200 REJSEBILLEDER – TURIST I ARKADIEN?

REJSEBILLEDER – TURIST I ARKADIEN?RESUMÉ

Et frodigt italiensk folkeliv, flotte antikke arkitekturruiner, prægtige templer og sol­beskinnede bugter med lokale fiskere. Det var sådanne motiver, guldalderkunstnerne skildrede på deres rejser i Italien. Disse billeder udført under og efter deres dannelsesrejser til syden bekræfter manges antagelser af, at Italien dengang var et uspoleret paradis på jorden. Når vi ser nærmere på kunstnernes malerier, virker det netop som om, at guld­alderkunstnerne nåede at opleve dette autentiske og uspolerede land, hvor den antikke storhed stod uberørt og lyslevende. I dag må vi dele oplevelsen af de antikke ruiner med de mange turister, der flokkes omkring romerske attraktioner som Colosseum, Forum Romanum, Vestatemplet m.m. Når vi undersøger guldalderkunstnernes breve og dagbøger viser det sig imidlertid, at de faktisk allerede dengang også oplevede masser af turister i Rom. Disse konsta­teringer vendte op og ned på kunstnernes forventninger til deres dannelsesrejse. Håbet havde været at møde det autentiske Italien, men i stedet mødte de et turistpræget Italien. Det fik nogle af kunstnerne til at ændre kurs for deres billedproduktioner: nogle skildrede turisterne, mens andre skildrede det velkendte fra en ny synsvinkel. Her igennem opstod nye billedstrategier, der forandrede den efterhånden lidt konservative rejsebilledgenre. Atter andre måtte dog fortsætte med at skildre det velpolerede solbeskinnede Italien, da det var den eneste billedkategori indenfor rejsebillederne, som kunne sælges til det købedygtige danske borgerskab. Det var derfor i kunstnernes private gemmer, at man kunne finde billeder, der pegede i en anden retning end den, offentligheden kendte til dengang.

KARINA LYKKE GRAND

PH.D., ADJUNKT I KUNSTHISTORIE OG VISUEL KULTUR VED AARHUS UNIVERSITET

TRAVEL IMAGES – A TOURIST IN ARCADIA? 201

TRAVEL IMAGES – A TOURIST IN ARCADIA?ABSTRACT

Exuberant Italian street life, beautiful and ancient architectural remains, magnificent temples and sunny bays with local fishermen ­ it was motifs such as these that the artists of the Golden Age depicted on their travels to Italy. These images, completed during and after their grand tours south, confirmed the assumptions of many that Italy was, at the time, an unspoiled paradise on earth. When we look closer at the paintings it actually seems as if the artists of the Golden Age managed to experience this authentic and unspoiled land, where the grandeur of antiquity stood unaffected and vividly alive. Today we must share the experience of the ancient ruins with the many tourists who flock around Roman attractions such as the Colosseum, the Roman Forum, and the Temple of Vesta, etc. When we examine the letters and diaries of the Golden Age artists, however, it shows that they actually experienced throngs of tourists in Rome, even then. These experiences turned the artists’ expectations for their grand tours upside down. They had hoped to meet the authentic Italy, but instead met a tourist­infested Italy. It made some of the artists change the course of their picture production: some depicted the tourists, while others depicted the well­known sights from a new angle. In this way new picture strategies appeared, gradually changing the by now slightly conservative genre of travel pictures. Yet others had to continue depicting the well­polished sunny Italy, though, as it was the only category of picture within travel pictures which one could sell to the Danish middle classes. It was, therefore, in the artists’ private possessions that one could find pictures pointing in another direction than those that were made public at the time.

KARINA LYKKE GRAND

PH.D., ASSISTANT PROfESSOR Of ART HISTORY AND VISUAL CULTURE, AARHUS UNIVERSITY

202 REJSEBILLEDER – TURIST I ARKADIEN?

Til Rom, til Rom, til Rom…! Sådan kan tankerne for de guldalder­kunstnere, der netop var blevet færdige med deres uddannelse fra Det kongelige Academie for de Skønne Kunster, nemt have taget sig ud. Italien og Rom i særdeleshed var nemlig kunstnernes absolutte foretrukne rejsemål, når de stod foran at skulle af sted på deres første større udenlandske dannelsesrejse, der ofte varede i flere år. Rejserne blev typisk finansieret af kunstakademiets og kongens fonde i form af rejsestipendier, og med midlerne fulgte også krav til hvilke byer, steder, seværdigheder m.m., der skulle besøges.1 Kunst nerne skulle blandt andet omkring så mange italienske seværdigheder som muligt for at sikre, at de oplevede den antikke storhedstids tilsynekomst i samtiden. Inden afgangen med sejlskib eller dampskib fra Toldboden i København og ud i den vide verden (ill. 1) læste og orienterede kunstnerne sig i tidens rejselitteratur og fik gode råd fra andre kunstnere, der havde gennem ført rejsen til Italien.

REJSEBILLEDER

– TURIST I ARKADIEN?

TRAVEL IMAGES – A TOURIST IN ARCADIA?

To Rome, to Rome, to Rome…! This thought was presumably on the minds of those Golden Age painters who had recently completed their studies at Det kongelige Academie for de Skønne Kunster (Royal Academy of Fine Arts). Italy and Rome in particular were, namely, the absolute favourite destinations of the artists as they stood contemplating their first major grand tours abroad, which often lasted several years. The trips were typically financed by funding from the art academy and the king in the form of a travel­ling bursary, and with these funds there also followed demands as to which cities, locations, sights, etc., should be visited.1 The artists, for example, had to visit as many Italian landmarks as pos­sible in order to ensure that they experienced the appearance of the great period of classicism in its present day form. Before departure by sailing ship or steamship from Toldboden (The Customs House in Copenhagen) and out into the wide world (ill. 1), the artists read

[ill. 1] Jørgen Roed, Afskedsscene på Toldboden (Departure from Toldboden), 1834. Olie på lærred / Oil on canvas, 66 x 82 cm. Privateje / Private collection.

TRAVEL IMAGES – A TOURIST IN ARCADIA? 203

Kunstnernes forventninger til Italien var derfor høje; det samme var deres forestillinger om de folk, kulturer og landskaber, de ville møde. På mange måder var kunstnernes forestillinger om alt det nye, fremmede og skønne, der ventede dem, således formet og præget af forudgående generationer, det vil sige ikke kun kunstnere, men også forfattere og videnskabsfolk, der var rejst ud og hjem­bragt skitser, malerier, rejseberetninger og genstande fra det frem­mede. De nyudklækkede kunstnere havde desuden i studie tiden stiftet nært bekendtskab med akademi professorernes tegninger og billeder fra disses rejser (ill. 2), set fjernere generationers malerier i Den Kongelige Malerisamling (ill. 3) og sammenlagt heri­gennem fået en fornemmelse af de sydlige landes karakter. Det visuelle budskab var her klart: Kunstnerne kunne forvente at op­leve autentiske kulturer og se uberørte og æstetisk smukke land­skabsområder rede for deres generations pen og pensler. Italien var et Arkadien!2

Ser vi nærmere på guldaldertidens rejsebilleder eksempelvis Jørgen Sonne (1801­1890), Martinus Rørbye (1803­1848), Constantin Hansen (1804­1880), Christen Købke (1810­1848) og Jørgen Roeds (1808­1888) skildringer af italiensk folkeliv, antikke arkitekturruiner, templer og klippefyldte bugter med lokale fiskere bliver vi bekræftet i vores antagelser af, at Italien dengang var et uspoleret paradis på jorden (ill. 4­11). Det er disse rejsebilleder, guldalderkunstnerne huskes for i dag. Efter guldaldertidens afslutning og især i tiden omkring år 1900 oplevede mange folk, at verden havde forandret sig. Det moderne gennembrud var en realitet, og i det lys blev guldalderen opfattet som endnu mere idyllisk, oprindelig og uspoleret. Den tone angivende kunsthistoriker Emil Hannover (1864­1923) havde ligefrem antydet, at de danske guldalderkunstnere hørte til den sidste generation af rejsende, der lige akkurat nåede at opleve sydens autentiske og arkaiske stemning. De nåede at rejse ud, inden alt for mange turister senere i århundredet påvirkede og ændrede tidligere tiders tilsyneladende harmoniske balance, der for altid forandrede Italien og den italienske folkekultur:

Italienerne den Gang var det malerisk klædte, sorgløst syngende, spillende og dansende Folk, man nu forgæves vil søge sønden for

and oriented themselves in the travel literature of the time and received good advice from other artists who had completed the journey to Italy. The artists’ expectations of Italy were therefore high, as was their conception of the people, culture and landscapes they were to meet. In many ways the artists’ expectations of all the new, foreign and beautiful things that awaited them were in this way formed and influenced by previous generations; not only the artists but also the writers and scientists who had travelled out in the world and brought home sketches, paintings, accounts of journeys and objects from foreign lands. Furthermore, during their time studying, the newly hatched artists had formed acquaintances with the professors’ sketches and pictures from their travels (ill. 2), seen paintings from more distant generations in Den Kongelige Malerisamling (Royal Collection of Paintings and Sculptures) (ill. 3) and hereby obtained a sense of the character of the southern lands. The visual message here was clear: the artists could expect to experience authentic cultures and see unaltered and aesthetically beautiful landscape regions ready for the pen and brush of their generation. Italy was an Arcadia!2

If we look closer at the travel images of the Golden Age, such as Jørgen Sonne (1801­1890), Martinus Rørbye (1803­1848), Constantin Hansen (1804­1880), Christen Købke (1810­1848) and Jørgen Roed’s (1808­1888) depictions of Italian crowds and street scenes, classical architectural remains, temples and bays filled with cliffs and local fishermen, then our assumptions that Italy at that time was an unspoiled paradise on earth are confirmed (ill. 4­11). It is these travel images which the Golden Age painters are remembered for today. After the end of the Golden Age, and especially in the time around the year 1900, many people per­ceived that the world had changed. The modern breakthrough was a reality, and in that light the Golden Age became regarded as even more idyllic, original and unspoiled. The leading art historian Emil Hannover (1864­1923) had plainly implied that the Danish artists of the Golden Age belonged to the last generation of travellers who only just managed to experience the authentic and archaic atmos­phere of the south. They managed to travel out before all too many tourists later in the century affected and changed the apparently

[ill. 2] Jens Juel, Italiensk Landskab, kaldet De elysæiske Marker. Bajæ ved søen Acheron ikke langt fra Napoli (Italian Landscape, entitled the Elysian Fields. Bajæ by Lake Acheron, not far from Napoli), 1791. Olie på træ / Oil on wood, 25 x 34 cm. Statens Museum for Kunst.

[ill. 3] Andrea Locatelli, Arkadisk landskab (Arcadian Landscape), ca. 1708­1741. Olie på lærred / Oil on canvas, 80 x 95 cm. Statens Museum for Kunst.

