lobsang shastri - jalandhara
TRANSCRIPT
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Jalandhara in the Eyes of Tibetan and Trans-Himalayan Pilgrims*
Lobsang Shastri
A Look at the Doctrinal Background
The places associated with the Buddha’s miracles came to be considered
sacred and imbued with powers that generate awareness of the enlightened
ones in the mind of devotees. The Collection of Sutras (Sutra-pitaka) extensively
explain the immense benefits that can be derived by doing prostrations, makingofferings and going on pilgrimage to these holy places.
According to tantric explanations, when the Tathagata Buddha propounded
the esoteric teachings of the Sri-Cakrasamvara-tantra,1 he explained how not
absorbed manifestations of mandalas of the father-mother Cakrasamvara (the
principal deities in the Samvara mandala), and of Vajrayogini (the viras of three
cakras of body, speech and mind) from this world helps tantric practitioners
attain mystical experiences and realizations. The Samputa-tantra indicates
that the reason for the existence of the ten grounds of transcendental perfection,
such as Pullir in the language of Mlecchas, is to go on pilgrimage there, as
advised by the yoginis. These pilgrimage places are both internal and external.
In the paramita tradition, the ten grounds, such as Rab tu dga’ ba (“the
joyous one”), and the five paths are presented as spiritual levels of
accomplishment. However, in tantra they are known by the names of sacred
places. This helps to develop skills in causing external places such as Pullir,
where dakas and dakinis congregate, to abide in the internal vajra-body. In
recognition of their abidance and using them as paths, one causes the winds
and drops, which are conjoined with the dakas and yoginis, to dissolve into
avadhuti, the central energy channel. As a result one experiences realizations
connected with the spiritual grounds. This helps to bring under one’s control
the dakas and dakinis dwelling in sacred places. It also helps gain familiarity
with the practices for higher meditative stability. There are innumerable other
benefits and reasons for going on pilgrimage to these sacred places.2
* This paper was presented during the Tenth International Conference on Tibetan Studies
( IATS ), Oxford 2003 titled as “Pilgrimage to Jalandhar: Description and Spiritual
Experiences of Tibetan and Trans-Himalayan Pilgrims”.
This paper was also translated into German language and published title as “Pilgerreise
nach Jalandhara”, Tibethaus - Journal Chokor, NO.45, July 2008, p.25-33.
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4 TIBET JOURNAL
Za ma tog bkod pa describes how hills and mountains in Tibet actually are bodies
and abodes of Arya Lokesvara. Laden with sacredness and with carved mantras,
they help practitioners accomplish the enlightened deeds of subduing and taming
countless sentient beings. Guru Padmasambhava discovered hidden “treasures”
(gter ) in these mountains and also in the lakes of the central and border regions
of Tibet, which he later recognized as sacred places for retreat. There-after, numerous
emanations in the form of masters and disciples, endowed with the miraculous
power to transform years into aeons and vice-versa, turned the wheel of the
teachings in these places, thus making them one and inseparable with the
primordially pure vajra land.
Later, higher emanation beings opened the doors of innumerable holy places,discovered hidden treasures and created an atmosphere conducive for those masters
to engage in extensive and transcendental secret practice to benefit the teachings and
sentient beings. The existence and mode of appearance of these sacred places
of vajra-nature proved highly beneficial for the dissemination of Buddhism. It is
widely believed that these places have positive qualities that help tantric
practitioners accomplish ordinary and extraordinary mystical attainments and
realizations swiftly and without difficulties. Among the unending chains of
sacred places blessed by the principal deities from the limitless ocean of
vidhyadharas and dakinis, where masters, shining like the sun and moon,
sojourned, many sacred localities, including those in the southern India, the
land of Chamara, and incomparable vajra places, like Jalandhara, Jwalamukha
and the Land of Zahor (Mandi), are still in existence and can be visited.3
The twenty-four pilgrimage sites are of two types, i.e., the twenty-four inner
pilgrimage sites and twenty-four external pilgrimage sites. The twenty-four inner
pilgrimage sites are located on different inner channels (rtsa) and the twenty-four
external sites are the places subdued and blessed by Cakrasamvara.4 There are some
who say that these are part of the twelve bhumis. In the Hevajra Commentary of
Bla ma Dam pa Bsod nams rgyal tshan (1312-1375) an identification of inner
holy sites which is similar to that of the Cakrasamvara tradition can be found.5
These holy places are called Pitha, Ksetra, Chandoha and are the sites of
Anuttarayogatantra. It is said that the external pilgrimage sites originated from the
vajra-body mandala.
The Hevajra-tantra (Dgyes pa rdo rje’i rgyud ) identifies thirty-seven sacred placesin the continent of Jambudvipa.6 Vajra-dakini-tantra (Rdo rje mkha’ ’gro’i rgyud )
mentions twenty-four sacred places. Bu ston rin chen grub and ’Jam mgon A
myes zhabs Bde mchog chos ’byung, as well as Pan chen Er ti ni Dpal ldan ye
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Jalandhara in the Eyes of Tibetan and Trans-Himalayan Pilgrims 5
shes Shambha la’i lam yig state that the twenty-four places are Pullirmaya,
Jalandhara, Odiyana, Arbuda, Godavari, Rameshvari, Devikoti, Malava, Kamarupa,
Odra, Trishku, Koshala, Kalinga, Lampaka, Kanci, Himalaya, Pretapuri,
Grihaddevata, Saurastra, Suvarnadvipa, Nagara, Sindhu, Maru, Kuluta.7
Amongst the works of Tibetan scholars, it seems that the description of
places of Cakrasamvara given in Bu ston’s Bde mchog chos ’byung is the
earliest. It is likely that all the later descriptions are based on Bu ston’s work.
For a closer study of the variations concerning the identification of sacred
places, a detailed explanation is given in Taranatha’s sadhana on Nag po zhabs
(1615) and in Kun mkhyen Pad ma dkar po’s guide to Tsa ri. According to
Taranatha, twenty-four dakas originated from Heruka and twenty-four dakinisfrom Vajravarahi (Rdo rje phag mo).8 These twenty-four deities, known as
twenty-four viras, preside over twenty-four places of India. In the esoteric
rituals, they are localized in as many centres in our body.
In Mthong ba don ldan, the biography of Rgod tshang pa mgon po rdo rje by
Sangs rgyas dar po, the twenty-four external holy sites correspond to the twenty-
four beings to be spiritually tamed by the twenty-four Herukas. The twenty-four
secret holy sites are on the body (kaya), speech (vak ) and mind (citta) cakras of
the mandala. The twenty-four inner sites are inside our body.9 On the basis of this
concept, Jalandhara, on which this paper focuses, is localized in the upper portion
of the head.The twenty-four places also correspond to the tantric physiognomy
of Vajrakaya.10
The Literature
Accounts of the twenty-four pilgrimage sites of Cakrasamvara can be found
in the Cakrasamvara Tantra, Kalacakra Tantra, Hevajra Tantra, Vajrayogini
Tantra, and in Tibetan works like the Religious History of Cakrasamvara by Bu
ston, Kalacakra Commentary by Mkhas grub rje, the Cakrasamva Sadhana
(Nag po zhabs transmission), the Seven Instruction Lineages by Taranatha,
and the Religious History of Cakrasamvara by ’Jam mgon A myes zhabs.
The popular Buddhist myth, according to tantra, about the subjugation or
conversion of Maheshvara and the birth of Heruka is well docu-mented in Bu
ston’s Bde mchog chos ’byung ,11 Klong rdol bla ma’s Gsung ’bum,12 ’Bri gung
’Jig rten mgon po’s gnas yig,13 ’Brug pa Chos kyi snang ba ’Gyur med rdo rje
snying po’s Tsa’ ri guide,14 in Zhu chen Tshul khrims rin chen’s identification of
sacred places,15 and in the collected works of ’Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse’i
dbang po.16
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According to Ronald M. Davidson,17 the source of the myth is in
Tattvasamgraha, where Vajrapani’s subjugation of Maheshvara is described.
