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The weekly Koha (The T imes) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. E dited by VetonSurroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Y ugoslavia, Kohasoon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under thename of Koha Ditor. With the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted onhttp://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.

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Koha Digest # 58

EDITORIAL

THE SATISFACTION OF RESTRICTION

by VETON SURROI

Last week I saw on TV the image of a girl who hadn't turned 18yet, and who will never turn 18. Television has again started theritual of counting new victims in Sarajevo, victims of bombingsfrom Serbian artillery positions around the capital of Bosnia &Herzegovina.

One week before this event, while in Washington, I read about theCroatian attack against the Serb rebels in Western Slavonia. Inan institution for international politics, asked what was theimportance of this military action, I replied that the escalationof fighting in the Serbian corridor between Bosnia and Croatiacould be expected, hoping that the slimmest line of communication

between Serbia and "Western Serbs" is interrupted. On the other hand, a ruthless artillery attack on Sarajevo should be expectedas a response to all these military actions, as a sign of revenge

or counter-reply to the Bosniac military actions, testing thestrength of ring around Sarajevo. The military developmentsduring the past two weeks seem to go in that direction.

Unfortunately, we will see many victims, and if this trend of developments at the war fronts continues we are witnessing a newmechanism (in the post cold-war Europe) for the solution of theconflict in the Former Yugoslavia. In one word, since theWashington agreement between Croatia and B&H on joint militaryactions and, eventually, common political structures, theunrevealed sub-text is that Croats and Bosniacs will becomestrong as much as, changing the military situation in Bosnia andCroatia, they will force the Serbs (from Milosevic up to Karadzicand Martic) to go towards reaching a compromise. This is a

process that takes time: for what we are seeing on the field atleast one year of military agreements and more than two years of

previous military experience were needed. It could easily happento have years of fighting until the point of changes of themilitary balance is reached, a balance which will force the

political representatives towards compromise.

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I was asked in Washington how could this geo-political approach be qualified. I think it can be called restricted satisfaction.This means that the Great Powers will have as primary task tostop the expansion of war to other regions and then, this

situation of non-expansion will content them to the level of self-satisfaction. Premier Silajdzic had the same feeling lastweek when he said that it seemed that Great Powers were notinterested how many people could be killed in Bosnia, theimportant thing is to prevent war from expanding.

The world will again be testing its incapability to identify, prevent or solve the conflicts. For someone, like me, who livesin a several years long pre-war crisis, there can't be anysatisfaction from the restriction. "But we stopped the expansionof the conflict to Kosova", they'd tell me.

"The conflict in Kosova", I'd reply, "is being developed with para-military means". Even, if the whole effort is to prevent theexpansion of the conflict, who will guarantee that you will notapply the same thing in case of an armed conflict in Kosova andMacedonia.

KOSOVA

SAINT GEORGE COMES AND GOES

by IBRAHIM REXHEPI / Prishtina

Somewhere in spring of 1991 we heard the following sentence:"Saint George's Day is here. We managed to survive this winter somehow, maybe the next one won't catch us thus!". Suchascertainments can't be heard so often nowadays, however, peoplein Kosova still preserve the hope that his situation will changefor the better, politically and socially. Four years ago, it wasthe first spring to come after a winter without any jobs. Peoplethought that the situation would change rapidly and that workerswould go back to work, pupils and students to schools .. i.e.,that life would go on normally.

But, this was not the case. Politically and socially thesituation in Kosova has become more complicated. Even, there aremany who have lost hopes that they can survive on their salaries.Their fear is realistic, because it is very hard to secure thelevel of salaries which would cover all the needs. On the other

hand, despite the statistical data provided by the self- proclaimed Yugoslavia, and which reports small movements of prices, which barely surpass 2%, in reality the familial budgetnow has to be larger than six years ago, e.g., when Kosova had

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239.119 workers and around 200 thousand unemployed.

For over one year and half, only the price of bread remainsunchanged, while the price of flour is decreasing. This is not

a merit of the Albanian peasants from Kosova, but this should beevaluated as a strategy of Serbia and Montenegro, to keep social peace while they are both under sanctions. This is why the priceof flour is incredibly low, at 0,20 DEM per kilo. Not long ago,the price of this article was five or ten times higher. At leastthere is enough flour and bread, and this is the only socialsecurity for the Albanian unemployed population in Kosova.

The officials of the economic power in the so called FRY triedto freeze the prices of the other articles necessary for families(milk, cheese, butter, meat, oil, sugar, etc.), but the producersfound the ways to break this ice, even by creating artificialdeficiency of the products in the market.

According to the recently published data, the consumers' basketcontaining 65 articles, was worth 669,68 dinars in April, whichaccording to the official rate makes as many DEM, while accordingto the black market rate, half of it. According to thisinformation, it was necessary to have 45,7 dinars more that the

previous month to purchase the basket. The prices of clothes andshoes increased 11%, hygienic items and medicines - 10,9%,

tobacco - 2,3 %, etc. On the other hand the salaries still remainfrozen, at the level of March - when the average was 274,43dinars, while the guaranteed salary (minimal wage) was 190,00dinars. This means that those employed in public enterprises needalmost 2,5 average salaries or 3,5 minimal wages to have a moreor less calm life. How to achieve this?

In Kosova there are not very many Albanian workers employed in public enterprises. UITUK claims that their number has decreasedsince 1989. While six years ago, there were 165 thousand employedAlbanians or 69,6% of the total number of employed, in 1992 therewere only 43 thousand Albanians, or less than one third of theemployed. This statistics proves that the number of the employeddrastically decreased, and that thus category underwent "ethniccleansing". In 1989, out of 198 thousand unemployed, 82% wereAlbanians, while in 1992, 488 thousand Albanians were unemployed.

In the war of figures, the installed Serbian regime in Kosovaoffers other digits. They say that because of the sanctions theenterprises were forced to stop producing, as well as"provisionally" make the workers go on compulsory leave. These

lists also include Serb and Montenegrin workers. They, also,through statistics, try to prove that out of 124 thousand and 800workers currently employed in Kosova's economy, 65 thousand areAlbanians. For example, they claim that in Gjilan, out of 14

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thousand employees, 60% are Albanians, or that in Gjakova, outof 9.822 workers only 822 are Serbs and Montenegrins, that half of the employed in Prishtina are Albanians, etc.

Anyhow, it is a fact that in the past five years Albanians weremassively dismissed from their jobs and thus the number of theendangered families has increased. The possible solutions then,and now, to have them assisted through solidarity funds, or humanitarian charitable organizations and trade-unions proved to

be successful to a certain extent, despite the fact that thereis a low level of organization.