204 REJSEBILLEDER – TURIST I ARKADIEN?

Alperne. Den Gang sang og spillede og dansede de, fordi det var deres Natur og deres Lyst, og ikke fordi nogle rejsende ønskede at se dem saaledes. […] De [guldalderkunstnerne] havde rigtigt den Forudfølelse, at dette Æventyr var sin Ende nær, at der vilde komme en Tid, hvor der ikke mere blev sunget og danset og spillet som den Gang. […] Det skønnedes da, at man var kommen i den ellevte Time til Rom, og den Følelse blev de nordiske Malere naturlig, at de var en Art højere Etnografer, hvem det var betroet at give Efterverdenen en Forestilling om det mærkeligste, de fandt paa deres Vej.3

Hannover og flere af hans tids kunstinteresserede folk ville således gerne forstå første del af 1800­tallet som en tid, hvor verden endnu var intakt og uberørt af turisme. Men som vi vil se og læse via andre af guldalderkunstnernes egne tegninger, malerier, breve

harmonic balance of earlier times, changing Italy and the Italian folk culture for ever:

The Italians back then were the painterly dressed, singing, carefree, iridescent and dancing people one now in vain would seek south of the Alps. Then they sang and played music and danced because it was their nature and their passion, and not because some traveller wished to see them like this. […] They [the Golden Age artists] had a real foreboding that this adventure was nearing its end, and that there would come a time where there would be no more singing and dancing and playing music as there was back then. The feeling was that they had arrived in Rome at the eleventh hour, and the Nordic painters actually felt that they had become a type of higher ethnographer entrusted to give an impression of the most extra­ordinary occurrences they found on their travels for posterity.3

[ill. 4] Jørgen Sonne, Scene ved brønd i en neapolitansk by henimod aften (Scene by a well in a Neapolitan city towards evening), 1845. Olie på lærred / Oil on canvas, 61,6 x 72,5 cm. ARoS Aarhus Kunstmuseum.

TRAVEL IMAGES – A TOURIST IN ARCADIA? 205

[ill. 6] Martinus Rørbye, Rafaels Villa i Borghesehaven (Rafael’s villa in the Borghese garden), 1841. Olie på lærred / Oil on canvas, 38 x 55,5 cm. ARoS Aarhus Kunstmuseum.

[ill. 5] Martinus Rørbye, En loggia fra Procida (A loggia from Procida), 1835. Olie på lærred / Oil on canvas, 37,8 x 55,4 cm. ARoS Aarhus Kunstmuseum.

[ill. 7] Constantin Hansen, Vestatemplet med dets omgivelser (The Temple of Vesta and surroundings), 1837. Olie på lærred / Oil on canvas, 75,5 x 100 cm. Statens Museum for Kunst.

208 REJSEBILLEDER – TURIST I ARKADIEN?

[ill. 8] Constantin Hansen, Scene på Molo’en ved Napoli (Scene on the Molo near Naples), 1838­39. Olie på lærred / Oil on canvas, 93,5 x 118 cm. Statens Museum for Kunst.

TRAVEL IMAGES – A TOURIST IN ARCADIA? 209

[ill. 9] Christen Købke, Parti af Marina Grande på Capri. I baggrunden forbjerget Massa. Eftermiddag. Optrukne både i mellemgrunden (Part of Marina Grande on Capri. In the background the headland of Massa. Afternoon. Boat pulled ashore in the middle ground), 1839. Olie på papir, klæbet på lærred / Oil on paper, glued on canvas, 39,5 x 54 cm. ARoS Aarhus Kunstmuseum.

210 REJSEBILLEDER – TURIST I ARKADIEN?

[ill. 10] Constantin Hansen, Forum Romanum med Concordiatemplet og Septimuis Severus’ Triumfbue set fra foden af Capitol (Roman Forum with the Temple of Concord and the Arch of Septimius Severus seen from the foot of Capitoline Hill), 1843. Olie på lærred / Oil on canvas, 34,5 x 43,3 cm. ARoS Aarhus Kunstmuseum.

TRAVEL IMAGES – A TOURIST IN ARCADIA? 211

[ill. 11] Jørgen Roed, Neptun templet, Pæstum (Temple of Neptune, Paestum), 1838. Olie på papir, klæbet på lærred / Oil on paper, glued on canvas. 39,9 x 58,1 cm. ARoS Aarhus Kunstmuseum.

212 REJSEBILLEDER – TURIST I ARKADIEN?

og dag bøger, var de måske snarere første generation af rejsende, der bemærkede og erkendte, at noget allerede var forandret. Med andre ord: dannelsesrejsens oplevelser tog sig ikke helt sådan ud, som generationsoverleveringen havde præsenteret og givet indtryk af, eller som de malerier guldalderkunstnerne bragte med hjem. De danske guldalderkunstnere oplevede reelt at være turister på rejse, men disse oplevelser ønskede de ikke at udpensle i deres malerier. I lyset af de forandringer som guldalderkunstnerne oplevede, blev spørgsmålet derfor, hvordan de nu skulle skildre rejsens oplevelser? Skulle landskaberne og de lokale kulturer skildres, som de havde hørt, set og læst om hjemmefra, eller som de rent faktisk så og oplevede verdenen? Tag med guldalderkunstnerne C.W. Eckersberg (1783­1853), J.Th. Lundbye (1818­1848), Martinus Rørbye, Wilhelm Bendz (1804­1832) og Wilhelm Marstrand (1810­1873) gennem Europa og få et anderledes svar, når vi i ord og i billeder rejser ned til den antikke storhedstids by, Rom!

PÅ VEJ – TIL FODS, I HESTEVOGN OG MED TOGET TIL ROM De kunstneriske dannelsesrejser til Rom gik ofte gennem de tyske hertugdømmer med længerevarende stop ved Rhinens mange attraktive naturområder efterfulgt af bymæssige ophold ved kunst­akademiet i München. Sociale sammenkomster med andre danske eller skandinaviske kunstnere var her ofte til stor glæde for dem (ill. 12), inden rejsen gik over eksempelvis Dresden og evt. Berlin og herefter videre gennem de Schweiziske alper (ill. 13­14). Nogle af kunstnerne eksempelvis C.W. Eckersberg tog over Paris for at studere, mens ganske få rejste omkring Spanien og Portugal, eksempelvis Thorald Brendstrup.4 For atter andre blev mødet med de tyske eller franske byer, stedernes kultur, opnåelsen af nye kunstnerkollegaer m.m. så fængslende, at opholdene på vejen til Rom trak ud i måneder eller år. Langt hovedparten af de danske kunstnere havde imidlertid Italien som rejsens primære destination, men hvad enten kunstnerne rejste målrettet eller havde planlagt en mindre direkte rute mod syden, gjorde det at tilbagelægge så lang en distance stort indtryk på alle. Valg af transportmidler havde imidlertid også indflydelse på, både hvordan kunstnerne oplevede verden, og hvordan de kunst­nerisk bagefter udførte billeder af netop rejsens oplevelser. Inden vi ser på flere rejsebilleder fra Italien og Rom, vil vi for en stund

Hannover and several others of his era were thus interested in per­ceiving the first part of the 1800s as a time where the world was still intact and unaffected by tourism. But as we will see and read via other images created by the Golden Age painters, their paintings, letters and diaries, they were maybe rather the first generation of travellers who recognised and acknowledged that something had already changed. In other words: the experiences of grand tours did not entirely match what had been handed down by previous generations or the impressions given by them, nor did they match the paintings which the Golden Age artists had brought home with them. The Danish artists of the Golden Age actually experienced being tourists on a journey, but they did not wish to paint these experiences in their paintings. In light of these changes which the artists of the Golden Age experienced, the question then became, how were they to depict the experiences of the journey? Should the landscapes and the local culture be depicted as they had heard, seen and read about from home, or as they actually saw and experienced the world? Take a journey with the Golden Age artists C.W. Eckersberg (1783­1853), J.Th. Lundbye (1818­1848), Martinus Rørbye, Wilhelm Bendz (1804­1832) and Wilhelm Marstrand (1810­1873) through Europe and get a different answer, when we in words and pictures travel down to Rome, the glorious city of classical antiquity!

EN ROUTE TO ROME – BY FOOT, HORSE-DRAWN CARRIAGE AND TRAIN The artistic grand tours to Rome often travelled through the German duchies with stopovers of long duration in the many attractive nature areas along the Rhine, followed by urban residen­cies at the art academy in Munich. Social gatherings with other Danish or Scandinavian artists here were often a great pleasure for them (ill. 12), before they journeyed on to Dresden, for example, and eventually Berlin, and after that on through the Swiss Alps (ill. 13­14). Some of the artists, such as C.W. Eckersberg, went to Paris to study, while a few travelled around Spain and Portugal: for example, Thorald Brendstrup.4 For others, the encounter with the German or French cities, the places of culture, the acquiring of new artist colleagues etc. was attractive, and the journey on the way to Rome stretched out for months or years.

[ill. 12] Wilhelm Bendz, Kunstnere i Fincks kaffehus i München (The artists in Finck’s coffee house in Munich), 1832. Olie på lærred / Oil on canvas, 94,8 x 136,6 cm. Thorvaldsens Museum.

[ill. 13] J.Th. Lundbye, Jomfruen, seet fra Interlachen (The Jungfrau seen from Interlaken), 1845. Pen og vandfarve på papir / Pen and watercolour on paper, 27 x 34 cm. Kobberstiksamlingen, Statens Museum for Kunst.

TRAVEL IMAGES – A TOURIST IN ARCADIA? 213

opholde os ved, hvordan kunstnerne rejste sydpå. Her viser det sig, at transportmulighederne for at rejse blev udvidet betragte­ligt gennem guldalderen. Dampskibsruter og jernbanelinjer kom til, og det blev pludselig en realitet at lade sig transportere med andet end heste vogn og sejlskib. Derfor adskiller Eckersbergs tid­lige oplevelser og billeder sig radikalt fra eksempelvis Lundbye og Marstrands senere oplevelser og billeder, fordi der på de godt 30 år, som udgjorde forskellen i tid, også fandt en rivende udvikling sted. Eckersberg påbegyndte sin rejse, der kom til at vare seks år i 1810. Fra København til Paris valgte han at vandre med sin oppakning på ryggen stort set hele vejen. Rejsen til fods krævede udholdenhed, et godt helbred og ikke mindst mange nye par sko – ifølge udgifts optegnelserne fra Eckersbergs dagbøger.5 Kun enkelte steder benyttede han sig af en flodbåd. Som alternativ til vandrings­formen kunne han have valgt en hestevogn som transportmiddel, hvis formålet blot var at komme hurtigt frem til Paris. Men som det

By far the majority of the Danish artists had Italy as their primary destination; but irrespective of whether the artists travelled purpose­fully or had planned a less direct route south, travelling such a long distance made a great impression on everyone. At the same time, the choice of transportation also had an influence on both how the artists experienced the world and on how, afterwards, they artisti­cally and selectively implemented the pictures of their experiences on the journey. Before we look at several travel images from Italy and Rome, we shall discuss for a while how the artists travelled south. Here it appears that the transportation options for travelling were increased considerably through the Golden Age. The steam­ship routes and the railways arrived and it suddenly became a reality to also allow oneself to be transported with other means than horse­drawn carriages and sailing ships. Therefore, Eckersberg’s earlier experiences and pictures are radically different than, for example, Lundbye and Marstrand’s later experiences and pictures, because

[ill. 14] Wilhelm Bendz, Bjerglandskab (Mountain landscape), 1831. Olie på lærred / Oil on canvas, 28,9 x 33,9 cm. Den Hirschsprungske Samling, København.

