16nov2011 diss webdefdef time space matters

Timespace matters

Exploring the gap between knowing about activity

patterns of people and knowing how to design and plan urban areas and regions

Timespace matters

Exploring the gap between knowing about activity patterns of people and knowing how to design and plan urban areas and regions

Proefschrift

ter verkrijging van de graad van doctor aan de Technische Universiteit Delft,

op gezag van de Rector Magnificus prof.ir. K.C.A.M. Luyben, voorzitter van het College voor Promoties,

in het openbaar te verdedigen op 9 december 2011 om 12.30 uur

door

Jeroen VAN SCHAICK

Bouwkundig ingenieur geboren te Amsterdam

Dit proefschrift is goedgekeurd door de promotor: Prof. V. Nadin Copromotor: Dr. I.T. Klaasen Samenstelling promotiecommissie: Rector Magnificus, voorzitter Prof. V. Nadin, Technische Universiteit Delft, promotor Dr. I.T. Klaasen, Technische Universiteit Delft, copromotor Prof.dr. M.E. Roberts, University of Westminster, UK Prof.dr.ir. L. Boelens, Universiteit Utrecht Prof.ir. M. de Hoog, Technische Universiteit Delft Prof. S. Davoudi, Newcastle University, UK Dr.ir. C.J.M. Karsten, Universiteit van Amsterdam Prof.ir. H.C. Bekkering, Technische Universiteit Delft, reservelid ISBN 978‐90‐5972‐570‐6 Uitgeverij Eburon Postbus 2867 2601 CW Delft Tel.: 015 – 213 14 84 / Fax: 015 – 214 68 88 [email protected] / www.eburon.nl Cover design: Jeroen van Schaick Cover image: GPS‐track from a pilot study in Almere (TU Delft)

Dit boek wordt in licentie gegeven volgens een Creative Commons Naamsvermelding‐NietCommercieel‐GeenAfgeleideWerken 3.0 Unported licentie. Uitgezonderd zijn afbeeldingen van derden waarvoor copyright geldt. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution‐NonCommercial‐NoDerivs 3.0 Unported License. Exempted are images of third parties for which copyright applies.

Acknowledgements

The seed for this book was planted in my graduation year 2004 at the Faculty of Ar‐chitecture at Delft University of Technology. I am in debt to Ina Klaasen for helping me find my own path then and since, also during and after difficult times. I remember an email from Ina in an Internet cafe – while I was travelling in South America – let‐ting me know that there would be a job waiting at the Faculty of Architecture of Delft University of Technology after my return. Edward Hulsbergen and Paul Drewe have been important for making room at the department for a good part of the years that I worked on this study, for putting trust in my potential for substantiating the ideas I started with and for nudging me in the right direction. In addition to Ina Klaasen, Vincent Nadin has been crucial in making the work reach maturity.

My direct colleagues at the Chair of Spatial Planning, later Spatial Planning and Strategy, as well as many in the wider department of Urbanism at the Faculty of Ar‐chitecture provided an environment where I felt supported and stimulated. Deserving of a special mention here is Stefan van der Spek, with whom I worked together on the subject of tracking technologies.

13 May 2008 a fire destroyed the Faculty of Architecture in Delft. I had to find new ground and cope with the loss of my personal library and notes, at what was then a pivotal moment in my research. Delft University of Technology immediately established a sense of security for us PhD‐researchers by providing necessary assur‐ances on compensating for lost time and work.

I thank Alette for standing by me, even when I was highly disagreeable and when the end seemed not in sight.

Jeroen van Schaick Amsterdam, 1 November 2011

Contents

Chapter 1 Problem and research strategy..................................................... 1

1.1 Introducing the work.................................................................................. 1 1.2 Background................................................................................................. 3 1.3 Problem statement and key concepts...................................................... 10 1.4 Relevance ................................................................................................. 15 1.5 Aim and research questions ..................................................................... 21 1.6 Research strategy and selection process ................................................. 22 1.7 On research method and technique......................................................... 27 1.8 Plan of the book ....................................................................................... 30

Chapter 2 Temporospatial order: a matter for urban and regional design and planning......................................................................................................33

2.1 Spatial and temporal order in systems..................................................... 33 2.2 What about people? : activity systems and urban systems ..................... 37 2.3 Timespace in sociological theory: Implications of time geography.......... 45 2.4 Conclusion: ‘What about time?’ ............................................................... 66

Chapter 3 The applicability gap between empirical research and design and planning......................................................................................................69

