of

Bengal’s independence would dash our efforts at creating a stable, unified Muslim state.

However, the post-Partition brutality (which saw over 2 million casualties with over 15

million displaced peoples migrating to either West Pakistan, India, or Bengal) wracked our

nation, placing a massive amount of economic strain on our limited resources while spurring

us to amass arms to defend against the Indians as well as the looming threats in the East.13

Relations with India

But alas, almost as soon as our nation had reached some sort of equilibrium in

establishing our own independence, the subcontinent was again destabilized by a conflict,

this time over the disputed principalities of Jammu and Kashmir.14 The origins of the

Kashmir conflict arose out of a disagreement stemming from the so-called “Instrument of

Accession” by which Maharaja Hari Singh of Jammu and Kashmir acceded the provinces to

India.15 In particular, the opening language of the instrument seems, without any shadow of

a doubt, to guarantee these provinces to the Republic of India;

“I hereby declare that I accede to the Dominion of India with the intent that the

Governor General of India, the Dominion Legislature, the Federal Court and any

other Dominion authority established [to] assume functions of government”16

However, as our predecessors argued their case with those distrustful elements within

the Indian government, we still contend that the Instrument of Accession itself was extracted

from Maharaja Hari Singh under duress, and without the full ability of his people to duly

13 Dalrymple, “The Great Divide.” 14 Schoefield, Victoria. “Kashmir in Conflict: India, Pakistan and the Unending War.” I.B. Tauris, London, 2003. 15 Instrument of Accession of Jammu and Kashmir, dated 26 October, 1947. Legal Document No 113. http://www.centralexcisehyderabad4.gov.in/documents/history/1947_2.PDF 16 Ibid.


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express their preferred course of action.17 In addition, the promised plebiscite on the

question of Jammu & Kashmir’s self-governance/accession to a particular state never

occurred. Thus, given these circumstances, one can clearly see that the northern reaches of

the subcontinent have historically served as the major powder keg in Indo-Pakistani

relations.

These tensions came to a head for the first time in 1947, where incursions into Jammu

and Kashmir by a loose collection of Pakistani tribesman from Waziristan and North-West

Frontier province provoked a response from the Nehru administration. On 22 October

1947, a formal declaration of war was made.18 The war raged for nearly two years, with our

side suffering a loss of nearly 6,000 loyal soldiers, with the Indian army losing 1,500. After a

protracted period of negotiations, the newly-established United Nations stepped in; on 13

August 1948, the Security Council authorized Resolution 47, which laid out the terms of a

cease-fire agreement between ourselves and the Indian belligerents.19 In the agreement

reached, we were able to secure the region of Azad Kashmir as a self-governing

administrative region, while the Indian forces retained control of Jammu, the Kashmir

Valley, and Ladakh.

However, not to be deterred by this apparent defeat, we persisted. In 1962, the Indian

Republic engaged in a brief but humbling conflict with China, now known as the Sino-

Indian War of 1962. The conflict arose, unsurprisingly, over a disputed border in the

Chinese territory of Tibet. Amidst the 1959 Tibetan Uprising which coincided with India

granting the Dalai Lama asylum in the northern city of Dharamsala, India initiated a

“forward policy” in which they illegally placed their forces past the McMahon Line drawn 17 http://www.kashmirlibrary.org/kashmir_timeline/kashmir_chapters/pakistan-position.shtml 18 Schoefield, “Kashmir in Conflict.” 19 Security Council Resolution S/RES/47 (1948), accessed from http://www.cfr.org/india/un-security-council-resolution-47-kashmir/p9130


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during partition in Chinese territory.20 Not a nation to take the incursion standing down,

Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai authorized a Chinese offensive into Ladakh as well as across

the McMahon Line to repel the offensive. While both sides claimed stalemate, the conflict is

largely seen as a Chinese victory, since they successfully beat back the Indian forces back

past the Line of Actual Control.