This version of the myth gained popularity and was used to establish
authenticity for the Cakrasamvara texts. Besides the twenty-four sacred
places, the thirty-two sacred sites, the thirty-seven sacred places, eight great
cemeteries, eight glorious mountains, a hundred spontaneously-arisen caityas,
eight and thirteen congregational sites of dakinis, and eighty secret caves of
dakinis which are mentioned by ’Bri gung ’Jig rten mgon po,18 ’Brug pa Chos
kyi snang ba,19 and ’Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse’i dbang po.20 Sa skya pandita
talks about thirteen vajra-grounds.21
Key references to Jalandhara are found in the Cakrasamvara-tantraand relatedtexts, as well as in the religious histories of Cakrasamvara by Bu ston and ’Jam
mgon A myes zhabs, and in the biographies of Rgyal ba Rgod tshang pa, Grub
thob U rgyan pa, Stag tshang ras pa, Zangs dkar ’khrul zhig Ngag dbang tshe ring,
Rang rig ras pa, the guide book of Dge ’dun chos ’phel and lastly in the writings of
the previous Karma pa and Dil mgo mkhyen brtse rin po che.
The Hindu legend Padmapura discusses Jalandharapa and one of his consorts
called Vrinda.22 The Sanskrit lexicon Hemakosa includes a section called
Uttarkand which refers to Jalandhara, Raja-tarangini-padmapura mentions
Jalandhara, while the Mahabharata epic also cites it as Trigatra.23
Ptolemy’s Geography, by referring to Jalandhara, was the first book in the
west, which talks about this holy place.24 There is also a brief mention of Jalandhara
in the travel account of Huien Tsiang (dating to 629) that includes information on the
existence of Mahayana and Hinayana Buddhist temples. Jalandhara’s importance
in Punjab and the Third Council of Buddhism that was held there are also well
known.25 Finally, Kalhana’s Raja-tarangini, written in the twelfth century,
mentions Jalandhara and Trigatra.
Regarding the literature about the most important Tibetan masters active in
north-west India, a list of rnam thar s by Rgod tshang pa is given in the colophon
of Mthong ba don ldan nor bu’i phreng ba written by Sangs rgyas dar po. On
this list are slob dpon Byang dpal’s Rtsag ris chen mo, slob dpon Dbang phyug
rgyal mtshan’s Gnad btus sgron me and Mya ngan ’das chung, slob dpon Byang
chub ’od’s Dgos ’dod kun ’byung, Byang sems Sher gzhon’s Khyad ’ phags bdun
ma, and the biographies by Rgyal thang pa Bde chen rdo rje and Rtse brgyad pa.
Presently available in print are the biographies written by Sangs rgyas dar po,26
Gnad sdud pa’i sgron me by Sde snod ’dzin pa Rin chen dpal,27 two editions of
Rgod tshang pa’s biography by an anonymous author/authors,28 and Mgur chen
’gas rgyan pa by Rgyal thang pa Bde chen rdo rje.29
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Jalandhara in the Eyes of Tibetan and Trans-Himalayan Pilgrims 7
As for U rgyan pa, there are two biographies at our disposal: Byin brlabs kyis
chu rgyun, written by Rtogs ldan Zla ba seng ge,30 and Rdzogs ldan bdud rtsi’i
dga’ ston in the collected works of Zhwa dmar Mkha’ spyod dbang po,31 not found
in the other Bka’ brgyud gser phrengs. A version similar to the above-mentioned
two biographies is found in Lho rong chos ’byung written in 1446 by Rta tshag
Tshe dbang rgyal.32
References to Jalandhara are also found in the guidebook of Dge ’dun chos
’phel, the Sixteenth Karma pa’s life account and Dil mgo Mkhyen brtse rin po
che’s guide to Tashijong. During his pilgrimage to Rewalsar and Jalandhara, the
latter wrote a five-folio gnas yig of Tashijong. In it, he makes a short note on
Jalandhara, which he considers to be one of the twenty-four pilgrimage placesof Cakrasamvara.33 He adds that there are different opinions on the origin of
name Jalandhara.
Among the Western scholars, the Italian Tibetologist Tucci wrote a
monograph in 1940 entitled Travels of Tibetan Pilgrims in the Swat Valley, in
which he talks about Uddiyana,34 and places it in north-west India. Its location
is still disputed among the Indian authors. Some consider it to be Odisi or
Orissa, while others point to Assam and Kanci.35 Tucci based his work on
Uddiyana on Tibetan texts, primarily the biographies of Rgod tshang pa Mgon
po rdo rje, U rgyan pa Seng ge dpal/Rin chen dpal and Stag tshang ras pa Ngag
dbang rgya mtsho.36 He did not have Rdzogs ldan bdud rtsi’i dga’ ston and
Lho rong chos ’byung’s biography of U rgyan pa at his disposal, and wrote about
this mahasiddha’s travel to Uddiyana basing himself on the bi-ography by Zla
ba seng ge and Padma dkar po’s chos ’byung.
Other western scholars like David Snellgrove, Keith Dowman, Toni Huber,
Hubert Decleer, Ronald Davidson and David Templeman have also written on this
subject. Roberto Vitali presented a paper on the travels of the thirteenth century
Bon po master Dbyil ston Khyung rgod rtsal in north-west India at the Eighth
IATS Seminar, Bloomington, which is to be published. By consulting
biographies and other documents not used by Tucci or found after him, I will
focus on Tibetan and Trans-Himalayan pilgrims to Jalandhara, the importance
of the site, geography and social conditions of the period.
The Historical InterfaceWhile the idea of a mythical land endowed with spiritual characteristics such as
Sham bha la became popular in Tibet with the translation of the Kalachakra-
tantra, the indigenous tradition, recognizing the sacredness of Uddiyana and
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Jalandhara, goes back to much earlier times. These were among the key places
in India, where the study and practice of tantric Buddhism flourished.
Jalandhara, one of the twenty-four pilgrimage sites of Cakrasamvara-tantra,
was of considerable geographical size during earlier times. The Jalandhara
kingdom had Nagarkot, or Kangra as it is presently known, as its capital. In
the Mahabharata epic, this region was called Trigatra (“confluence of three
rivers”) and later Nagarkota or Kangra. The place is recognised as the site of
the female deity Mahamaye or the Mata.
This region even had one or two temples built by king Ashoka, as proved
by archaeology and Indian historical works which are of the view that
Jalandhara is Jwalamukhi (see below). Buddhism flourished in Jalandharaduring the time of King Kanishka (first or second century CE). It is said that
the Third Council of Buddhism took place in Jalandhara during his reign. This
place is also mentioned in the travel notes of the seventh century Chinese
pilgrim Huien Tsiang of the T’ang dynasty.37 There are no further references
to Jalandhara till Mahmud of Ghazni in 1009.38 In 1030 it is mentioned as
Nagarkota in Alberuni’s India.39 Jalandhara is also mentioned in the 1050-
1060 copperplates of Chamba.
Records of the life of individuals contain brief historical references to
Jalandhara. One of the eighty-four mahasiddhas is of some significance to
the issue under study, for he was known by the sobriquet of Jalandharapa
(Drwa ba ’dzin). According to Bu ston ( Bde mchog chos ’byung) and Taranatha
( Bka’ bab bdun ldan gyi rgyud pa’i rnam),40 Jalandharapa received many
empowerments from his teacher Rus sbal zhabs can (“having the feet of a
tortoise”), and mastered the Four Tantras. After undertaking intense meditation
at Jalandhara, he was blessed with the vision of Vajrayogini and attained
enlightenment. He was named after the holy site where he meditated.41
According to Taranatha’s chos ’byung, he received the blessings of Vajrayogini
and realized the Mahamudra accomplishment.42 Bka’ bab bdun ldan gyi rgyud
pa’i rnam thar and Chos ’byung dpag bsam ljon bzang state that the
mahasiddha Jalandharapa was a pioneer of the Na tha yogic tradition and that
Jalandhara is one of the nine Na tha sites. The female deity is Candi and her
male counterpart is Mahadeva.
Jalandharapa’s birthplace was Nagarthotha, seemingly corresponding toNagarkota/Kangra, as stated in the history of the eighty-four mahasiddhas.43
Bka’ bab bdun ldan gyi rgyud pa’i rnam thar , too, gives the birthplace of
Jalandharapa, from whom Indrabodhi and Lwa wa pa received oral instructions
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Jalandhara in the Eyes of Tibetan and Trans-Himalayan Pilgrims 9
on Luminosity and Great Bliss, as the northern city of Nagarthotha, but adds that
it was situated on the bank of the river Sindhu.44 He was born in a shudra family
but became wealthy due to his meritorious karma. Having stayed at Jalandhara
for a long period of time, he was named after that locality. In this case, Nagarthotha
and Nagarkot seem to be different places because Nagarthotha is said to be
situtated on the bank of the Indus, and Jalandharapa performed spiritual practices
in Nagarkot/ Jalandhara.