It is very hard to establish a scientific methodology and followthe developments of the social life among Albanians. However, itis a characteristic that in the past years Kosova is slowlyconverting in a consumers society, but which offers almost no

products to the market. Even more, the actual policy of pricesmay even decrease the production of wheat and other crops, for it is must cheaper to buy flour and bread on the market, thaninvest anything in their production. Nevertheless, it should becalculated that the largest income is realized by those who wentabroad, as asylum-seekers or as "temporary" workers. This makesKosova spend more than it produces, and it also allows Kosova'smarket to be full of technical, industrial and alimentary

products coming from Macedonia, Turkey, Bulgaria, Italy, Greece,

Albania, not to mention Serbia and Montenegro.

But, this could cause a wrong impression about the real socialsituation in Kosova, because the number of those who depend onhumanitarian assistance continues being large. Over 30 thousandfamilies with over 300 thousand people survive thanks to theassistance they receive from "Mother Theresa", but differentanalysts of this area claim that over 100 thousand families withover 600 thousand members are in deep and permanent poverty. Thismeans that one third of the Albanian population is affected, andthis proves how tragic the situation is. But, one couldn't claimthat the other two thirds are living a great life either, becausethis category includes those working in public enterprises,almost 20 thousand teachers and educational staff, financed fromcontributions of our people inside and abroad, and who receivean average of 150 DEM a month, and then owners of privateenterprises which are not always successful.

Then who has any social calm in Kosova? Their number is small.Let's take the 17 thousand enterprises established in Kosova, asan example. Almost half of them doesn't function at all. There

are very few of them with a large capital, because thecircumstances in which business is developed, don't allow many possibilities to grow rich. Could it be said that around 40thousand craftsmen are rich? Their number is decreasing on a

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daily basis, because the classical crafts are disappearing andmany of them are simply becoming merchants. At the same time, theexploiting Serbian laws don't allow any accumulation, because thetaxes are enormous, as well as the rent is for all those who

don't own the shops. The contributions for salaries are evenlarger than the salaries proper. It seems that even a strata"which created wealth without much work", as were the doctors,is slowly entering a crisis. Many patients are approachinghumanitarian medical institutions as well as the statal ones,despite the fact that the latter are occupied and employ a smallnumber of Albanians, for the logic "I'll rather pay 20 DEM for the visit and the whole therapy in other institutions than thesame amount for only one visit at a private clinic" , haststarted reigning.

Finalizing, this is the account on two generations found at thesame place, the market. Father and son do the same things,

purchase and sell food, cigarettes and other small things, inorder to sustain their families. The father, dismissed after 33years of work, and the son, who got married young and forced by

poverty quit school, now works anything. Their whole ambition isto go back home with the "profit" of ten dinars/per day each.This mosaic is current in all towns of Kosova, because the

possibilities to have a more serious or profitable job areminimal. This is why the ones who remain here must accept

anything they are offered, and not become beggars.

Anyhow, Saint George's days come and go. Kosova, in whatever solution of its status, will still be facing the serious material

problems, because it has no economic potential to, for example,absorb all the unemployed. What is most critical, in the pastyears, we have lost the productive layer of our population.Tomorrow, there will be much difficulty to bring back the

producing tradition to the enterprises or agriculture. It seemsthat someone has found a good solution for oneself in theseserious conditions - better to survive on assistance than proper work.

KOSOVA

THE SOCIAL SHELTER

by ASTRIT SALIHU / Prishtina

Counting 14 international organizations and associations inKosova is a sufficient indicator to ascertain a difficult socialsituation. Apart from the international organizations, in Kosovawe also have domestic associations which assist the needy.

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Humanitarian Charitable Association "Mother Theresa" and theSolidarity Commission of the LDK are two of them. According tothe figures which these two associations have, Kosova shows aserious picture of poverty which is threatening more and more.

The number of the poor and the needy is increasing on a daily basis.

According to the data provided by "Mother Theresa", as preciseas they can be considered, in 1990 there were only 2.450 needyfamilies. Later, the number increased incredibly fast. In 1991,the number reached 26.700 families, in 1992 - 43.320 families,1993 - 45.835 families, ending at 57.353 families in 1994. Theaverage family in Kosova counts 6,52 members which means that373.939 people are receiving social assistance in Kosova.

Naturally, it must be stressed that this figure doesn't includethe refugees from Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia nor the rejectedasylum-seekers in European states.

The age structure of the assisted also classifies Kosova at thezone of the high level of vulnerability, not because of thenumber of the incapacitated people to work, but on the contrary,

because of the high number of people who have no chances toeliminate the reasons of poverty despite their working capacity.Among the people assisted by "Mother Theresa", only 15% areinvalids of all categories. There are children between 0-14 years

(35%), from 14-22 years (25%) and adults/parents (25%). If 60%of the needy are children and young persons up to the age of 22,then it can be ascertained that a large layer of poor people is

being developed in Kosova. They have no prospects to survive andeven less get proper education and culture.

"Mother Theresa" is wide-spread. It has 38 branches throughoutKosova and it has 549 sub-branches.

The association also groups the needy families in four categories. The first category includes families up to four members and which have no sources of income and depend only onhumanitarian assistance. The second category includes familieswith over 5 members and have no permanent source of income. Thethird category is comprised of families with two or more elderlymembers or handicapped people who depend on other persons or assistance. This category includes all invalids of allcategories. The fourth category includes the families of retired

persons whose pensions are small and who have many members of families, even though some of the members are capable to work.The assistance provided by "Mother Theresa" includes food,

hygiene items and medical assistance and medicines. So far asJanuary 1995, 50 ambulatories of this association were opened inlocalities of high density of poor population. These facilitieshave engaged 175 doctors and 280 nurses and technicians. All the

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services are free of charge. In Prishtina alone, during thesecond semester of 1994, 111,846 patients sought medicalattention.

This is not the whole assistance provided by this association."Mother Theresa" has aslo provided the official clinics inPrishtina and hospitals all over Kosova with assistance. Peja'sTB hospital alone, was assisted by this association with threemeals per day for 160 patients for three months, as well as other assistance in medicines and hygienic items.

Despite its organization and network, the association can'tfulfil all the needs of the poor families in Kosova. The fact isthat it can only fulfil only 65% of their needs.

Apart from "Mother Theresa", there is another organization actingin Kosova. It is the Solidarity Commission of the LDK, the mostmassive among us. This commission has 36 branches whichfunctions through 1400 commissions and subcommissions. If itsstatute foresees that the commissions must have between 5 and 7members, then the calculation is that there must be over 7000

people working in the field.

This humanitarian instance inside the LDK works based on theorientations towards the endangered zones in Kosova. This

commission considers the following to fall into this category:Prishtina, Mitrovica, Leposaviq, Zubin Potok, Sknderaj,Malisheva, Gllogovc, Ferizaj, Novobrda and Obliq. Municipalitiesof the Dukagjin Plain are not included in this list, and theysend their collected surplus to the Central Commission which thendistributes the goods to the needy zones. There also manyobstacles that the instance of the most massive party faces, asfor example was the case with the Action of Solidarity, whichfailed because there was no agreement on the fund to be used for the purpose: Government's or "Ahen's" fund. This fact onlydemonstrates the initiation of the bureaucratization of thisactivity.