The Line of Control (Pakistan) and the Line of Actual Control (Aksai Chin) ca. 1963.21

It is on the heels of that conflict that we experienced our most recent conflict with the

Indian Republic. In 1965, we launched what we thought at the time to be a cunning effort

against our Indian foes. Known as “Operation Gibraltar,” our generals hatched a plan to

20 Dalvi, Brig J. P. Himalayan Blunder: The Angry Truth about India's Most Crushing Military Disaster. Place of Publication Not Identified: Natraj, 2010. Print. 21 http://www.differencebetween.info/sites/default/files/images/5/lac.jpg


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take back portions of the Kashmir Valley and Ladakh.22 On 5 August, 1965, the Pakistani

army backed a contingent of 30,000 soldiers masquerading as Kashmiri locals sent across the

LoC.23 This effort, although certainly a cunning plan, was unfortunately rebuffed rather fast

by India; informants in the villages we intended to infiltrate alerted Indian authorities, who in

turn responded swiftly with ground and aerial forces. Unfortunately, the state of our armed

forces at the time meant that we were outnumbered nearly 5:1 in the air, which greatly

skewed the conflict on land. Eventually, our efforts were rebuffed, and the conflict

terminated on 23 September, 1965 with a cease-fire negotiated by both the United States and

the USSR.24

The Rise of the Awami League & East Pakistan

While our nation indeed has a storied and sometimes violent history with our Indian

neighbors, we have still yet to touch on the situation within East Pakistan. A result of the

Mountbatten Plan as outlined above, Bengal was not to achieve independence following

Partition. However, some entities within East Pakistan have recently taken it upon

themselves to consolidate power within East Pakistan as a counterbalance to what they view

as “Western Pakistani” influences.

Any discussion of the political situation within East Pakistan and the relationship

between the two “arms” of our nation mustn’t fail to mention the Awami League. Following

independence from British colonial rule, the question of Bengali self-determination has been

ever-present in East Pakistani political discourse. Though we have been able to keep these

tides at bay, there are forces in East Pakistan that are growing stronger by the minute. On 4 22 Hali, S. M. (R), SI(M). "Operation Gibraltar-an Unmitigated Disaster?" Defence Journal 15, no. 1 (Aug, 2011): 1-49. 23 Ibid. 24 Ibid.


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January, 1948, Sheikh Mujabir Rahman, a student-activist, formed the East Pakistan Students

League.25 Galvanizing students, demonstrations and petitions to the governmental

authorities ensued insisting on more independence and autonomy from the West. The next

year, on 23 June, a new party, the Awami League, was formed. This became the first official

opposition party in East Bengal (later East Pakistan), and featured Rahman as the Joint

Secretary of the organization with Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani as President.26

The flag of the Awami League political party.27

However, the Awami League’s first major victory in the combined Eastern/Western

Pakistani political system came in 1956, with Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, a member of the

Awami League and a long-time political activist in East Pakistan, assuming the role of Prime

Minister.28 Suhrawardy was elected on the heels of the Awami League forming a coalition

with the Republican Party, with promises to alleviate the energy crisis that embroiled

25 http://www.albd.org/index.php/en/party/history/79-inception-of-awami-league-rise-of-opposition-politics 26 Ibid. 27 http://www.crwflags.com/fotw/images/b/bd%7Dbal.gif 28 Ibid.


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Pakistan at the time, to reduce the socio-economic disparities between the East and West,

and reorganizing and strengthening the Pakistani armed forces.29

Suhrawardy addressing the nation following his election.30

Suhrawardy’s election also reignited the debate surrounding the structure of the

electorate within Pakistan (this matter is further discussed in the next section). Many East

Pakistanis pushed for a joint electorate, which would afford them a much greater amount of

political capital in the nation at large. However, this proposal was met by mockery and

resentment by West Pakistanis, with the Western Muslim League political party opposing the

proposal most vehemently.31

Governmental Structure

In terms of governmental structure, we must recognize the relative novelty of

democracy in Pakistan. Our alliance with the United States is somewhat propagated by our

29 Ibid. 30 http://www.thehindu.com/multimedia/dynamic/02565/SUHRAWARDY_2565714f.jpg 31 Ibid.


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maintenance of democracy within our country.32 Evidently, the true expression of all our

constituents’ opinions is not a priority. We must enforce Islam and economic dominance of

our allies and selves above all else.33 Regardless, it must seem as if we are facilitating some

level of democracy and moving past the tyranny of Ayub Khan, over whom we were

recently victorious.

Further, we must determine how prominent we will allow the factions within West

Pakistan, and within our allied forces, to be in the semi-autocratic government we are

establishing. The Sindhis and Pashtuns desire a level of autonomy and want to be heard

within our parliament, however their opinions and priorities do not always reflect our own.34

Shall we allow them to voice concerns for the sake of the longevity of our nation, or should

we prioritize subjugation and personal ideals over the negotiation to ensure Pakistani

dominance?

