legislative council · (question 3) 12. these questions require a vigorous examination and...
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立法會 Legislative Council
(issued by email only)
LC Paper No. CB(3) 496/19-20 Ref. : CB(3)/A/42 Tel : 3919 3300 Date : 2 June 2020 From : Clerk to the Legislative Council To : All Members of the Legislative Council
The Court of Appeal’s judgment related to the proceedings initiated by the Secretary for Justice against LEUNG Kwok-hung
(on appeal from ESS 16969/2017) With the President’s consent, I attach for Members’ information the captioned judgment (HCMA 520/2018) (English version only). The summary of the captioned judgment prepared by the Legal Service Division of the Legislative Council Secretariat will follow. 2. In gist, the Court of Appeal held that the offence of contempt under section 17(c) of the Legislative Council (Powers and Privileges) Ordinance (Cap. 382), i.e. creating or joining in any disturbance which interrupts or is likely to interrupt the proceedings of the Council or a committee, applies to a Legislative Council Member. (Dora WAI)
for Clerk to the Legislative Council Encl.
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HCMA 520/2018
[2020] HKCA 424
IN THE HIGH COURT OF THE HONG KONG SPECIAL ADMINISTRATIVE REGION COURT OF APPEAL
MAGISTRACY APPEAL NO 520 OF 2018 (ON APPEAL FROM ESS NO 16969 OF 2017)
________________________
BETWEEN
SECRETARY FOR JUSTICE Appellant and
LEUNG KWOK HUNG Respondent
________________________
Before: Hon Poon CJHC, Lam VP and Pang JA in Court
Dates of Hearing: 1 August 2019 and 12 May 2020
Date of Judgment: 2 June 2020
_________________
J U D G M E N T _________________
Hon Poon CJHC:
A. Introduction
1. In Hong Kong, a member of the Legislative Council
(“LegCo”) enjoys various privileges and immunities both at the
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constitutional and statutory level. One such privilege and immunity is
the freedom of speech and debate in LegCo or proceedings before a
committee.
2. At the constitutional level, article 77 of the Basic Law
provides:
“Members of the Legislative Council of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall be immune from legal action in respect of their statements at meetings of the Council.”
The Basic Law being a constitutional document, the wording used in
article 77 is necessarily broad and general. More details of the privilege
and immunity are to be found at the statutory level in the Legislative
Council (Powers and Privileges) Ordinance, Cap 382 (“LC(PP)O”).
3. Sections 3 and 4 of the LC(PP)O respectively provides:
“3. Freedom of speech and debate There shall be freedom of speech and debate in the Council or proceedings before a committee, and such freedom of speech and debate shall not be liable to be questioned in any court or place outside the Council.
4. Immunity from legal proceedings
No civil or criminal proceedings shall be instituted against any member for words spoken before, or written in a report to, the Council or a committee, or by reason of any matter brought by him therein by petition, Bill, resolution, motion or otherwise.”
Although couched in greater details, the intention of the two sections is to
confer the same privilege and immunity on LegCo members contained in
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article 77 of the Basic Law: Cheng Kar Shun v Li Fung Ying [2011] 2
HKLRD 555, per A Cheung J (as he then was) at [160].
4. At the same time, the LC(PP)O provides for a range of
criminal offences in Part IV. Featuring in this appeal is section 17(c) for
contempt:
“Any person who – …
(c) creates or joins in any disturbance which interrupts or is likely to interrupt the proceedings of the Council or a committee while the Council or such committee is sitting,
commits an offence and is liable to a fine of $10,000 and to imprisonment for 12 months, and in the case of a continuing offence to a further fine of $2,000 for each day on which the offence continues.”
5. This appeal concerns the scope of the privilege and
immunity of sections 3 and 4, their interface with section 17(c) and the
constitutionality of section 17(c) if they apply to a LegCo member.
There are two core issues raised:
(1) If the conduct of a LegCo member in purportedly exercising
his freedom of speech and debate in the Council or
proceedings in a committee falls within the description of
section 17(c), is he nevertheless protected by sections 3 and
4 so that he cannot be prosecuted for the offence of contempt?
Put in another way, is section 17(c) applicable to a LegCo
member so that when his conduct is caught by the provision
when he is purportedly exercising his freedom of speech and
debate in the Council or proceedings in a committee,
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sections 3 and 4 do not immunize him against a prosecution
for the offence of contempt?
(2) If a LegCo member is liable to be prosecuted under section
17(c), does the provision offend the doctrine of separation of
powers, thus rendering it unconstitutional?
B. The facts
6. On 15 November 2016, the Panel on Housing and the Panel
on Development of LegCo held a joint meeting. It was attended by,
among others, the respondent who was then a LegCo member and the
then Under Secretary for Development, Mr Ma Siu-cheung. Mr Ma had
a meeting folder containing some confidential documents, which was
placed on the bench in front of him. In the course of the meeting, the
respondent left his seat, approached Mr Ma, snatched away Mr Ma’s
folder, and then passed it to another LegCo member for him to read,
ignoring the repeated demands of the chairperson of the joint meeting to
go back to his seat and to return the folder to Mr Ma. In the end, the
chairperson pursuant to relevant Rule of the Rules of Procedure (“RoP”)
ordered the respondent to withdraw from the meeting.1 Mr Ma’s folder
was retrieved by the security guard and returned to him.
7. After the meeting, the then Chief Secretary for
Administration by a letter dated 15 November 2016, complained to the
President of LegCo about the respondent’s grossly disorderly conduct and
asked him to take any action as appropriate. In his reply letter dated 21 1 The Rule invoked by the chairperson is Rule 45(2), which empowers the chairman to order a member whose conduct is grossly disorderly to withdraw immediately from the meeting.
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November 2016, the President stated that unless the RoP were amended,
the chairperson of the meeting could take no further action in addition to
ordering the respondent to withdraw from the meeting. He also noted
that the issue of deterring members’ disorderly conduct had been
examined by the Committee on Rules of Procedure but no consensus was
reached. In view of the Chief Secretary’s concern, he would ask the
chairman of that Committee to consider if the issue ought to be re-visited
in the Sixth LegCo.2
C. Proceedings below
8. On 12 May 2017, the respondent was prosecuted for the
offence of contempt, contrary to section 17(c) of the LC(PP)O.