3.1 Empirical research in urban and regional design and planning................ 69 3.2 The applicability gap................................................................................. 75 3.3 Structural explanations of the applicability gap....................................... 77 3.4 Procedural explanations of the applicability gap ..................................... 78 3.5 Content‐based explanations of the applicability gap............................... 82 3.6 Meta‐level explanations of the applicability gap ..................................... 86 3.7 Concluding remarks: a grid for structuring the analysis........................... 87

Chapter 4 Studying the utility of knowledge................................................91

4.1 Prelude on knowledge use ....................................................................... 91 4.2 First dimension of knowledge utility: paths of knowledge in context...... 93 4.3 Second dimension: major strategies for enhancing knowledge utility .... 95 4.4 Third dimension: the ladder of knowledge utilisation ........................... 100 4.5 A matrix to evaluate the approaches ..................................................... 101

Chapter 5 On the relevance of tracking technologies for urban and regional design and planning..................................................................................103

5.1 Introduction............................................................................................103 5.2 Tracking technologies.............................................................................104 5.3 Indicators of structural aspects ..............................................................109 5.4 Indicators of procedural aspects ............................................................112 5.5 Indicators of content‐based aspects ......................................................125 5.6 Indicators of meta‐level aspects.............................................................137 5.7 Findings and conclusions ........................................................................146

Chapter 6 On the promises of the times‐of‐the‐city approach for urban and regional design and planning ....................................................................153

6.1 Introduction............................................................................................153 6.2 The times‐of‐the‐city‐approach..............................................................154 6.3 Indicators of structural aspects ..............................................................168 6.4 Indicators of procedural aspects ............................................................173 6.5 Indicators of content‐based aspects ......................................................188 6.6 Indicators of meta‐level aspects.............................................................194 6.7 Findings and conclusions ........................................................................195

Chapter 7 Conclusions and reflections on timespace, applicability gap, and knowledge utility ......................................................................................203

7.1 Introduction............................................................................................203 7.2 Understanding timespace.......................................................................203 7.3 Applicability gap: the potential of the approaches ................................208 7.4 Reflecting on the findings: openings for further research .....................213 7.5 Reflecting on the methodology of the study..........................................218

Summary ..................................................................................................221

Samenvatting ...........................................................................................227

References................................................................................................235

Index ........................................................................................................263

Lists of Tables ...........................................................................................265

Lists of Figures ..........................................................................................267

Biography .................................................................................................271

Chapter 1 Problem and research strategy

1.1 Introducing the work

This book reports on an exploration that started at the end of 2004. It explores the borders between the domain of social geography and the domain of urban and re‐gional design and planning. The work contained in this book has been inspired by two questions that are – for me – at the heart of urban and regional design and planning (stedebouwkunde). The first of those questions paraphrases Torsten Hägerstrand, the founder of ‘time geography’: What about people in urban and regional design and planning? (cf. Hägerstrand, 1970) The second question links that question to the work of Kevin Lynch, valued theorist on urban design, who was concerned with the experi‐ence of time in cities: What about time in urban and regional design and planning? (cf. Lynch, 1972) Asking these questions supposes a standpoint that shows concern for a lack of attention – despite ample theorisation – to these two aspects of urbanism (cf. Amin and Graham, 1997; Amin and Thrift, 2002), within the domain of urban and regional design and planning.

This thesis’s starting point is that it is important to know about people’s temporo‐spatial activity patterns when making urban and regional designs and plans. The cen‐tral problem of the thesis is that, despite wide acknowledgment of this idea, such knowledge about people’s activity patterns does not get full attention in day‐to‐day practice of urban and regional design and planning. This is not a particularly new problem, but has been a matter of interest from the 1960s onwards in both Dutch urban planning, as well as abroad. I will make the case that, with activity patterns of people changing these days, this subject again deserves full attention within the do‐main of urban and regional design and planning.

One explanation for the occurrence of this particular problem is that there exists a so‐called applicability gap between knowledge of temporospatial activity patterns of people and knowledge of urban and regional design and planning. Therefore, the explorative work contained in this book is about the ways in which designers or plan‐ners can ‘know’ about people’s possible and probable activity and mobility behaviour in time and space and how they can act upon that knowledge while their object of study is something different, namely the design of the built environment. In the 1960s and 1970s the answer to that problem seemed within easy reach in the do‐main of urban and regional design and planning. Theories of people’s behaviour, of urban development and of urban planning came into confluence in a period charac‐terised by much optimism about the future and the ability to actively shape that future. But the future proved stubborn, resisting being shaped fully to those theories. Both human behaviour and urban development proved more difficult to grasp than

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imagined. The result, nowadays, is that we are left with a much more intricate prob‐lem than the planners of the 1960s; if we still want to put people central in our ef‐forts to shape the physical fabric of cities and urban regions.