It can also be ascertained, as they claim in this Commission,that there is no coordination with "Mother Theresa", and theexample they give is the following: the Central Commission hadordered the Commission of the branch in Mitrovica to collect theassistance from the branch in Dean, which had collected thesurplus. The transportation of the goods cost 450 DEM. On thesame day, "Mother Theresa" sent its assistance in flour to Dean,which is absurd, say the people at the Central Commission. This

lack of coordination only causes unnecessary expenses. And, the people at the Commission say another thing, and it regards thelist of the needy. They claim that the list that they have madedoes not match the lists of "Mother Theresa". They even mention

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the example of Gjakova, where the LDK Commission has evidenced120 needy families, while "Mother Theresa" has even 800 familiesin their lists!

The LDK Commission has received 50 thousand DEM from the socalled "Ahen Fund" since January 1995, and this amount doesn'tinclude the other collected assistance in food and hygienicitems. This Commission alias covers the expenses for purchasingmedicines for all those who can't get them at "Mother Theresa's".The people at the Commission claim that they get at least 10-15complaints a day of people who couldn't get medicines at "Mother Theresa".

The reasons for the lack of coordination and misunderstandingsremain elsewhere. However, all of them break on the backs of the

poor and the needy, whose number is increasing day by day. Nevertheless, all data proves that poverty in Kosova is under itsown shelter.

In the evidence number offered by "Mother Theresa" of 373.939 people is approximately correct, then it comes out that over 20%of the Albanian population is under the social shelter. Thisnumber is much bigger if the number of the ones who fled Kosovafor political or economic reasons is added to it. This figurecomprises more than two thirds of the Albanian population.

KOSOVA

by YLBER HYSA / Prishtina

Two weeks ago, when President Rugova was coming back from hislast diplomatic tour, passing through Elez Han border check-

point, according to some witnesses, the Serbian customs and police officers had shown a quite nasty attitude. It is not knownwhat the motive could have been, but it happened. Several dayslater, as he was driving a vehicle and accompanied by twofriends, Rugova's personal secretary and head of the securitystaff, Adnan Merovci, was stopped by the police and told toreport to the police station on the next day, together with histwo friends, also escorts, and have an informative talk.

This informative talk with Merovci lasted 4 hours, and he wasagain told to come the next day. The second talk lasted four hours, again, but this time it was more thorough. Finally,

Merovci was told to bring in his passport, "so they could havea look on it". The questions were related to his activity, hisrole, the travels with Rugova and similar.

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All of those who follow President Rugova's work, can't miss AdnanMerovci, electrical engineer and one of Kosova's best knownkarate players. All know that he is Rugova's silent "loyalshadow" and head of protocol who accompanies him on all trips,

and who takes care of the President's image on the back-front.Therefore, this was something known to all and so far it was afact that he never underwent the security filter of the Serbian

police in Kosova, until a couple of days ago. The ones who foundout about the event, commented on it as a provocation against thePresident and his staff, or maybe even as "turning the screwstight" nearby President Rugova. But, this seems not to beunderstood thus by some media, nor KIC, which as an informativecenter covers all events of the type within the LDK shelter!

Even, according to some unofficial data, this event was expoundedon all the decision-making levels of the largest Albanian

political party in Kosova. Thus, some versions of the informationwere prepared, they were edited and re-edited, but theinformation was never published in KIC's daily information sheet!According to one version, again unofficial, some issues of thementioned information sheet were already printed containing thecorrected version on what had happened to President's personalsecretary, but these copies were shredded when a new issue wasmade, not containing the information on the above incident. Theones who follow on LDK activities and who had "unofficially" got

the information about something that everyone knew - weresurprised. They tried to find reasons, and some even explainedit as: "the `Central' knows what must be done".

Anyhow, the functioning of the decision-making centers inside thelargest political party in Kosova (many consider it as theAlbanian movement), hierarchy and monopoly to distributeinformation is a matter of discussion inside the organization.The fact remains that Rugova's close man was taken to the police.

And should this be perceived as a pressure against Rugova,remains to be seen in the continuation or interruption of the

police procedure. This warning or pressure, came after Rugova'slong visit to Western European countries, followed loyally by thecameras of the Albanians satellite TV, in which it can be clearlyseen how Rugova descends from the plane at Rinas Airport (inTirana) as a head of state, and always followed by silentMerovci. This and Rugova's transparent diplomatic activity, wasconsidered by some as a provocative blow in the face of theSerbian governmental organs, and which subsequently generated thewarning. Finally, Adnan is asked to hand in his passport.

Even more, in the series of small and big pressures made towardsthe realization of the long-term Serbian plan on the "breakdownof the Albanian parallel system", so much criticized by the

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Serbian oppositionists and the "SRM" (preparing to celebratetheir Sabor on May 20-21), this manifestation proves the stronggame of the Serbian regime against Albanians as a calculatedstep. This logic leads to the supposition that Rugova is being

warned. And a pressure of this kind would have a double message -as a message to Rugova himself and as an information of Serbiandomestic consumption.

Anyhow, such calculations have still not experienced the phasewhen Rugova's escort will have to hand in his passport and whenthe famous seal-stamps of "Qaf-Thana", the Albanian-Macedonian

bordercross, will be searched for. Then we will see how seriousthe warning is and to what extent is it addressed to Rugova.

KOSOVA

REFUGEES FROM SLAVONIA IN KOSOVA?

by Y.H. / Prishtina

The last conflict in Western Slavonia, followed by the quick Croat penetration, made a large number of Serbs leave the area.According to the last information, so far around 700 Serbs from

Western Slavonia have applied for Croatian citizenship, while themajority of them became refugees by going to Bosnia and a partof them to Serbia. The Serbs abandoned these territories, andthey seem to express their disposition with the words of Okucani's prefect: "We are tired of being border-policemen for other Serbs. We want to be transferred to a safe place"! Whichwill be the safe place?

According to some announcements published in one of the lastissues of Brcin's "Borba", there is talk about the settlement of 10 thousand Serbian refugees from Western Slavonia to Kosova!This information was not denied by the Red Cross nor governmentalorgans of Serbia which deal with refugee accommodation. Theconstruction complexes which should serve the future Serbiancolonists have not ended yet, and as it is stated in "Black Borba" (as the official fraction of this newspaper has beennamed), it is being thought of an alternative shelter for theserefugees - hotels or recreation centers, or something similar.On the other hand, "...food will be provided by humanitarianorganizations, most probably UNHCR"!

