miscellanea philologica et epigraphica marco...

ISSN: 2014-1386

8/2018

ALEJANDRA GUZMÁN ALMAGRO JAVIER VELAZA eds.

MISCELLANEA PHILOLOGICA

ET EPIGRAPHICA MARCO MAYER

OBLATA

Index Presentació Alejandra Guzmán Almagro, Javier Velaza 1 TABVLA GRATVLATORIA 2‐6 Pone, fur. Aproximación a un catálogo de los testimonios hispánicos Juan Abascal

7‐21

Algunes observacions sobre la imprevisible actualitat del Commentariolum petitionis de Quint Tul∙li Ciceró Ignasi X. Adiego, Alejandra de Riquer

22‐33

Un mot més sobre lʹepitafi de Llevant de lʹany 976* Jesús Alturo, Tània Alaix 34‐46

Tetradracmas de Cleopatra y Marco Antonio (RPC I 4094‐4096 = HGC 9 1361 = McAlee 174‐176) Luis Amela Valverde

47‐65

Una nueva inscripción romana de Andelo (Muruzábal de Andión, Navarra) Javier Andreu

66‐70

Madrastras reales desposables. Un sistema de sucesión en la Macedonia argéada Borja Antela

72‐81

Nuove testimonianze repubblicane da Urbs Salvia Simona Antolini 81‐85

Rode/Rhode. Proposta de transcripció del topónim de la colònia grega ΡOΔΗ (Roses, Empordà, Girona) Xavier Aquilué, Eusebi Ayensa

86‐100

Une inscription martelée d’Inlâceni (Dacie) Radu Ardevan 101‐114

La mar de Plaute. A propòsit de lʹ Ornatus nauclericus en el Miles gloriosus Esther Artigas

115‐126

Cantalobos y Gallocanta Xaverio Ballester

127‐133

Un set di tesserae lusoriae da Corfinium Giulia Baratta 134‐147 Amilcare Ancona tra archeologia ed epigrafia: dalla collezione di antichità alla corrispondenza con Theodor Mommsen Silvia Braito

148‐168

Notas sobre la tradición de la Historia Augusta en la historiografía y literatura Españolas José Calderón

169‐181

Acudits grecs sobre universitaris. El Philogelos i els problemes del terme ΣΧΟΛΑΣΤΙΚόΣ a les llengües modernes Montserrat Camps Gasset

182‐197

CIL II2/7, 99 (Porcuna). Modelo para un falso bético esculpido en mármol Joan Carbonell, Helena Gimeno

198‐211

Sorelle infalibili Laura Chioffi 223‐240

¿Contradicciones en Séneca? La prosa Carmen Codoñer 223‐240 La sátira como venganza literaria en Horacio (S.2.1) y Marcial (6.64) Rosario Cortés Tovar

241‐257

Traduir Horaci: traduir el ritme. Consideracions sobre la traducció poètica dʹHoraci en català Eloi Creus

258‐280

Dos nuevos ladrillos de la serie Bracario en el Museo de Burgos Javier Del Hoyo, Mariano Rodríguez Ceballos 281‐299

CIL XIII 2180 y AE 2006,820: Magnam enim partem ex iambis nostra constat oratio Concepción Fernández

300‐310

Tres noves inscripcion ibèriques sobre pedra Joan Ferrer 312‐328

El sintagma prepositivo in suspicionem en la lengua de Nepote Lambert Ferreres

329‐334

Inscripciones ibéricas falsas y popularización de epígrafes monetales en la zona de Lleida Ignasi Garcés, Joan Ramon González Pérez

335‐351

The computer will do it: testing PYTHON and ARCMAP in the Itinerarium maritumum Núria Garcia Casacuberta

352‐360

Ruïnes i coses inútils Carles Garriga 361‐371

Nuevos datos sobre Dertosa. Un documento inédito del arquitecto Joan Abril i Guanyabens Margarida Genera, Josep Alanyà i Roig

372‐390

Manilio, Astr. 5.400‐402 Juan Gil 391‐392

Le divinità plurali dei confini nelle iscrizioni in lingue epicoriche e in latino Cristina Girardi