The challenge for this study was to find a way to deal with such increased com‐plexity without backtracking into a relativism of ‘we can’t do anything about it’. At the heart of the argument lies the conviction that the shaping of the physical envi‐ronment does play a role in providing the necessary conditions for people’s individual lives to be played out in time and space. The scientific relevance of the work lies in the fact that it bridges a gap between a social science stance and a technical science stance so that it extends the scientific body of knowledge of urban design and plan‐ning. Though that body of knowledge will ultimately have to be ‘filled’ with substan‐tive knowledge of what type of design principles might ‘work’ (see Klaasen, 2004), I will not provide ready‐made principles for design. I will provide a first step towards developing such knowledge by providing ideas about how knowledge about tempo‐rospatial activity patterns of people can be embedded in urban and regional design and planning.

The work is based on analysing two particular approaches to incorporating em‐pirical knowledge of activity patterns of people in urban and regional design and planning. The approaches represent two complementary views of how one might grasp the importance of temporospatial activity patterns of people in the domain of urban and regional design and planning. One focuses on knowledge about patterns of activities and emphasises the role of empirical knowledge. The other approach fo‐cuses on the constraints for those activities to unfold and emphasises the role of knowledge about design and planning.

The work is coloured by a Dutch context, but its argument extends beyond the borders of that context. There are other reasons for the Dutch colour of the work besides being the place where the research took place. The Netherlands has a good reputation internationally with regard to the stature of the domain of urban and regional design and planning due to both the planning system as well as the culture of design. But, as this first chapter will demonstrate, this reputation is under pressure from within the domain and because the societal context in which the domain is placed is fundamentally changing. These two conditions provide for a vivid debate to take place on the domain in the Netherlands, which provides a rich source for discov‐ering new opportunities in light of the design and planning tasks at hand. It thus pro‐vides a gratifying setting for study.

In this chapter, firstly, the background of this thesis will be provided: the way it is positioned within the domain of urban and regional design and planning and in the context of societal developments regarding the organisation of time and space in contemporary society. The chapter describes the focus of the work by providing the problem description, the key concepts used in this thesis and the main research ques‐tion. I conclude the chapter by providing the line of reasoning by which the design and planning approaches analysed in Chapters 5 and 6 have been chosen and demar‐cated.


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1.2 Background

1.2.1 A crisis in Dutch urban and regional design and planning?

During the 1990s, it was widely held in the Netherlands that the design‐oriented urban planning domain of stedebouwkunde (urban and regional design and planning), its theoretical basis and its practices, found itself in a ‘crisis’ and was in need of reha‐bilitation (Nio and Reijndorp, 1997). This crisis was particularly intellectual in nature, but at times extended into the practices constituting the profession of stedebou‐wkunde as well as, for example, into educational reform. This was not something particularly new, as this ‘crisis’ with regard to its efficiency and relevance had been proclaimed since the early 1980s, if not earlier (Boelens, 1990). Nor was it the last time that the need for rehabilitation would be called for (OCW, VROM, LNV and V&W, 2008; BNSP, 2009). The origins of this perpetual ‘crisis’ at the end of the 20th century can be traced to a number of different, converging problems such as the shift up in the level of spatial scale of urban design problems, the changing relation between the urban and the rural, the failure of the plan as an instrument for planning, the failed project of modernism in urban planning with its functional zoning approach, the re‐alisation that the knowledge system of preparatory research feeding the design of a plan was increasingly ineffective if it ever worked at all; and the splintering of the discipline as a result of specialisation and claiming of urban and regional design and planning issues by other domains.