9. After a preliminary hearing, which lasted for 4 days between
15 and 18 January 2018, Acting Principal Magistrate Ms Ada Yim (“the
Magistrate”) on 5 March 2018 ruled that what is said and done by a
LegCo member during proceedings is within the sphere of the privilege
under section 3 of the LC(PP)O provided that it does not amount to an
ordinary criminal offence; and that although section 17(c) of the
LC(PP)O was applicable to the proceedings of LegCo or a committee in
general, it was not applicable to LegCo members. That being her
rulings, the Magistrate did not find it necessary to decide whether section
17(c), if found to be applicable to a LegCo member, was unconstitutional.
The hearing before the Magistrate has since been adjourned sine die.
2 We were told at the hearing on 12 May 2020 that nothing further had been done by the Sixth LegCo in this regard.
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D. Questions of law
10. Pursuant to section 105 of the Magistrates
Ordinance, Cap 227, the Secretary for Justice appealed against the
Magistrate’s rulings by way of case stated. At the Direction Hearing
on 29 November 2018, Anthea Pang J ordered that the appeal be reserved
for the consideration of the Court of Appeal under section 118(1)(d) of
the Magistrates Ordinance.
11. Four questions of law based on the Magistrate’s rulings are
raised in the Amended Case Stated dated 9 August 2019:3
(1) Was the Magistrate correct in finding that what is said and
done by a member of LegCo during the proceedings is
within the sphere of the privilege provided that it does not
amount to an ordinary criminal offence? (Question 1)
(2)(a) Was the Magistrate correct in ruling that, upon true
interpretation, section 17(c) of the LC(PP)O is not applicable
to the members of LegCo? (Question 2(a))
(2)(b) Was the Magistrate correct in ruling that, upon true
interpretation, section 17(c) of the LC(PP)O is applicable to
the proceedings of LegCo or a committee in general (i.e. not
limited to proceedings related to evidence taking under
oath)? (Question 2(b))
3 The original Case Stated dated 23 October 2018 only contained 2 questions of law. Pursuant to this Court’s direction at the hearing on 1 August 2019, the Case Stated was amended to include a further question, which became Question 1.
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(3) Should the Magistrate’s ruling that section 17(c) is
inapplicable to the respondent be upheld on the further
alternative basis that section 17(c) is unconstitutional if
interpreted to apply to a member of LegCo? (Question 3)
12. These Questions require a vigorous examination and
application of the relevant principles on the concept and scope of
privilege and immunities that the law confers on LegCo members qua
members of the legislature of the Hong Kong Special Administrative
Region.
E. Scope of sections 3 and 4 and their interface with section 17(c)
13. Although Ms Margaret Ng, appearing for the respondent,4
relied on section 4, on the facts of this appeal, it does not add anything to
the analysis at hand. For it is the respondent’s primary case that the
privilege of section 3 covers not only what he said but also his conduct in
exercising the freedom of speech and debate, even if it falls within the
description of section 17(c). In other words, section 17(c) simply does
not apply to him. Ms Ng has not advanced any argument that section 4
will separately and independently immunize him against a prosecution
under section 17(c). It is therefore not necessary to embark on a
separate analysis of section 4. For present purposes, the scope of section
3 will also determine that of section 4.
4 Together with Mr Carter Chim and Mr Jason Lee.
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E1. A matter of statutory interpretation by the court
14. Since both sections 3 and 17(c) are statutory provisions, their
scope and interface must be determined by the courts as a matter of
statutory interpretation. Indeed, in Leung Kwok Hung v President of the
Legislative Council (No 1) (2014) 17 HKCFAR 689, the Court of Final
Appeal at [39]-[43] held that under the constitutional framework of the
Basic Law, the courts will determine whether LegCo has a particular
power, privilege or immunity.
15. This accords with the English approach.
16. In England, article 9 of the Bill of Rights (1689) provides for
the privilege of speech and debate thus: “That the Freedome of Speech
and Debates or Proceedings in Parlyament ought not to be impeached or
questioned in any Court or Place out of Parlyament.” There is another
form of privilege that has its origin before 1689 and which is wider than,
and embraces, article 9. This has been customarily described as the
“exclusive cognisance of Parliament”: R v Chaytor [2011] 1 AC 684, per
Lord Phillips at [13]. It refers to the exclusive right of the Parliament to
regulate its own affairs without interference from the other or from
outside Parliament: Chaytor, supra, per Lord Phillips at [63]. Including
in its exclusive cognisance is Parliament’s power to discipline its own
members for misconduct and, further, power to punish anyone, whether
or not a member, for behavior which interfere substantially with the
proper conduct of parliamentary business. Such interference is known
as contempt of Parliament. This falls within the penal jurisdiction
exercised by each House to ensure that it can carry out its constitutional
functions properly and that its members are not obstructed or impeded.
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See Report on Parliamentary Privilege published on 9 April 1999 by the
Joint Committee on Parliamentary Privilege, Chapter 1, at [14].5
17. It is well-settled that it is for the courts to determine the
scope of parliamentary privilege whether it is under article 9 or matters
within the exclusive cognisance of Parliament: R (Miller) v Prime
Minister [2019] 3 WLR 589, per Baroness Hale and Lord Reed at [66].
E2. A purposive and contextual approach
18. It is trite that the courts adopt a purposive and contextual
approach to statutory interpretation. The context of a statutory provision
is taken in its widest sense and includes other provisions of the statute
and the existing state of the law: T v Commissioner of Police (2014) 17
HKCFAR 593, per Ribeiro PJ at [48]. It also includes its legislative
history and purpose: Secretary for Justice v Cheng Ka Yee (2019) 22
HKCFAR 97, per French NPJ at [34].
19. Ms Ng submitted that the LC(PP)O is a codifying and
consolidation statute. In view of her submission, it is convenient to
briefly examine the relevant state of law which pre-existed its enactment
in 1985.6
5 In England, the Parliament still retains the penal power. See [66]-[70] below.
6 The legislative process took place in May and June 1985. It came into force on 26 July of the same year.
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E3. The relevant law
20. It is well established that like other colonial legislatures, the
privileges and immunities attached to the pre-1997 LegCo were derived
from the common law doctrine of inherent necessity: Rediffusion (Hong
Kong) Ltd v Attorney General of Hong Kong [1970] AC 1136, per Lord
Diplock at p.1157E. Under that doctrine, colonial legislatures are
deemed to possess such privileges and immunities that are necessarily
incidental to their capacity to function as legislative bodies: New
Brunswick Broadcasting Co v Nova Scotia (Speaker of the House of
Assembly) [1993] 1 SCR 319, McLachlin J (as she then was), at p.379e-g.