393‐340

Una nota sobre la inscripción aquinate de C. OCTAVIUS APPIUS SUETRIUS SABINUS (CIL X 5398) Joquin L. Gómez Pantoja, Cristina Pepe

341‐354

Los reyes africanos (númidas y moros) Enrique Gonzalbes Cravioto 355‐363

Nuevi fasti dei magistri Fontani in un ʺfrustuloʺ epigrafico opistografo dal Piccolo Aventino Gianluca Gregori, Roberto Narducci, Letizia Rustico

364‐373

Marco Tulio Cicerón en Tarragona Alejandra Guzmán Almagro 374‐384

Una pizarra visigoda de carácter mágico cristiano procedente de Santibáñez de la Sierra (Salamanca) Juan Jiménez Sánchez

385‐399

La ambigüedad como recurso literario en Tácito: dos notas al texto de los Anales Jaume Juan Castelló

400‐409

Parca non mendax: Nota ad Hor. Carm. 2.16.39* Daniel López‐Cañete 410‐421 Sobre los motivos de algunas opciones textuales divergentes de las preferidas por Reynolds en su edición oxoniense de los Diálogos de Séneca Matías López

422‐434

Edición crítica y anotada de las ʺDos cartas a Doña Luisa Sigea a un cauallero sobre la soledadʺ: su vinculación con las cuatro ʺCartas familiaresʺ atribuidas a la humanista toledana José María Maestre Maestre

435‐469

I pagani meteienses di CIL V 42*: La possibile riabilitazione di un ʺfalso asquinianoʺ Fulvia Mainardis

470‐486

Ellipsis and ancient languages. few cases from the pre‐roman languages of Italy Simona Marchesini

487‐500

ʺRevve Anabaraegoʺ y el ʺDintel de los ríosʺ de Mérida: ¿Un ejemplo de disociación divina en el Occidente Hispano? Francisco Marco Simón

501‐520

Teologia cosida. Consideraciones sobre al definició del Concili iconoclasta de Hiereia (754) Ernest Marcos

521‐532

I clientes di Cyrinus in una iscrizione urbana dedicata a Silvano Silvia Marengo 533‐538

Ramón LLul y la fundación de un studium Arabicum, Tartaricum et Graecum en París y otras universidades José Martínez Gázquez, Cándida Ferrero Hernández

539‐550

Una traducció de les Res Gestae Divi Augusti Jaume Medina 551‐559

Llucià i el culte imperial Francesca Mestre, Pilar Gómez 560‐574

El carmen funerari de Boeci (CIL VI, 2, 8401 = ICUR ns II, 4187), testimoni de la pervivència cultural de les elits tardoromanes Pere Maymó i Capdevila, Mònica Mirò Vinaixa

575‐593

Les graffitis latins du Mas Sauvy (Villeneuve‐de‐la‐Raho, Pyrénées Orientales) Noemí Moncunlii, Jerôme Bénézet

594‐604

Un cambio fonético discutible Jose Luis Moralejo 605‐615 La actio del mal en las Res Gestae de Amiano: una actio ‘dinámica y funcional’ Isabel Moreno

616‐632

ʺOrate lectoresʺ: Epigrafía, liturgia y cultura libraria en los grafitos Las Gobas 6 (conjunto rupestre de Laño, Burgos) Maria Teresa Muñoz García de Iturrospe

633‐652

Los Augustiani: El peculiar coro de Nerón María Engracia Muñoz Santos 653‐662

ΨΕΡΚΙΟΚΩΜΗΤΗΣ, un etònim nubi a Pisídia Tomeu Obrador 663‐670

Libicas messis? Marcial i les mines dʹor del Pirineu oriental (Mart. Epigr. 6, 86) Oriol Olesti, Ricard Andreu

671‐680

Un nuovo cursus senatorio nella collezione epigrafica di Villa Wolkonsky Silvia Orlandi

681‐690

Coincidenze onomastiche e migrazione di epigrafi urbane Gianfranco Paci 691‐701

Historia de un edificio religioso en Oxirrinco, desde el s. IV a.C. hasta el s. VII d.C. Josep Padró, José Martínez, Concepció Piedrafita

702‐718

CIL XIV 2213 y las magistraturas del municipium Aricinum (Lacio) María José Pena Gimeno