214 REJSEBILLEDER – TURIST I ARKADIEN?

står skrevet i hans rejsebreve, opnåede han netop via den langsom­melige vandringsform en unik fortrolighed med de landskaber, han rejste igennem. Især en subtil fornemmelse for landskabernes ”for­grunde”, dvs. de nært forekommende natur elementer, der næsten omslutter den vandrende, synes at være blevet en oplevelses­mæssig såvel som kunstnerisk gevinst for Eckers berg og lignende kunstnere som Wilhelm Bendz og J.P. Møller (1783­1854), der også vandrede lange strækninger sydpå. I mange af Eckers bergs rejse­billeder finder vi således en markant detaljerigdom, når det hand­ler om skildringer af den nære natur i tegninger udført på rejsen (ill. 15­16). Der synes derfor at være forbindelser mellem, hvordan man rejser, og hvilke muligheder man har for at iagttage og dermed skildre landskabet. Fra Paris til Rom rejste Eckersberg med hestevognsdiligence. Dette valg siger noget om, at han i tråd med øvrige kunstnere i tiden sandsynligvis benyttede forskellige transportmidler til for­skellige formål, hvad enten det handlede om at opleve den nære natur intensivt via vandringsformen, eller blot komme hurtigt og mere effektivt frem til en rejsedestination via hestevogn og sejl­skib. Nærheden til det omkringliggende landskab gik nemlig delvist tabt fra hestevognen, idet de rejsende kun havde mindre vinduer at kigge ud igennem. Oftest var udsigten derfra stærkt begrænset, når vognen var godt pakket med passagerer. Som udtrykt af J.Th. Lundbye i 1845 var det som at rejse “i en lukket æske”, og H.C. Andersen (1805­1875) har beskrevet det som “en epidemiseret kasse”6 (ill. 17). Valget af en lukket hestevogn som transportmiddel var derfor langt fra en behagelig måde at tilbagelægge distancen på.

over approximately 30 years, which made up the difference in time, a rapid development was also found to have taken place. Eckersberg began his six­year­long journey in 1810. From Copenhagen to Paris he chose to hike most of the way with his belongings on his back. The journey on foot demanded stamina, good health and not least many new pairs of shoes – according to the lists of expenditure in Eckersberg’s diaries.5 It was only on certain occasions that he made use of a river boat. As an alternative to hiking he could have chosen a horse­drawn carriage as a means of transport, if the purpose was merely to get to Paris as quickly as possible. But as is written in his travel letters, it was precisely because of this protracted method of hiking that he experienced a unique familiarity with the landscapes he travelled through – espe­cially a subtle sense of the landscapes’ “foregrounds”; the intimate, present natural elements which almost surround those hiking, seem to have been rich in experiences as well as being an artistic asset for Eckersberg and similar artists such as Wilhelm Bendz and J.P. Møller (1783­1854), who also hiked long stretches south. In many of Eckersberg’s travel pictures we find such a marked richness of detail when depicting close­up nature in drawings completed on the journey (ill. 15­16). Therefore, there seems to be connections between how one travels, and which possibilities one has in order to observe, and as a consequence depict, the landscape. Eckersberg travelled from Paris to Rome by horse and carriage stagecoach. This choice indicates that he, in keeping with other artists of the time, probably utilised various means of transport for various purposes, whether to experience the intimate nature

[ill. 15] C.W. Eckersberg, Popler og vilde vækster ved Hannau (Poplar and wild plants at Hannau), 1810. Blyant, pen og blæk på papir / Pencil, pen and ink on paper, 21,8 x 14,6 cm. Kobberstiksamlingen, Statens Museum for Kunst.

[ill. 16] C.W. Eckersberg, Bondekone på vej gennem klippefyldt skov (Peasant woman on the road through forest full of rocks), 1810. Pen og blæk på papir / Pen and ink on paper, 23,9 x 19 cm. Kobberstiksamlingen, Statens Museum for Kunst.

TRAVEL IMAGES – A TOURIST IN ARCADIA? 215

[ill. 17] J.Th. Lundbye, Befordringen fra Yverdonne til Lausanne (Transportation from Yverdon to Lausanne), 1845. Pen og vandfarve / Pen and watercolours, 21,2 x 17,8 cm. Den Hirschsprungske Samling, København.

216 REJSEBILLEDER – TURIST I ARKADIEN?

Samtidig hermed var det vanskeligt for kunstnerne at udføre deres gerning i hestevognen på grund af dens mange rystelser. Vi kender derfor heller ikke til tegninger udført af Eckersbergs hånd under transporten fra Paris til Rom. Den hestetrukne transportform kombineret med sejlads udgjorde på Eckersbergs rejsetidspunkt i begyndelsen af 1800­tallet således de eneste rejseformer foruden vandringsformen. I den tidlige guld­alder kendte rejsende ikke til andet. Anderledes forholdt det sig med den yngre generation af rejsende i 1830’erne og 1840’erne. Lundbye, H.C. Andersen, Marstrand m.fl. havde nye transport­muligheder at vælge imellem, eksempelvis dampskibet og damp­lokomotivet. Nok måtte rejsende med de dampdrevne transport­midler give køb på at kunne standse og røre ved den nære natur og betragte den tæt på, som Eckersberg havde gjort. Men til gen­gæld fik de via vinduesrammen i toget og fra skibsdækket mulig­hed for at betragte naturen som et landskabeligt billede, der hele tiden ændrede udseende på grund af det højere tempo. Udsynet fra dampskibets dæk og togets vinduer var tilmed ofte godt, nærmest panoramisk. Især vinduet i toget kom til at fungere som en “ramme”, hvorigennem den rejsende med sit blik oplevede mange forskellige landskabsbilleder passere forbi som filmiske sekvenser. Her udtrykt i form af Lundbyes første møde med et tog og udsynet fra et togvindue fra en efterfølgende jernbanetur i Belgien:

[…] jeg veed heller ikke, hvad jeg seer med størst Respect paa:

intensively, via hiking, or merely to arrive quickly and more effec­tively to a travel destination, via horse­drawn carriage and sailing ship. The proximity to the surrounding landscape was, namely, par­tially lost from the carriage, in that the travellers only had smaller windows to look out through. More often, when the coach was packed with passengers, the view from there was sharply limited. As J.Th. Lund bye noted in 1845, it was like travelling “in a closed box”, and H.C. Andersen (1805­1875) described it as “an epidemic­like box”6 (ill. 17). The choice of a closed carriage as a means of transport was, therefore, a far from pleasant way to cover the dis­tance. In addition, it was difficult for the artists to work on their artwork from the carriage because of its many vibrations. Therefore we do not know of any sketches made by Eckersberg’s hand during his transportation from Paris to Rome. The horse­drawn form of transport combined with sailing, at Eckersberg’s time of travelling in the beginning of the 1800s, constituted the only forms of travel apart from hiking. Previous travellers during the Golden Age did not know anything else. There were different conditions for the younger generation of travellers in the 1830s and 1840s. Lundbye, H.C. Andersen, Marstrand and others had new transportation possibilities to choose from, such as the steamship and the steam locomotive. Passengers on the steam powered transportation had to relinquish the possibility of stopping and touching the nearby nature and viewing it close up, as Eckersberg had done. But, on the other hand, via the window

[ill. 18] J.Th. Lundbye, Udsigt fra Tivoli (View from Tivoli), 1845. Olie på træ / Oil on wood, 41 x 59 cm. Horsens Kunstmuseum.

TRAVEL IMAGES – A TOURIST IN ARCADIA? 217

enten ned i Maskineriet ombord, eller: paa dette løierlige Væsen, jeg i Kiel saae blive spændt for Vognene – jeg mener Locomotivet.Selve Farten havde [jeg] dog gjort mig større Begreb om, da jeg slet ikke troede det muligt at skjælne de nærmeste Genstande, hvad man dog godt kan. Underligt var det rigtignok at see en Mand som gik ved Veien, i samme Retning, som vi kjørte, han gik maaske lang­somt, men det uhyre Forhold, hvori Afstanden tiltog, saae det [ud] som om han slet ikke kunde faae Benene med sig […] Ved Bane­gaarden saae jeg for første Gang en af disse colossale Fragtvogne, som jeg vel skal faa Leilighed at tegne.7

I eftermiddag har jeg gjort en deilig Tuur med Jernbanen gjennem en smuk, frodig Egn med smaae Floder og deilige Smaabjerge, passeret mange Tunneler … Hvad jeg ikke maa glemme at berøre, er de uhyre Fabrikanlæg jeg i dag har seet her i Belgien; en Mængde af Damp­maskiner med Skorstene af mange Former, vældige Smedier osv [… ] 8

H.C. Andersen har i tråd hermed givet udtryk for, at udsigten fra togvognen blev en slags horisonternes panorerende landskab, hvor forgrundens landskab hastigt for forbi, mens baggrundens fjernere elementer derimod mere roligt kunne fæstne sig for blikket:

See kun ud! Og de nærmeste ti til tyve Alen er Marken en piilsnar Strøm; Græs og Urter løbe i hverandre, […] men Du seer nogle Favne længere bort, da bevæge sig de andre Gjenstande ikke hur­tigere, end vi see dem bevæge sig når vi kjøre godt, og længere ud mod Horizonten synes Alt at staae stille, man har ganske og aldeles Skuet og Indtrykket af den hele Egn.9

Togrejserne bød på anderledes visuelle rejseoplevelser, der påvirkede kunstnerne på forskellig vis. De var på den ene side blevet den erfaring rigere, at bevægelse og fart påvirkede deres blik på landskabet, hvilket synes at have resulteret i anderledes udformede landskabsmalerier (ill.18).10 På den anden side gav rejse mulighederne med de nye og billigere, kollektive transport­midler også anledning til, at det blev flere forundt at rejse. En øget rejse aktivitet blandt flere samfundsgrupper end kun adelen og folk med rejsestipendier blev derfor en realitet. I kølvandet på denne udvikling blomstrede turistkulturer op ved de mest besøgte byer og seværdigheder, og i togkupeerne blev der skelnet mellem 1., 2. og 3. klasse (ill. 19). Den kunstneriske dannelsesrejse foregik nu også med røgosende og larmende lokomotiver, og fra passagervognene var der udsyn til forurenende fabrikker samt udsyn til et landskab,

frame on the train and from the ship’s deck they had the possi­bility to regard nature as a scenic picture which constantly changed appearance because of the higher tempo. The view from the deck of the steamship and the train windows was, moreover, often good – almost panoramic. The window in the train especially came to function as a “frame” through which the passengers gazed out and experienced many different landscape scenes pass by like filmic sequences. This is expressed in the form of Lundbye’s first encounter with a train and the view from the train window during a subsequent rail journey in Belgium:

[…] I do not know what I am gazing upon with the greatest r espect, either down in the machinery on board or on this peculiar creature which I, when in Kiel, saw being coupled to the carriage – I mean the locomotive. The speed itself [I] had given greater thought, as I did not believe it possible to distinguish between the closest objects, though it is possible. Strange it was indeed to see a man walking along the road in the same direction as we travelled; perhaps he was walking slowly but due to the incredible relation by which the distance was increased, it seemed as if he was not able to get a move on […] At the train station I saw for the first time one of these colossal goods wagons, which I believe I shall have the opportunity to draw.7

This afternoon I have had a delightful trip by rail through a beautiful, fertile meadow with small streams and delightful, small mountains, and passed many tunnels … What I should not forget to touch upon are the enormous industrial plants I have seen here in Belgium: a mass of steam engines with many kinds of chimneys, immense forges, and so on […] 8

In keeping with this, H.C. Andersen has described the view from the train carriage as becoming a kind of panned landscape of the horizons, where the landscape in the foreground passed quickly by, while the more distant elements in the background, however, could be captured by the eye more easily:

Look only out! And the closest twenty to forty feet the field is a swift stream; grass and herbs blend into one another […] but as you gaze some fathoms further out, then the other objects do not move as quickly as we see them move when we continue driving further and further towards the horizon. Everything seems to stand still; one has entirely and totally beheld the entire locality and its impressions.9

The train journeys offered different visual travel experiences, which affected the artists in various ways. They were, on the one hand, richer for the experience of the movement and speed affecting their perception of the landscape, which seems to have resulted in differently constructed landscape paintings (ill.18).10 On the other hand, the travel possibilities with the new and cheaper collective forms of transport also gave rise to the fact that more people were given the opportunity to travel. Thus, an increase in travel activity amongst several groups in society, rather than just the nobles and people with travelling bursaries, became a reality. In the wake of this development, tourist culture flourished for the most visited cities and attractions, and the train compartments became divided between 1st, 2nd and 3rd class (ill. 19). The artistic grand tour now

[ill. 19] J.Th. Lundbye, De sidste Dage i Italien og Hjemreisen (The last days in Italy and the journey Home), 1846. Gråt blæk og akvarel / Grey ink and watercolour, 12 x 22,7 cm. Den Hirschsprungske Samling, København.