Buba Morina, Serbian Refugee Commissioner, appeared in a pressconference immediately after the events in Slavonia, and she evendeclared that some funding was requested and promised to beinvested for refugee needs, on which occasion she mentioned Japan

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and Greece as possible donors.

Will the "bordering" Serbs from Slavonia, tired of their historical role, find a "safe" place as Kosova, e.g., we will see

soon. According to some official sources, the accommodation buildings are being prepared.

KOSOVA

WHY WAS JUSUF ZEJNULLAHU ARRESTED?

by Y.H. / Prishtina

Last week's arrest of the former President of the ExecutiveCouncil (Government) of Kosova, Jusuf Zejnullahu, and his

posterior release, incited the surprise of the public. After the proclamation of the Constitution of Kaanik and the activitiesthat followed, Zejnullahu saw himself obliged to leave Kosovatogether with the then Government and Parliament of Kosova. After five years, Zejnullahu came back to Kosova and joined his family,which also caused surprise among the public. He had then beensummoned to an informative talk, and as he tells KOHA, he wastold that there was still an accusation pending against him and

all those who had proclaimed the Republic of Kosova.Zejnullahu continued his permanence in Prishtina and during thewhole time he had been on the agenda of the different Serbian andAlbanian newspapers as a topic of discussion. There were manyspeculations on the reasons of his return, and which was linkedto his manager post of the Prishtina branch of a Belgrade seated

bank.

On Saturday, May 13, at 5 o'clock in the morning, Zejnullahu wasarrested by the police in his apartment in Prishtina. Askedwhether they had a warrant and the reasons of arrest, the

policemen told him that everything was in order and that thereis a warrant to take him to the Court. Instead of going to theCourt, the police vehicle headed towards the police station inAktash, known as "Center", where he, now as a detained person,was asked to present his ID card. "Since I didn't have it withme, the policeman took out a thick file on which he could takemy personal data", says Zejnullahu. "There I saw some documentsand an arrest warrant, a photocopy of my passport, and I alsorecognized the warrant of arrest of the whole former Government".

After the formalities were over, Zejnullahu was told that he was being taken to the Court and will be handed over to DanicaMarinkovic, the Investigating Judge, even though it was Saturday.However, during the ride, the police changed the decision and

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told Zejnullahu that they couldn't find the judge and thereforehe will be taken to the Regional Jail in Prishtina, in where heremained until the next evening, when he was released without anyexplanation or issued document. However, his ID card was

retained!

The strange manoeuvre surprised Zejnullahu himself, who hasn'tit clear yet. "I was told that I had an arrest warrant againstme pending since 1990", says Zejnullahu, asked if this was doneto cause the effect to prove that there is no prescription of cases, and that every one can be arrested! If intimidation is oneof the accompanying motives of this act, then it is not a specialmotive because it is applicable in the case of all who live here,he said, concluding that this can be part of a campaign whichcontinues with the recent arrest of Albanians. But, anyhow, thishas a "simply political character". "Maybe it is a testing, tosee whether people still remember what happened in 1990, and thisis maybe also linked to the quick reaction of the public, andmaybe this was the consequence of my rapid release?" - concludesZejnullahu.

Nevertheless, all interpretations are pending until another explanation of the Serbian authorities is made public. The wholecase is filled with strange and irregular elements. First, thearrest takes place during a weekend, then, the detained is told

that he is taken to Court under urgent procedure to be told later that the judge can't be localized and that he must remain in prison (without any decision). Finally, he is released againduring weekend, he is not given any document and is kept pendingwithout any Court's decision. And not only from the aspect of thearresting procedure and other things linked to this (and whichare a large scope of severe violations of Albanians' rights inKosova), but also from another aspect this will (would) be astrange trial. How can the old indictment, issued in 1990, berealized, knowing that it is grounded on the Penal Code of aformer state: SFRY, which while disintegrating, generated thecreation of another state: the Republic of Kosova! In fact,Zejnullahu's attorney, Fazli Balaj, asked for an explanation fromthe investigating judge, and got none in return. The oldindictment against the Government of Kosova is grounded on Art.116:2, according to which they can be conditionally charged for attempting to secede Kosova from Serbia, but not from Yugoslaviawhich, de facto, still existed then!

This is why we mentioned the impossibility of the prescriptionof the "sinning crimes". Does this mean that the Serbian

persecution organs act with the inertia of a state they havethemselves declared non-existing, and second, does this mean thatthey acknowledge the decision of the former Kosovan organs to

proclaim the Republic of Kosova, since they continue persecuting

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the decision with an accusing procedure with inertia...?Really, who will be tried and why?

MACEDONIA

ANOTHER FOOLISHNESS, OR...?

by ISO RUSI / Shkup

What is there to say about the close-down of 22 private radio andTV stations and the announcement that the other 250, officiallyevaluated as existing in the small space as is Macedonia, willsuffer the same fate? About the government which startedregulating the ether chaos with one of its democratizationattributes in a society which it dominates totally!? It is notan easy task. First of all, the boom of electronic media inMacedonia, which coincides with the times of the new pluralistepoch, is more a result of lack of legal regulations than theconscious will to be presently on ether. In other words, after the disintegration of SFRY, Macedonia didn't adopt the law whichwould regulate the way frequencies and channels would be used.Macedonia has adopted the provisions for the registration of firms which, along with the sale of bananas, can also have radio

and television stations. Simply, until less than a year ago,anyone could apply with the competent ministry (initially it wasthe ministry of Information and after its suppression, Ministryof Culture), which was obliged to reply within 15 days. The issueof the distribution of frequencies was not regulated. Thus,

private radio and TV stations appeared as mushrooms following therain. The government couldn't deal with it, and it didn't doanything to adopt the legal acts which would regulate the matter.In this way, provisionally, everybody was happy - electronicmedia which could broadcast anything they pleased, while thestate remained indifferent towards anything the stations woulddo. The most the previous government did in this aspect was to

provisionally implement a moratorium on issuing consents for registration of electronic media. The situation only froze. Itwas clear that the government didn't want to undertake anythingin this plan. The larger the number of private radio and TVstations, the bigger the argument and proof of the allegeddemocratic and pluralist orientation of the actual government.

After the elections and the victory of the League for Macedonia,there is more an more manifestations of the satisfaction with the

gained power, and it is not rare to see how this satisfactionturns into unprecedented arrogance. In the concrete case, manyissues remain open. First of all, if the government wanted tosettle the ether chaos, if the chaos exists, it could have done

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this long ago and more elegantly, it just had to apply thetechnical standards, and for this, there is no need to againdiscover the wheel or boiled water. Before and even now, thegovernment was not interested to adopt the law on radio-

diffusion. We shall not forget that the former and the presentgovernment had the majority in the Parliament and could haveadopted this act anytime. At the press conference, on theoccasion of the close-down of the radio stations, both the port-

parole minister and the minister for Communication andConnections spoke of different motives for the close-down of thestations. The latter spoke only of technical reasons of theaction. The port-parole used huge words, such as "medialaggression" of the neighboring countries (because of theretransmissions of the foreign satellite programs), the (non)useof the Macedonian language (16 out of 24 radio stations

broadcasted in Albanian and Gypsy languages), etc.