Religion & Civil Liberties

On a similar note, how shall we decide the importance of civil liberties? Protest against

our wonderful state is unacceptable, but is demonstration worthwhile on any level? Should

we respect others’ rights to practice religions other than Islam?35 I believe these freedoms are

of miniscule importance, but perhaps you differ in opinion. If so, perhaps you should also

consider belonging to a different government and leaving our glorious state for one of the

32 Samantha Power, “A problem from hell: America and the age of genocide” New York : Basic Books, 2002. 33 Salahuddin Ahmed “Bangladesh: Past and Present” S. B. Nangia, A.P.H. Publishing Corporation, 2004, Page 9. 34 Dr Crispin Bates (2011-03-03). "The Hidden Story of Partition and its Legacies". BBC. Retrieved 2014-08-16. 35 Ziaul Haque, “State and Islam in Pakistan” Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 24, No. 3 (Jan. 21, 1989), p. 110


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inferior ones that the world is filled with. Regardless, this decision is for another time and

place. Your opinions are welcome in this committee (to an extent).

We thereby transition into a conversation on the importance of Islam in our

government. Should we integrate mosque and state entirely? If so, what role will women play

in public life? How will daily practices shift over time? Should we rid Pakistan of Western

cultural influences while continuing to rely on their military dominance and support?14 Is that

feasible?

Conclusion

What should we do with the disgusting traitors that populate the East? Their

disobedience, be it civil or otherwise, is not acceptable on any level and must be handled to

set an example for future demonstrators. What are best practices for doing so? Furthermore,

the globe views many of our comrades and utter criminals. Are we obligated to punish them

for past, current (and potential future) offenses in order to save face, or can we continue to

hail them as heroes throughout Pakistan for their contributions to our subjugation efforts? 36

Evidently, there is much to determine and many more conflicts likely to arise. Get

thinking, be strategic and most importantly watch your backs for filthy minority members

and seeming comrades with equally dirty underlying motives.

All hail Allah, Pakistan, and the destruction of Bengali Independence efforts!

36 Gary J. Bass. The Blood Telegram: Nixon, Kissinger, and a Forgotten Genocide. New York: Knopf Doubleday, 2013.


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Positions

1. Executive Board’s Portfolio - General Yahya Khan, Dictator of Pakistan

2. Abul Maududi, Right Wing Party Leader

Maududi is a famed advocate of Islamic revivalism and a recently powerful right wing

politician. Before independence, he focused on making utopian Muslim communities but

since Partition he has increasingly been involved in politics through the Jamaat-e-Islami, a

political party that advocates for the establishment of Islam as the guiding principal of

Pakistan. Despite underwhelming electoral success, he is the most influential right wing

politician. Maududi advocates a complete program of Islamic revivalism, and is known to

receive funding from Saudi Arabia to help build madrassas and other Islamic institutions. He

has extensive connections with Islamists in East Pakistan and has been garnering their

support for keeping East Pakistan for separating.37

3. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Pakistan People’s Party Leader

Bhutto, the former foreign minister, is the leader of the Pakistan People’s Party, the main left

leaning political group in West Pakistan. He was educated at UC Berkley and at Oxford.

During his time as foreign minister under Ayub Khan, he developed extensive relationships

with China, the US, and the USSR. He was also the proponent of the operations against

India in Kashmir in 1965. After founding the PPP, he led pro-democracy demonstrations

against Ayub Khan, leading to his resignation. His party won the majority of seats in West

Pakistan, where he holds the power with 81 seats in the National Assembly. His political

philosophy leans socialist, and he has contacts in the USSR. He also has an intensely popular

image among the main populations of Pakistan in Punjab and Sindh, so he is unlikely to find

37 http://www.dawn.com/news/1154419


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himself in a difficult situation electorally in West Pakistan. His wide-ranging political abilities

and contacts put him in a powerful position but he has already made enemies in the military

based on his opposition to the previous military governments. 38

4. Ghulam Jilani Khan, Director of Inter-Services Intelligence

Jilani Khan, after a long career in military intelligence including covert action in Kashmir, is a

close ally of Bhutto. As head of the ISI, he commands the covert operations of the Pakistani

military. This gives him access to a vast network of intelligence, but one that is prone to

agents going rogue. The ISI has only recently begun more advanced tactics beyond

reconnaissance after their failures in the 1965 war, so the experience of the current

operatives are more limited. Jilani Khan is believed to have many contacts in the US and in