21. The first and foremost privilege that colonial legislatures
have arising from that doctrine is the freedom of speech and debate in the
legislature. In Chenard & Co v Arissol [1948] AC 127, Lord Reid at
pp.133-134 reiterated that by the doctrine of inherent necessity, to enable
a colonial legislature to properly exercise its functions, such a privilege
exists and is absolute. Quoting Martin CJ in Gipps v McElohne (1881) 2
NSW 18, at p.21, he said:
“There is no doubt in my mind of the existence of this privilege, and that it is absolute. It arises from inherent necessity. The necessity is just as great as in the Imperial Parliament.”
22. The privileges and immunities of a colonial legislature are,
however, not identical to the privileges and immunities that the English
Parliament has in every aspect: Rediffusion (Hong Kong) Ltd v Attorney
General of Hong Kong, supra, per Lord Diplock at pp.1154G-1155A. It
is because the parliamentary privilege of the English Parliament sprang
from its authority as a court, which is not applicable to colonial
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legislatures: New Brunswick Broadcasting Co v Nova Scotia (Speaker of
the House of Assembly), supra, per McLachlin J at pp.379i-380g.
23. One such aspect concerns the penal powers to punish those
who have committed contempts in the legislature. The English
Parliament has such penal powers, the origin of which is again probably
based on the medieval concept of the English Parliament as primarily a
court: see Erskine May’s Treatise on The Law, Privileges, Proceedings
and Usage of Parliament, (25th ed, 2019) at §11.23.7 A colonial
legislature, established by constitutional instruments such as Letters
Patent and Royal Instructions, does not have the same power peculiar and
inherent to the English Parliament to punish for contempt. Nor is such
power essential to its existence or proper discharge of its functions: Doyle
v Falconer (1886) LR 1 PC 328, at pp.339-341.
24. In Doyle v Falconer, supra, the Privy Council at p.340 drew
the important distinction between the disciplinary power of a colonial
legislature to deal with contempts and the courts’ judicial power to
impose criminal sanctions on such conduct:
“It is necessary to distinguish between a power to punish for a contempt, which is a judicial power, and a power to remove any obstruction offered to the deliberations or proper action of a Legislative body during its sitting, which last power is necessary for self-preservation. If a Member of a Colonial House of Assembly is guilty of disorderly conduct in the House whilst sitting, he may be removed, or excluded for a time, or even expelled; but there is a great difference between such powers and the judicial power of inflicting a penal sentence for the offence. The right to remove for self-security is one thing, the right to inflict punishment is another. … [Whenever] the violation of order amounts to a
7 See further [66]-[70] below.
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breach of the peace, or other legal offence, recourse may be had to the ordinary tribunals.”
25. In New Brunswick Broadcasting Co v Nova Scotia (Speaker
of the House of Assembly), ibid, McLachlin J referred to the same
distinction between disciplinary and penal power of a colonial legislature
based on the doctrine of necessity:8
“[These] legislatures would need to exercise certain very moderate privileges which were necessary for the maintenance of order and discipline during the performance of their duties. But these were to be protective and not punitive powers, for the latter were again considered to be characteristic of a court rather than of a legislative body.”
26. In 1985, LegCo exercised its inherent disciplinary power to
maintain order and discipline by Standing Orders.9 In Part H, the rules
of debate were set out, covering the time and manner of speaking
(Standing Order 27); occasions when a member may speak more than
once (Standing Order 28); interruption (Standing Order 29); contents of
speeches (Standing Order 31); behavior of members not speaking
(Standing Order 32). The rules clearly required LegCo members to
conduct the legislative and deliberative business in a dignified, orderly
and civilized manner, commensurate with the institutional and social
importance of LegCo and the dignity and solemnity of its proceedings.
To cater for instances of contempts, pursuant to Standing Order 34(2), the
President of LegCo or a chairman in committee shall order a member
whose conduct was grossly disorderly to withdraw immediately from the
8 Quoting Professor Dawson’s Government of Canada (5th ed. 1970), at pp.337-338.
9 As will be seen shortly, after 1997, LegCo exercises similar disciplinary powers under the relevant RoP.
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Council for the remainder of that sitting. As to a stranger, a member of
the public or the press, Standing Order 67 stipulated the steps to be taken
for the President or chairman to order him to withdraw from the Council.
Apparently, the ground for ordering withdrawal was not limited to gross
disorderly conduct. These Standing Orders collectively set a standard of
orderly behavior for both members and non-members, commensurate
with its institutional and social importance, so that LegCo can perform its
functions orderly and effectively without interference and disruptions.
These Standing Orders remained after the enactment of the LC(PP)O.
27. LegCo did not claim to have any penal jurisdiction over
disorderly conduct generally whether committed by anyone, members or
not. Nor was there any such criminal offence.
28. For proceedings of taking evidence, LegCo had penal
jurisdiction as provide for in section 4(1) of the Oath and Declarations
Ordinance, Cap 11 (“ODO”):10
“The Legislative Council and any committee thereof may administer an oath to a witness examined before the Council or committee, and for that purpose shall have the same powers, rights and privileges as are possessed or exercisable by the House of Commons of the United Kingdom or any committee for enforcing the attendance of witnesses and punishing persons guilty of contempt.”
No separate criminal offence was found in statute or at common law.
29. To sum up, the state of the relevant law existing at the time
of the enactment of the LC(PP)O is this. LegCo members had the 10 Repealed since the enactment of the LC(PP)O.
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absolute privilege of freedom of speech and debate in Council by virtue
of the doctrine of inherent necessity. LegCo also had inherent
disciplinary power to maintain its order and discipline to deal with
contempts including the power to order a member to withdraw on gross
disorderly conduct or a non-member to withdraw. But LegCo did not
have penal jurisdiction to impose criminal sanctions, such as fine or
imprisonment, against any person, whether he was a member or not, for
his disorderly conduct generally. There was no criminal offence for
such disorderly conduct either. LegCo had jurisdiction to punish
persons guilty of contempt in connection with proceedings for taking
evidence under section 4(1) of the ODO. However, there was no
criminal offence as such in the criminal statute or at common law.
E4. The legislative deliberations
30. The deliberations during the legislative process also shed
light on the purpose and context of the LC(PP)O.