719‐734

La politica antiebraica della chiesa visigota tra Passiones ed Atti Conciliari Marianna Piras

735‐745

L’avium inspex et le statut dʹAsturica Augusta Ioan Piso 747‐755 Virtuosismes lèxics més enllà de la literatura Mercè Puig Rodríguez‐Escalona, Pere J. Quetglas, Ana Gómez Rabal

756‐763

Olhares setecentistas sobre a escrita do sudoeste: Frei Manuel do Cenáculo e o seu entorno Amílcar Guerra

764‐781

¿TAVITALIS, VITALIS o TAUT(IA) VITALIS?; controvertida lectura de CIL II, 2677 José Luis Ramírez Sádaba

782‐791

Espai i temps a la comèdia antiga. A propòsit d’ Acarnesos 237‐240 i 440‐444 Xavier Riu

792‐796

Epigrafia ibèrica conservada a Ponent: revisions i novetats Víctor Sabaté, Ignasi Garcés 797‐815

Inscripciones latinas en Canarias (I): Los grabados de la Real Sociedad Económica de Amigos del País de Tenerife Francisco Salas Salgado

816‐827

Who was L. Licinius Sura, Hispanus, on a curse tablet from Siscia? Marjeta ŠaŠel Kos

828‐838

La fórmula epigráfica pius in suis Silvia Tantimonaco 839‐858

Ambrosi Aurelià. Història i llegenda dʹun líder brità Gloria Torres 859‐874

Mantva me genvit: Génesis, datación y modelos epigráficos del “autoepitafio” de Virgilio Javier Velaza

875‐892

Grafitos latinos en la Cueva de la Camareta: Revisión veinticinco años después Isabel Velázquez

892‐813

Europa versus Asia en lʹEneida de Virgili Josep Lluis Vidal 914‐921 La impronta de Osio de Córdoba en los Cánones sardicenses Josep Vilella Masana 922‐926

Sobre el orden seguido en el ritual de Cabeço das Fraguas 927‐241 Jaime Siles

ANUARI DE FILOLOGIA. ANTIQVA ET MEDIAEVALIA (Anu.Filol.Antiq.Mediaeualia) 8/2018, p. 1. ISSN: 2014‐1386.

MISCELLANEA PHILOLOGICA ET EPIGRAPHICA MARCO MAYER OBLATA

PRESENTACIÓ ‐ PRESENTACIÓN

El present volum de la revista Antiqua et Mediaevalia vol retre homenatge al professor Marc Mayer, catedràtic de Filologia Llatina de la Universitat de Barcelona, amb motiu de la seva jubilació acadèmica. Recull els treballs de col∙legues, deixebles i amics que han compartit amb ell lliçons i recerques. Els texts inclosos són una mostra dels molts àmbits dels quals l’homenatjat s’ha ocupat al llarg de la seva fecunda trajectòria investigadora: la filologia clàssica, la crítica textual, l’epigrafia, l’arqueologia, la tradició clàssica i l’humanisme. El presente volumen de la revista Antiqua et Mediaevalia quiere rendir homenaje al profesor Marc Mayer, catedrático de Filología Latina de la Universidad de Barcelona, con motivo de su jubilación académica. Recoge los trabajos de colegas, discípulos y amigos que han compartido con él lecciones e investigaciones. Los textos incluidos son una muestra de los muchos ámbtitos de los cuales el homenajedo se ha ocupado a lo largo de su fecunda trayectoria investigadora: la filología clásica, la crítica textual, la epigrafía, la arqueología, la tradición clásica y el humanismo. Alejandra Guzmán Almagro Universitat de Barcelona Javier Velaza Universitat de Barcelona

ANUARI DE FILOLOGIA. ANTIQVA ET MEDIAEVALIA (Anu.Filol.Antiq.Mediaeualia) 8/2018, pp. 828‐838. ISSN: 2014‐1386

Data de recepció: 31/12/2017 Data d’acceptació: 18/03/2018

WHO WAS L. LICINIUS SURA, HISPANUS, ON A CURSE TABLET FROM SISCIA?