Kashmir, and may be able to link to more ambitious schemes beyond the events unfolding

on the ground in East Pakistan.39

5. Tikka Khan, Military Governor of East Pakistan

Having served under the British in Africa during World War II and as the main commander

of tank forces during the Indo-Pakistan War of 1965, Khan is one of the most competent

military commanders in Pakistan. His experience is mainly in large battlefield operations, but

it remains to be seen if his reputation as a tough and ruthless commander will enable him to

take control of East Pakistan. Given the current situation in East Pakistan, the number of

troops he controls is being kept strictly classified and will be provided at the start of

committee. 40

6. Rao Farman Ali Khan, commander of Military police and Defense secretary

38 http://adst.org/2013/04/sins-of-the-father-pakistans-bhutto-executed-april-4-1979/ 39 http://alchetron.com/Ghulam-Jilani-Khan-767383-W 40 http://www.genocidebangladesh.org/tikka-khan/


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The second in-command of Pakistani forces in East Pakistan, he is in charge of the military

police forces in East Pakistan. He is known for his keen appreciation of the intricacies of

East Pakistan, and is in direct contact with the Bihari community in Dhaka, as well as in

contact with jihadist groups that are in strong support of a unified Pakistan. The number of

police members is unknown at the time, due to classification and the unknown number of

defectors among the Bengali speakers.41

7. Ghulam Azam, head of the Jamaat-e-Islami in East Pakistan

Azam became politically involved when he was involved in the student union protests over

the use of Bangla in the early days of Pakistan. He became a member of the Jamaat-e-Islami

and was made head of the East Pakistan branch in the 1950’s. He is currently in Dhaka, in

direct communication with the Pakistani military. It is believed that there are currently 4000

armed members of Jamaat-e-Islami ready to defend the cause of a unified Pakistan,

strategically placed in Dhaka and at Dhaka University. Azam has the support of the Bihari

communities as well, besides the extensive Islamist contacts.42

8. Motiur Rahman Nizami, Head of the Student League of Jamaat-e-Islami in East

Pakistan

Nizami, a native Bengali, became prominent in the last decade as the leader of the youth and

student wings of the Jamaat-e-Islami. He has connections with most major student groups in

the country and has been garnering support for a unified Pakistan under the banner of Islam.

The students of his wing, though comprising less than 10% of the student population, are

fully dedicated to serving the movement and its principles.43

41 http://www.dawn.com/news/348686/rao-farman-ali-passes-away 42 http://www.independent.co.uk/news/obituaries/professor-ghulam-azam-islamist-party-leader-who-opposed-independence-for-bangladesh-and-who-was-9817002.html 43 http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2016/05/bangladesh-buries-motiur-rahman-nizami-protests-160511135436209.html


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9. Jalaludin Abdur Rahim, Secretary-General of the Pakistan People's Party and

Minister of Production

After being educated at the University of Dhaka, Rahim was an activist in the Pakistan

Movement. He served as Foreign Secretary and retains contacts abroad especially in the

United States and the UK. In the mid-60’s he helped to found the Pakistan People’s Party,

and has provided the backbone of the guiding political philosophy of the group. His ability

to have a dialogue with groups across the spectrum and his organization of protests against

the military rule of Ayub Khan gives him significant political capital, especially in East

Pakistan (as he is a Bengali speaker). He is also the editor of the party’s magazine which has

the widest circulation in the areas of Sindh and lower Punjab. Additionally, his powers as

Minister of production includes regulation of commercial production.44

10. Meraj Muhammad Khan, Minister of Labor

Educated as a doctor, Meraj Khan is a prominent socialist member of the PPP. He is the

most radically leftist of the major members of the government. He has successfully

negotiated with labor groups in the past, and his contacts extend beyond West Pakistan to

the major urban areas of East Pakistan. He is a strong advocate for women as well,

participating in women’s movement organizations as well. All issues of labor are under his

jurisdiction. He is also well connected to the Mujahir community of Muslims who fled from

India during partition and mainly reside in Karachi.45

11. Mubashir Hassan, Minister of Science

Educated in the United States as an engineer, Hassan was a founding member of the PPP.