218 REJSEBILLEDER – TURIST I ARKADIEN?

hvor bjerge blev sprængt i stykker for at anlægge tunneler til jern­banens linjer. Kort sagt tog omgivelserne sig ikke helt så uspoleret ud alle steder, som overleveringen hjemmefra havde givet indtryk af. Meget var således sket på transportfronten, siden det i starten af 1800­tallet kun var muligt at vandre, tage hestevognen eller sejle med sejlskib for at komme til Rom. Og meget var sket med land­skabet, hvor jernbanelinjerne blev ført igennem, og med de byer, hvor togene stoppede (ill. 20), og ikke mindst med de havnebyer hvor dampskibene udlagde deres ruter (ill. 21).11 Dampskibsruterne og jernbanelinjerne samlede så at sige turisterne i en slipstrøm på hovedvejen til Rom, hvor der ikke kunne afviges fra ruten på samme måde, som hestevognen og den vandrende mere spontant kunne forandre rute og vej. Forestillingen om Sydeuropa som et Arkadien blevet således kraftig udfordret af generationen af kunst­nere, der rejste ud fra 1830’erne, idet de kom ind i denne nye strøm af turister og de forbedrede rejsebetingelser. Lundbye repræsenterer sammen med H.C. Andersen og de øvrige kunstnere i 1830’erne og 1840’erne en ny generation af rejsende, der bemærkede, erkendte og så, at vejen til Rom allerede var foran­dret. Reaktionerne på forandringerne kom prompte fra dem i form af iagttagelser af udviklingen herunder beklagelser over de mange andre turisters tilstedeværelse, som vi nu vil se nærmere på.

TURISTKULTURER BLOMSTRER OPLundbye og Rørbye rejste begge gennem Rhinområdet og over Schweiz på vejen til Rom. Lundbye i 1845 og Rørbye i 1834. Fælles for dem begge var, at de gav udtryk for, at noget ikke var som forventet:

… Her strømmer Mennesker sammen fra alle Verdenskanter, endog brasilianske Prindsesser forre her igjennem den stille Flodseng med klingende Spil og vaiende Flag. Det er jo næsten værre end Tivoli hjemme.12 (J.Th. Lundbye, 1845, ved Rhinen)

Dalen er overmaade skjøn, det gør blot et ubehageligt Indtryk her at se de rige Reisende at komme med deres store Equipager og mange Tjænere i denne fredelige Egn, hvis Indvaanere de ved deres Penge fordærve.13 (Martinus Rørbye, 1834, Schweiz)

took place in smoky and noisy locomotives, and from the passenger carriages there was the view to polluting factories, together with the view to a landscape where mountains were blown to pieces in order to construct tunnels for the railway lines. In short, the sur­roundings did not quite appear as unspoilt everywhere as the trans­mission of information back home had given the impression of. Much had happened on the transport front since the start of the 1800s were it was only possible to hike, take a horse­drawn carriage or sail with a sailing ship in order to get to Rome. And much had happened with the landscape that the railway lines had been built through, and with the cities where the trains stopped (ill. 20), and not least with the harbour towns where the steamships set up their routes (ill. 21).11 The steamship routes and the railway lines gathered the tourists, so to speak, in a slipstream on the main road to Rome, where one could not deviate from the route in the same way as the horse­drawn carriages and hikers, who could be more spontaneous and change both the route and the road. Thus, the notion of Southern Europe as an Arcadia was greatly challenged by the generation of artists who travelled out from the 1830s, in that they entered into this new stream of tourists and the improved conditions of carriage. Lundbye, together with H.C. Andersen and the other artists of the 1830s and 1840s, represented a new generation of traveller who noticed, recognised and saw that the road to Rome had already changed. The reactions to the changes came promptly from them in the form of observations on the developments, including com­plaints about the presence of the many other tourists, which we will now look closer at.

TOURIST CULTURES THRIVELundbye and Rørbye both travelled through the Rhine area and across Switzerland on the way to Rome: Lundbye in 1845 and Rørbye in 1834. Common to both of them was that they intimated that something was not as expected:

… People from all corners of the world flock together, even Brazilian princesses travelled here through the quiet river bed with tinkling play and wafting flags. It is almost worse than Tivoli back home.12

(J.Th. Lundbye, 1845, by the Rhine)

[ill. 20] C.F. Steltzner, Jernbaneanlæg ved Altona (Railway near Altona), 1844. Daguerreotypi / Daguerreotype, 12,1x14,8 cm. Altonaer Museum in Hamburg. Norddeutsches Landesmuseum.

[ill. 21] Michel Amodio, Havnen i Napoli med Vesuv i baggrunden (The Harbour in Naples with Vesuvius in the background), 1850­60. Kollodium / Collodion. Fratelli Alinari Museum Collections, Firenze.

TRAVEL IMAGES – A TOURIST IN ARCADIA? 219

Schweitzerne, som jeg har fundet dem, er… ødelagt ved de mange Reisende. Det første Ord de siger, er: Penge! det næste: Navnet paa et af deres himmelhøie Bjerge. Derpaa atter: Penge!14 (J.Th. Lundbye, 1845, Schweiz)

Som citaterne viser, gav både Lundbye og Rørbye udtryk for, at der var et rend af andre rejsende og ikke nok med det: den mas­sive tilstedeværelse af andre rejsende havde gennem tid påvirket de lokale kulturer og fordærvet befolkningerne i en negativ retning ifølge deres dagbogsoplysninger. Også Wilhelm Marstrand havde samme oplevelse af især Schweiz, da han påbegyndte sin første kunstneriske dannelsesrejse i 1836, hvilket bekræfter, at noget var forandret på kontinentet.15 Når vi derimod ser nærmere på kunst­nernes skildringer af Schweiz og Rhinegnen er det påfaldende, at ingen af kunstnerne skildrede turismens opblomstring. De skrev blot om den. Dvs. at deres oplevelser i ord adskilte sig væsentligt fra deres “oplevelser” i billeder (ill. 13). Marstrand blev derimod en ener, når det kom til at skildre turis­men, idet han så småt begyndte at skildre andre turister i billederne samt andre rejsendes dårlige opførsel. Denne gradvise kunstneriske udvikling af et særpræget billedsprog kan ses i billederne allerede fra de første besøg i Rom i 1836 til han i 1854 var på sin tredje rejse sydpå. Da Marstrand første gang opholdt sig i Rom, blev han fascineret af det pulserende folkeliv og dets kultur i en sådan grad, at han besluttede sig for at skildre det nutidige folk fra deres skønneste og festligste side frem for at forblive ved sin læst som historisk figur­maler. Forinden afrejsen til Italien havde han i henholdsvis 1833 og 1835 konkurreret om kunstakademiets guldmedaljer med motiver som Flugten til Ægypten og Odysseus og Nausikaa, dvs. bibelske og mytologiske skildringer af fortidige personer og sagnfigurer i tidssvarende klæder og omgivelser. I Rom søgte Marstrand mindre ophøjede motivkredse. Han fandt her et helt nyt univers bestående af nulevende personer i hverdagshandlinger, som virkede mere relevante at skildre end det antikke Roms fortidige historier, som det ellers var forventeligt, at han ville gøre kompositioner over. Sær­ligt de situationer hvor den romerske befolkning klædte sig pænt på til fest, greb Marstrand som motiv. Marstrand endte med at opholde sig næsten fire år i Rom. For at finansiere dette ophold udførte han også arbejder på bestilling fra rige danske rejsende, der var på gennemrejse i Italien. Et af disse værker bestilt af hofvinhandleren Christian Waagepetersen (1787­1840) skildrer den romerske befolkning i fest og farver. Maleriet Ro­merske borgere forsamlede til lystighed i et osteri (ill. 22) fra 1839 viser samtidig også, hvordan de danske rejsende skilte sig ud i deres klæder, og hvordan de grupperede sig i kolonier uden større interak­tion med romerne. Danskerne var tilskuere til romernes optræden, placeret af Marstrand i skyggen, klædt i kjole og hvidt og udstyret med stive, høje hatte. Romerne derimod var klædt i farvestrålende dragter skildret i sollyset, i bevægelse og i færd med at leve livet. Mon ikke der heri ligger en implicit kommentar fra Marstrand om, at de danske rejsende medvirkede til en negativ påvirkning af den autentiske, uspolerede romerske kultur? Den danske mand, der yderst til højre i gruppen lokker den yngre kvinde fra optoget med et glas vin trods den ældre kvindes advarsler, kunne i så fald være symbolet på den fordærvende turist, der ødelagde den sidste rest af Roms uskyld. Fra nu af dansede romerne kun “fordi nogle rej­sende ønskede at se dem saaledes”, som udtrykt af Emil Hannover

The valley is overwhelmingly beautiful, though it makes an unpleasant impression here to see the rich travellers arriving with their large equipage and many servants, in this peaceful locality whose inhabitants their money taints.13

(Martinus Rørbye, 1834, Switzerland)

The Swiss, as I have experienced them, are… ruined due to the many travellers. The first word they say is: money! The next: the name of one of their sky­high mountains. Then once more: money!14

(J.Th. Lundbye, 1845, Switzerland)