MARJETA ŠAŠEL KOS ZRC SAZU, Inštitut za arheologijo

[email protected] ABSTRACT

A lead tablet found in the Kupa River at Siscia (Pannonia, present‐day Sisak) is a unique judicial curse tablet, in which the river god Savus was invoked to harm the adversaries of the authors of the text. The inner side bears the names of their opponents involved in a lawsuit. Three adversaries are listed first: G. Domitius Secundus, Lucius Larcius, and Valerius Secundus, probably all from Cibalae (Pannonia, present‐day Vinkovci). Other names include P. Caetronius and G. Corellius from Narbo (Narbonne) in Gallia and L. Licinius Sura from Hispania, as well as Lucilius Valens, who was very likely from Siscia, where the Lucilii are well documented. It is argued in the article that L. Licinius Sura should not be identified with the Roman senator from Tarraco and Trajan’s adviser and friend, but should rather be regarded as a homonymous person of a lower social standing, whose parents gave him the name Sura, considering it to be a good omen.

KEYWORDS: Roman period, Siscia, Pannonia, river god Savus, defixio, L. Licinius Sura.

QUI VA SER EL L. LICINI SURA, HISPÀ, PRESENT A UNA DEFIXIO DE SISICIA?

RESUM

Una tauleta de plom trobada al riu Kupa a Siscia (Pannonia, actual Sisak) és la única tauleta de maledicció jurídica en la qual el déu fluvial Savus és invocat per a perjudicar als adversaris dels autors del text. La cara interior presenta els noms dels oponents involucrats a la denúncia. Hi ha tres: G. Domitius Secundus, Lucius Larcius, i Valerius Secundus, tots, possiblement, de Cibalae (Panònia, actual Vinkovci). Altres noms inclouen P. Caetronius i G. Corellius de Narbo (Narbonne) a la Gàllia i L. Licinius Sura d’Hispània, així com també a Lucilius Valens, que possiblement fou oriünd de Siscia, on es documenten els Lucilii. L’article discerneix com L. Licinius Sura no pot ser identificat amb el senador romà de Tàrraco, amic i conseller de Trajà. En canvi, ha de ser identificat amb un personatge homònim d’una classe social més baixa a qui els pares van nomenar Sura en senyal de bon auguri.

PARAULES CLAU: època romana, Siscia, Panonia, déu fluvial Savus, defixio, L. Licinius Sura.

1. A CURSE TABLET ADDRESSED TO THE RIVER GOD SAVUS

A small lead tablet was found in 1913 at Sisak among material dredged in the previous year from the Kupa River (the Roman‐period Colapis); there is

Who was L. Licinius Sura, Hispanus, on a curse tablet from Siscia? 829

ANU.FILOL.ANTIQ.MEDIAEVALIA, 8/2018, pp. 828‐838. ISSN: 2014‐1386

hardly any doubt that it was deliberately deposited in the river.1 It is kept in the Archaeological Museum at Zagreb (fig. 1a‐b). The tablet represents a peculiar case of a unique judicial curse tablet, in which the river god Savus was invoked to harm the adversaries of the authors of the text. The authors appear to be in plural, since they refer to “our adversaries”, thus they must have been more than just one. This is the first known defixio in the western part of the Roman Empire in which a river deity is called upon to do harm.2 The inner side bears the names of the opponents in a lawsuit, as well as the imprecation that was to prevent them from saying anything against the authors of the tablet. It ends with an appeal to Muta Tagita, an ancient Roman divinity Tacita Muta, the goddess of silence, dwelling in the lower world;3 she should make adversaries speechless. Adversarius is the usual term to denote an opponent in a legal process.4 The end of the text is illegible.

The curse was also inscribed on the exterior side and addressed to the god Savus, but without the names of the opponents. It had first been briefly discussed in Antike Inschriften aus Jugoslavien by Viktor Hoffiller, based on the reading of Josip Brunšmid,5 and has been studied in detail by Francisco Marco Simón and Isabel Rodà de Llanza, who have proposed an emended reading and offered an excellent philological commentary.6 However, the tablet has recently been examined by Andrea Barta; her reading was based on autopsy, resulting in additional emendations.7 The curse is most interesting from various points of view: first and foremost because Savus was asked to silence the opponents, probably by sinking them.8 The text was written in vulgar Latin, which is indicated, in addition to other linguistic features, by the doubling of the sibilants (adverssar(i)o(s) nosstro(s), (H)isspan(us), Ssecundo(s)), liquids (such as Vallente), and double c (Luccilius); e is used instead of i (Dometiu instead of Domitius).