The biography of the Sixteenth Karma pa, entitled Skyes rabs Dza lan dha
ra, provides a vague historical notion concerning a certain Jalandhara. It says
that he (the Karma pa) was previously born as a king, known as Jalandhara,
who ruled over the rich and powerful kingdom of Bhalaghaji in northern India.He held non-Buddhist beliefs and, to appease the gods, he constantly made
animal sacrifices. The royal family included King Jalandhara, Queen Kun du
’od and the princes Suryaputra and Suryacandra. Incidentally, Jalandhara is
said to be the pilgrimage place of Heruka.45 The Karma pa disclosed his previous
rebirth during his visit to Bhalaghaji/Jalandhara.
In ’Dzam gling rgyas bshad (1820 edition), Btsan po Nomihan says that
Jalandhara, located on the northern spoke of Sri Cakrasam-vara’s (mind-cakra),
was ruled by two kings, Ka and Kanakand, and that the Muslims (Kla klo) called
it Kandhahara and the Hindus Patazala.46 They were conquered by two
incarnations of the Buddha in the form of children. He adds that the place had
stupas built by them and statues of mahabodhisattvas the size of an ant. This
description seems to be drawn from Huien Tsiang, dating back to the seventh
century, with the obvious exception of the Muslims mentioned in it.
Since the region was under a Muslim ruler, it is not clear whether the holy
structures still existed. This story may possibly refer to the critical time in the
thirteenth century when the Mongols and the Delhi Sultanate vied for supremacy
in north-west India or to a later period.
The unsettled state of north-west India during the thirteenth century is evident
from accounts by Tibetan travellers of that period. U rgyan pa, despite the
confrontation between the Mongols and the Muslim, which was in full swing during
his visit, says that Nagarkota was prosperous,47 while in Rgod tshang pa’s
biographies, the place was economically poor to the extent that food was not
easily available, but the reason for this situation is not given.48
A statement inthe Sixteenth Karma pa’s account concerning the affluent economic conditions
of the place is rather difficult to assess from a historical point of view.49
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10 TIBET JOURNAL
TIBETAN ANDTRANS-HIMALAYANPILGRIMS INJALANDHARA
Tibetan and Trans-Himalayan people have a long tradition of visiting the holy
places of north-west India. The Rnying ma pas preferred Uddiyana for engaging
in tantric practices, while the ’Brug pa and Kam tshang bka’ brgyud pa traditions
favoured Jalandhara.50 Many great beings from Tibet and the Himalaya have visited
Jalandhara on foot with their walking sticks, just as ordinary pilgrims. Those
whose biographies mention Jalandhara in their travel accounts are Rgod tshang pa
Mgon po rdo rje (1189-1258), Karma pa Rang byung rdo rje’s guru Grub thob U
rgyan pa Rin chen dpal (1229-1309), Stag lung bla ma Ye shes, and Bla ma Rin
chen mgon (whose pilgrimage to Jalandhara is briefly mentioned only in the
biography of ’Khrul zhig Ngag dbang tshe ring).Three hundred years after Grub thob U rgyan pa, trans-Himalayan great masters
like Stag tshang ras pa Ngag dbang rgya mtso (sixteenth century), Rang rig ras pa
(seventeenth century) and Zangs dkar ba ’Khrul zhig Ngag dbang tshe ring (1657-
1732 or 1717-1794) visited Jalandhara and undertook spiritual practice. A Tibetan
merchant from Khams, Kha stag ’dzam yag, travelled to India and Nepal between
the years 1944 and 1956. His travel account states that he visited Jalandhara during
that period.51 The twentieth century A mdo scholar Dge ’dun chos ’phel (1905-
1951),52 the Sixteenth Karma pa Rang byung rig pa’i rdo rje (1924-1982) and Dil
mgo Mkhyen rtse Rin po che (1910-1991) are among those who also visited
Jalandhara.
The biographies and spiritual songs (mgur ’bum) of these spiritual masters
describe the realizations they achieved in this place, the importance of the site,
its geography, and the ethno-social condition at the time of their pilgrimage.
Most pilgrims in the olden days used trade routes to travel to pilgrimage sites
associated with the highest Yogatantra. Often their starting point was Gu ge, crossed
by the Glang chen kha babs, whose source is not far from Pre ta pu ri, and
following its course downstream, they went to Ri bo Gandhola (Gar sha) and
Kuluta, before reaching Jalandhara. Snellgrove says that it was customary on
this pigrimage to visit Rewalsar, Uddiyana and Taxila,53 but the latter locality is
not included in the itineraries of the masters under consideration in this article,
while Rewalsar is a later pilgrimage place.
Rgod tshang paIn the biography of Rgod tshang pa by Rgyal thang pa Bde chen rdo rje, he is said
to have visited holy places like Mount Kailash and Jalandhara, when he was
twenty-five years old, and undertook meditation there for four years.54 One can
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Jalandhara in the Eyes of Tibetan and Trans-Himalayan Pilgrims 11
assess from the biography by Sangs rgyas dar po that Rgod tshang pa went to
Gangs rin po che in 1214 and proceeded to Jalandhara in the autum of 1216,
reaching his destination sometime in 1217,55 travelling through the land to the
west of Kailash, said to be part of Kashmir at that time.56
According to Gnad bsdus sgron me, not available to Tucci, Rgod tshang pa
stayed at Kailash for three years and travelled from there and Pre ta pu ri to
Jalandhara.57 After spending five months in Jalandhara, Rgod tshang pa
returned to Tibet by a shortcut. On the way, he met the mahasiddha Anupama
at Kuluta and received teachings from him. The biography confirms Jalandhara
as the site of the mind cakra of Vajrayogini and the palace of Cakrasamvara.58
In texts concerning the lives of ’Ba’ ra dkar brgyud pa lamas, it is written thatRgod tshang pa travelled from the Cakrasamvara pilgrimage site at Mount
Kailash to Pre ta pu ri, Ri bo Gandhola (awkwardly said to be located in Kulu
rather than Gar sha), and then to Jalandhara.59 According to Sangs rgyas dar
po’s biography, Rgod tshang pa stayed at Nagarkot for about five months.60
Dge ’dun chos ’phel gives a similar length of stay.
U rgyan pa
U rgyan pa travelled to Ri bo Gandhola in Lahaul on his way to Jal-andhara,61
but his journey, as is well known, took him to farther des-tinations on the
way to Uddiyana that are recorded with remarkable accuracy in his biography
written by Rtogs ldan Zla ba seng ge. U rgyan pa visited Gangs rin po che, Ma
pham mtsho, Kulu, Maru, Ri bo Gandhola and then Jalandhara. The biography
of U rgyan pa in the collected works of Zhwa dmar Mkha’ spyod dbang po
(1350-1405) is conceived along the same lines because it states that from Ri
bo Gandhola, grub thob U rgyan pa went to Jalandhara and visited places like
Langura, Jwalamukhi and Mitrasara. At a place called Nagarjuna Cave, he
met a siddha and held philosophical discussions with him.