As the quotations show, both Lundbye and Rørbye intimated that they were overrun with other travellers, and not only that, the mas­sive presence of other travellers had over time affected the local cultures and corrupted the populations in a negative way, according to the information in their diaries. Wilhelm Marstrand also had the same experience of Switzerland in particular when he began his first artistic grand tour in 1836, confirming that something had changed on the continent.15 When we, however, look closer at the artists’ depictions of Switzerland and the Rhine region it is conspicuous that none of the artists depicted the rise in tourism. They merely wrote about it. That is to say, their experiences in words were appreciably separate from their “experiences” in pictures (ill. 13). When it came to depicting tourism, however, Marstrand became unique in that he slowly began to depict other tourists in the pictures together with the bad behaviour of other travellers. This gradual artistic development of a distinctive imagery can be seen in the pictures as early as his first visit to Rome in 1836 until he, in 1854, was on his third trip south. When Marstrand stayed in Rome for the first time he became fasci nated by the pulsating street life and its culture to such a degree that he decided to depict the present people from their most beautiful and convivial sides instead of sticking to being a historical figure painter. Before his departure to Italy he had, in 1833 and 1835 respectively, competed for the art academy’s gold medals with motifs such as Flugten til Ægypten (Flight to Egypt) and Odysseus og Nausikaa (Odysseus and Nausicaa); that is to say, biblical and mythological depictions of persons from early history and mythical characters in the clothing and surroundings of the time. In Rome, Marstrand sought less lofty motifs. He found in these a whole new universe consisting of living people in everyday acts that appeared more relevant to depict than the ancient stories of Roman antiquity, which he was otherwise expected to make compositions of. In par­ticular, Marstrand was taken by using those situations where the Roman population dressed up for a party as a motif. Marstrand eventually stayed almost four years in Rome. In order to finance this stay he also carried out some commissioned work for rich Danes travelling through Italy. One of these works, commis­sioned by the wine merchant to the court, Christian Waagepetersen (1787­1840), depicts the Roman inhabitants in colour and festi vity. The painting, Romerske borgere forsamlede til lystighed i et osteri (Roman citizens gathered for gaiety in an Osteria) (ill. 22), from 1839, also shows how the Danish travellers differed with their clothes and how they grouped together in communities without much interaction with the Romans. The Danes were spectators to the Roman conduct, placed in the shade by Marstrand, clad in evening dress and equipped with stiff top hats. The Romans, on the other hand, were dressed in colourful outfits, depicted in the sunlight, in

[ill. 22] Wilhelm Marstrand, Romerske borgere forsamlede til lystighed i et osteri (Roman citizens gathered for gaiety at an Osteria), 1839. Olie på lærred / Oil on canvas, 74 x 97 cm. Nivaagaards Malerisamling.

222 REJSEBILLEDER – TURIST I ARKADIEN?

i 1893 om tendenser han mente gjorde sig gældende fra 1860’erne og frem. Dans til ære for turisterne havde nok allerede indfundet sig som en udbredt praksis fra 1830’erne ifølge Marstrands værker. Andre af de danske kunstnere, der opholdt sig samtidig med Marstrand i Rom, modtog også bestillinger for at få økonomien til at hænge sammen. Ditlev Blunck (1798­1854) fik således en bestilling fra den københavnske borgmester, der gerne ville have et minde om sin tid i Rom. Blunck løste opgaven ved at skildre en hverdagsscene fra kunstnernes liv, nærmere bestemt fra deres sociale liv, hvor de samledes på en af Roms mange beværtninger og her spiste og drak med andre kunstnere fra primært Norge, Sverige og Tyskland (ill. 23). Bænket omkring bordet i osteriet La Gensola i Trastevere ses Bertel Thorvaldsen siddende for bord­enden, mens billedets bestiller er manden med den mørke jakke, der er ved at betale for gildet.16 Rundt om bordet ses desuden kunstnerne Albert Küchler (1803­1886), Jørgen Sonne, Ernst Meyer (1797­1861) og Blunck selv. Marstrands billedopbygning, hvor den danske koloni er adskilt fra romerne (ill. 22), kan meget vel være inspireret af Blunck, der netop placerede danskerne ved det ene bord og romerne ved det andet uden interaktion. I en lidt senere udført version (ill. 24) af samme komposition er stolen i forgrunden, der tidligere adskilte de to grupperinger, nu erstattet af et par velklædte børn i midten. Derudover er der i denne version langt flere blikretninger, der krydser de to borde, som for at signalere større grad af integration de to kulturer imellem. I denne version ses også Marstrand med til bords.17

Tilbøjeligheden til, at kunstnerne grupperede sig ja nærmest isolerede sig fra den lokale romerske befolkning, tog kun til i løbet af 1800­tallets årtier. Læser man de danske kunstneres dagbøger og breve, er tendensen klar: de besøgte mest hinanden, gik op i hinandens problemer, hørte om nyt hjemmefra og mødtes på byens beværtninger La Gensola eller Caffè Greco.18 På mange måder var dette adfærdsmønster netop turistens: opholdet i det fremmede gjordes velkendt ved at socialisere med landsmænd og ved at færdes de samme veltagne steder. Disse kolonidannende cirkler var der mange af i Rom. Englænderne holdt sig for sig selv; det samme gjorde franskmændene. Sammenlagt var antallet af rejsende end­videre i hastig vækst i 1830’erne, og på bare få årtier var Rom og

motion and busy living life. Perhaps there is an implicit comment from Marstrand in here about the Danish travellers contributing to a negative effect on the authentic, unspoiled Roman culture? The Danish man furthest to the right of the group, tempting the younger woman from the parade with a glass of wine despite the warning of the older woman, might then be a symbol of the corrupting tourist, ruining the final remains of Roman innocence. From now on, the Romans danced only “because some travellers wished to see them this way”, as Emil Hannover noted in 1893, on the tendencies he believed were noticeable from the 1860s onwards. According to the works of Marstrand, dancing for the sake of tourists had already become established as a widespread practice from the 1830s. Other Danish artists who resided in Rome at the same time as Marstrand were also commissioned in order to bolster their eco­nomic situation. Ditlev Blunck (1798­1854) received such a com­mission from the mayor of Copenhagen, who wanted to have a reminder of his time in Rome. Blunck carried out the assign­ment by depicting an everyday scene from the artists’ life; or, to be more precise, from their social life, where they gathered at one of Rome’s many public houses and here ate and drank with other artists from primarily Norway, Sweden and Germany (ill. 23). Seated around the table in the osteria La Gensola in Trastevere is Bertel Thorvaldsen, sitting at the end of the table, while the man who commissioned the picture is shown in the dark jacket, about to foot the bill.16 In addition, the artists Albert Küchler (1803­1886), Jørgen Sonne, Ernst Meyer (1797­1861) and Blunck himself can be seen around the table. Marstrand’s picture composition in which the Danish community is separated from the Romans (ill. 22) might well be inspired by Blunck, who has placed the Danes on the one table and the Romans on the other, without interaction. In a version of the same composition completed slightly later (ill. 24), the chair in the foreground, which earlier separated the two groupings, has now been replaced by a pair of well­dressed children in the middle. Furthermore, in this version there are many more gazes crossing the two tables, as if to signal a greater level of integration between the two cultures. In this version Marstrand can also be seen at the table.17

The artists’ inclination to group themselves as almost isolated

[ill. 23] Ditlev Blunck, Kunstnere i et romersk osteri (Artists at a roman Osteria), 1836­37. Olie på lærred / Oil on canvas, 71 x 94 cm. Det Nationalhistoriske Museum, Frederiksborg.

[ill. 24] Ditlev Blunck, Danske Kunstnere i Osteriet La Gensola i Rom (Danish artists in Osteria La Gensola in Rome), 1837. Olie på lærred / Oil on canvas, 74,5 x 99,4 cm, Thorvaldsens Museum.

TRAVEL IMAGES – A TOURIST IN ARCADIA? 223

lignende velbesøgte byer forandret. Rejsende kunstnere fra andre lande opførte sig meget lig danskerne; også med hensyn til deres billedsprog, idet de på den ene side viste den konstruerede idyl frem for offentligheden og på den anden side udførte mere private studier, hvor turisterne undtagelsesvist kunne træde frem. Da Marstrand i perioden 1845­1848 var på sin anden rejse mod syden, blev han især i Rom overrasket over den retning, udviklingen af byen havde taget:

Alle disse fremadskridende Bevægelser i Rom ere sørgelige – det simple Liv taber dets maleriske Former. Alle Husene bliver lidt efterlidt lig vore Muurmesterpaladser, Costumerne fortrænges af Englands Bomuldsfabricata, kort: med den Cultur, som snart kommer hertil paa Jernbaner, skeer den Forvandling, at Rom kommer til at ligne Berlin. Og det har man dog vel Lov til at sukke et lille Suk over.19

(Wilhelm Marstrand, 1847, Rom)

from the local Roman inhabitants only increased during the course of the 1800s. If one reads the diaries and letters of the Danish artists, the tendency is clear: they mostly visited one another, concerned themselves with one another’s problems, heard news from home and met in the city’s public houses La Gensola or Caffè Greco.18 In many ways this was the same behavioural pattern as that of the tourists: residency in foreign surroundings is made familiar by socialising with countrymen and by making use of the same adopted places. There were many of these community ­formed cliques in Rome. The Englishmen kept themselves to them­selves, as did the Frenchmen. Moreover, the number of travel lers was in rapid growth in the 1830s, and in just a few decades Rome and similar popular cities changed. The visiting artists from other countries behaved very much like Danes, also with regard to their imagery, in that they on the one hand showed the constructed idyll to the public, and on the other hand carried out more private studies where the tourists in exceptional cases were prominent.

[ill. 25] Wilhelm Marstrand, En englænder forfulgt af tiggere i Rom (An Englishman pursued by beggars in Rome), 1848. Olie på lærred / Oil on canvas, 28 x 32 cm. The Ambassador John L. Loeb Jr. Danish Art Collection.

224 REJSEBILLEDER – TURIST I ARKADIEN?

[ill. 26] Wilhelm Marstrand, Rejsende i Venedig (Traveller in Venice), 1854. Olie på papir, klæbet på lærred / Oil on paper glued on canvas, 35,3 x 26,4 cm. Den Hirschsprungske Samling, København.

TRAVEL IMAGES – A TOURIST IN ARCADIA? 225

Jernbanen, der bragte alle turisterne til Rom, gøres her ansvarlig for forvandlingen af byens kultur og for det enhedspræg mange stor­byer i dag har. I Marstrands perspektiv var udviklingen beklagelig, men selvom han undsagde jernbanens indvirkning på byerne, anvendte han selv flittigt dette transportmiddel på sine rejser, hvor det lod sig gøre. Synet på udviklingen rummede derfor ofte en dob­belthed, idet flere rejsende nok bifaldt komforten og hurtigheden, men også udtrykte beklagelse over, at noget andet gik tabt. Og for Marstrand var dette “andet” væsentligere at værne om. Især folke livet, som Marstrand yndede at skildre, fandt han nu spoleret, og i en række billeder vendte han sig mod turisterne – dem der havde ødelagt folkelivet. I maleriet En englænder forfulgt af tiggere i Rom (ill. 25) fra 1848 blev turisten fremstillet som en komisk rang­let mandsperson, der skødesløst flanerede gennem Roms gader med høj cigarføring uden at skænke de fattige folk en tanke. Denne englænder blev således skildret som emblem på den tankeløse turist. Den fattige mand helt til venstre i billedet markerer med en opgivende gestus, at turisten ikke er værd at bruge tid på. Maleriet kan således ses som Marstrands kritiske og sarkastiske svar på, at han ikke var begejstret for turismens påvirkning af Italien. Marstrand gør senere brug af en lignende billedstrategi i maleriet Rejsende i Venedig (ill. 26) hvor en rig overernæret engelsk turist er faldet i søvn i gondolen, der sejles af en underernæret venezianer. I englænderens hånd holdes antagelig, bogformatet taget i betragt­ning, en rejsebog af typen Baedeker, der angiver hvilke fantasti­ske steder, man som rejsende bør besøge i Venedig og hvilke ud­sigtssteder, man bør gøre hold ved. Når rigtig mange efterhånden følger disse trykte bøgers anvisninger er det, at man kan tale om en egentlig turistbevægelse, der påvirker stederne. Alt for mange havde allerede dengang taget disse ture i gondolerne udelukkende med sightseeing for øje til, at det kunne betragtes som en auten­tisk tur med særegne oplevelser. Turistparret, der her er på magelig rundtur i Venedigs kanaler uden egentlig at opleve Venedig, skildres derfor med en vis portion ironi. Oplevelsen i Marstrands billeder hænger således bedre sammen med hans oplevelser i det skrevne ord set i forhold til de øvrige kunstnere, der havde udtalte vanskeligheder ved at skildre andre