1 AIJ 557 = HD027805; Vetter 1960 (cf. Šašel Kos 1999: 100–101); Kropp (2008: 8.1.1); Marco Simón, Rodá de Llanza (2008) (AE 2008, 1080); cf. AE 2010, 109; Barta (2017). I would very much like to thank Olli Salomies for his valuable comments on my paper. 2 Marco Simón, Rodá de Llanza (2008: 173). 3ThenameofthegoddessalsoappearsontworecentlyfoundcursetabletsfromAquincum:Barta(2017:37–38),aswellasinpluralonacursetabletfromCambodunum,cf.Scheid(2017:20).4 Marco Simón, Rodá de Llanza (2008: 172–176). 5 Brunšmid (1919) (= AE 1921, 95). 6 Marco Simón, Rodá de Llanza (2008). 7Barta(2017).Herarticleappeared after mine had already been submitted and was ready to be printed. For any further philological study, however, it is still necessary to compare both transcriptions, that of Marco Simón, Rodá de Llanza (2008) and Barta’s (2017).8Thismeaningisnotentirelycertain,perhapsheshouldhavedriventheminsane,seeBarta(2017:31).

830 MARJETA ŠAŠEL KOS


The text as copied and edited by Andrea Barta reads:

Exterior:

a1 Ma(n)data, data s(upra)s(cripta) 2 Savo: cura aga, 3 depr˹i=E˺ma adveraro 4 nos{s}tro, omut{u} ne 5 contra n[os] l[o]˹qu=CVI˺a(ntur) b1 Data depr˹i=E˺menti Inner side: 1 Advers{s}aro nos{s}tro: 2 G(aius) Dom˹i=E˺tiu Secundus 3 et Lucius Larci˹us=o˺ 4 et Secun˹us=O˺ Val˹e=A˺rus 5 Ciba(lis) et P(ublius) C˹ae=I˺troni˹us=Λ˺ 6 G(aius) Corelliu Narbone 7 et L(ucius) Lic˹i=C˺inius Sura is{s}pan(ia) 8 et Luc{c}il{l}ius 9 Val{l}ente (!). Ne possi 10 contra s{s}e(!) facer˹e=I˺. 11 Avertat illo amete, 12 contra l˹o=V˺˹qu=CV˺i ne AM 13 LI illoru˹m=S˺ mut˹um=O˺ o fac(iat?) 14 G(aius) Domtius S{s}ecund˹us=O˺ 15 et Lucius Laci˹us=O˺ {L}? ˹Cib=GID˺a(lis) 16 M[u]ta Ta˹c=G˺ita [‐] 17 [‐‐]NA illoru[m‐‐‐‐]

Translation by the same author (p. 28):

Exterior side:

The above‐mentioned [names] entrusted and given to Savus: take care and force our opponents down, in order they become mute and they cannot speak against us. given to the one who forces down

Inner side:

Our adversaries Gaius Domitius Secundus and Lucius Larcius and Valerius Secundus from Cibalae and Publius Caetronius, Gaius Corellius from Narbo and Lucius Licinius Sura from Hispania and Lucilius Valens. May they be unable to act against them (i.e. against the defigentes; or against us). May she turn them as insane away. May they not ... to speak in opposition. May she make their mouth mute. Gaius Domitius Secundus and Lucius Larcius from Cibalae.



Muta Tacita... their... 2. WHO WERE THE ADVERSARIES?