Other Masters
Stag lung chos ’byung, in a chapter describing the activities of the eighteen
famous disciples of the Stag lung pa tradition, mentions that one of them was
Sgom pa Ma ni ba who had seventy disciples at Jalandhara and performed spiritual
practices with them.62
The detailed account of this saint, who must have beenactive sometime around the early thirteenth century, is unknown to us. Stag
lung chos ’byung states that the Fourth Stag lung chos rje Bkra shis bla ma’s
disciple Ye shes bla ma (1279-1312), visited Jalandhara with thirteen followers.63
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On the way, Ye shes bla ma warned that an obstacle was expected to prevent
them from crossing that area. Some time later, they were stopped by forty
border officials (sho gam pa). Ye shes bla ma then asked one of his attendants
to sing a song. The latter danced and mischievously sang a song in Tibetan,
full of abusive language. The officials, thinking that he was singing their
praises, were pleased and let Ye shes bla ma and his attendants pass. Thus they
safely reached a cane bridge over a river between two high mountains. Here they
performed a ganacakra under a rock, this being one of the places where hostile
dakinis pelted the mahasiddha Lwa ba pa with a shower of large stones,
which he miraculously stopped in the sky. Ye shes bla ma undertook meditation
in front of a self-originated Tara in the style of Kha che for one week, withoutthinking of food or water, and was blessed with the vision of this deity. He also
met a two hundred year old yogi, surviving on human flesh, who had achieved
Mahamudra (accomplishment). Sindhura dropped from the bagha of
Vajravarahi and imprints of Naropa’s head, body, hands and feet could be seen
on a rock near the Tara statue. They performed tshogs offerings to eight dakinis
who lived on a square area of ground. A huge town, onergyang grags (approximately
two miles) in size, lay ahead of them and, at night, the noise of non-human beings
and jackals sent shivers down the spines of those who heard it.64
Stag tshang ras pa, also known as U rgyan pa Ngag dbang rgya mtsho (1574-
1651), travelled to India and Kha che twice, via Mnga’ ris. During the first visit
around 1613, he proceeded to Jalandhara and Kashmir and then returned to Mar
yul (Ladakh).65 He went to Jalandhara/Nagarkota where he sang songs of spiritual
realization, describing Nagarkota as the palace of Vajrayogini.66 The biography also
states that U rgyan pa went to Kinnaur (Khu nu) and met the mahasiddha Bde ba
rgya mtsho.67 It seems that a young grub dpon chen po Rang rig ras pa took a
different route in order to proceed to Jalandhara, for his biography says that
went there from Nurpur.68
Jalandhara in the Eyes of the Tibetan Pilgrims
Jalandhara is recorded in the Tibetan literature as Klu’i mkhar (“fort of the
Naga”) or Rna ba’i mkhar (“fort of ears”) in Vogel’s The History of Kangra
and Kulu State, for it is said to be situated on top of the area where the
Jalandhara demon allegedly buried his ears.69
Modern Hindu pilgrimageguides to the Kangra temple mention that this area is associated with
Vajratara or Vajravarahi. The temple is at present known as Brajeshwari Mata,
and is situated in Kangra proper, twenty kilometers from Dharamshala.
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of the twenty-four holy places, the mind cakra of Vajrayogini, and the crown of
vajra-body.
The biography of Stag tshang ras pa adds a few details about Jalandhara that are
not found in the previously mentioned sources. Here was a temple of Vajrayogini
in the shape of a stupa and, between two rivers, stood a wonderful statue of
Vajrayogini.79 The biography of Zangs mkhar ’Khrul zhig Ngag dbang tshe ring
(1657-1732 or 1717-1794), as was customary, mentions that Jalandhara is the
crown of the twenty-four holy places and the mother of Vajravarahi. The
description of this region is the same as that found in the biography of Rgod
tshang pa and U rgyan pa. It further adds that the ruling king, Hari-candra, was an
incarnation of Cakrasamvara. There is a hill at the confluence of two rivers, shapedlike an elephant, whose trunk faces north and on whose head is a fort. On the left
shoulder lies a city of five thousand families. On the right shoulder is Jwalamukhi,
the abode of Vajravarahi. Going south from there one reaches Jwalamukhi, where
once there were many ruins of the meditation places of yogis that were all destroyed
by Muslims invaders.
In a temple at that place there are flames burning among stones, and to the
south of it is the holy place Bazhernad, which can be provi-sionally identified as
Baijnath. To the southeast lies Di ge sar where a huge tent-sized dark-brown rock
hangs in the sky. This is presently known as Chamunda. The rock was left
miraculously hanging in the sky by Padmasambhava when the dakinis rained rocks
on him. According to Rgod tshang pa, this place is at a distance of one arrow
shot from the latter locality, while U rgyan pa and Lama Rin chen mgon po
state that it is at a distance of an “arrow target”. Nearby it stood a life-size
stone image of Vajrayogini. By the time lama ’Khrul zhig Ngag dbang tshe
ring came to the region, Nagarkota had long been destroyed.80
’Dzam gling rgyas bshad says that in the centre of this region there is a fort
called Bru sha pura. Huien Tsiang in his pilgrimage guide-book to India wrote
that the brothers Asanga and Vasubandhu, Dgra bcom pa chos skyob and Vishnu
were born in this place. Btsan po Nomihan, however, says that he is not sure
where the birthplace of Asanga and Vasubandhu is located, despite consulting
their biographies. He thinks that the Vishnu born there was probably Dga’
byed dgra stag can. In this place stood the fort Gandhuhara and some towns,
including Fekshapura and Nagara. To the east is Pushkrapati where the Buddha,in one of his previous lives, became a king and donated his eyes one thousand
times. It is also the place where the holy sage Shamka, in his existence as an
animal, was shot by King Tshangs sbyin, and where the Bodhisattva prince
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Jalandhara in the Eyes of Tibetan and Trans-Himalayan Pilgrims 15
sacrificed his wife and son. There is also the Tandhakara hill, where the prince,
the king and the queen underwent great hardship.81 All this once again shows that
the ’Dzam gling rgyas bshad account is styled in the main after Huien Tsiang.82
Jwalamukhi
Bu ston, in his Bde mchog chos ’byung , further mentions that there was a deity
called Jwalamukhi whose face could burn everything it gazed upon. Bu ston says
that Jwalamukhi was the Ksetrapala deity miraculously formed of stone and lying
face down on the ground.83
The local deity of Jwalamukhi was, as often was the case in both Hindu and
Buddhist traditions, subdued in order to be absorbed into these religious systems.According to Buddhist religious histories, it was an abode of Siva which later
became that of Cakrasamvara. As for cases of such conversion, one could be
related to Jwalamukhi. The well-known biography of Lo tsa ba Rin chen bzang
po, written by his direct disciple Gu ge Khyi thang pa Jnanasri at Tho ling in the
eleventh century, has an interesting anecdote about the Dzalamati deity,84 who
may be the same as Jwalamukhi. On the issue of the identity of Dzala-mati and
Jwalamukhi sound further investigation is, however, required.
There is a description of Jalandhara, the pilgrimage site of Vajra-yogini, in
the biography of the ’Ba’ ra bka’ brgyud tradition, similar to Bu ston’s, which
highlights the presence of Jwalamukhi in this holy place.85 The biography of
Rgod tshang pa by Rgyal thang pa Bde chen rdo rje states that the female
deity of Jwalamukhi is a bee-faced dakini, while the peculiarity of this holy
site is highlighted in a passage of pan chen Er ti ni Dpal ldan Ye shes’s Sham
bha la’i lam yig which, as usual, says that Jalandhara is situated in the hills
and mountains of the north, and the holy site Nagarkoti is the seat of Jwalamukhi
or Jwalamukh but adds that the Tibetans call it Rdo la me ’bar (“fire burning
among the stones).86
’Dzam gling rgyas bshad gives the name Jwalamukhi which is taken from
the tirthika faith, for it says that, at a place called Mahajwala, one could see a
burning hillside where the Goddess ’Bar ma resided. A sacred object associated
with Siva was kept at this locality, visited by Himachalis and many acaryas.
In the twentieth century, Dge ’dun chos ’phel proceeded to this place and, in
his famous pilgrimage guidebook, Rgya gar lam yig, there is a section onJalandhara (or Nagarkota), which he says is present-day Kangra.87 Dge ’dun chos
’phel travelled by train from Amritsar and Pathankot to Nagarkota. Two stations
before Nagarkota, he reached Kangra. He states that to the north of the river, is
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the city of Kangra. With the help of the travel accounts of Rgod tshang pa, his
disciple U rgyan pa, Stag tshang ras pa, and Rang rig ras pa he identi-fied this as
the famous northern pilgrimage place of Jalandhara, one of the twenty-four holy
sites. According to him, Rgod tshang pa stayed in this place for half a year and
wrote such detailed descriptions of the site that there can be no confusion in
identifying the place. He further mentions that in the famous temple of Kangra
there is a head-like linga which was the main object of worship during his visit.