This proclaimed crisis stirred the debate on the core of stedebouwkunde; the de‐bate on this topic during the 1990s is particularly interesting. In this period a new body of literature on the history of the domain arose in the Netherlands (e.g. Valk, 1990; Bosma, 1993; Faludi and Valk, 1994; Somer, 2007). In planning policy circles this was the period marked by the implementation of the Vierde Nota Ruimtelijke Ordening (Fourth Memorandum on Spatial Planning) (VROM, 1990) and the prepara‐tion of the Vijfde Nota Ruimtelijke Ordening (Fifth Memorandum on Spatial Planning) (VROM, 2001b; Werkgroep Vijfde Nota Ruimtelijke Ordening, 2000). The planning concept ‘urban networks’ became central in the preparation of the Fifth Memoran‐dum – although as a planning concept it was rather ambiguous and not particularly new (cf. Cammen and Klerk, 2003) – while the buzzword by then was ontwik‐kelingsplanologie (spatial development planning) as opposed to toelatingsplanologie (land‐control oriented spatial planning) (WRR, 1998). Stedebouwkundigen (urban and regional designers) were searching for their role in this new setting (Nio and Reijndorp, 1997).

1.2.2 Urban and regional design and planning: definition of its material object

As different opinions about what constitutes the domain of urban and regional design and planning exist within the domain, it is necessary here to elaborate on how I see

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that domain. It is also important to clarify the use of this term in relation to other, particularly Dutch terms that are similar, equivalent or adjacent. This also relates to how I am using English translations of Dutch terms of ruimtelijke planning, planologie, and stedebouwkunde as I explain them below.

In this thesis I will use one umbrella term that encompasses both ruimtelijke plan‐ning and stedebouwkunde. This term is ‘urban and regional design and planning’. In translation stedebouwkunde suggests an emphasis on urban and regional design and physical‐spatial organisation, while ruimtelijke planning suggests an emphasis on urban and regional planning and societal‐spatial organisation. However, I see these Dutch terms as inseparable, concerning the same object of study in both theory and practice, despite both terms having different connotations. I do consciously separate planologie from urban and regional design and planning. What may be confusing is that planologie is often translated as ‘spatial planning’, the literal translation of ruim‐telijke planning. However, planologie, in my view, concerns a fundamentally different object of study in both theory and practice in comparison to the coherent ‘complex of knowledge and action’ (kennis‐ en handelingscomplex; cf. Boelens, 1990: 8) that I will describe as urban and regional design and planning. I regard planologie to be a form of political or organisational science while urban and regional design and planning can be regarded as a technical, practical science (see Klaasen, 2004).

On the one hand, it will be possible to see the central problem of this thesis (see section 1.3) as a substantive problem concerning the material object of urban and regional design and planning. Hidding defines the material object of ruimtelijke plan‐ning – the term that Hidding uses – i.e. urban and regional design and planning, as ‘spatial organisation’ as the result of the ‘reciprocal adaptation of space and society’ (Hidding, 2006: 101). Models of the material object of urban and regional design and planning are at the basis of the definition of both planning and design tasks (Hidding, 2006). Such models are conceptual in nature and aim to describe the complex rela‐tions, mechanisms, processes and elements of societal and physical reality. Hidding (2006: 100) describes how this translates into two fundamental tasks of spatial or‐ganisation for the domain of urban and regional design and planning. Note that ‘spa‐tial organisation’ is identified by Hidding not in terms of an end‐image, but as an intermediate result, continuously adapted in light of on‐going societal processes. The first, but not necessarily predominant, fundamental task concerns the spatial organi‐sation of the mutual relations between people, organisations, etc. This relates to the geographical location of social (societal) activities in their relative positions as well as to the possibility to intervene, change, and adapt these relative positions. This task is that of societal‐spatial organisation. The second fundamental task concerns the spa‐tial organisation of relations with and within the physical environment. This relates to the design, transformation, realisation and maintenance of the physical environment, responding to the characteristics, limitations and possibilities of what is already there naturally and culturally. This task is that of physical‐spatial organisation. The distinc‐tion between the two types of spatial organisation must be seen as an analytical


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distinction. In reality these are bound together and exist only in a reciprocal relation (cf. Figure 1.1).

On the other hand, it will be possible to see the central problem of this thesis (see section 1.1) as a problem concerning the framing of urban and regional design and planning tasks in urban and regional design and planning practice. Frames are ‘sys‐tems of meaning that organise what we ‘know’’ (Healey, 2007: 25). I use the term ‘framing’ to refer to the choice of ‘language’ for such models, as well as to the con‐struction, (ab)use and adaptation of models of the material object of urban and re‐gional design and planning in particular approaches. Such framing takes place in de‐sign and planning processes by applying knowledge in the making of designs and plans and reciprocally by doing research to inform people who design and plan. This second view implies that, in addition to a substantive component, there are social and procedural aspects that are important for exploring the problem. Note that, though I focus on the use of empirical knowledge by designers and planners, there are many other types of knowledge that are used in the making of urban and regional designs and plans such as ideas about the nature, purpose and appropriate tasks associated with planning, ideas about the role and powers of an individual planner or group in a particular situation or ‘practice’, and ideas, concepts, facts, procedures and theories which planners and designers apply to problems and tasks (see e.g. Healey and Underwood, 1978).