It is clear that, along the technical problems, there were also political reasons. Because, e.g., how is it possible to logicallyexplain the fact that the private TV station RTA in Shkup, shouldhave since long ago stopped broadcasting, according to anofficial decision, but at the same time has also the permit tocontinue using the channel until the Radio-diffusion act isadopted (signed by the previous minister), even more knowing thatits relay is installed on the pillar owned by the state, and that

this element was regulated with a special agreement between thecompetent ministry and the private TV station! The selectivityin the election of those who must close down is a new proof aboutthe purpose of the bearer of the action, to close down thestations as it suits it - which at the end is reduced to the

political will.

As we are writing this article, silence is reigning. The bearer of the action, the actual government, is simply confused with,first of all, the reactions of the owners of the stations, butalso the foreign factors which, rather, were very much surprisedwith the idea of having someone close-down 250 radio and TVstations! The further development of the action remains open.

MACEDONIA

MACEDONIA GOING DEAF AND BLIND

by NIKOLA MLADENOV / Shkup

Until some time ago, the government of the Republic of Macedoniawould never lose a chance to potentiate its democratic character through the fact that it is a state which, in relation to the

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population, has the largest number of privately owned electronicmedia of massive communication (mass media). Along with thesurprise, this situation, without any doubt, caused the positivedisposition of any foreign visitor. The evaluation about the

Macedonian informative space, by all means, differed from theones adopted by the not that few post-Communist states, which preferred a statal monopoly in this area.

How can a government, which can be eventually attacked by over 200 private radio-televisions a day, be non-democratic?

At first sight, the "fourth power" - mass media, have deep rootsin Macedonia. The government can be proud of having constitutedthe public opinion in such a short period of time. However,unfortunately, things are not as they seem. All electronic mass-media function in a juridically undefined situation. TheMacedonian government has not been able to regularize this areain the past five years, and this does not suit it. Maybe becauseof other problems it faces, it can't manage to overcome thissystem deficiency? Or maybe it considers this not to be a big

problem, therefore its solution is only a matter of time?

The two past weeks speak of the contrary. The distribution of decisions banning the work of a large number of radio and TVstations in the Republic, created the path to believe that the

preservation of the juridical insecurity in this area is nothingelse but a reserve joker of the government which reserves itself the right to have the final word. "If we want to we allow you to

be open, if not, we close you down" - the old and "good"authoritarian practice of those who claim that the Republic of Macedonia, cleansed all problems with the "proletariatdictatorship" precisely thanks to their engagement.

Why now and why only certain radio-TV stations were "closeddown"? Can the fact that the first ones to be hit by the decisionwere the non Macedonian language stations? Who can claim that

precisely now and these stations create technical problems andonly technical problems on ether, when there are publicexplanations about "other reasons" too, without making specialand concrete mention of them?

Simply, not only these stations, but no radio or TV station inMacedonia has any juridical grounds to use the frequencies.

The anger would be much smaller if the private stations would not be interested to establish a legal order in the area of their

activities. On the contrary, through their Association, and over one year ago they came out with the concrete proposals toovercome the ether chaos which, suddenly now, is bothering onlythe government. They formally at least, held a series of meetings

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with the most responsible in the government, pronouncingthemselves in public about the ways they were suggesting to solvethe problem.

First of all, they were in favor of establishing theinternational technical standards, according to which, thequality of the equipment that the stations have would beevaluated, outlining that none of them would want to interferein the frequencies of the others; second, they were determinedto state that a certain percentage of the program would be

produced by the station itself, thus explaining that they willnot convert themselves in centers of sound, which apart frommusic, offer nothing else to the listeners; third, they suggestedthe change of the Taxes Act, on the segment that regulatesmarketing. They are convinced that paying 10% of taxes on eachdenar coming from advertisement is too much, even more, knowingthat having original program, even without this burden, is tooexpensive and not rentable; fourth, aiming at the stimulation of the Macedonian economic subjects, they asked for the suppressionof an article, according to which, they have the right to investonly 3% of their annual income for marketing purposes - withoutundergoing taxation. If the state doesn't see it necessary tohave its tax payers invest more money on their marketing, whichis considered as an unnecessary expense only in the contractedeconomy, then they asked the society to exempt tourist services

from taxation; fifth, aiming at the creation of almost samechances in a productive race with the official radio and TV, theyasked the state stations be denied the right to advertise (as BBCdoes), which, as considered by the Association, would decreasethe prices of the marketing services, which would be alsoreflected in the financing of the private radio/TV stations.

These are only some of the proposals issued by the Association,about the legal regulation of the area in which the mass mediain Macedonia are involved in. Unfortunately, so far, nothingserious was undertaken, with the exclusion of the last action of the Ministry of Communications and Connections, which can't becalled differently, but an ordinary manifestation of force by thegovernment.

It is constantly rumoured that someone is preparing some act,decree, but no act has ever entered any procedure.

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MACEDONIA

AFFAIRS INSIDE THE COALITION

by IBRAHIM MEHMETI /Shkup

The fact that political friendship lasts as long as the common political interests, is being proven these days in Macedonia. Sixmonths after the parliamentarian elections, which resulted withthe clear victory of the League for Macedonia (and which wasassisted by the abstention of the opposition parties), two of themost important partners of this tripartite coalition: Social-Democratic League of Macedonia (SDLM) and the Liberal Party (LP),are facing a contest which is threatening to end up in court. Thetruth is that this is not a matter of political divergencies,even though these can't be excluded from the generalcombinations, but it is matter of prosaic reasons: money! TheSecretary of the Liberal Party, Ace Kocevski, accused theMinister of Finances of Macedonia, Jane Milovski, for the abuseof functions in the interest of his party. The "accusation" was

published in "Liberal", the party's organ, which is a supplementof the daily "Nova Makedonija".

The seriousness of this accusation becomes clearer if it is knownthat the Minister of Finances in the Government of Macedonia is

member of the SDLM, and that in the last Congress of this party,last month, he was also elected vice-chairman of SDLM. Theaccusation states that the Minister has transferred the sum of 228 thousand DEM, which in the name of the expenses for theelectoral campaign belonged to the Liberals, to the account of the SDLM for the same reason.

According to the Secretary's claims, the minister helped themoney to be transferred to the account of his party. Further on,Kocevski says that the Ministry of Finances told his party thatthey will never get the money, for there isn't any, and later theexplanation given was that the money couldn't be paid to theLiberals, because the minister didn't known what was theLiberals' account. Kocevski considers these to be ridiculousexplanations.