31. The LC(PP)O was enacted with the resumption of
sovereignty of Hong Kong by the Government of the People’s Republic
of China in 1997 in view. In moving the second reading of the
Legislative Council (Powers and Privileges) Bill 1985 on 15 May 1985,
the Chief Secretary said:11
“The primary purpose of the Bill is to make provision for the powers and privileges of the Legislative Council, its members and officers. Whilst the Bill will have the effect of granting powers, privileges and immunities to individual members personally, its objective is to enable members to
11 Hansard, the Hong Kong Legislative Council on 15 May 1985, at pp.1111-1112.
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discharge their functions properly, without fear or favour, and to uphold the dignity of the legislature. … Although the legislature of a Crown colony does not, by its mere establishment, acquire all these powers, privileges and immunities [enjoyed by Members of Parliament in Westminster], the existing body of law in Hong Kong (principally U.K. case law which applies in Hong Kong under the common law system) the Jury Ordinance and other administrative practices in fact confer all these powers and privileges on Members of this Council. In the Government’s view, however, it is desirable to enact legislation generally to codify such powers and privileges. There are several considerations supporting this view.
first, after 1997, any inherent powers and privileges derived from the present status of the Legislative Council as a colonial legislature would cease to have effect in Hong Kong. For example, the powers and privileges derived from case law have never been brought out in any ruling in Hong Kong and, if they are to be retained, they must be the subject of legislation at some stage; second, to smooth the transition, the necessary legislation to codify these points should be completed earlier rather than later; third, as Hong Kong moves towards representative government, the present system of consensus politics may come under some pressure. It would therefore be desirable specifically to provide for the rights of Members and for the powers and privileges through which the Legislative Council manages its business to be clearly understood; fourth, if the Governor is to cease to be the President of the Legislative Council at some future date, it would be desirable for the new Presiding Officer, lacking the other proofs of authority which the Governor has, to have clear legal sanction to hand for the conduct of the Council’s business; and fifth, decisions recently taken to hold meetings of the Finance Committee and the Public Accounts Committee in public make it timely for the position as
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regards the calling of witnesses and the hearing of evidence to be codified. …”
32. On 12 June 1985, LegCo resumed debate on the second
reading of the Bill. The convener of the ad hoc group formed to
consider the Bill addressed the Council. She referred to the need to
enact an Ordinance for the subject matters, the aim of the Bill being to
codify the existing common law and Parliamentary practice which would
be extended or had already been extended to the Hong Kong legislature
under the doctrine of inherent necessity, the five considerations
previously mentioned by the Chief Secretary and then addressed various
criticisms levelled against the Bill, including that the Bill was not a mere
codification exercise but new offences had been created and new powers
bestowed upon the Legislative Council. She emphasized:12
“In fact in this Bill there has never been the intention or the wording to seek the power to prosecute or enforce its provisions by the Legislative Council. The real power rests in the hands of the Attorney General and the courts of law.”
33. In rounding up the debate, the Chief Secretary said:13
“…I think it is fair to point out that just as the provisions of the Bill are derived from the existing law, so the philosophy of the Bill reflects the philosophy of the law. And that law is parliamentary law. It is not the case that the Bill proposes to introduce parliamentary law in a situation where it is not already present. The essential point that must be emphasized is that parliamentary law is now being and has long been applied in Hong Kong in respect of this Council. I am advised and I accept that in the context of Hong Kong this Bill
12 Hansard, the Hong Kong Legislative Council on 12 June 1985 at pp.1220.
13 Hansard, supra, at pp.1232-1233.
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is a faithful reflection of that law and the existing situation: it does not introduce new law.”
The Chief Secretary then relevantly echoed the point made by the convener:
“The element of the Bill that is somewhat different from the classic traditions of parliamentary law is that instead of this Council claiming power to punish for breaches of privileges, that question is to be handed over to the courts. In other words the Bill makes the concession, and rightly so, that this Council should never act as judge in its own cause.”
34. The first point to note from the legislative deliberations is
that the privileges and immunities to be conferred on LegCo by
legislation are derived from those already in existence under the common
law doctrine of inherent necessity. The same doctrine of necessity
should inform an exercise to define the scope of the privileges as a matter
of statutory interpretation, as in the present.14
35. Both the Chief Secretary and the convener described the
legislative exercise as codification. Relying on their remarks, in
particular, that of the Chief Secretary that the Bill did not create new
law,15 Ms Ng submitted that the LC(PP)O was a codifying statute.
36. By definition, codifying legislation collates and restates all
the relevant statute and case law in a given area so as to become the
complete statement of the law, in the form of a statute, in the area. To a
limited extent, the LC(PP)O is a codification. As seen, the common law
doctrine of inherent necessity applied to the pre-1997 LegCo. Insofar as
14 See further [53] below.
15 Quoted at [33] above.
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the privileges and immunities were conferred by that doctrine, they are
codified in the corresponding provisions in Part II. They include the
absolute privilege of section 3, which is modelled on article 9 of the
English Bill of Rights 1689. Further, section 4 of the ODO was
replaced by the corresponding provisions in Part III.
37. However, the criminal offences in Part IV including those in
connection evidence, such as refusing to give evidence, giving false
evidence, interference or obstruction of witnesses, etc and disorderly
conduct are not codifying provisions as such. Those concern
proceedings of witnesses might have been derived from section 4 of the
ODO. Prior to the enactment, there were no such criminal offences,
whether in statute or at common law. Only LegCo had the jurisdiction
to punish persons guilty of such conduct. As will be seen below, it was
open to LegCo to relinquish the jurisdiction to the courts by enacting the
provisions.16 For other criminal offences, LegCo did not have the
necessary penal jurisdiction. The corresponding provisions including
section 17(c) vested the courts, and not LegCo, with the jurisdiction to
punish persons guilty of the same.
38. The Chief Secretary’s remark that the Bill did not introduce
new law must be understood in context. Properly understood, he was
making the point that the powers and privileges to be created by the
LC(PP)O were all derived from the existing law of parliamentary
privilege, alleviating the concern that new powers and privileges were
created especially for LegCo. And as seen above, Parliament’s power to
discipline its own members and further, power to punish anyone, whether 16 Appling the principles discussed at [66]-[70] below.
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a member or not, for behaviour interfering substantially with the proper
conduct of parliamentary business falls with its exclusive cognisance.17
Thus the criminal provisions in Part IV are all derived from the existing
law of parliamentary privilege with the necessary modification, if any, to
suit the local circumstances.
39. Finally, nothing in the legislative process suggests that
section 17(c) was intended to apply to proceedings of taking evidence or
to non-members only, as Ms Ng has contended.