Before reaching Kangra Dge chos visited Jwalamukhi where the flames coming
from the ground still existed.88
Mystical Experiences of the Tibetan Pilgrims at JalandharaExtraordinary mental and physical experiences occurred in the Tibetan masters who
visited Jalandhara, in particular in the cases of Rgod tshang pa and U rgyan pa. An
extensive account of Rgod tshang pa’s mystical realizations at this holy place is
found in his biography by Rgyal thang pa Bde chen rdo rje. Rgod tshang pa saw
the inhabitants of Jalandhara not as ordinary human beings but as viras and the
virinis of the subtle body helping him to attain mystical realizations. He received
teachings from the bee-faced dakini deity embodied in the holy image of
Jwalamukhi, performed Gcod at a cemetery near the site where the statue was
kept, and participated in the tshogs (ganacakra) that the dakinis performed in a
local temple while his companions (Dam pa gtsang and Yon btsun ’bum rgyal)
were not allowed to do so. Rgod tshang pa received from mkha’ ’gro ma ’Gro ba
bzang mo a prophecy that he would attract a great number of disciples in Tibet.
He performed Guru Yoga, and was enthroned by the local viras and dakinis as
the most prominent master.
According to Byin brlabs chu rgyun,89 U rgyan pa travelled to Jalandhara in
his defiled body. He performed the daka feast offering, achieved many realizations
and heard the utterances of many demi-gods. Near the king’s palace was a cemetery
called Mitrasara where the enlightened yogi Mitra glu pa lived in Nagarjuna’s
meditation hut. After holding philosophical discussions with U rgyan pa, the latter
received empowerments from him, and the yogi recognized U rgyan pa as an
equally realized master. U rgyan pa performed his practices at Nagarjuna’s hut and,
one evening during his meditation, his awareness became all-encompassing, his
body undefiled, and the city appeared to him as the palace of Vajrayogini. Once,due to an obstacle, he fell down and broke his teeth but the dakinis restored
them to their former condition.90 U rgyan pa, with his companions Srin po
gdong pa and Dpal ye shes, performed a ganacakra and prayed for a safe journey
to Uddiyana.91
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Jalandhara in the Eyes of Tibetan and Trans-Himalayan Pilgrims 17
Despite these realizations, U rgyan pa was embroiled in some dispute about his
religious curriculum with fellow ’Brug pa practitioners and his acceptance as a
descendant of Gtsang pa rgya ras was questioned. He did not give importance to
these issues but concentrated on his spiritual practice. This biography thus stresses
that several Bka’ brgyud pa practitioners were at Jalandhara at that time, which
reinforces the evidence that, apart from U rgyan pa, the ’Brug pa had chosen to go to
Jalandhara for their spiritual practice, possibly in the footsteps of Rgod tsang pa.
Records remain that Stag tshang ras pa, too, had great spiritual experiences
in Jalandhara. He is known for having composed mystical songs at the holy place,
stressing that the attainment of Phyag rgya chen po realizations was the peculiar
trait of ’Brug pa practice, hence showing that he was looking for the samemystical accomplishments that Rgod tshang pa had sought some three hundred
years earlier.92
Like Rgod tshang pa and U rgyan pa, the great realized master of the
seventeenth century, Rang rig ras pa states in his spiritual songs and oral
instructions that at an early stage of his life he visited Jalandhara and
Jwalamukhi, said by him to be the fields of the Ma mo dakinis and the area
protected by the great Vajravarahi, where the supreme Tantra was uttered. He
experienced the blessings of innumerable dakinis dissolving into his heart and
his veil of darkness was removed. Rang rig ras pa prayed for all sentient
beings with a happy and pure mind, after which he was able to establish an
inseparable mind-relationship with Vajravarahi.93
To sum up, Rgod tshang pa and U rgyan pa are considerd by the Tibetan tradition
as the two supreme masters of antiquity who travel-led to the great sacred
destinations of north-east India (Jalandhara and Uddiyana respectively, although U
rgyan pa was in Jalandhara too). Rgod tshang pa was driven to the former holy
place by his quest for Phyag rgya chen po realizations, and U rgyan pa by the
idea that the north-west was a paradisal land not much different from Sham bha
la, where he had originally planned to go.94
From the material available at present, it seems that the Tibetans never
established Jalandhara as a permanent place of practice. Their frequent visit to
this holy place was limited to a few great individuals (and their disciples), with a
concentration during within a hundred years more or less, the thirteenth century.
However, it is the task of future research, if new sources resurface, to establishwhether other Tibetan masters made of Jalandhara the holy site of their mystical
realizations and if the flow of Tibetan pilgrims formed a more stable cultural
pattern, despite the many changes in the secular status of the lands of north-west
India through time.
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Notes
1. The Tantra of Sri Cakrasamvara, according to Slob dpon Rdo rje’s Tshig don
rab gsal, was expounded by Shakyamuni Buddha to vanquish the wrathful Isvara
during the Dvaparayuga (“aeon of two-fold segeneration”). However Tibetan
masters maintained that it was taught during the Kaliyuga (“aeon of strife”).
2 . ’Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse’i dbang po, Gsang chen rdo rje theg pa phyi
’gyur gsar ma gtso bor ston pa’i zin bris sna tshogs dang mdo rgyud
lung btus bcas bzhugs so, The collected works of ’Jam dbyangs mkhyen
brtse’i dbang po, vol.Nga, p.540-541.
3. Dil mgo mkhyen brtse rin po che, Bkra shis ljongs kyi gnas yig zin thun/
bde chen thig le gcig gi rol pa sogs, Collected Works, vol.Za, f.2.4. Like the twenty-four Buddhist pilgrimage sites, the Hindus have twenty-four
gods of the Agnicayana ritual in the Vedic literature. The Vedas mention
twenty-four deities of the fire rituals (homavidhi), and the followers of
Vishnu believe in twenty-four incarnations of Vishnu, called Vaibavavilasa (see
Kazi Dawa-Samdup, Sri Cakrasamvara-Tantra, p.16). Tucci, The Temples of
Western Tibet and Their Artistic Symbolism. Tsaparang ( Indo-Tibetica III.2),
p.44 states that the twenty-four holy pilgrimage sites of Krishna are documented
in the twentieth chapter of Caitanya carita-mrta madhyalila popular with the
followers of Krishna in south India and Bengal. In the Saivite documents too
there is reference to the twenty-four holy sites.
5. Lama Dam pa Bsod nams rgyal mtshan, Rgyud kyi rgyal po dpal kye rdo
rje ’i rgya cher ’grel pa nyi ma’i ’od zer , f.140-143.
6. ’Jam dbyangs Mkhyen brtse’i dbang po, Gsang chen rdo rje theg pa phyi
’gyur gsar ma gtso bor ston pa’i zin bris sna tshogs dang mdo rgyud
lung btus bcas bzhugs so, The Collected works of ’Jam dbyangs Mkhyen
brtse ’i dbang po, vol.Nga, p.545.
7. ’Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse’i dbang po, Gsang chen rdo rje theg pa phyi
’gyur gsar ma gtso bor ston pa’i zin bris sna tshogs dang mdo rgyud
lung btus bcas bzhugs so, The Collected Works, vol.Nga, p.540-541; Dpal
’khor lo bde mcog gi rnam par sprul pa dang/ yul nyi shu rtsa bzhi’i rgyu
mtshan ces bya ba bzhugs, Snar thang rGyud ’grel, vol.Pu; Bde mchog
chos ’byung by Bu ston and A myes zhabs; and Pan chen dPal ldan ye shes,
Shambha la’i lam yig, Pan chen dPal ldan ye shes kyi gsung ’bum, vol.Nya,f.13-20. See also Tucci, Temples in Western Tibet , p. 38-41; and Ronald
Davidson, “Reflections on the Mahesvara subjugation myth: Indic materials, Sa-
skya-pa Apologetics, and the birth of Heruka”, Journal of the International
Association of Buddhist Studies, vol.14 (2), 1991, p.197-235.
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Jalandhara in the Eyes of Tibetan and Trans-Himalayan Pilgrims 19
8. Taranatha, ’Khor lo sdom pa nag po zhabs lugs kyi sgrub thabs bde ba
chen po’i char yang, The Collected Works of Taranatha, vol.7, p.75-109;
and Padma dkar po, Gnas chen ca ri tra’i ngo mtshar snang ba pad dkar
legs bshad , f.6-7.
9. Sangs rgyas dar po, Rgyal ba Rgod tshang pa mgon po rdo rje’i rnam par
thar pa mthong ba don ldan nor bu’i phreng ba , Bka’-brgyud-pa
Hagiographies, vol.4, 1976, p.87.