The Liberals ground their accusation on the fact that officialsof the Ministry of Finances have admitted that the money destinedfor the liberals ended in the account of the Social-Democrats.All of this made Kocevski file a denunciation against Milovski.On the other hand, the minister rejected all the accusations

coming from the coalition partner saying that they are not true,however not being explicit about what the truth is. The minister also stated that he will clarify all uncertainties in court,which according to him, is the best way to stop the rumours.

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According to him, the only reason why the Liberals didn't get themoney is that they were late with the application and request toget paid the electoral expenses from the state budget. In order to corroborate his statement, the minister presents a series of

figures about who and when retrieved a certain quantity of moneyfrom the budget during elections.

The decision of the Statal Electoral Commission included 16 political parties and independent candidates. At the top of thelist is the SDLM which got 19.670.972 denars (about 740 thousandDEM). The second party on the is the LP, and their request cameto the Ministry around May 1, same as the third member of thecoalition, the Socialists, who also applied at the same time, andwho are supposed to get around 80 thousand DEM. PPD has already

been paid 140 thousand DEM while the PDP has received around 70thousand DEM.

What is indicative in this whole affair is comprised in onesentence said by the Secretary of the LP, who says the importantthing is not the money, for sooner or later his party will getit, but the problem is the abuse of power by the minister, the

person who should really fight corruption. This really speaks of a conflict which has deeper roots, and which started immediatelyafter the elections with the so called "hard-rock" affair, whenit was discovered that the persons in charge of the security of

the SDLM meetings were allegedly members of the underground.

Then, LP's reaction revealed the first signs of the deteriorationof relations. Disagreements continued also on the occasion of theappointment of the new cabinet. Members of the LP abstained fromvoting because the list also contained names of Albanianministers who had openly supported the University of Tetova, andit also expressed its discontent with the division of ministries.It is interesting to say that the Liberals spoke out in publicabout their discontent, but at the same time restrained from itsdemonstrative expression for the sake of the unity and the

promises they committed themselves to during the electoralcampaign, because they consider the state interests above the

party interests. Now it remains to be seen whether thisdetermination can stand and what is the price to pay for it.

Anyhow, such cases cannot remain without any consequences in thework of the government which is anyways facing many real

problems, as is the decrease of production and the increase of the number of the unemployed and social cases. It is not far fromtruth to say that this and other manoeuvres of the Liberals are

an attempt of taking off responsibility for the eventual failuresof the coalition government, trying to preserve the credibilityfor the future, in which this party plans to have more influencethan it has now.

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INTERVIEW

RANKO PETKOVIC, Institute for International Politics - Belgrade

THERE IS NO UNIQUE PRINCIPLE FOR ALL

Interviewed by BATON HAXHIU/ Prishtina

KOHA: The impression is that the Croat takeover of WesternSlavonia was part of an agreement between Milosevic and Tudjman.On the other hand, Milosevic is accused of betraying teh Serbianinterest. Is this the beginning of the end of the "Greater Serbia" project?

PETKOVIC: There is an opinion that Western Slavonia, even beforeit was conquered by the Croat military and police forces, had

been abandoned to it's own fate, i.e. misfortune. One claim thatit could not have remained part of the Serbian Republic of Krajina, because Milosevic and Tudjman, two or three years ago,while reaching a compromise, had agreed that Western Slavoniamust be reintegrated into the Croatian constitutional order. Theothers claim that it could be held, as the integral part of Krajina, because it represents a hardly defendable enclave, toomuch important for the economic life and communication of Croatia. The third ones consider that it fell apart easily

because of the deficiencies in the defense system of RSK, thereluctance of RS, where it hoped it would get support, theextreme abstinence of FRY and the so called treason of the UN.Even though in some, but not all, of these arguments some truthcan be found, we would go in another direction to reconstruct thereal reasons which caused the collapse of Western Slavonia.

KOHA: Why was Slavonia attacked right now?

PETKOVIC: The Croatian strategy in regard to the UNPAs is knownsince long ago, and it has two points: first, to prevent the"Cyprusization" of Croatia, which would automatically permanentlyrenew UNPROFOR's mandate, and the second, to reintegrate theseregions, i.e., the RSK, in the constitutional order of Croatia,

by peaceful means or by force. The first purpose was achieved byCroatia. By refusing hospitality to UNPROFOR, and with the newUNCRO mandate, the purpose of the peace-keeping forces in Croatiaof safeguarding the status-quo has been replaced by the creationof the trust among parties in conflict, with the aim to reach a

political solution with peaceful means within the coordinates or Mini-Contact Group Plan Z-4 or a similar peace project.

KOHA: All UN resolutions recognize Croatia and its wholeterritorial integrity. Which are the Serbian illusions to havean ethnic Serbia?

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PETKOVIC: Having in mind that all Security Council resolutionsinsist on the respect of the sovereignty and territorialintegrity of Croatia in its juridical-internationallyacknowledged borders, the Croatian government took advantage the

known incident on the highway. It applied the methods of the blitz-krieg and with the politics of the fait accompli, which canvery often be very effective, because of the inertia of theinternational community, it reintegrated Western Slavonia in theCroat constitutional order. The noise which was made, but didn'tgo beyond the SC Presidential communique because of the so calledmessages from Pale, the official protest of FRY, the revolt of the citizens in FRY and the shelling of Zagreb, which didn'tcause the expected effects by Knin, calmed down relativelyquickly.

KOHA: Will Croatia start towards the establishment of its jurisdiction on the occupied territories?

PETKOVIC: Croatia was careful to turn the attention of theinternational public, but also of the other side, towards WesternSlavonia and to other conflict areas in RSK. It is not likely to

believe that Croatia will start to occupy or reintegrate theother regions by force, for several reasons. First, it will facea strong resistance in the area of Knin and Eastern Slavonia.

Second, in the whirlpool of war, the parties which remained onthe side in the case of Western Slavonia, would see themselvesinvolved. Third, UN could react more vigorously than last timeand apply the measures foreseen in Chapter 7 of the Charter.

These reasons make me believe that here will be no more Croatmilitary actions, nor an escalation which would cause the big war on all the areas. With a small correction: if the Croatiangovernment takes another chance, encouraged by the success inWestern Slavonia, to reintegrate the other UNPAs, ie. parts of the RSK, into the constitutional order of Croatia, then theinclusion of the other actors in the conflict should not betotally eliminated.

KOHA: You were not clear whether Milosevic's regime "betrayed"the so called "Krajina"?