Figure 1.1 The reciprocal relation between the physical urban system and urban society, accord‐ing to Klaasen (2004: 22)

1.2.3 Two views of the core of urban and regional design and planning

This thesis is a product of the first decade of the 21st century. It needs to be seen, on the one hand, against the background of the developments within the discipline of stedebouwkunde in the 1990s. And, on the other hand, it needs to be seen against

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the backdrop of a number of societal developments in the second half of the 20th century, partially driven by the massification and innovation of mobility, information and communication technologies.

Let's first take a look at the discipline of stedebouwkunde. The starting of a num‐ber of projects in the 1990s, rethinking the foundations of the discipline stedebou‐wkunde, is of particular relevance here. This search for foundations disclosed some of the fundamental differences in the approach of stedebouwkundige problems and for which the Urbanism department at the Faculty of Architecture of Delft University of Technology may be seen as an illustrative example. In the second half of the 1990s two very different attempts were initiated at the Urbanism Department of Delft Uni‐versity of Technology to rethink the foundations for the stedebouwkunde for the 21st century.

On the one hand, there were those involved in the research programme De Kern van de Stedebouw in het Perspectief van de Eenentwintigste Eeuw. For this group, the design of the urban ground plan as the durable fabric of cities should be regarded as the core of the domain, to be seen in relation to (and mediating between) the spatial‐functional organisation of the territory (read: land use planning), the physical design of public spaces and the sets of rules and regulations for building (Heeling, Bekkering and Westrik, 2001; Heeling, Meyer and Westrik, 2002). Such a perspective on urban design and planning concerns itself primarily with the composition of spatial patterns with the aim of transforming the physical fabric of cities. The physical fabric of cities from this point of view is constituted by different physical elements that can be sepa‐rated in layers, of which the layer of the urban ground plan plays a primary role in structuring the composition of other layers (see Figure 1.2).

On the other hand, there were those involved in the research programme Net‐work Cities. For this group, the core of the domain lay in the possibility of an ‘urban‐ism of networks’. This meant, first, to revalue planning classics that consider cities and urban regions in terms of dynamic network structures following the work of Gabriel Dupuy (1991) and, second, to consider the consequences of the introduction of new information and communication technologies at the end of the 20th century (Drewe, 2003a). This research programme has been based on the assumption that so‐called network thinkers have long been marginalised in mainstream urban and re‐gional design and planning, but that, with the rise of the ‘network society’ (Castells, 1996 (2000)) it is necessary to see urban design and planning problems from the perspective of so‐called operators of networks. Of particular importance is the study of the relation between operators of technical networks, the operators of functional networks and households as they constitute their own particular network of activities and their interactions with others in everyday life (Drewe, 2003b; Dupuy, Schaick and Klaasen, 2008; Dupuy, 1991) (see Figure 1.3). This view on the domain of urban plan‐ning concerns itself primarily with the complex interaction of processes in time and space rather than just with the transformation of spatial patterns over time.

The study before you has been developed in the context of the research pro‐gramme Network Cities. In that research programme I have taken up the challenge to


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give more substance to one of the yet seemingly underdeveloped issues in the re‐search programme of an urbanism of networks: the way in which thinking about the networks of households in the making of urban designs and plans may be incorpo‐rated. And this focus on the daily life of people brings us to the importance of a num‐ber of societal developments in the 1990s in the following section.

Figure 1.2 The composition of physical patterns in the urban ground plan, public space and built‐up space central to the domain of urban and regional design and planning. Source: Heeling et al. (2001); Heeling et al. (2002)

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Figure 1.3 Three levels of network operators. Source: Dupuy et al. (2008)

1.2.4 The context: technology, time, space and bottlenecks in daily life

The debate of the 1990s on the core of urban and regional design and planning took place in a society where many speculated about the effects of new information and communication technologies (ICTs) on the organisation of time and space in daily life and in society at large. The World Wide Web was launched in 1991 and within a dec‐ade became a medium for mass communication. Mobile phones became appropri‐ated by the masses during roughly the same period. Time was said to become time‐less and spatial distance to be annihilated (see Castells, 1996 (2000); Urry, 2007). Now, only several years later, such predictions have not come true, but these tech‐nologies – in combination with a number of other societal trends and with the adap‐tation to contemporary society of ‘older’ technologies, such as the car and rail sys‐tems, that were already in place – have been highly influential, directly having effects on the organisation of time and space in daily lives of people and for the temporal and spatial organisation of cities.