He has established the ministry of science with Bhutto and is working to develop Pakistan as

44 http://www.dawn.com/news/783171/a-leaf-from-history-bullying-tactics 45 http://dunyanews.tv/en/Pakistan/345931-Meraj-Muhammad-Khan-passes-away


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a so-called “techno-democracy.” He has contacts with the scientific elite in both europe and

the United States and has been a strong advocate of using technology to even the battlefield

for Pakistan in future potential conflicts. He has already received funding from Bhutto to

begin scientific research for the future of Pakistan’s military, which remains classified and

unknown to the public at large. His ministry, though new, will likely continue to provide the

latest technological breakthroughs if properly funded.46

12. Sahabzada Yaqub Khan Ambassador to France, the United States, and Great

Britain

Born into the royal family of a princely state, Sahabzada Khan is currently serving as the

Ambassador to the United States and its allies France and Great Britain. Sahabzada has

extensive contacts with the monied elite of these nations, and is critical to maintaining a

peaceful position vis-a-vis the efforts of the Indian diplomats. He strongly opposed working

with the USSR, but also opposes Pakistan’s recent moves to ally with China. His ability to

access resources in these nations is critical to Pakistan’s survival in the dynamics of a world

dominated by the USA and the USSR.47

13. Pir Pagara, head of the Pakistan Muslim League and spiritual leader of the Hurs

As the head of the Hurs, a sect of Sufi Islam in Sindh, the Pir Pagara (full name Syed Shah

Mardan Shah-II) has immense spiritual support throughout the country, a full 20,000 armed

militiamen, and the support of Sindhi nationalists upset at the subordination of Sindhi

interests to Punjabis and Muhajirs.48 A former ally of Bhutto, Pir Pagara has the support of

what is left of the Muslim League’s support, which garnered 12% of the vote in the 1970

election. He is mainly interested in protecting the interests of both Sufis throughout the

46 http://www.dawn.com/news/1259053 47 https://www.brookings.edu/opinions/sahibzada-yaqub-khan-1920-2016-the-end-of-an-era/ 48 http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/obituaries/9026187/The-Pir-Pagara.html


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country and Sindhis in a federal arrangement. He is also a famed cricketer and advocate of

the sport, garnering him much popular support.

14. Javed Hashmi, head of the Student Union of the Jamaat-e-Islami in West

Pakistan and editor of Jamaat-e-Islami newspaper

Javed Hashmi has the support of students throughout Western Pakistan and immense

popular support throughout Punjab, especially in Multan. His writing on the situation in East

Pakistan has garnered the support of many elites concerned about the army’s handling of the

situation on the ground in Dhaka, and it remains to be seen how the army will react to his

publications.49 He is well connected to the scientific elite of the country, including Mubashir

Hassan, the minister of science. Finally, his training as a lawyer gives him the ability to

challenge actions of the government in court.

15. Nurul Amin, Vice President of Pakistan and former Chief Minister of East

Pakistan

A native Bengali, Nurul Amin served as Chief Minister of East Pakistan in the 1950s as the

Language Movement gained traction.50 He has extensive contacts throughout East Pakistan,

and is widely seen as the best advocate for a peaceful solution to the demands of the people

of East Pakistan. He has contacts with Biharis, businessmen, and other minorities in

Pakistan who are dedicated to a peaceful resolution of conflict.

16. General Amir Abdullah Khan Niazi, Commander of Military Operations, East

Pakistan Command

Born in the Punjab, Niazi served under the British in the Burma campaign. During the 1965

war, he successfully repelled the Indian counteroffensive and since then has served as a

49 http://www.pakcolumnist.com/the-1971-crisis-and-prof-waris-mir-javed-hashmi.html 50 http://storyofpakistan.com/nurul-amin


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military martial law administrator in Lahore and Karachi. In East Pakistan, his position as

commander of Military operations puts him in charge of troop movements in East

Pakistan.51 He is well connected with Bihari and Jamaat-e-Islami groups in East Pakistan as

well.

17. General Aboobaker Osman Mitha, head of Pakistani Special Forces

Born in Bombay, Mitha served under the British in Burma, serving as an officer in special

operations behind enemy lines for over a year. In establishing Pakistan’s special forces in the

late 50s, he received considerable support from the US military, which combined with his

experience under the British gives him the most experience of anyone on the subcontinent

with special operations.52 His troops are experienced after operations in both Pakistan and

Kashmir. Besides the special operations units staged in East Pakistan, the rest of his units are

stationed near the Afghan border at Peshawar.

51 http://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/forty-three-years-of-denial/ 52 http://www.dawn.com/news/826674

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