PETKOVIC: As I said, the official reaction of FRY about theevents in Western Slavonia was restrained. This can beinterpreted indifferent ways: as the strong determination tosolve all the pending contests within the context of the Yugoslav

crisis peacefully; the realistic vision of the forces in theinternal and international plans, i.e., the consciousness thatmilitary assistance to RSK may be considered as an aggressionagainst an independent state, member of the UN; that the "lost"

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Western Slavonia and its fate could influence and make someofficials in Knin understand that there is no solution in the useof force or the political and military bounds with Karadzic, butonly in negotiations on which Premier Mikelic insists the most.

It is considered that he is the best interpreter of Belgrade'sinterests and postures.

Not only the nationalist opposition forces, but also the largest part of the FRY citizens reacted emotively to events in WesternSlavonia. Remembering the genocide perpetrated by the Ustasha

between 1945 and 1945, and which revived within the celebrationof the 50th anniversary of the victory against Fascism,incorporated in the shocking images of the queues of refugeesfrom Western Slavonia, have quite increased the animositiesagainst Tudjman's regime and increased the criticism against theofficial organs of FRY for abandoning the Serbs on the other sideof the Drina and Sava, and were sublimated in the request thatSerbs remaining outside FRY should be helped by all means andforces.

The relation of forces inside is such that the government isholding the situation under control. On the other hand, the

position of the government on a long term could weaken,especially if the determination about the peaceful option doesnot bring any positive and quick results, not only in the plan

of the suspension or lifting of the sanctions, but also thesolution of issues which have to do with the aspirations of Serbsin Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia.

KOHA: Will Plan Z-4 be applied, even though it was never discussed between the parties in conflict. In fact, which optionwill be accomplished in that part of Croatia?

PETKOVIC: The Z-4 Plan has been long ago presented to both Zagreband Knin and it is known to the opinion, but it was never discussed on the table. It was not put ad-acta, but it is stillnot the starting point nor a framework of the regulation of theopen issues between Zagreb and Knin. Zagreb salutes the planwhich departs from the territorial integrity and reintegrationof Croatia, but fears that the high level of territorial autonomyand other autonomies of the regions where Serbs make up themajority will lead towards the federalization of Croatia, havingin mind especially the political disposition in Istria andDalmatia. Serbs, for the time being, almost reject totally the

plan, considering that its approval would mean the capitulationof RSK. The Mini-Contact Group will either make the plan more

flexible and more acceptable or the parties in conflict will seethat they can't come out from their own skins!

KOHA: How is the Contact Group Plan for Bosnia being

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accomplished. Will the territorial integrity of Bosnia beestablished there and who will be the "sponsor" of the Bosnia

jurisdiction?

PETKOVIC: The Contact Group Plan on Bosnia adopted some requestsfrom the Serbian party, but Pale hasn't decided to accept it,especially because they can hardly decide to give up the "surplusof territories". It is crucial to know whether Karadzic stillconsiders that time works for him, or will finally understandthat it is ticking against him.

KOHA: Why is there war when it is obvious that borders can't bechanged?

PETKOVIC: On the 50th anniversary of the United Nations, no onehas a good opinion of UN's role in the solution of the Yugoslavcrisis: neither the Serbs, Croats nor Muslims. Croats look uponthe UN as the main obstacle towards the reintegration of Croatia.Serbs consider that the UN are an instrument of the bearers of the new world order, which satanize the Serbs and attempt to

prevent their right to self-determination and unification withinone state. Muslims consider that UN are the main obstacle towardsthe lifting of the arms' embargo and the realization of their right to necessary self-defence.

But, it is clear that the UN, with the application of the Vance plan, had a decisive role in healing the conflict in Croatia andthey prevented more bloodshed in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Their extremely important humanitarian activity should not bedisregarded. The importance of the UN, will be seen if the

peaceful option (first scenario) will be replaced by the militaryoption (second scenario),or if, God forbid it, the InternationalCommunity gives up on everything what is happening in our space,going for the so called ghettoization of the Yugoslav crisis(third scenario).

S.A.G.E.

THE SERBIAN LOBBY

Students Against Genocide -SAGE - Project Bosnia is a nationalorganization of students at Stanford University and also a branchof the American Committee Save Bosnia engaged in monitoring theactivities of Serbian organizations in the San Francisco region

in California. SAGE activities are part of the campaign todiscredit the Serb nationalists and apologetic in their attemptsto misinform the American opinion about war in Bosnia.Information presented in this report are of different sources:

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personal correspondence, private meetings and organized Serbianfora, e.g. Serbian Unity Congress (SUC) and its branches in USA.

ON REVISIONISM AND THE MODERN DENIAL OF CRIMES

SUC, which represents the largest organization of Serbs in theUSA conveys the standpoints of the governments in Belgrade andPale. It functions as an ordinary organization, with membershiprights, but also as an organizing umbrella to establish andcultivate the contact with other Serbian nationalistic groups.SUC represents the interests of the political leaders of Serbia

by:

-propagating and developing activities as a Political ActionCommittee,-sponsoring the misinforming campaign in medias and investigatingcenters which deal wit the conflict in Bosnia,- engaging public relations enterprises in order to assure Serb

presence during Congressional hearings and- manipulating with the services and the support if different US

journalists and officials.

SerbNet and SAVA

SUC is registered in California. According to its program, SUC

manipulates with a considerable series of banking accounts andother activities which are organized through three main officesin the USA. Two of them are in San Francisco while the third oneis in Washington DC. The central office is in Napa Valley, andit is managed by Jelena Kolarovich, wife of George Kolarovich,chairman of "Fairmont Vineyards". The second office is under themanagement of the executive director - Mirjana Samardzija,employed in Pacific Heights, San Francisco. The office inWashington, lead by Danielle Sremac, became important recently

because it realized a series of interviews in CNN and NPR - "Talk to the Nation", during last July and August.

SUC cooperates with two Serbian informative centers: SerbNet,which includes the Serbian-American Media Center seated inChicago and SAVA (Serbian-American Voters Alliance) seated in LosAngeles. Initially, SAVA was registered as a Committee of theSerbian-American Political Action Institute, but it achieved nosuccesses during 1992 and 1993.

SerbNet and SAVA act independently from SUC. SerbNet functionsrather as a umbrella-organization which bounds the Serbian groups

in North America and together with SUC is engaged in preparing propaganda tours, programs for students and editorial meetingswith national and local magazines. SerbNet was also engaged inthe publication of pro-Serb advertisements/articles in "The

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Washington Post" and "The New York Times", during August 1993.SAVA, on the other hand, deals with the distribution of TANJUG'sreports and the elaboration of video-clips for Serbian

propaganda.

During 1994 it was deeply engaged in helping SUC spreadmisinformation, lead by PR firms, as well as friendly ethnicgroups with clear interests in the region, as the HellenicCommunity of America. This is where a clear division betweendirect engagements of the SUC and the indirect - of the AmericanGreeks and Cypriots - can be made.