When Marstrand was on his second trip south, in the period 1845­1848, he became especially surprised in Rome over the direction and the development the city had taken:

All this progress in Rome is lamentable – the simple life is losing its painterly forms. All the houses are little by little becoming the same as our brick palaces, the costumes replaced by cotton fabricated in England; in short: with this culture, which will soon arrive here via the railways, comes this change, and Rome starts to resemble Berlin. And one must be allowed to let out a little sigh over that.19

(Wilhelm Marstrand, 1847, Rome)

The rail track, which brought all the tourists to Rome, is here made responsible for the change in the city’s culture and for the uniform character that many large cities today have. In Marstrand’s perspec­tive the development was regrettable, but even though he declared open enmity on the railway’s impact on the cities, he himself frequently used this form of transport on his travels, where it was available. The view of the development, therefore, often implied a duplicity in that several travellers approved of the comfort and speed, but also expressed regret that something else was lost. And for Marstrand it was more essential to defend this “other”. It was especially the street life that Marstrand was fond of depicting which he now found spoiled, and in a number of pictures he focussed on the tourists – those who had ruined the street life. In the painting En englænder forfulgt af tiggere i Rom (An Englishman pursued by beggars in Rome) (ill. 25), from 1848, the tourist is represented as a comically stumbling male, carelessly strolling through the streets of Rome and keeping a high profile without giving the poor folk a second thought. This Englishman was depicted in this way as emblematic of the thoughtless tourist. The poor man to the far right in the picture signals with a resigned gesture that the tourist is not worth spending time on. The painting can, in this way, be seen as Marstrand’s critical and sarcastic response to the fact that he was not enthusiastic about the impact of tourism on Italy. Later on, Marstrand makes use of a similar strategy in the painting Rejsende i Venedig (Traveller in Venice) (ill. 26) where a rich, overfed English tourist has fallen asleep in a gondola that is sailing by an underfed Venetian. In the Englishman’s hand is, con­sidering the format of the book, a Baedeker travel guide, informing of which fantastic sights a traveller should visit in Venice and which places one should acquaint oneself with to find the best views. When lots of people eventually follow the instructions in these published books it is what one can call a real tourist movement, which affects the places. All too many had already then taken a trip in a gondola, purely for the sake of sightseeing, for it to be viewed as an authentic trip with specific experiences. The tourist couple, who here are on a comfortable roundtrip on the canals of Venice without really experiencing Venice, are therefore depicted with a certain amount of irony. The experience in Marstrand’s pictures thus fits together better with his experiences in the written word, seen in relation to the other artists who had expressed difficulties in depicting other tourists in pictures. The question is, therefore, why did other artists find it so difficult to depict the tourists? One of the explanations could be that if the tourists were depicted as they had been experienced then the elements of the picture space would point back too much at the artist himself. That if the artist had experienced “ tourism”,

[ill. 27] Carl Spitzweg, Englændere i romersk landskab (Englishman in Roman countryside), ca. 1845. Vandfarve / Watercolours, 40 x 50 cm. Alte Nationalgalerie.

226 REJSEBILLEDER – TURIST I ARKADIEN?

turister i billederne. Spørgsmålet er derfor, hvorfor det var så svært for de andre kunstnere at skildre turisterne. En af forklaringerne kan være, at hvis man skildrede turisterne, som man havde oplevet dem, ville billedrummets elementer pege for meget tilbage på kunstneren selv. Det vil sige, at hvis kunstneren havde oplevet “turisme”, måtte han også selv være en turist, eftersom han havde været de samme steder som mængden og var blevet bragt der­til med tidens kollektive transportmidler benyttet af turister: jern­banen og dampskibet. Forskellen mellem at agere rigtig rejsende og ordinær turist var derfor en hårfin balance, som kun få kunstnere turde give sig i kast med at skildre. Vender vi blikket mod udlandet mestrede eksempelvis den tyske kunstner Carl Spitzweg (1808­1885) også denne balance (ill. 27). I maleriet af det romerske landskab gengiver han – ligesom Marstrand – turister, der finder vej ved hjælp af rejsebøgerne, og som ydermere har hyret en guide til at gøre rejsen behagelig og tryg. Marstrands og Spitzwegs billeder var til privat brug, da tiden ikke var rede til at lade sådanne billeder blive sluppet løs på det offent­lige kunstmarked. Der ville for det første ikke være nogle købere til disse billeder, og for det andet ville Marstrand blive betragtet som turisten, der afslørede, at verden havde forandret sig i Italien; dvs. at dannelsesrejsen ikke længere kun bød på autentiske oplevelser fra Arkadien, men at kunstnerne snarere var turister på den befærdede hovedvej til Rom. I Marstrands optik var folkelivet definitivt blevet spoleret i Rom. Rom var nu kun for turister. I et brev allerede i 1847 skrev Marstrand faktisk, at den rigtige rejsende måtte tage længere væk for at undgå at opleve spolerede kulturer:

...saa maa man til Orienten og saa til Africa lige ned i Midten til sidst, for at finde Mennesker saaledes som Vor Herre har skabt dem.20

Marstrand selv kom dog aldrig længere væk end Rom. Det gjorde Rørbye til gengæld. Han tog konsekvensen af, at der var for mange turister i Rom og tog til Orienten. Her fik han oplevelser for livet og evig inspiration til sin kunst.

JAGTEN PÅ DET USPOLEREDERørbyes rejse til Den Nære Orient gik over Grækenland til Tyrkiet med dampskib. Især i Tyrkiet mødte han uspolerede befolkningsgrupper uberørte af turismens opblomstring, og denne lokalbefolkning blev genstand for Rørbyes pen (ill. 28­29). Opholdet foregik i vinteren fra 1836 til 1837 og gjorde stort indtryk på Rørbye, omend der blot var tale om en rejse på få måneder. I Konstantinopel ( Istanbul), i de mindre byer og på de græske øer med tyrkisk befolkning oplevede Rørbye en helt anden interaktion med de lokale end den, der var blevet praksis i Rom. Her ude i Orienten havde han ikke mulighed for at gruppere sig i den vante koloni af landsmænd og i de bekvemme cirkler.21 Det betød, at han kom tættere på lokal befolkningens hver­dag og livsstil, og denne opnåede nærhed afspejlede sig tydeligt i de kolorerede skitser af opiums rygende mænd, skakspillere og situationer fra eksempelvis caféerne og barbersalonerne. Han var blevet accepteret som fluen på væggen til deres hverdagsgøremål fascineret af deres levevis. Det havde gennem generationer været en udbredt opfattelse blandt danskerne, at tyrkerne typemæssigt var barbariske og lettere

he must also have been a tourist himself, since he had been the same places as the crowds and had been brought there with the collective means of transport used by the tourists: the railway and the steamship. The difference between acting like a real traveller and an ordinary tourist was, therefore, a fine balance which only a few artists dared to start depicting. If we turn our gaze abroad, the German artist Carl Spitzweg (1808­1885), for example, also mastered this balance (ill. 27). In the painting of the Roman landscape he represents tourists – just as Marstrand did – finding their way around with the aid of travel guides, and who, in addition, have hired a guide to make the trip comfortable and easy. The pictures of Marstrand and Spitzweg were for private use as the time was not ready to allow such pictures to be let loose on the public art market. Firstly, there would be no buyers for these pictures and, secondly, Marstrand would be looked upon as the tourist who revealed that the world had changed in Italy; that the grand tour no longer only offered authentic experiences from Arcadia, but that the artists rather were tourists on the crowded main road to Rome. In Marstrand’s view, the street life in Rome had been definitively spoiled. Rome was now only for tourists. In a letter as early as 1847, Marstrand actually wrote that the real travellers had to go further away in order to avoid experiencing the spoiled cultures:

...one must then seek the Orient and then Africa right down the middle in order to finally find people the way the Lord created them.20

Marstrand himself, though, never managed to travel further than Rome. Rørbye, on the other hand, did. He faced the consequences that there were too many tourists in Rome and travelled to the Orient. Here he gained experiences of a lifetime and endless inspiration for his art.

IN SEARCH OF THE UNSPOILEDRørbye’s travel to the Near East went through Greece to Turkey by steamship. He met unspoiled ethnic groups, untouched by the growth in tourism, and this local population was the subject of Rørbye’s pen (ill. 28­29). Rørbye’s stay took place in winter from 1836 to 1837 and made a big impression on him, even though the trip only lasted a few months. In Constantinople (Istanbul) and in the smaller towns and the Greek islands with Turkish populations, Rørbye experienced a totally different interaction with the locals than what had become common practice in Rome. Here out in the Orient he did not have the possibility of grouping himself in the familiar community of countrymen and in the convenient circles.21 This meant that he came closer to the everyday life and lifestyle of the local population and this obtained intimacy was mirrored clearly in the coloured sketches of men smoking opium, chess players, and situations such as the cafés and barber salons. He had been accepted as a fly on the wall in their everyday business, fascinated by their way of life. Through generations it had been a widespread perception amongst Danes that the Turks typically were barbaric and slightly blunted because of their conduct with the Greeks. But Rørbye almost gained the opposite impression; one could say he almost admired the Turkish people.22 In many ways this unsettled a number of the

TRAVEL IMAGES – A TOURIST IN ARCADIA? 227

[ill. 28] Martinus Rørbye, En Tyrkisk Opiumsryger (Jaia Dervicha) i Chalkis (A Turkish Opium Smoker (Jaia Dervicha) in Chalkis), 1836. Blyant og akvarel på papir / Pencil and watercolour on paper, 22,2 x 34,5 cm. Kobberstiksamlingen, Statens Museum for Kunst.

[ill. 29] Martinus Rørbye, Tyrkere ved brætspil i café i Chalkis (Turks with board game in café in Chalkis), 1836. Blyant og akvarel på papir / Pencil and watercolour on paper, 25,6 x 41,6 cm. Kobberstiksamlingen, Statens Museum for Kunst.

[ill. 30] Martinus Rørbye, Brønden på Pladsen St. Sophie ved Serailets Port i Konstantinopel. Til venstre i billedet ser man murene om Serailets haver, i baggrunden Bosporus og kysten af Lilleasien. På pladsen folk af forskellige østerlandske nationer. Eftermiddags belysning (Well on St. Sophie’s Square near Serailet’s Gate in Constantinople. On the left of the picture the walls around the Serailet’s gardens, in the background the Bosphorus and coast of Asia Minor. In the square, people of various Eastern nations. Afternoon light), 1846. Olie på lærred / Oil on canvas, 112,5 x 159,1 cm. ARoS Aarhus Kunst museum.