The names of the adversaries are most intriguing, since they shed light on the heterogeneous and changeable population of Siscia and the lively commercial activities in the city. The town enjoyed an outstanding strategic position in antiquity, having become well known ever since it had been a central Pannonian emporium in the second and first centuries BC. It was favourably located on the Sava River, along the navigable “route of the Argonauts”, which began at the Danube and continued along the Sava, ending at the settlement of Nauportus, at the Nauportus River. Segesta/Segestica, in the close proximity of Siscia, was well protected by two rivers, the Colapis and the Savus. It was the main logistic and military post during Octavian’s Illyrian War and was regarded as the best starting point to conquer Dacia (Strabo 7.5.2 C 313; App., Illyr. 22.65).9 It may also have retained part of this role during Domitian’s and Trajan’s Dacian Wars. Later, in the Augustan reign, when roads were being constructed in the newly conquered provinces, Siscia was situated on the main and only direct continental route linking the Apennine and Balkan peninsulas, i.e. Italy with Thrace, Macedonia, and the East. Consequently, in terms of international traffic and logistics, its importance remained unchanged.

Six individuals are named as the opponents of the authors of the curse tablet; those who composed the curse (or perhaps only one author) must most probably have been local residents.10 Three adversaries are listed first: G. Domitius Secundus, Lucius Larcius, and Valerius Secundus; the first two are mentioned twice in the text. After the name Valerius Secundus, origo is noted, which should be explained as Ciba(lis); it is repeated in line 15 after the name Lucius Larcius. Apparently, it refers at least to these two individuals, but most probably to all three. They came from Cibalae, present‐day Vinkovci. Cibalae grew on the territory of the Breuci and after the division of Pannonia under Trajan belonged to Pannonia Inferior; the town became a municipium under Hadrian and colonia Aurelia under Caracalla.11 If the proposed date of the defixio in the reign of Trajan were correct, the town would not have yet possessed the status of a municipium at that time; however, this is far from certain and may be regarded as unlikely.

Domitii are numerous in the Celtic‐speaking western provinces, and notably also in northern Italy, as well as in Dalmatia and Pannonia,12 and the family is also well represented at Siscia, both in inscriptions on stone and on the recently published tesserae used in the textile industry, recovered from the Kupa

9 Šašel Kos (2005: 437–442); Škrgulja, Tomaš Barišić (2015). 10 Marco Simón, Rodá de Llanza (2008: 176–177). 11 Iskra‐Janošić (2004). 12 OPEL II 105–106.



River.13 Domitius Crescens is known from an epitaph on a sarcophagus from Siscia,14 and L. Domitius Constitutus, a soldier of the legion X Gemina and a beneficiarius consularis, from an altar to Mars and Victoria.15 Larcius is a gentilicium, attested to a few times in northern Italy, Dalmatia, and Pannonia;16 however, it is more numerous in Rome and the rest of Italy.17 Valerii, the most wide‐spread non‐imperial family name generally, are very well documented in Pannonia and also at Siscia, as members of upper and middle classes and as soldiers.18 The last person mentioned is Lucilius Valens, the only one without an origo. Lucilius is a rather common gentilicium, frequent in northern Italy and Gallia Narbonensis, but also in Dalmatia and Pannonia.19 He could have been from Siscia, where the Lucilii are attested to three or four times on stone monuments, and are also well represented on the tesserae.20 Valens is a common name, and was highly popular also at Siscia, as is clear from the tags.21 The three persons mentioned before Valens are P. Caetronius and G. Corellius from Narbo in Gallia22 and L. Licinius Sura from Hispania. The gentilicium Caetronius occurs frequently in Italy, but elsewhere it is very rare,23 while Corellius is well documented in Italy, but very sporadically in the provinces, except at Salonae in Dalmatia.24 The two men from Narbo must have been of Italian descent.

3. WAS L. LICINIUS SURA ROMAN SENATOR AND TRAJAN’S FRIEND?

According to a recent interpretation, L. Licinius Sura should most probably indeed be identified with the Roman senator from Tarraco, whose family had very likely originated from Celsa.25 He was three times consul (ordinarius in AD 102 and 107)26 and a close friend and adviser of Trajan. He took part in both of Trajan’s Dacian Wars, in AD 101–102 and 105–106;27 he may

13 Radman‐Livaja (2014). 14 CIL III 3974 = lupa 4310; Migotti (2005); Migotti (2013: 183–187 fig. 4); cf. Buzov (2002: 176–

177). 15 CIL III 15180 = CBI 306 = HD072020. 16 OPEL III 19. 17 Epigraphik‐Datenbank Clauss / Slaby; Epigraphic Database Roma.