E5. A statutory framework for a secure and dignified environment
40. Like any other legislature, LegCo can only properly
discharge its constitutional functions as legislature of Hong Kong, free
from outside interference, in an environment which is secure, dignified
and conducive to the orderly and effective conduct of its business without
disruption or disturbance while permitting members of the public to
observe its proceedings as an open process. The LC(PP)O clearly aims
at securing such a statutory framework for LegCo: see HKSAR v Fong
Kwok Shan Christine (2017) 20 HKCFAR 425, per Ribeiro PJ at [82].
41. Thus as the long title of the LC(PP)O states, it aims:18
“To declare and define certain powers, privileges and immunities of the Legislative Council and of the members and officers thereof and of the Chief Executive and public officers designated by him in relation to attendance at sittings of the Legislative Council and committees thereof; to secure freedom
17 At [16] above.
18 See also the review done by Ribeiro PJ did in Fong Kwok Shan Christine, supra, at [83]-[90].
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of speech in the Legislative Council; to make provision for regulating admittance to and conduct within the precincts of the Chamber of the Legislative Council; to provide for the giving of evidence in proceedings before the Legislative Council or committees thereof, and for offences in respect of such proceedings and related matters; and for purposes incidental to or connected therewith.”
42. Protection of the core legislative and deliberative business in
terms of free speech and debate in the Council and proceedings in a
committee is conferred by sections 3 and 4. Together with other
privileges and immunities, they aim at enabling LegCo to carry out its
functions independently and without outside interference. The
provisions regulating admittance, etc and for offences, including section
17(c) aim at maintaining the secure and dignified environment that
LegCo needs to carry out its functions.
43. This main purpose of the LC(PP)O is also illustrated by the
retention and continual application of the Standing Orders referred to at
[26] above at the time of the enactment and after 1997, their replication in
the RoP.19 (The observations on the effect of the Standing Orders at [26]
above are also true for the RoP.) They set a standard of orderly
behavior for both members and non-members that is congruent with
LegCo’s constitutional and social importance so that it may perform its
functions orderly and effectively without interference and disruptions.
44. This main purpose of the LC(PP)O must inform the
interpretation of sections 3 and 17(c).
19 Rule 36 replicating Standing Order 27; Rule 38, Standing Order 28; Rule 39, Standing Order 29, Rule 40, Standing Order 30; Rule 41, Standing Order 31; Rule 42, Standing Order 32.
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E6. General propositions relevant to interpretation
45. The following general propositions germane to the privileges
and immunities of LegCo also inform the interpretative exercise at hand.
46. First, the privileges and immunities are deeply rooted in the
doctrine of separation of powers to enable LegCo to function properly,
efficiently and without interference or disruptions. This is well borne
out in the judgment of the Court of Final Appeal in Leung Kwok Hung v
President of the Legislative Council (No 1), supra.
47. There, the main issue was having regard to the Basic Law
and the RoP, under what circumstances could a decision of the President
of LegCo made during the legislative process be judicially reviewed. The
Court of Final Appeal held that (1) article 73(1) of the Basic Law does
not confer on a LegCo member a constitutional right to participate in its
legislative process by speaking because the purpose of article 73 is to
confer the powers and functions on LegCo as a law-making body but not
on its individual members; and (2) the President of LegCo had power to
set limits to and terminate a debate, which power was inherent in or
incidental to his power under article 72(1) of the Basic Law to preside
over meetings, quite apart from rule 92 of the RoP, so that it was not for
the court to consider whether or not the power was properly exercised nor
whether the impugned decision constituted an unauthorized making of a
rule or procedure.
48. Relevantly for present purpose, the Court of Final Appeal at
[26] – [43] expounded the general principles governing the independence
and autonomy of LegCo and its relationship with the courts:
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(1) While the relevant common law principles have their origin
in the power, privileges and characteristics of the Parliament,
in particular the House of Commons in the UK, and in the
recognition by the courts of the exclusive authority of the
Parliament to determine its own internal procedures, the
preferable view is to regard the relationship between a
legislature and the courts as an outcome of the application of
the doctrine of separation of powers. This common law
doctrine is constitutionally enshrined in the Basic Law.20
(2) The established relationship between the legislature and the
courts includes the principles that the courts will recognize
the exclusive authority of the legislature in managing its own
internal processes in the conduct of its business, in particular
its legislative processes. The corollary is the proposition
that the courts will not intervene to rule on the regularity or
irregularity of the internal processes of the legislature but
will leave it to determine exclusively for itself matters of this
kind. This is referred to as the non-intervention principle.21
The non-intervention principle is subject to constitutional
requirements.22
(3) The important responsibilities of LegCo, notably its law-
making function, require that it should be left to manage and
resolve its own internal affairs, free from intervention by the
courts and from the possible disruption, delays and 20 At [27].
21 At [28].
22 At [32].
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uncertainties which could result from such intervention.
Freedom from these problems is both desirable and
necessary in the interests of orderly, efficient and fair
disposition of LegCo’s business.23
49. Second, the non-intervention principle identified by the
Court of Final Appeal is necessarily subject to constitutional
requirements: Leung Kwok Hung v President of the Legislative Council
(No 1), supra, at [32]. See also Chief Executive of the HKSAR v
President of the Legislative Council [2017] 1 HKLRD 460 (CA), at [22]-
[25], [71] and [86]-[87]; Yau Wai Ching v Chief Executive of the HKSAR
(2017) 20 HKCFAR 390, at [17]-[24].
50. Third, the purpose of conferring the privileges and
immunities on LegCo members is not to put them above the law. They
just ensure that LegCo members can carry out their role and perform their
functions as legislators without fear of any outside interference such as
executive action or proceedings in the courts. See Lord Browne-
Wilkinson’s speech in Pepper v Hart [1993] AC 593, at p.638D-F; and
Prebble v Television New Zealand Ltd [1995] 1 AC 321, at p.334A-C.
LegCo members need such protections to enable them to engage in robust
debates on the policy addresses of the Chief Executive or the work or
policy of the Government, to critically examine the budgets introduced by
the Government or public expenditure, to canvass issues of public
interests, to freely raise or even pursue points that may be unpalatable to
the Government without fear of reprisal by means of legal proceedings.
23 At [30].
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51. Fourth, following on from the third proposition, since the
whole purpose of conferring the privileges and immunities is to enable
LegCo members to perform their functions as legislators without fear or
interference, they are not immune from civil or criminal proceedings
merely by reason of their status. Thus they would enjoy no immunity if
charged with ordinary criminal offences which are not connected with
their legislative functions. See Bradlaugh v Gossett (1884) 12 QBD 271,
per Stephen J at p.283. This covers such criminal offences as an assault
in the corridors of the legislature, theft of another member’s money, or a
sexual offence, none of which related to legislative activity or
proceedings in the legislature. See Chaytor, supra, the first instance
judge’s observations referred to by Lord Phillips at [18] and [25].