230 REJSEBILLEDER – TURIST I ARKADIEN?

afstumpede på grund af deres opførsel over for grækerne. Men Rørbye fik nærmest det modsatte indtryk; ja han nærmest beundrede det tyrkiske folk.22 På mange måder forrykkede en række af de ind­lejrede antagelser sig, som Rørbye havde fået med i bagagen hjem­mefra, og herudaf opstod et mere selvstændigt dannet indtryk af verden baseret på fakta og ikke forestillinger. Rørbyes egne rejse­erfaringer ændrede eksempelvis hans syn på, hvordan italienerne, grækerne og tyrkerne var. Resten af livet vendte Rørbye faktisk igen og igen tilbage til disse skitser gjort i 1836­1837 på rejsen til Orien­ten i forsøget på at genskabe den østerlandske stemning i større malerikompositioner. Et af de monu mentale værker er maleriet Brønden på Pladsen St. Sophie ved Serailets Port i Konstantinopel fra 1846, komponeret hjemme i atelieret i København (ill. 30). Male­riet baserer sig således på Rørbyes erindringer og studier gjort ti år tidligere, men uagtet afstanden i tid virker maleriet ikke mere kon­strueret og mere idylliserende end andre kunstneres rejsebilleder. Det var helt almindelig praksis dengang, at maleriets ærinde var at sammenfatte og kondensere rejsens gode oplevelser, mens de tegnede skitser og de malede studier i højere grad blev anvendt til at indfange et “her og nu” billede af noget aktuelt oplevet, et sær­ligt udsnit af verden. Disse ”udsnit” blev senere anvendt som for­læg for det kompositte, konstruerede maleris mange delelementer.

embedded assumptions which Rørbye had with him in his baggage from home, and from this a more independently formed impression of the world arose, based on facts and not expec tations. Rørbye’s own travel experiences, for example, changed his views on how the Italians, the Greeks and the Turks were. For the remainder of his life, Rørbye in fact returned over and over again to the sketches he made in 1836­1837 on his trip to the Orient, in an attempt to recreate the oriental atmosphere in larger painting compo sitions. One of the monumental works is the painting Brønden på Pladsen St. Sophie ved Serailets Port i Konstantinopel (Well on St. Sophie’s Square near the Serailets Gate in Constantinople) from 1846, composed in his studio back in Copenhagen (ill. 30). The painting is based on Rørbye’s recollections and studies made ten years previously, but in spite of the distance in time the painting does not appear any more constructed or idealised than the travel pictures of other artists. It was perfectly ordinary practice back then for the painting to summarise and condense the good experiences from the journey, while the sketches and painted studies to a higher degree were used to capture a “here and now” picture of something actually experienced – a particular extract of the world. These “extracts” were later used as sources for the composite, constructed

[ill. 31] P.C. Skovgaard, Parti fra Venedig (Scene from Venice), 1854. Olie på lærred / Oil on canvas, 22 x 43 cm. ARoS Aarhus Kunstmuseum.

TRAVEL IMAGES – A TOURIST IN ARCADIA? 231

Derfor er de større ateliermalerier sjældent udtryk for én samlet oplevelse af ét sted, men snarere sammenstykkede oplevelser fra flere forskellige områder og udsigter. Jagten på den uspolerede oplevelse blev således indfanget i skitsen som medie og senere foreviget som en brik i de større maleriers mange brikker oftest i en lettere forskønnet version. Denne praksis blev anvendt af Rørbye ligesom Marstrand, der på hjemrejsen fra første tur til Rom opholdt sig et halvt år i München i 1841, hvor han udelukkende påbegyndte malerier forestillende det romerske folks festligheder baseret på studier fra Italien. Ikke ét billede af hverdagen eller befolkningen i München blev gjort under dette ophold. Kufferten var fuld af teg­nede og malede oplevelser fra sydens mere eller mindre autentiske befolkning i fest og farver, og fligen af denne uspolerede stemning, der var ved at smuldre (eller allerede var smuldret?) skulle fasthol­des og gøres til billeder til salg for det danske borgerskab, der fortsat ufortrødent dyrkede den arkaiske forestilling om syden. Marstrands billeder med turister på var derfor billeder udført af egen interesse uden henblik på salg. Det var imidlertid langt fra alle kunstnere for­undt at bruge tid på værker, som ikke gav mulighed for indtjening. De måtte derfor nøjes med at skildre Italien som det forventelige Arkadien. Derfor er det denne type rejsebilleder, vi ser flest af fra guld alderen. Men i det skjulte og uden for offentlighedens søgelys

painting’s many individual elements. Therefore the larger studio paintings are seldom an expression of one collected experience of one place, but rather pieced together experiences from several different areas and views. The search for the unspoiled experience thus became captured in the sketch medium and later portrayed as a piece in the larger painting’s many pieces, often in a slightly embellished version. This practice was used by Rørbye, as well as Marstrand, who on the journey home from his first tour to Rome, stayed for half a year in Munich in 1841, where he exclusively began paintings depicting the festiveness of the Roman people, which were based on studies from Italy. No pictures of everyday Munich or its inhabitants were made during this stay. The suitcase was full of sketched and painted experiences from the more or less authen­tic southern population in colour and festive mood, and a tiny bit of this unspoiled atmosphere, which was about to crumble (or was already crumbled?), was to be maintained and turned into pictures for sale to the Danish middle classes, who continued to untiringly cultivate the archaic idea of the south. Marstrand’s pictures con­taining tourists were, therefore, pictures made out of the artist’s own interest without a view to selling them. It was, however, far from every artist who could choose to spend time on works that did not give the possibility of earnings. They had to be content with

232 REJSEBILLEDER – TURIST I ARKADIEN?

gemte der sig anderledes billeder fra kunstnernes rejser, som vi i dag kan betragte som mere realistiske gengivelser af rejsens oplevelser, og som mere svarede til de oplevelser, de nedfældede og videregav i rejsedagbøger og breve. NYE SYNSVINKLER PÅ SEVÆRDIGHEDERNESom et kreativt modtræk til oplevelsen af turismens tilstede­værelse tog kunstnerne en ny billedstrategi i brug som et værn mod at blive betragtet som turister. De søgte nu at skildre de vel­kendte og velbesøgte seværdigheder fra anderledes og særegne synsvinkler antageligt med det formål at skabe uklarhed omkring motivet. Det skulle ikke længere være overtydeligt, hvad motivet fore stillede. Herigennem blev billederne udtryk for kunstnernes egne personlige, individuelle rejseoplevelser: Den unikke syns­vinkel fundet midt i vrimlen af de ordinære synsvinkler. Eksempelvis Skovgaard og Bluncks værker (ill. 31­32) kan ses som udtryk for at ville skildre Venedigs evige gondoler og gondolieres på anden vis, idet de fragmenterede gondoler og den rygvendte gondoliere ikke skildres med maksimal synlighed for øje.23 Eckersbergs billede fra Colosseum (ill. 33) set fra en indre synsvinkel frem for fra en ydre helhedsskabende vinkel, som traditionen foreskrev, bidrager også med et nyt blik på antikkens mest kendte monument. Fælles for billederne er, at de udviser en ny billedstrategi opfundet af kunstnerne som modsvar på udviklingen og forandringerne, der netop overraskede dem under rejsen. Ikke alt blev sådan som tradi­tionen og overleveringerne hjemmefra havde givet indtryk af. Den forventelige oplevelse af et arkadisk Italien var nu ikke længere en rejse i et uberørt land, men en rejse i et velbesøgt turistpræget land. Tilmed kunne rejsen derned gøres med større komfort og højere hastighed ved guldalderens afslutning end ved periodens begyn­delse. Frem for at betragte udviklingen og konstateringen af turis­mens opblomstring som en udelukkende negativ spiral synes det oplagt at revurdere de rejsebilleder, som kunstnerne i stedet for skabte. Især de nye typer billeder udført fra særprægede syns vinkler har i den grad ændret rejsebilledgenren i eftertiden. Kunstnerne for­nyede i deres billedsprog således en konservativ billedtradition, der havde overlevet sig selv, og som blindt var blevet overleveret til og reproduceret af mange generationer af kunstnere. Derfor synes disse rejsebilleder så forfriskende nye. Nogle af kunstnerne turde tilmed skildre turismen og de forandringer, som de oplevede, mens andre skildrede det velkendte fra den ukendte synsvinkel. Samlet set bevirkede disse indsatser, at blikket på rejsen blev revitaliseret, og at det for generationen efter guldalderkunstnerne blev mere legitimt at skildre forandringer, der ikke altid havde et æstetisk smukt ydre. Men det var hos guldalderens kunstnere, at kimen blev lagt.

depicting Italy as the expected Arcadia. That is why it is this type of travel image we see most from the Golden Age. But in private and out of the public spotlight many different pictures from the artists’ travels were hidden away; pictures we today can view as more realistic representations of the experiences from the journey, and which better matched the experiences they settled on and passed on in travel diaries and letters.

NEW PERSPECTIVES ON THE LANDMARKSAs a creative countermove to the experience of the presence of tourism, the artists started to use a new strategy as a defence against being regarded as tourists. They now attempted to depict the well­known and popular landmarks from different and peculiar perspectives, presumably with the intent of creating ambi guity around the motif. What the motif represented should no longer be convincing. In this way the pictures became an expression of the artists’ own personal, individual travel experiences: a unique perspective found in the midst of the swarm of ordinary points of view. For example, Skovgaard and Blunck’s works (ill. 31­32) can be seen as an attempt to depict the endless gondolas and gondoliers of Venice in a different way, as the fragmented gondolas and the gondoliers with their backs turned were not depicted with maxi­mum clarity to the eye.23 Eckersberg’s picture from the Colosseum (ill. 33), seen from an inner angle rather than from a comprehensive outer angle, as tradition dictated, also contributes with a new view of the most well­known monument of antiquity. What the pictures have in common is the way they show a new picture strategy, invented by the artists as a counter reaction to the development and the changes which were the exact ones that surprised them during their travels. Not everything turned out the way the handing over of tradition back home had given the impres­sion of. The expected experiences of an Arcadian Italy were now no longer a journey in an untouched land, but a journey in a well­visited, popular country. Furthermore, the journey could be made with greater comfort and higher speed by the end of the Golden Age than at the beginning of the period. Instead of regarding the development and recording of the growth of tourism as a nega­tive spiral only, it seems obvious to instead reconsider those travel pictures which the artists created. This is especially relevant with the new type of picture produced from distinctive perspectives, which certainly changed the travel picture genre from then on. In this way the artists renewed a conservative picture tradition in their imagery, which had somehow survived itself and had been passed down to and reproduced by numerous generations of artists with­out question. Because of this, these travel pictures appear so refreshingly new. Some of the artists even dared to depict tourism and the changes which they experienced, whilst others depicted the well­known from the unknown perspective. All in all these attempts caused a revitalisation of the way travel was regarded, and for the generation following the artists of the Golden Age it became more legitimate to depict changes which did not always have an aesthetic, beautiful exterior. But it was in the artists of the Golden Age that the seed was sown.

TRAVEL IMAGES – A TOURIST IN ARCADIA? 233

[ill. 32] Ditlev Blunck, En gondoliere (A Gondolier), 1832. Olie på lærred / Oil on canvas, 22,7 x 18,2 cm. ARoS Aarhus Kunstmuseum.