18ŠašelKos(2018:273–274;297).19 OPEL III 35; also attested as a cognomen; in Siscia documented both as a gentilicium and

cognomen. 20 Radman‐Livaja (2014: 224). 21 OPEL IV 139–140; Radman‐Livaja (2014: 277). 22 Previous reading (P. Citronius Cicorellius) plausibly emended by Bence Fehér (Barta 2017:

35). 23 OPEL II: 21; Alföldy (1969: 70). 24 Alföldy (1969: 78); Barta (2017: 35). 25 Rodà (2014: 22–23; 31). 26 Tarraco: Rodà (2014: especially 31); consul: Eck (2009: 168; 173). 27 Rodà (2014); Eck (1970: 144 no. 137; 150; 152); Eck (1985: 155–156); Caballos (1990: 183–193

no. 103); cf. Alföldy (1975: no. 930 (“Arco de Bará”: Ex testamento L. Licini L. F. Serg(ia tribu)



have died soon after his third consulate.28 Not much is known of his life, and the epigraphic evidence that could shed more light on his career is also very limited.29 He possessed a house on the Aventine Hill and had estates in the areas of Tarraco, Barcino, and Auso;30 his governorship of Germania should most probably be dated to AD 97–98.31 As is mentioned in the Roman History of Cassius Dio, Trajan, who had always regarded him as a trustworthy friend, honoured him with a public funeral and had a statue erected in Rome in his memory (68.15.32).

Although Siscia must have undoubtedly been a most significant city in terms of international trade and exchange, it nonetheless seems highly unlikely that a Roman senator, who had twice been consul ordinarius, would have been mentioned in the company of two or three persons from Cibalae, a man who may have been from Siscia, and two from Narbo, all in all representing a group of rather insignificant individuals.32 According to the text of the curse, they should have been prevented from speaking against the authors of the defixio, implying that they should have appeared in person in a kind of lawsuit; it is hard to imagine that Trajan’s adviser and friend would have personally been involved in a legal dispute at Siscia.

The final argument to identify L. Licinius Sura from Hispania in the curse tablet with the famous L. Licinius Sura is equally weak, as it is based on a wrong question of how to otherwise explain the presence of two Licinii Surae in the Danubian provinces at the same time.33 However, the date of the defixio is actually not known, the second century AD seems plausible, but the text contains no indication that could help establish it more precisely. The date in the reign of Trajan has arbitrarily been proposed merely on the basis of the supposed identification of Sura with Trajan’s friend. E. Vetter suggested a date between the reign of Hadrian and the outbreak of the Marcomannic Wars (118 to 167 AD), since during this period the town attracted people from various parts of the Roman Empire.34 Guglielmo Bartoletti, in contrast, proposed a date in the first half of the first century AD, basing his argument on paleographic

Surae consacratum); Bennett (1997: 88); Strobel (2010: 236–301: on both Dacian wars; on Sura: passim, particularly 158–163); Eck (2017: 5 and 6).

28 Syme (1980: 22) suggested “epidemics in the train of two Dacian wars, those of Domitian and of Trajan”.

29 Rodà (2014). 30 Rodà (2014). 31 Eck (1985: 155–156). 32 Thus, also Jones (1970: 100 n. 30): “The Lic(i)nius Sura Isspan(us) named in a defixio from

Siscia in Pannonia Superior (V. Hoffiller – B. Saria, Antike Inschriften aus Jugoslavien I (1938), no. 557) is evidently a person of low degree”.

33 Rodà (2014: 23). 34 Vetter (1960: 132).



features of the defixio that can rarely be regarded as reliable.35 The date is evidently uncertain; most recently the third century has been proposed.36 Licinius Sura from the curse tablet presumably belonged to a period later than the reign of Trajan.