52. In Chaytor, the issue was whether matters concerning claims
by some members of the UK Parliament for parliamentary expenses could
form the subject of criminal prosecutions. Lord Phillips explained at [48]
that the issue rested on whether scrutinizing the expenses in criminal
proceedings would have an adverse impact on the core or essential
business of Parliament and whether it would inhibit debate or freedom of
speech. He concluded that such scrutiny would not inhibit any of the
varied activities in which Members of Parliament indulge that bear in one
way or another on their parliamentary duties. The only thing that it
would inhibit would be the making of dishonest claims.
53. Fifth, the courts will determine whether the legislature has a
particular power, privilege or immunity by the test of necessity, that is,
whether it is necessary to the legislature’s capacity to function as a
legislative body: New Brunswick Broadcasting Co v Nova Scotia
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(Speaker of the House of Assembly), supra, McLachlin J at p.383d-f;
Leung Kwok Hung v President of the Legislative Council (No 1), supra, at
[39]-[43]. This tallies with the same view arrived at as a matter of
interpretation at [34] above. The test of necessity can also be
formulated thus: does the claimed privilege or immunity go to the “core
or essential business” of the legislature: see Chaytor, per Lord Phillips at
[47].
54. In drawing the contour of the privilege and immunity, the
courts must firmly bear in mind the doctrine of separation of powers, the
underlying rationale why privilege and immunity are conferred and the
test of necessity. The boundary the courts draw should not be too
narrow, lest it would unduly restrict legislators in performing their
functions by placing them at the mercy of legal proceedings by others
including the executive. Nor should it be too wide either, lest it would
easily allow legislators’ wrongful or even criminal conduct to go
unchecked and undeterred.
E7. Defining the boundary of section 3
55. As said, section 3 of the LC(PP)O is modelled on article 9 of
the English Bill of Rights (1689). The freedom of speech denotes the
freedom that LegCo members have to discuss what they will; the freedom
of speech concerns their freedom to say what they will: Pepper v Hart,
supra, per Lord Browne-Wilkinson at p.638D-E. In Chaytor, Lord
Philips at [61] emphasized that the protection of article 9 is absolute and
cannot be waived. The same must be true for the privilege of section 3.
However, it still remains for the court to determine whether the disorderly
conduct of a LegCo member if caught by section 17(c) falls within the
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privilege as a matter of statutory interpretation by reference to the main
purpose of the LC(PP)O and the propositions above. So interpreted, it is
clear from the reasons given below that the privilege of section 3 does not
extend to the disorderly conduct of a LegCo member if caught by section
17(c), as contended by Ms Ng.
56. It is well established that the freedom of expression, part and
parcel of the freedom of speech, embraces as one of its dimensions the
manner in which the individual concerned wishes to express his views:
HKSAR v Fong Kwok Shan Christine, supra, per Ribeiro PJ at [42].
This is a point taken by Ms Ng and not disputed by Mr David Leung SC,
DPP, appearing for the Secretary for Justice.24 However, it does not
follow that there is no restriction whatsoever on the manner in which one
wishes to express his views.
57. On a general level, in HKSAR v Chow Nok Hang (2013) 16
HKCFAR 837, at [38]-[43], Ribeiro PJ in dealing with article 17 of the
Hong Kong Bill of Rights, which concerns peaceful demonstration where
full rein is given to freedom of expression, emphasized that conduct
which disrupts or threatens to disrupt public order, as well as conduct
which infringes the rights and freedoms of others, are not permissible.
58. Fong Kwok Shan Christine, supra, concerned a more
relevant scenario. It involved the disorderly conduct of a member of the
public in the public gallery above a conference room where a
24 Leading Mr Anthony Leung SPP. Written submissions for the Secretary for Justice were prepared by Ms Vinci Lam, DDPP, who also appeared at the hearing on 1 August 2019.
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subcommittee of LegCo held meetings. The defendant was convicted of
an offence of contravening an administration instruction of LegCo,
contrary to section 20(b) of the LC(PP)O regulating the admittance of the
public in LegCo which required persons admitted to behave in an orderly
manner (AI s.12). One of the issues was whether AI s.12 was
unconstitutional in that it created an unlawful restriction on the right to
freedom of expression guaranteed under article 16 of the Hong Kong Bill
of Rights. The Court of Final Appeal held that the restriction satisfied
the proportionality analysis: per Ribeiro PJ at [111]-[117]. Ribeiro PJ
emphasised that the freedom of expression must not be exercised in a way
which interferes with LegCo proceedings or infringes others’ rights.
The restriction of AI s.12 targets intrusive behaviour to protect the good
order during a LegCo meeting. It is reasonable and proportionate.
59. Turning to the manner in which a LegCo member purports to
exercise the freedom of speech and debate under section 3, it is axiomatic
to ask why the absolute privilege is conferred in the first place within the
statutory framework of the LC(PP)O. Plainly, it enables LegCo
members to perform their functions as legislators without external
interference or fear of reprisal by legal proceedings for the purpose of
furthering the constitutional objects and functions of LegCo within the
statutory framework of the LC(PP)O. The privilege must not be
exercised in a way which is contrary to or inconsistent with or even
defeats the main purpose of LC(PP)O in creating and maintaining a
secure and dignified environment that LegCo needs to conduct its
business orderly and effectively. Equally important, the privilege must
not be exercised in a way which infringes the same privilege other LegCo
members need in order to perform their functions as legislators. It
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follows that the privilege must not be exercised in a so disruptive manner
that it is caught by the impugned conduct of section 17(c). For it cannot
possibly be the legislative intent to confer the privilege of section 3 to
allow a LegCo member to cause or join a disturbance which interrupts or
is likely to interrupt the proceedings of the Council or a committee,
thereby disrupting the business of the Council or the committee and
infringing the freedom of speech and debate of other LegCo members.
60. Approaching it by reference to the doctrine of necessity, one
asks: is it inherently necessary for the proper functions of LegCo to give
its member, as part of the privilege of section 3, the freedom to disorderly
conduct themselves within the meaning of section 17(c), thereby
disrupting LegCo’s business or infringing other members’ freedom of
speech and debate? The answer must be a resounding “No”. Or does
the protection for such disorderly conduct go to the core or essential
business of LegCo? Again, the answer must be a definite “No”.