[ill. 33] C.W. Eckersberg, Udsigt gennem tre buer i Colosseums tredje stokværk (View through three arches on the third floor of the Colosseum), 1815. Olie på lærred / Oil on canvas, 32 x 49,5 cm. Statens Museum for Kunst.

236 REJSEBILLEDER – TURIST I ARKADIEN?

LITTERATUR / REfERENCES

Andersen, H.C.: En Digters Bazar, bind / vol. 1, København (1842) 1943.Bramsen, Henrik (red. / ed.): C.W. Eckersberg, I Paris Dagbog og Breve, 1810­13. København 1947. Fischer, Erik (red. / ed.): Lundbye, J.Th.: Rejsedagbøger 1845­1846, transskription med indledning af / transcription with introduction by Erik Fischer, Statens Museum for Kunst, Kobberstiksamlingen, København 1976.Gad, Tue (red. / ed.): H.C. Andersens Dagbøger, bind / vol. IV, 1851­1860, København 1974.Grand, Karina Lykke: “Turist i guldalderen – på rejse med Martinus Rørbye”, IN Karina Lykke Grand (red. m.fl. / ed., et al.): Passepartout. Temanummer: Dansk guldalder i nyt lys, nr. /no. 29, 15. årgang / vol., 2009.Grand, Karina Lykke: “Udsigt til Italien. På rejse med P.C. Skovgaard”, IN Karina Lykke Grand og Gertrud Oelsner: P.C. Skovgaard. Dansk guldalder revurderet, Aarhus: Aarhus Universitetsforlag 2010. Grand, Karina Lykke: “På rejse med Thorald Brendstrup. Landskabsbilleder fra det kendte og ukendte Europa”, IN Gertrud Oelsner og Ingeborg Bugge: Thorald Brendstrup. I guldalderens skygge, Aarhus: Aarhus Universitetsforlag 2012. Grand, Karina Lykke: Dansk guldalder. Rejsebilleder, Aarhus: Aarhus Universitetsforlag 2012.Hannover, Emil: Maleren Christen Købke – en Studie i dansk kunsthistorie, København: Kunstforeningen 1893.Jensen, Hannemarie Ragn (red. m.fl. / ed., et al.): Inspirationens skatkammer – Rom og skandinaviske kunstnere i 1800­tallet, København: Museum Tusculanums Forlag 2003.Marstrand, Otto: Maleren Wilhelm Marstrand, Kolding 2003.Nygaard, Georg: Maleren Martinus Rørbyes Rejsedagbøger 1834­1837, bind / vols. 1­3, afskrift efter manuskript i / transcript from the manuscript in Det Kongelige Bibliotek, København 1932.Raffenberg, M.K. (red. / ed.): Wilhelm Marstrand, Breve og Uddrag af breve fra denne Kunstner, samlede og ledsagede med nogle indledende Ord af Etatsraad Raffenberg, København 1880.Rørbye, Martinus: Maleren Martinus Rørbyes Rejsedagbøger 1834­1837, 3. bind / vol., Ny kgl. Samling 4° 2923, Det Kongelige Bibliotek, København.

NOTER / NOTES

1. Hannemarie Ragn Jensen (red. m.fl. / ed., et al.): Inspirationens skatkammer – Rom og skandinaviske kunstnere i 1800­tallet, København: Museum Tusculanums Forlag 2003. 2. Arkadien var oprindeligt et landskab i Grækenland, som i antikken og i eftertiden symboliserede en paradisisk tilstand i uskyld og idyl. Her boede Pan, nymfer, satyrer og hyrder, og alle levede i harmoni med hinanden. Arkadien bruges symbolsk også som udtryk for ideale, paradisiske tilstande i andre lande; eksempelvis som her om Italien / Arcadia was originally a region of Greece which in antiquity and afterwards symbolised a Utopian condition of innocence and idyll. Here resided Pan, nymphs, satyrs and herdsmen, and all lived in harmony with one another. Arcadia is also used symbolically as an expression for ideal, Utopian conditions in other lands; for example, here concerning Italy.3. Hannover, Emil: Maleren Christen Købke – en Studie i dansk kunsthistorie, København: Kunstforeningen 1893, pp. 100­101.4. Se / See Karina Lykke Grand: “På rejse med Thorald Brendstrup. Landskabsbilleder fra det kendte og ukendte Europa”, IN Gertrud Oelsner og Ingeborg Bugge: Thorald Brendstrup. I guldalderens skygge, Aarhus: Aarhus Universitetsforlag 2012. 5. Turen fra København til Paris tog tre måneder, fra den 3. juli 1810 til den 9. oktober 1810 / The journey from Copenhagen to Paris took 3 months, from the 3rd of July 1810 to the 9th of October 1810. Se / See Henrik Bramsen (red. / ed.): C.W. Eckersberg, Dagbog og Breve, Paris 1810­1813. København 1947.6. Lundbye, J.Th.: Rejsedagbøger 1845­1846, transskription med indledning af / transcription with introduction by Erik Fischer, Statens Museum for Kunst, Kobberstiksamlingen, København 1976. p. 60. Tue Gad (red. / ed.), H.C. Andersens Dagbøger, bind / vol. IV, 1851­1860, København 1974, p. 366: “Jeg gik med en uhyggelig Følelse ind i den epidemiserede Kasse.” / “I felt a cheerless sensation upon entering the pervasive box.”7. Lundbye 1976, pp. 25­26. Lundbye nævner, at han vil tegne lokomotivet med dets fragtvogne, men der er ikke kendskab til et sådant motiv i offentlige samlinger / Lundbye mentions that he will sketch the locomotive with its goods wagon, but there is no knowledge of such a motif in public collections.8. Lundbye 1976, pp. 237­238. 9. H.C. Andersen, En Digters Bazar, København (1842) 1943, bind / vol. 1, p. 42.10. Se artiklen “Det nye blik” her i publikationen for mere om Lundbyes maleri / See the article ”The new view” here in the publication for more on Lundbye’s painting.11. Se / See Karina Lykke Grand, Dansk guldalder. Rejsebilleder, Aarhus: Aarhus Universitetsforlag 2012 for mere om kunstnernes syn på rejsetransport, der ofte var teknologioptimistisk og positivt / for more on the artist’s view of transport, which was often positive and optimistic toward technology. 12. Lundbye 1976.13. Martinus Rørbye, Maleren Martinus Rørbyes Rejsedagbøger 1834­1837, 3. bind / vol., Ny kgl. Samling 4° 2923, Det Kongelige Bibliotek, København.14. Lundbye 1976, p. 93.15. Marstrands første rejse begyndte med dampskibet fra Toldboden i København til Stettín i det nuværende Polen. Herfra gik turen videre med ophold i Berlin, Dresden og München, gennem alperne i Schweiz, med dampskib fra Genova til Livorno og derfra med hestevogn til Rom, hvor han ankom fem måneder efter, at han havde forladt København. I sit lange liv nåede Marstrand at tage på hele fire rejser til Italien, mens det var Rørbye forundt at fortage rejser til syden to gange, og Lundbye kun én gang. Rørbye rejste til Italien i årene 1834­1837 og igen i 1839­1841 og J.Th. Lundbye i 1845­1846. Marstrand i 1836­1840, 1845­1848, 1853­1854 (kun til Venedig) og sidste gang i 1869 / Marstrand’s first journey began with the steamship from the Customs House in Copenhagen to Stettín in present day Poland. From here he travelled on with stays in Berlin, Dresden and Munich, through the Alps in Switzerland, with a steamship from Genoa to Livorno and from there with horse­drawn carriage to Rome, where he arrived five months after having left Copenhagen. In his long life Marstrand managed to travel four times to Italy, while it was Rørbye’s good fortune to make the journey south twice, while Lundby made it only once. Rørbye travelled to Italy in the years 1834­1837 and again in 1839­1841 and J.Th. Lundbye in 1845­1846. Marstrand in 1836­1840, 1845­1848, 1853­1854 (only to Venice) and for the final time in 1869.16. Bertel Thorvaldsen, der havde bosat sig i Rom siden 1797, og fra sit studio udførte opgaver for internationale kunder herunder royale, samlede på daværende tidspunkt ofte kunstnerne omkring sig på byens beværtninger. I 1837, da Blunck malede sine versioner

TRAVEL IMAGES – A TOURIST IN ARCADIA? 237

af kunstnerkoloniens glade dage, havde Thorvaldsen imidlertid planlagt sin hjemrejse til Danmark. Året efter vendte han hjem efter 40 år i Rom kun afbrudt af kortere ophold i Danmark / Bertel Thorvaldsen, who had lived in Rome since 1797 and had undertaken commissions from his studio for international customers, amongst them royalty, often collected artists around him at that time in the city’s public houses. In 1837, when Blunck painted his versions of the happy days of the artist communities, Thorvaldsen had, in the meantime, planned his journey home to Denmark. A year later he returned home after 40 years in Rome, only interrupted by shorter stays in Denmark.17. Det skulle være Marstrand, der kigger frem bag manden i den mørke jakke / It is supposedly Marstrand peeping out from behind the man in the dark jacket. Se / See Otto Marstrand, Maleren Wilhelm Marstrand, Kolding 2003.18. På Caffè Greco ved den spanske trappe havde de fleste også poste restante adresse, og her blev breve hjemmefra oftest læst op in plenum eller cirkulerede rundt / In Caffé Greco near the Spanish Steps, the majority also had poste restante addresses and here letters from home were, more often than not, read aloud at a plenum or circulated.19. Brev fra Wilhelm Marstrand til Constantin Hansen. Her citeret fra Marstrand 2003 / Letter from Wilhelm Marstrand to Constantin Hansen. Here quoted from Marstrand 2003, p. 84. 20. Raffenberg (red. / ed.): Wilhelm Marstrand, Breve og Uddrag af breve fra denne Kunstner, samlede og ledsagede med nogle indledende Ord af Etatsraad Raffenberg, Københanvn 1880, p. 5521. I Rørbyes rejsedagbog beskriver han fyldigt, hvordan han i Rom sad på cafeerne og osteriaerne samt besøgte andre danskere på visit i Rom. I lange passager fristes man næsten til at tro, at scenen, der beskrives, udfolder sig i København / In Rørbye’s travel diary he describes expansively how he, while in Rome, sat in the cafés and osterias as well as visiting other Danes in Rome. In long passages one is almost tempted to believe that the scene which is described takes place in Copenhagen. Se / See Georg Nygaard, Maleren Martinus Rørbyes Rejsedagbøger 1834­1837, bind / vols. 1­3, afskrift efter manuskript i /transcript from the manuscript in Det Kongelige Bibliotek, København 1932.22. Se / See Nygaard 1932.23. For mere om Skovgaards rejsebilleder se / For more on Skovgaard travel images see: Karina Lykke Grand: “Udsigt til Italien. På rejse med P.C. Skovgaard”, IN Karina Lykke Grand og Gertrud Oelsner: P.C. Skovgaard. Dansk guldalder revurderet, Aarhus: Aarhus universitetsforlag 2010.

Martinus Rørbye, Scene af det offentlige liv i Orienten. Motiv ved karavane broen i nærheden af Smyrna (Scene of Public Life in The Orient. Motif with the Caravan Bridge in the Vicinity of Smyrna), 1838. Olie på lærred / Oil on canvas, 92 x 129 cm. Det Kongelige Danske Kunstakademi, Akademiraadet.