10. Kazi Dawa-Samdup, Sri Cakrasamvara-Tantra , New Delhi 1987, p.16.
The main deity is mahakankala who is blue with one head, four arms (two
arms embrace the Shakti holding vajra and bell, right hand damaru, left hand
khatvanga). The consort is Gtum mig ma or Pracandaksi.11. The myth is documented as “Mahesvara, the god of the north-east, one of the
protectors of the ten directons ( phyogs skyongs), riding on an ox and with a
trishul in his hand, was considered to be the chief of all the worldly gods. He
is said to have emanated four manifestations associated with peace, maturation,
power and wrath, namely the white Indra and his consort Gauri (Ri sras), as
gods of peace; the yellow Brahma and consort Ekajati as gods of maturation;
Mahesvara of Paranirmitavasavartin realm and consort Rakta as gods of power;
and wrathful Kalabhairava and consort Kalaratri as gods of wrath”. The texts
further narrate how two wrathful Kalabhairvas, once, descended in Magadha
and ruled over this world. They appointed their representatives in twenty-
four sacred places, and further selected four devas and four gandharvas to
rule the space above, four yaksa s and four raksas to reign over the ground,
and four nagas and four asuras to rule the realm below. Although the
representatives invited Mahesvara to their places, he declined [the invitation],
and instead sent each a stone lingam as objects of worship. The twenty-four
places were, thus, dotted with indestructible stone lingams.
“Once, when false views and denial of the law of causality were
widespread throughout the world, the Buddha Sakyamuni assumed the form of
Sri Cakrasamvara and suppressed Mahesvara and the goddess Uma under his
feet. Having defeated the devas in the twenty-four places, Sri Cakrasamvara
replaced them with eight viras and eight virinis from the sky above, eight
viras and eight virinis from the ground below, the dakinis of the three realms,
and the assemblage of gods dwelling in the bodily, verbal and mental cakrasof the Samvara deity. The eight doorkeepers were appointed following the
banishment of four pisaccis and four kinnaras serving under Mahesvara. The
four yoginis functioned as substitutes for Mahesvara’s four consorts, other
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20 TIBET JOURNAL
than the goddess Uma. However, scholars consider the representatives as
manifestations of the Buddha.” Also see Bu ston, Rgyud sde spyi rnam, The
Collected Works of Bu ston, vol.15; Dpal ’khor lo bde mchog gi rnam par
sprul pa/ dang yul nyi shu rtsa bzhi’i rgyu mtshan ces bya ba bzhugs,
Snar thang Rgyud ’grel, vol.Pu, f.115; and Klong rdol bla ma, Bstan srung
dam can rgya mtsho’i ming gi grangs, vol.Ya, f.9.
12. Klong rdol bla ma, Bstan srung dam can rgya mtsho’i ming gi grangs,
Klong rdol bla ma’i gsung ’bum, Delhi 1973, vol.Ya, f.9b:3 and Klong rdol
bla ma, Bstan srung dam can rgya mtsho’i ming gi grangs, Klong rdol
Ngag dbang blo bzang gi gsung ’bum, vol.2, Bod ljongs bod yig dpe rnying
dpe skrun khang 1991, p. 479-481; and Zhu chen Tshul khrims rin chen,Gsang chen rgyud kyi rgyal po rnams nas bstan pa’i gnas yul chen po
rnams kyi ngos ’dzin, vol.Ja. See also Shes bya kun kyab, vol.1, Mi rigs
dpe skrun khang, 1982, p.366-371.
13. ’Bri gung ’Jig rten mgon po, Gnas chen dril bu ri dang ghan dho la’i gnas
yig don gsal bzhugs so, f.1-2; “At a time when an assemblage of wrathful
gods and other celestial beings including Mahesvara ruled over sentient beings,
Samantabhadra is believed to have descended on to the peak of Sumeru and
subjected the wrathful gods through the process of subjugation, dissolution
and dissipation. He then blessed the twenty-four sacred places above, on
and below the world, the thirty-two sacred sites, the eight great cemeteries,
the eight glorious mountains, the hundred spontaneously-arisen caityas, the
eight and thirteen congregational sites of dakinis, and the eighty secret caves
of dakinis.”
14. ’Brug pa Chos kyi snang ba (the eighth ’Brug chen), Tsa’ ri tra ye shes ’khor
lo ’i gnas kyi ngo mtshar cha shas tsam gsal bar brjod pa’i yi ge skal
ldan dga ’ bskyed dad pa’i nyin byed ’char ba zhes bya ba, ff.1-2.
15. Zhu chen Tshul khrims rin chen, Gsang chen rgyud kyi rgyal po rnams nas
bstan pa’i gnas yul chen po rnams kyi ngos ’dzin shes bya’i ltad mo’i me
long zhes bya ba, Zhu chen’s gsung ’bum , vol. Ja, f.2b.
16. ’Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse’i dbang po, Gsang chen rdo rje theg pa phyi
’gyur gsar ma gtso bor ston pa’i zin bris sna tshogs dang mdo rgyud
lung btus bcas bzhugs so, The Collected works of ’Jam dbyangs mkhyen
brtse’i dbang po, vol.Nga; p. 542-543.17. Ronald M. Davidson, “Reflections on the Mahesvara subjugation myth: Indic
materials, Sa-skya-pa Apologetics, and the birth of Heruka”, Journal of the
International Association of Buddhist Studies, vol.14 (2), 1991, p.197-235.
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Jalandhara in the Eyes of Tibetan and Trans-Himalayan Pilgrims 21
The translation of myth in Tattvasamgraha and Hevajratantra according to
the Lam ’bras tradition is also given in Davidson’s article. The myth in Lam
’bras is slightly different from the usual one.
18. ’Bri gung ’Jig rten mgon po, Gnas chen dril bu ri dang ghan dho la’i gnas
yig don gsal bzhugs so, f.1-2.
19. ’Brug pa Chos kyi snang ba (8th ’Brug chen), Tsa’ ri tra ye shes ’khor lo’i
gnas kyi ngo mtshar cha shas tsam gsal bar brjod pa’i yi ge skal ldan
dga’ bskyed dad pa’i nyin byed ’char ba zhes bya ba, f.1-2.
20. ’Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse’i dbang po, Gsang chen rdo rje theg pa phyi
’gyur gsar ma gtso bor ston pa’i zin bris sna tshogs dang mdo rgyud
lung btus bcas bzhugs so, The Collected works, vol.4; p.545-546.21. Zhu chen Tshul khrims rin chen, Gsang chen rgyud kyi rgyal po rnams nas
bstan pa’i gnas yul chen po rnams kyi ngos ’dzin shes bya’i ltad mo’i me
long zhes bya ba, Zhu chen gyi gsung ’bum , vol.Ja, f.2b; and Zhu chen Tshul
khrims rin chen, gNas yul chen po rnams kyi ngos ’dzin shes bya’i ltad
mo ngom pa’i me long which briefly presents twelve classifications
including sacred places to help determine their names and number. The He-
vajra-tantra (Kye rdo rje rtsa rgyud ) states: “O Blessed One, how many
congregations are there? To this, the Blessed One replied: “They are twelve:
sacred places and secondary sacred places, fields and secondary fields,
chhandos and secondary chhandos, congregational sites and secondary
congre-gational sites, ’thung spyod s and secondary ’thung spyod , and
cemeteries and secondary cemeteries”.
Secondly, the [following] detailed exposition is presented in three parts:
the presentation of the twenty-four sacred places, the presentation of the thirty-
two sacred regions, and the presentation of the thirty-seven sacred regions.
From the point of certainty in terms of their number, the first is further
explained in terms of a general explanation and a specific identification of places.
Firstly, based on some early historical documents, there are slight differences
in views concerning time and process of evolution of this physical world. If
generalized, it is as follows. Since the advent of Kaliyuga, one of the four
cosmic aeons, humans, due to intense distrust, committed the non-virtuous action
of killing one another. The corpses of the dead were spread in the eight cardinal
and intermediate directions, thus forming the “eight cemeteries.” The steamevaporating from the corpses collected in the sky to form the “eight clouds.”
The clouds show-ered rain, which flowed and gathered to form the “eight
waters.” Moisture produced from these waters gave rise to the “eight trees.”