A clue to understanding his name should very likely be sought in the habit of giving names of famous individuals to children of middle and lower classes, but also of the municipal elite (such as the Cornelii Scipiones in Brixia),37 which is characteristic for every epoch, and not least for the Roman Empire.38 Moreover, it is also very well attested in Hispania; Heikki Solin noted several names of famous men, which had later been borne by citizens of various Hispanic towns and social standing, such as M. Fabius Maximus from Tarraco and a man with the same name from Saguntum.39 Among other names mentioned in his list are L. Aemilius Paullus, Cn. Cornelius Cinna, L. Cornelius Lentulus, M. Iunius Brutus, M. Licinius Crassus, M. Porcius Cato, and M. Postumius Albinus.40 It should be added that the gentilicium Licinius is by far the best documented in Hispania;41 several families of the gens Licinia are well attested in Hispania ever since the Augustan age, when M. Licinius Crassus, consul in 14 BC, governed Hispania Citerior between 13 and 10 BC.42

In the territory of Cales in Campania, a tombstone commemorates one C. Sempronius and his wife Gavena. Their son was Q. Sempronius Graccus, his cognomen evoking the famous senatorial Ti. Sempronii.43 In a recently published military diploma from the years between AD 151/152 and 154, a prefect of the ala Antiana Gallorum et Thracum, Cn. Domitius Corbulo, is mentioned.44 He bore the name of the greatest general under Nero, who had successfully fought against the Parthians, and whose achievements were described by Tacitus (Ann., books 12–15) and Cassius Dio (books 60–63). His daughter Domitia Longina was married to Domitian.45 There is no doubt that the father of the prefect wilfully gave the son the cognomen Corbulo, regarding it a good omen.

35 Bartoletti (1990: 34); cf. Marco Simón, Rodá de Llanza (2008: 72). 36 Barta (2017: 39). 37 CIL V 4462 = EDR090251; cf. Camodeca (2017: 95 n. 38), for several others. 38 Solin (2001); Solin (2015: 31); see also, mutatis mutandis, Broux, Clarysse (2016), who studied

the occurence of the names Arsionoe, Berenike, Kleopatra, Laodike, and Stratonike in the eastern provinces of the Roman Empire.

39 CIL II2 14. 1134 = EDCS‐05503245; CIL II2 14. 641a = EDCS‐09100682. 40 Solin (2015: 31). 41 OPEL III 26–27, with 186 cases, compared to Gallia Narbonensis with 101 or Pannonia with

22 cases; see also Marco Simón, Rodá de Llanza (2008: 179). 42 Alföldy (1969: 8–9); Rodà (2014: 22). 43 Camodeca (2017: 92–95). 44 Eck, Pangerl (2016). This and previously mentioned reference were kindly brought to my

attention by Olli Salomies. 45 PIR2 D 142; Syme (1970 [1979]).



The Latin cognomen Sura,46 which is rather rare, does occur a few times in Italy and Hispania.47 It does not seem at all surprising that some Hispanic Licinii would have chosen the name Sura for their son,48 particularly after the famous Sura had already died. Perhaps they would have been descendants of Sura’s freedmen.

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Abbreviations

AIJ = Hoffiller, V. and Saria, B. (1938), Antike Inschriften aus Jugoslavien, Heft I: Noricum und Pannonia Superior, Zagreb (re‐print Amsterdam 1970).

CIL = Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum. CBI = Schallmayer, E., Eibl, K., Ott, J., Preuss, G., and Wittkopf, E. (1990), Der römische

Weihebezirk von Osterburken I. Corpus der griechischen und lateinischen Beneficiarier‐Inschriften des Römischen Reiches (Forschungen und Berichte zur Vor‐ und Frühgeschichte in Baden‐Württemberg 40), Stuttgart.

EDCS = Epigraphik‐Datenbank Clauss / Slaby. EDR = Epigraphic Database Roma. HD = Epigraphic Database Heidelberg. lupa = F. und O. Harl, www.ubi‐erat‐lupa.org (Bilddatenbank zu antiken

Steindenkmälern). OPEL = Lőrincz, B., Onomasticon provinciarum Europae Latinarum, Vol. I: Aba – Bysanus,

Budapest 20052; Vol. II: Cabalicius – Ixus, Wien 1999; Vol. III: Labareus – Pythea, Wien 2000; Vol. IV: Quadratia – Zures, Wien 2002.

PIR2 = Prosopographia Imperii Romani (second edition).



Caption: AIJ 557 = HD027805 (exterior and inner side): photographs enhanced with PhotoShop to improve legibility.

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