the grammar of demonstratives in mandarin conversational
TRANSCRIPT
The Grammar of Demonstratives in Mandarin Conversational Discourse: A
Case Study
Hongyin Tao
Presented by CheWei Chang
Proximal demonstrative
Zhe/zhei (這)
Zhe-li (這裡), zhe-xie (這些)
Distal demonstrative
Na/ nei (那/內)
Na-li (那裡), na-xie (那些)
Question: What factors determine the different uses
of the two forms in the communicative context?
Concerns of this paper:
Discoursal uses of demonstratives in natural Mandarin conversations
Not merely indicating the distance of the object to the speaker
Database
A 30 minutes conversation
Three Chinese students
About an incident
157 demonstratives in total
Demonstratives:
usually referred to as deixis /daiksis/
(Fillomore1975, Levinson 1983…)
Earlier studies of demonstratives:
Physical/ spatial aspects
Fillmore: the distance differentiation function of
demonstratives are essential and then other functions
(identification function…)
Contrasting theory:
Hank(1989, 1990, 1992):
Deixis (demonstratives) serve many functions
Spatial distance in many cases is irrelevant
In Chinese linguistic tradition:
Demonstratives: contrasting in spatial distance
Only speaker at the center
Zhe: things close to the speaker; Na: far from the speaker
BUT as in (1) and (2)
(1) Y:…後來我就問他了。
…我說,
..<Q我也不認識這老頭Q>
(2) (explain to other participants why the police officer asked him whether the old man had threatened him)
Y: 我跟那老頭坐在一起啊。
Kirsner:
Challenges the conception of Demons. (zhe/na) as merely contrasting in spatial distance
Notions of high/ low deixis are more accurate
Demonstratives are INSTRUMENTAL:
Direct hearers’ attention
Not merely indicating the distance between referred ‘object’ and ‘speaker’
Discourse interactional motivations
VS.
Spatial distance
Hanks:
The indexical context of deixis is dynamic, not fixed
Degree of saliency:
Proximal: more salient/ more accessible/ concrete
Distal: less salient/ vague
Summary:
Deixis/demonstratives: intimately related to interaction
The choice of deitic forms:
Concrete spatial distance
Other (interaction…)
4.1 Usage Types of Demonstratives in Discourse (four kinds of uses)
Situational use.
Refere to an entity present in utterance situation (exophoric).
You sit here/ 他坐在那裏
Discourse/ Textual use.
Refere to a proposition/ event in the discourse
Tracking use.
Refers back to introduced specific referent
Anaphoric use
Recognitional use.
Referent are introduced with a demonstrative to show degrees of uncertainty
(3) Y: 他說…
<Q 我們是按照正常工作程…
T: 正常喔
Y: 這個程序來問Q>
4.2 Semantic Types of Reference (five semantic categories)
Temporal reference:
(4) Y: …我那天去拿信
Spatial reference:
(5) Y: …<Q你來這裡幹什麼Q>
Ordinary reference.
Refer to human/ non-human entities
那老頭/ 這個程序
Hypothetical reference.
The entity being referred to is hypothetical and non-specific
(7) Y:… 我很少看到警察
T: XX
Y: 抓了一個外國人
在那要他的身分證
4.3 Discourse Modes
Interactive mode
Most interpersonal
(2)Y: 我跟那老頭坐在一起啊。
Story mode
Reported speech
(5)Y: …<Q你來這裡幹什麼Q>
Intermediate mode
Retelling events
As in (7)
5.1 Distribution of Demonstratives in Conversational Discourse
Overall distribution of demonstratives in the data
Table 1
Head Modifier Total
這 42 48 90
那 30 37 67
Total 72 85 157
Functional distribution of demonstratives in the data
Table 2
Recognotional > tracking > textual/situational
Concrete spatial uses are the least frequent of the demonstratives
Situational
Textual Tracking Recognitional
這 12 19 22 37
那 10 3 30 24
Total 22 22 52 61
5.2. Discourse Mode
The change of discourse mode shift of indexical ground
ascontrast in (8) and (9)
Interactive mode (immediate speech)
(8) C: …他媽的頭—
從太—
太平洋那端偷渡到這來
這 refers to the immediate place when conversation took place
From interactive mode to story mode
(9) Y: …好 (interactive mode)
..<Q 內麼這個座位上的兩個人,
…你們現在就跟我們一起下車 Q> (story mode)
Neither 這個 nor 現在 refers to the current talk
Different marking of the same referent in (1) and (2)
(1) : story mode
Y:…後來我就問他了。
…我說,
..<Q我也不認識這老頭Q>
(2) : interactive mode
Y: 我跟那老頭坐在一起啊。
Cross Mode Constraint (CMC)
Only using distal demonstratives to refer to story characters in interactive mode
(2) Y: 我跟那老頭坐在一起啊。
(10) T:. ..那撿那個包的人在哪呢?
Y: …
(11) Y: 我後來,專門請教了他們一個讀法律的學生阿。
我說,<Q那,那個老頭怎麼辦Q>
他說,<Q就不知道最後給什麼處理了Q>
Exclusion of the distal demonstrative 那
Co-participants in the interactive mode
Co-appearance really matters
Spatial distance is not concerned
(12) 你這個人
(13) *你那個人
5.3. Textuality
Textual uses of demonstratives— anaphora
Table 3
Temporal immediacy in the textuality calls for the use of proximal demonstratives
Textual
Proximal 19(97%)
distal 3(3%)
Total 22 (100%)
5.4. Hypotheticality
Non-referential/ non-specific
Hypotheticality of 這 & 那
這: referential nominals
那: hypothetical nominals in irrealis clauses
(7) Y: 我很少看到警察,
抓了一個外國人,
在那要他的身分證。
5.5 Assumed Familiarity
Speaker’s assumption about the listener
Identifiability of the referents:
這: referent is non-identifiable/new to the hearer as in (16)
那: referent is identifiable to the hearer as in (15)
(15) C: …西區警署阿?
Y: 不是西區警署。
那個,中環那…就是,就是港都府下面
喔…不到港都府那裏
(16) Y:…我去了,
…結果呢,
…他說,
…在一個叫做證物室阿。
T: …<L專門存放的地方L>
Y: 喔,存放這些…證物的地方。
5.6. Social Distance
Speaker’s attitude influences the choice of demonstratives
那 indicates the speaker’s disfavoring attitude
(17)T: …其實美國也是這樣
他有時候那個警察,
故意刁難人,
也有。
這 does not necessarily mean approval of the speaker
(18) Y: …你對這個警察,
…反正個人有個人的看法了。
The indexical ground of demonstratives : Complex
Different levels of discourse modes
The indexical ground of demonstratives : Highly regular
The use of 這 is ruled out by Cross-Mode Constraint
The indexical ground of demonstratives : Merge from interaction
Identifiability of the referent to the hearer
Five factors help explain the uses of demonstratives
Discourse mode
textuality
hypoyheticality of reference
assumed familarity
social attitude
The study of discourse is crucial for uncovering the nature of grammar