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The eight raksas occupied the eight trees and nagas took control of the
eight waters. Then the twenty-four sacred places and the thirty-two sacred
regions gradually developed. At that time, Sumeru and its dwellers, Mahesvara
and the goddess Uma, came into being. From them arose the four manifestations
of mind, speech, body and miraculous deeds. They, in turn, occupied
Pullirmalaya in the east, Jalan-dhara in the north, Odiyana in the west, and
Arbuda in the south. The four places were thereafter called gnas in the
language of the gods”. The same text also clearly mentions the twenty-four
and thirty-seven sacred places, besides the twelve and thirteen grounds.
22. Vogel, History of Kangra, p.2-3.
23. Vogel, History of Kangra, p.5.24. V. Smith, Early History of India, p.81. See also Vogel, ibid. p.5.
25. Samuel Beal (transl.), Si yu ki, Buddhist Records of the Western World ,
p.175, n.30. See also Cunningham, Ancient Geography of India, Varanasi,
1963, pp.115-119.
26. Don rgyud Nyi ma (the Eighth Khams sprul) (ed.), Bka’-brgyud-pa
Hagiographies, vol.4, 1976, p.1-350; and Mon rtse ba Kun dga’ dpal ldan,
Bka’ brgyud gser phreng, 1970, p. 293-352.
27. Sde snod ’dzin pa Rin chen dpal, Rgyal ba Rgod tshang pa’i rnam thar
gnad sdud pa’i sgron me, Rwa lung dkar brgyud gser phreng, vol.2, 1975,
p. 73-82.
28. Chos rje rgod tshang pa mgon po rdo rje’i rnam thar , in Bka’ brgyud gser
phreng ’ba’ ra ba dkar brgyud pa, vol. 1, 1970, p. 452-543; and Rgyal ba
rgod tshang pa’i rnam thar in Rare Tibetan Texts from Lahul, 1974, Gemur
Monastery, Lahaul, p. 1-325.
29. Sangs rgyas dar po, Rgyal ba rgod tshang pa mgon po rdo rje’i rnam par
thar pa mthong ba don ldan nor bu’i phreng ba , Bka’-brgyud-pa
Hagiographies, vol.4, 1976, p.1-350.
30. Zla ba Seng ge, Grub thob O-rgyan pa’i rnam par thar pa byin rlabs kyi chu
rgyun, Gangtok, 1976, p.1-244. In the biography of U rgyan pa published in
1997 by the Tibet Autonomous Region’s Old Texts Publishing Press, the author
of the biography is given as Bsod snyom pa bsod nams ’od zer, the longtime disciple
of U rgyan pa.
31. Zhwa dmar Mkha’ spyod dbang po, Chos kyi rje rgyal ba audyana pa chen po’irnam par thar pa rdzogs ldan bdud rtsi’i dga’ ston, The Collected Works of
Zhwa-dmar Mkha’-spyod-dbang-po, vol. 2, Gangtok 1978, p.89-121.
32. Stag tshag Tshe dbang rgyal, Lho rong chos ’byung, 1994, p.717-750.
33. Dil mgo Mkhyen brtse rin po che, Bkra shris ljongs kyi gnas yig zin thun
bde chen thig le gcig gi rol pa, vol.Za, f.1-3. This is also written on the
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Jalandhara in the Eyes of Tibetan and Trans-Himalayan Pilgrims 23
inside walls of Tashijong Monastery’s assembly hall, as communicated to
me by Tashi Tsering.
34. Earlier than Tucci, S. Levi, followed by Benoytosh Bhatacharya and Aurel
Stein, travelled to the place and identified it as a sacred site, basing himself on
Huien Tsiang’s pilgrimage guide.
35. Lokesh Chandra, “Oddiyana: A New interpretation”, In International Association
of Tibetan Studies, Oxford 1979, p. 73-78.
36. Tucci, Travels of Tibetan Pilgrims in the Swat Valley, Calcutta 1940, p.41-64.
37. Samuel Beal (transl.), Si yu ki, Buddhist Records of the Western World , p.175,
n.30. See also Cunningham, Ancient Geography of India, Varanasi, 1963, pp.115-119.
38. Vogel, History of Kangra, p.5.39. Vogel, ibid. p.5; and Abu Rihan, Alberuni’s India, 1910, p.260.
40. Bu ston, Bde mchog spyi rnam don gsal zhes bya ba, Collected Works of
Buston, vol.Cha, f.41-42. See Taranatha, Bka’ bab bdun ldan gyi brgyud
pa’i rnam thar (Five Historical Works of Taranatha), f.25.
41. Bu ston, Bde mchog chos ’byung , vol.Cha, f.42; On him also see ’Gos lo tsa ba
gZhon nu dpal, Deb ther sngon po, f.15a; Bu ston, Dus ’khor chos ’byung,
f.1a and 23b; Taranatha’i chos ’byung, Varanasi, p.200-201; Sum pa Ye
shes dpal ’byor, dPag bsam ljon bzang, p.112-113; and Alaka Chattopadhyaya,
Atisa and Tibet , p.107. S.C. Das, Tibetan-English Dictionary, 1902, p.1047
states that Jalandhara was: “a province in the Punjab, now Jalundur. Formerly
the kingdom of Jalendra comprised Kashmir, Punjab and a part of Kabul; and
was ruled by king Kaniska and his successors”. Rahul Sankritiyan, Tibetan-
Hindi Dictionary , vol.1, 1930, p.162, says that Jalandhara is Kangra. In Jaschke,
Tibetan-English Dictionary, 1965, p.461, Jalandhara is spelled Jellundur. There
it is said: “Dza-lán-dha-ra, n. of a province in the Punjab, now ‘Jellundur”.
Skyes rabs Dza lan dha ra, The Biography of the Sixteenth Karma pa, Sikkim
edition, f.63 says that the Karma pa was previously born as the king of
Jalandhara, a kingdom in northern India.
42. Jo nang Ta ra na tha, Dam pa’i chos rin po che ’phags pa’i yul du ji ltar
dar ba’i tshul gsal bar dgos ’dod kun ’byung: Rgya gar chos ’byung,
Arunachal Pradesh , 1974, f.93a-93b.
43. Slob dpon Mi ’jigs sbyin, Grub thob brgyad cu rtsa bzhi’i lo rgyus, Peking
edition, vol.Lu, f.42b (translated into Hindi by Sempa Dorje, Varanasi in 1979).44. Keith Dowman, Masters of Mahamudra: Songs and Histories of the
Eighty-Four Buddhist Siddhas, University of New York Press, Albany,
1985, pp.248-249. He claims that Nagarthotha is Tukhara (Tho gar), and
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24 TIBET JOURNAL
adds that Jalandhara is indeed part of present-day Kangra district, the
pilgrimage place of both Hindus and Buddhists.
45. Karma pa Rang byung rig pa’i rdo rje (16th Karma pa), Khams gsum ’gro
ba’i mgon po rigs kun khyab bdag rgyal mchog bcu drug pa chen po
rang byung khyab bdag rig pa’i rdo rje mchog gi sngon gyi skyes rabs
ngo mtshar pad mo’i dga’ tshal, Sikkim Edition, f.63.
46. Btsan po Nomihan, ’Dzam gling rgyas bshad , p.114:4.
47. Rtogs ldan Zla ba seng ge, Byin rlabs chu rgyun, f.23. See also Stag tshag
Tshe dbang rgyal, Lho rong chos ’byung, p.722.
48. Rtogs ldan Zla ba seng ge, Byin rlabs chu rgyun, Bka’-brgyud-pa
Hagiographies, vol.4, 1976, p.89.49. Karma pa Rang byung rig pa’i rdo rje, Khams gsum ’gro ba’i mgon po rigs
kun khyab bdag rgyal mchog bcu drug pa chen po rang byung khyab
bdag rig pa’i rdo rje mchog gi sngon gyi skyes rabs ngo mtshar pad mo’i
dga’ tshal, Sikkim Edition, f.63.
50. The Tibetan custom of writing guidebooks to tantric pilgrimage places was
possibly initiated with Uddiyana ad Jalandhara in mind.