61. Ms Ng submitted that once the manner of speech is covered
by the freedom of speech, then a LegCo member can exercise that
freedom in whatever manner he wishes. She even went so far as
submitting that it covers the impugned conduct caught by section 17(c).
With respect, Ms Ng’s submissions turn the privilege of section 3 and its
application in the statutory framework of the LC(PP)O on its own head.
For reasons stated above, they must be firmly rejected.
62. Ms Ng next submitted that if a member’s manner of speech
is not covered by the privilege of section 3, it will instill a chilling effect.
In the case where a member’s disorderly conduct is caught by section
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17(c), Ms Ng’s submission is premised on the assumption that unless he
is entitled to so conduct himself, he cannot meaningfully exercise his
freedom of speech and debate. This assumption is wholly unmeritorious
and must be rejected. The boundary of the privilege of section 3 drawn
above only aims at prohibiting a member from frustrating the very
purpose of the privilege being granted for the furtherance of the functions
of LegCo and from infringing other members’ same privilege, and no
more. It does not inhibit any member from exercising their freedom of
speech and debate in any manner other than that caught by section 17(c).
Subject to constitutional requirements, he is still entitled to exercise his
freedom of speech and debate within the boundary of the absolute
privilege freely in the proceedings of the Council or a committee.
63. Ms Ng also prayed in aid the non-intervention principle.
She argued that how to deal with a member’s disorderly conduct falls
within the internal affairs of LegCo. And LegCo has sufficient
disciplinary powers to deal with him, including those set out in the RoP
and in extreme case, to disqualify him for the office under article 79(7) of
the Basic Law. Further, section 17(c) is not an ordinary criminal
offence. In the circumstances, the courts should leave it to the exclusive
jurisdiction of LegCo to deal with member whose conduct is caught by
section 17(c) and should not interfere. With respect, Ms Ng’s reliance
on the non-intervention principle is misplaced.
64. Ms Ng relied on the very often quoted dicta of Lord
Coleridge CJ in Bradlaugh v Gossett, supra, at p.275: “What is said or
done within the walls of Parliament cannot be inquired into in a court of
law … the jurisdiction of the Houses over their own members, their right
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to impose discipline within their walls is absolute and exclusive.”
However, in Chaytor, supra, Lord Phillips at [30] pointed out that this
statement of non-intervention did not distinguish the narrow privilege
under article 9 (which is absolute and cannot be waived) and the broader
exclusive cognisance of Parliament (which is capable of waiver by
Parliament). (He then went to point out parliamentary privilege, even
that conferred by article 9, did not preclude a criminal prosecution in
respect of a conduct of a member merely because it had taken place
within the House of Commons.) Likewise, Ms Ng also did not draw a
distinction between the absolute privilege under section 3 and matters
falling within the exclusive cognisance of LegCo. The former is
absolute and not open to be questioned in the court. However,
depending on the circumstances, the situation regarding matters falling
within the exclusive cognisance of LegCo may be different.
65. Section 17(c) is derived from the English law on
parliamentary privilege concerning contempt of Parliament. The
English experience shows that Parliament, if so decided, could relinquish
the penal jurisdiction to the courts without offending the non-intervention
principle.
66. As already noted, the Parliament’s right to regulate its own
affairs includes the power to discipline its own members for misconduct
and, further, power to punish anyone, whether a member or not, for
behavior interfering substantially with the proper conduct of
parliamentary business. The disciplinary power to deal with contempt
of Parliament falls within the penal jurisdiction exercised by each House
to ensure that it can carry out its constitutional functions properly and that
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its members are not obstructed or impeded. To date, the English
Parliament still retains its penal jurisdiction: Erskine May, at §11.19.
67. Matters falling within its exclusive cognisance can be
waived or relinquished by Parliament by, say, primary legislation:
Chaytor, per Lord Philips at [63]-[68]. In 1999, the Joint Committee on
Parliamentary Privilege recommended that “for practical reasons
punishment of non-members for contempt of Parliament should, in
general, now be transferred to the courts”, although each House’s residual
jurisdiction should remain. This recommendation was not implemented.
In 2013, the recommendation was rejected by a subsequent Joint
Committee on Parliamentary Privilege, which considered that
criminalizing specific contempts “would entail a radical shift of power
between Parliament and the courts”, as well as introducing delay and
uncertainty, and removing flexibility. Instead, the 2013 Joint
Committee recommended that the two Houses should assert their
continuing penal powers, and clarify the procedures they would use if
called upon to exercise them to ensure fairness. See Erskine May, at
§11.22. Although the recommendation only concerned the penal
jurisdiction in respect of non-members, the same must be true for that
over members.
68. This episode demonstrates beyond doubt that the English
Parliament’s penal jurisdiction to punish for contempt falls within its
exclusive cognisance and is capable of being relinquished to the courts.
Indeed, the 2013 Joint Committee in its Report at [64] noted:
“As the Green Paper suggests, there are several possible approaches to legislation to ensure that contempts could be
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punished. … These approaches would transfer jurisdiction to the courts. As Lord Justice Beatson noted, Parliament would in effect give up some of its privileges: ‘You either give up a little bit of your exclusive cognisance and you get enforcement, or you stay pure and are faced with the difficulty that you so vividly put about how on earth you are going to enforce it’”. (Emphasis supplied)
69. Further, it would appear that the 2013 Joint Committee’s
recommendation to implement procedural rules to ensure fairness should
Parliament exercise its penal jurisdiction sought to alleviate the doubt if
Parliament is in a position to satisfy all the requirements of fairness in
criminal proceedings under article 6 of the European Convention on
Human Rights: see Chaytor, per Lord Phillips at [61], referring to
Demicoli v Malta (1991) 14 HER 47.
70. So even in England, the non-intervention principle does not
prevent Parliament, if it so decided, to relinquish its exclusive penal
jurisdiction by way of primary legislation to the courts for disorderly
conduct committed by members or non-members.
71. Coming back to Hong Kong, as noted, before 1997, LegCo
did not have penal jurisdiction to deal with contempt of legislature
generally, whether committed by members or not. It is clear from the
legislative process of the LC(PP)O that it was considered necessary to
give LegCo additional safeguards to maintain its order and discipline.