FINANCIAL STRENGTH

SUC offered financial contributions to a large number of publicofficials in the US, even though the offered sums, which weresmall so far, prove the restricted possibilities of thisassociation. The main SUC beneficiaries are the following: HellenDelich-Bentley (former chairlady of SerbNet, and the most pro-Serb voice in the American Congress) and Republican Dan Burton.So far, this sort of efforts failed during the contacts withCongress candidates - Kay Bailey Hutchinson and Sam Geydenson,who almost immediately refused the offered donations, whileothers, as the Republican rep. Anna Eshoo, didn't even know aboutthe SUC donations, which were more than symbolic.

In the past two years, SUC's campaign is developed indirectlythrough PR firms, which are attempting to unify the Serb andGreek postures. This activity was realized under theorchestration of the known firm Manatos and Manatos, Inc, seatedin Washington, which during this campaign enlisted prominentfigures of the SUC as very generous donors. This list includesMichael Djordjevich, former SUC chairman; George Bogdanich,director of SerbNet; Mirjana Samardzija, Director of the Serbian-American Media center and Nicholas Trkulja, its Chairman; as wellas Milan Panic, Milosevic's ex-opponent in 1992, who gaveconsiderable donations.

Manatos and Manatos Inc. was engaged by SUC in September 1992,aiming a strengthening the relations between the Serbian andGreek communities in the USA. The list of Greek clients remainssignificative: the Greek Embassy,the Greek-American UnitedCongress and the Pan-Cypriot Association of America. It is saidthat during the '80s. Manatos and Manatos created a veryefficient tactics of financing through a small but rich group of Greeks in America. Senator Paul Sarbanes, engaged by Manatos and

Manatos, was one of those who collected huge financial funds tosupport Michael Dukakis in his presidential campaign.

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MORE CRIMES IN BOSNIA - MORE MONEY TO CONGRESSMEN

During the critical periods of the war in the Balkans, prominentindividuals from the Hellenic Community repeated their offers to

American officials on several occasions. Thus, after the attack on Gorazde (April 1994) and the public threats of the UN and the NATO to bomb Serbian positions, SUC offered enormous amounts of money which aimed at distorting the consequences of the Serbianaggression. The main beneficiary of these donations remains therepresentative of the Committee on Foreign Affairs of theAmerican Congress - Lee Hamilton, who was paid over 30 thousandUS Dollars by the Serb and Greek communities. Then come AndrewAthens, head of the United Greek-American Assembly, PhilipChristopher, Chairman of the Pan-Cypriots Association of America,Michael Djordjevich, former Chairman of the SUC and RonaldRadakovich, vice-chairman of SUC.

Maybe the most important thing in the engagement of the Serbianlobby in America is the way how SUC and SerbNet have managed to

penetrate the American media. The example on this occasion could be the distribution of the 26 minutes long cassette called "Thetruth is the Victim in Bosnia" to the members of the Congress,national and local magazines and radio and TV stations, which,through a suggestive narration of BBC's style, attempted todocument the invented injustices and the relativization of the

undeniable violence. The cassette contained three interviews withUNPROFOR Commander in Bosnia, Gen. Lewis McKenzie, whosestatements were accompanied by excerpts from Strategic Policy,an obscure academic bulletin, who is used as a very importantsource of information.

Also, the Serbian Lobby is specialized to manipulate with thehalf statements of personalities such as Jeri Laber and Aryeh

Neier (human rights activists) or famous journalists as A.M.Rosenthal - with the purpose to create an atmosphere of mistrustand moral relativization.

RELATIONS WITH OTHER COMMUNITIES: JEWS AND ARMENIANS

The organized Jewish community in the US, was especially criticaltowards the regime in Serbia and the Serbian violence in theBosnian conflict. SUC started attempting to change the posturesof the strongest lobby in the US by starting a propagandacampaign of evoking crimes committed by the Ustasha and Muslimunits during WWII - against the Serbian population. The mainattacks in this sense were coming from Alfred Lipson, leader of

the Holocaust Survivors community and Sir Alfred Sherman. Usingthe Serbian-Jewish Friendship Society and direct contacts withJewish organizations in USA, SUC lead an energetic campaign togain the support if official Israel.

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On the other hand, it is hard to determine the level of therelations of the Serbian nationalist organizations and theArmenian community in the US, apart from some undisputableexamples of cooperation. The name of David Keene, representative

of the Armenian government to Washington was until recently foundon the pay-roll of SerbNet. Then there are verified proofs on thedonations offered to Lee Hamilton by the National ArmenianCommittee and the National American Armenian Association during1994.

CONCLUSION

During 1994, USIA organized a series of visits for some Serbian politicians and journalists. According to Dick Chirstiansen of Meridian International, the meetings were organized by KatherineMarinis, the Serbian "liaison" with Official Belgrade. Amongothers, the list of visitors included the names of MihajloMarkovic, vice-chairman of the Socialist Party of Serbia andVladimir Gajic, Secretary general of SPO (Serbian RenewalMovement).

The practice of the work of the Serbian Lobby in the USA is thesame in all other Serb nationalist organizations throughout theworld. Thus, in London and Paris, the Serbian informative centersfunction as propaganda nuclei for local communities. London is

also the seat of a specific Chetnik organization - The YugoslavRoyal Draza Mihailovic Association. The Serbian lobby in Franceis organized within the L'Association Pour la Defence des Droitset Interets du Peuple Serbe (ADDIPS), whose director is a wellknown Parisian Serb - Ljubomir Peskirevic.

There is no doubt that the organizations as SUC, SerbNet, SAVAand ADDIPS represent the ultra-nationalist leaders and war criminals from Pale and Belgrade. It must be stressed that the

biggest achievement of the Serbian Lobby in the USA is itsinfiltration in the media and the influence over the publicthrough campaigns of misinformation, bluffs, persistentcorrespondence, etc. There is no doubt that the Serbian Lobby,despite the fact that it is organized by a small number of

people, is well organized and is wide-spread. However, it itself can't escape the inter-Serb divisions (Karadzic-Milosevicfractions) - which not only endanger the efficiency, but also thesole existence of this organism.

The areas mentioned should be further studied. Because only anorganized campaign for the discrediting of the Serbian and the

Greek-American Lobby could serve the important purpose of preventing the attempts of the Serbian ultra-nationalists to become part of the sensitive canons of the Balkans history. Thiswould deny their main principle: the destruction of the memory

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and the civilization of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

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APPENDIX

J A V O R E / Albanian weekly

P.O. BOX 20238000 PRISHTINA

Issued by the KOHA Editorial Board

English Edition: KOHA

Contact Person: Filloreta Bytyqi

Phone & Fax: +381 38 31 031+381 38 31 036

Modem: +381 38 31 276

E-Mail: koha_pr@zana-pr.ztn.zer.de