51. Ldan ma Acharya A rag bande ’Jam dbyangs dbang rgyal , Zhu sgrig gnang ba
tshong dpon kha stag yag nas phyi lo 1944 -1956 bar bod dang bal po rgya
gar bcas la gnas bskor bskyod pa’i nyin deb, Delhi 1997, p.146-147.
52. Dge ’dun chos ’phel, Rgya gar gnas chen khag la bgrod pa’i lam yig, Bod
gzhung chos don lhan khang, 1968, p.28-29.
53. Snellgrove, Buddhist Himalaya: Travels and Studies in Quest of the Origins
and Nature of Tibetan Religion, Oxford, 1957, p.171-172.
54. Rgyal thang pa Bde chen rdo rje, Rje rgod tshang pa’i rnam thar rgyal
thang pa bde chen rdo rjes mdzad pa la mgur chen ’gas rgyan pa, Bka’-
brgyud-pa Hagiographies, vol.4, p.356.
55. Vitali, The Kingdoms of Gu.ge Pu.hrang, n.571 and 671.
56. Sangs rgyas dar po, Rgyal ba rgod tshang pa mgon po rdo rje’i rnam par
thar pa mthong be don ldan nor bu’i phreng ba, Bka’-brgyud-pa
Hagiographies, Vol.4, 1976, p.87.
57. Sde snod ’dzin pa Rin chen dpal, Rnam thar gnas bsdus sgron me, Rwa
lung bka’ brgyud gser phreng, vol.2, p.76-77.
58. Sde snod ’dzin pa Rin chen dpal, ibid , p.73-82.59. Chos rje Rgod tshang pa mgon po rdo rje’i rnam par thar pa, Bka brgyud
gser phreng chen mo, vol.Ka, Dehradun 1970, p.495.
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Jalandhara in the Eyes of Tibetan and Trans-Himalayan Pilgrims 25
60. Sangs rgyas dar po, Rgyal ba rgod tshang pa mgon po rdo rje’i rnam par
thar pa mthong ba don ldan nor bu’i phreng ba , Bka’-brgyud-pa
Hagiographies, vol.4, 1976, p.89.
61. Rtogs ldan Zla ba seng ge, Byin rlabs chu rgyun, f.22-23.
62. Stag lung Ngag dbang rnam rgyal , Stag lung chos ’byung, p. 243.
63. Stag lung Ngag dbang rnam rgyal, Stag lung chos ’byung, Tibet Autonomous
Region’s Old Texts Publishing Press, 1992, p.321: and Roberto Vitali,
“Accounts of the journey to the “Western Regions” with particular reference
to Khyung-rgod-rtsal and his ’das-log experience. A historical view”,
(unpublished), n.15.
64. Stag lung Ngag dbang rnam rgyal, Stag lung chos’byung, Tibet AutonomousRegion’s Old Text Publishing Press, 1992, p.321. Roberto Vitali, “Accounts
of the journey to the “Western Regions” with particular reference to Khyung-
rgod-rtsal and his ’das-log experience. A historical view”, (unpublished), n.15.
65. U rgyan pa Ngag dbang rgya mtsho, Baidurya dkar po’i rgyud mang, Hemis
Monastery edition, f.23; and Roberto Vitali, “Accounts of the journey to the
“Western Regions” with particular reference to Khyung-rgod-rtsal and his
’das-log experience. A historical view”, a paper read at the 8th IATS,
Bloomington, July 1998, (un-published), n.1.
66. U rgyan pa Ngag dbang rgya mtsho, ibid., f.21-24, and U rgyan pa Ngag
dbang rgya mtsho, Mgur ’bum zhal gdams zab don utpala’i ’phreng ba,
Hemis Monastery edition, f.17b.
67. U rgyan pa Ngag dbang rgya mtsho, ibid., f.21-25, and U rgyan pa Ngag
dbang rgya mtsho, Rdo rje’i mgur skal ldan yid kyi mun sel , Hemis
Monastery edition, f.33b.
68. Vagendra Vajra (ed), Rej btsun khyab bdag chen po rang rig ras chen gyi
gsung mgur dang zhal gdams ’chi med bdud rtsi’i rlabs ’phreng zhes
bya ba, 1982, f. 10.
69. Vogel, ibid. p.5.
70. Bu ston, Bde mchog spyi rnam don gsal, Collected Works, vol.Cha, f.28a:1-
4. See also Zhu chen tshul khrims rin chen, Gsang chen rgyud kyi ryal po
rnams nas bstan pa’i gnas yul chen po rnams kyi ngos ’dzin shes bya’i ltad
mo ngom pa’i me long, Collected Works, vol.Ja, f.8-9.
71. ’Jam mgon A-myes Ngag dbang kun dga’ bsod nams, Dpal sa skya pa’i yab
chos kyi snying khu ’khor lo sdom pa’i chos byung ba’i tshul legs par
bshad pa bde mchog chos kun gsal ba’i nyin byed , f.45-47, has a paragraph
manifestly styled after Bu ston’s Bde mchog chos ’byung: “Jalandhara is a
big city to the north-west of Gu ge and located at the confluence of three
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rivers: the Shab ru of Tho ling; the Pi pa sha na, the snow-mountain river of
[Gar] sha; and the Me ra pe river of Sha la dza. Nearby is a stone linga lying
on its back with a hole on one side and, in a temple, the self-originated stone
image of Ksetrapala Jwalamukhi which also faces downwards. At the distance
of one furlong, there are a hundred meditation caves, a hundred springs, and a
hundred trees. From the middle of the rocks gushes water where the heretics do
their ablutions. This pilgrimage place is Odi.”
72. Zhu chen Tshul khrims rin chen, Gnas chen rgyud kyi rgyal po rnams nas
bstan pa’i gnas yul chen po rnams kyi ngos ’dzin shes bya’i ltad mo
ngom pa’i me long, vol.Ja, New Delhi, 1973, f.218b.
73. Gnas chen dril bu ri dang gha dho la’i gnas yig don gsal , f.9.74. Khams sprul Don brgyud nyi ma (ed.), Bka’-brgyud-pa Hagiographies, vol.4,
1976, p.89-96. Stag tshag Tshe dbang rgyal, Lho rong chos ’byung p.696
states: “At Jalandhara, he saw dakini ’Gro ba bzang mo surrounded by many
wisdom ( ye shes) dakinis making religious offerings. The dakini said: “In
ten years, we will go to Tibet to work for all sentient beings. You will have
eighteen thousand disciples”. He realized the sameness of the three times and
meditated at the site for four years”. As said above, Rgod tshang pa actually
stayed at Jalandhara for about five months.
75. Sde snod ’dzin pa Rin chen dpal, Rnam thar gnad bsdus sgron me, Rwa lung
bka’ brgyud gser phreng, vol.2, p.77
76. Stag tshag Tshe dbang rgyal, Lho rong chos ’byung, p.722.
77. Zla ba seng ge, Byin rlabs chu rgyun, The Biography of U rgyan pa, f.23.
Stag tshag Tshe dbang rgyal, Lho rong chos ’byung, p.722.
78. Rgyal thang pa Bde chen rdo rje, Rje rgod tshang pa’i rnam thar rgyal thang
pa bde chen rdo rjes mdzad pa la mgur chen ’gas rgyan pa, Bka’-Brgyud-pa
Hagiographies , vol.4, Tashijong, 1976, p.386.
79. U rgyan pa Ngag dbang rgya mtsho, ibid., f.21-25, and U rgyan pa Ngag
dbang rgya mtsho, Rdo rje’i mgur skal ldan yid kyi mun sel, Hemis Monastery
edition, f.33b.
80. ’Khrul zhig Ngag dbang tshe ring, Kun du bzang po’i zlos gar yid kyi bcud
len, f.56b-59a. There is a similar description in ’Khrul zhig Ngag dbang tshe
ring, Smad du byung ba ngo mtshar ba ’i stong, f.26a-30b.
81. Btsan po Nomihan,’Dzam gling chen po’i rgyas bshad snod bcud kun gsalme long zhes bya ba, Gangtok, 1981, p.114:4.
82. The guide book of India by Huien Tsiang was translated into Tibetan during
the reign of the Emperor Qianlong between 1740-1780 by Gung Mgon po
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Jalandhara in the Eyes of Tibetan and Trans-Himalayan Pilgrims 29
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30 TIBET JOURNAL
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Jalandhara in the Eyes of Tibetan and Trans-Himalayan Pilgrims 31
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