The protective disciplinary powers to deal with contempt of legislature
were not sufficient. New criminal sanctions in Part IV to punish for
contempt of legislature were created. Had LegCo so decided, it might
have been open to LegCo to confer the penal jurisdiction on itself, just
like the case of section 4(1) of the ODO. However, for reasons
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articulated in the legislative deliberations, LegCo decided to vest the
penal jurisdiction with the courts. LegCo had thereby made a deliberate
and informed decision to relax the non-intervention principle by
relinquishing to the courts the penal jurisdiction it could have claimed
over matters concerning contempt of legislature which falls within the
rubric of its exclusive cognisance. Insofar far as it concerns a member
whose conduct is caught by section 17(c), LegCo retains its full exclusive
jurisdiction to discipline him. As an additional safeguard to maintain its
order and discipline, LegCo gives the courts the criminal jurisdiction to
penalize him should a prosecution be brought under section 17(c).
72. By virtue of the criminal offences in Part IV, both LegCo
and the courts have different, overlapping, jurisdiction over contempt of
legislature. LegCo can take disciplinary proceedings against the person
guilty of such contempt; the courts can try him for the crime. That
being the case, careful consideration must be given to if see a prosecution
is warranted for a particular case. For example, if LegCo has already
commenced disciplinary proceedings against an offending member,
careful consideration should be given to as to whether a prosecution is in
the public interest. Accordingly, section 26 of the LC(PP)O provides
that no prosecution for an offence under the Ordinance shall be instituted
except with the consent of the Secretary for Justice. The Secretary must
consider if it is in the public interest to bring the prosecution: see Chaytor,
per Lord Phillips at [81].
73. Thus analysed, contrary to Ms Ng’s submission, the non-
intervention principle does not prevent LegCo from conferring the
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criminal jurisdiction to the courts over a member whose conduct is caught
by section 17(c).
E8. Interpreting section 17(c)
74. Having drawn the proper boundary of the privilege of
section 3, the interpretation of section 17(c) can be shortly disposed of.
75. Read in the context of the LC(PP)O as a statutory framework
to provide a secure and dignified environment for LegCo to perform its
functions and conduct its business orderly and effectively, section 17(c)
clearly aims at protecting the order and discipline of all the proceedings
in the Council or a committee from any person whose conduct is caught
by the provision, whether he is a member or not.
76. Harking back to her contention that the LC(PP)O is a
codifying statue, Ms Ng submitted that it could not have created any new
offence against a LegCo member under section 17(c) when LegCo did
not previously have such penal jurisdiction. For reasons set out above,
insofar as criminal offences are concerned, the LC(PP)O is not a
codifying statute. The new criminal offences, including section 17(c),
were created to give LegCo further safeguards to maintain its order and
discipline.
77. The wording used in section 17(c) is “any person”.
Contrary to Ms Ng’s submission, it must mean anyone including a LegCo
member. It is the natural and ordinary meaning of the wording used.
If the legislative intent were to exclude a member, it would have used the
same formula in section 20: “any person, other than a member … of the
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Council”.25 Most importantly, for reasons set out above, the legislative
intent is clearly to include a member. Excluding a member from its
application would have the consequences of defeating the main purpose
of the LC(PP)O and infringing other members’ exercise of their
privileges and immunities in performance of their functions.
78. Ms Ng referred to the wording used in section 4(1) of the
ODO and argued that the ambit for punishment of contempt was limited
to proceedings of taking evidence. Since section 17(c) seeks to
incorporate section 4 of ODO, it is also limited to proceedings of taking
evidence only. Her submission is again based on the untenable
contention that section 17(c) is a codifying or consolidating provision.
More importantly, section 17(c) must cover all proceedings in order to
achieve the aim of the statutory framework of the LC(PP)O by protecting
the order and discipline of the proceedings of the Council and its
committee. It cannot be limited to proceedings for taking evidence
under oath or indeed any type of proceedings.
79. On a proper interpretation, section 17(c) applies to a LegCo
member.
25 Section 20 reads: “Any person, other than a member or officer of the Council, who—
(a) enters or attempts to enter the Chamber or the precincts of the Chamber in contravention of any of the Rules of Procedure or any resolution under section 8(2); or
(b) contravenes any administrative instructions issued under section 8(3), or any direction given thereunder, regulating the admittance of persons to or the conduct of persons within the Chamber or the precincts of the Chamber,
commits an offence and is liable to a fine of $2,000 and to imprisonment for 3 months.”
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E9. Constitutionality of section 17(c)
80. The remaining question is whether section 17(c) is
unconstitutional. The only argument advanced by Ms Ng in this regard
is that if it applies to a LegCo member, section 17(c) allows the court to
interfere with the internal affairs of LegCo, thereby infringing the
constitutional doctrine of separation of powers.
81. Ms Ng’s argument is in substance the same as her
submission on the non-intervention principle, which has already been
rejected. More fundamentally, under the constitutional framework of
the Basic Law, only the courts have judicial powers. LegCo is never
vested with any judicial power. Since penal jurisdiction is judicial, it
always belongs to the courts exclusively. It is exactly because of the
doctrine of separation of powers that section 17(c) must vest the penal
jurisdiction with the courts and not anybody else, including LegCo.
LegCo’s decision to relax the non-intervention principle as explained
above conforms entirely with that doctrine.
82. Section 17(c) does not offend the doctrine of separation of
powers. It is constitutional.
F. Answering the questions of law
83. In consequence, the answers to the questions of law are:
(1) Question 1: the Magistrate erred in finding that the privilege
of section 3 covers the disorderly conduct of a LegCo
member if caught by section 17(c);
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(2) Question 2(a): No;
(3) Question 2(b): Yes; and
(4) Question 3: No.
84. The case is remitted to the Magistrate and she is directed to
restore the proceedings and proceed with the remainder of the trial until
conclusion in accordance with the judgment of the court.
Lam VP:
85. I respectfully agree with the judgment of the Chief Judge
and have nothing to add.
Pang JA:
86. I respectfully agree with the judgment of the Chief Judge.
(Jeremy Poon) (Johnson Lam) (Derek Pang) Chief Judge of Vice President Justice of Appeal the High Court
Ms Vinci Lam, DDPP, leading Mr Anthony Leung, SPP, of the
Department of Justice for the Appellant for the hearing on 1 August 2019
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Mr David Leung SC, DPP, of the Department of Justice, for the Appellant for the hearing on 12 May 2020
Ms Margaret Ng leading Mr Carter Chim and Mr Jason Lee instructed by
Ho Tse Wai & Partners, assigned by the Director of Legal Aid, for the Respondent