Without attributing changes in the organisation of daily life solely to technological influence, a number of significant dynamics in the temporal‐spatial organisation of daily life can be identified: timespace compression, timespace convergence, time‐space flexibilisation and timespace individualisation (see e.g. Janelle and Gillespie, 2004; Janelle, 1996; Harvey, 1990; Castells, 1996 (2000); Breedveld and Broek, 2003; Breedveld, Broek, Haan, Hart, Huysmans and Niggebrugge, 2001; Franck and Wegener, 2002).


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Although I will go into more detail in Chapter 2, explaining these concepts and their implications, it is important to pay attention to these concepts here. What do they concretely mean? The first concept, timespace compression, implies that people generally have become more busy, i.e. are doing more in the same amount of time; as is the case in the Netherlands (Breedveld et al., 2001) (cf. Peters, 2003; Galle, Dam, Peeters, Pols, Ritsema van Eck, Segeren and Verwest, 2004). It also implies the idea of an increasingly faster turnover time for goods and information (Harvey, 1990). The second concept, timespace convergence, implies that new means of transportation and communication have allowed for information, goods and people to travel in‐creasingly larger distances in shorter time spans as is the case since the introduction of the railway systems in the 19th century and is still increasingly the case with the introduction of new technologies or with adjustments to existing technologies (Woud, 2006; Harvey, 1990). The combination of these two concepts implies the idea that more and more people might experience time pressure in scheduling their daily ac‐tivities. Paradoxically in the Netherlands, this also seems to apply to free time in which more and more activities take place (Haan, Broek, Huysmans and Breedveld, 2003).

The third concept, timespace flexibilisation, implies two things. On the one hand it implies that a growth in variation of the daily pattern of activities of people can be observed. After all, not everyone can or will participate in the ‘speeding up’ of daily life. On the other hand, it implies that people might be forced to become more flexi‐ble to ‘tune in’ to other, more dominant temporospatial patterns elsewhere. They may so become more ‘flexible’ because technologies weave together the rhythms of economic and social activities in multiple places at the same time (Castells, 1996 (2000)). That double‐sided concept of flexibilisation is connected to the last concept that I have put forward above, timespace individualisation.

This concept refers to the who and with whom of activities of people. With regard to the latter, the Sociaal Cultureel Planbureau (SCP; the Netherlands Institute for Social Research) has shown that there is a trend in which people are spending less time on social contacts (Breedveld et al., 2001). At the same time, with more women on the labour market, active 55‐plussers and the emergence of task combining households – all phenomena characteristic of increasingly individual choices with regard to life style – classic notions about households seem no longer sufficient to understand and organise cities (Knaap, 2002). However, at the same time, relatively little has changed over the last decades with regard to the collective rhythm of daily life, at least in the Netherlands; the collective rhythm being a phenomenon in which the with whom of activity patterns becomes ultimately visible. The rhythm of day and night and the rhythm of life governed by labour hours are still the two dominant Zeitgeber (the cues that regulate the order of time) in the Netherlands; and the Mon‐day‐to‐Friday and 9‐to‐5 culture of paid work proves to be very persistent there (Breedveld et al., 2001).

The Sociaal Cultureel Planbureau (SCP) has claimed that a ‘multiple choice society’ is emerging; the ‘demanding society’ is the other side of this coin (Breedveld and

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Broek, 2003). This tension between the multiple choice society and strong collective time structures has meant that in particular for those households that combine a multitude of tasks, so‐called task combiners, the quality of life has come under pres‐sure. During the 1990s it became widely recognised, in particular in social policy cir‐cles, that there was a set of problems that needed to be tackled. The VROM‐raad in their advice Dagindeling geordend? (Planning daily routine arrangements?) (VROM‐raad, 2000) distinguished three types of bottlenecks that needed to be solved to improve quality of life for task combining households:

1. Beschikbaarheidsknelpunten (availability bottlenecks) such as opening

times which are a result of temporal organisation as laid down by insti‐tutions, for example, providing amenities;

2. Bereikbaarheidsknelpunten (accessibility bottlenecks, i.e. to be physi‐cally within reach) which are a result of the spatial position of services and amenities, for example in how they are positioned in relation to public transport facilities;

3. Toegankelijkheidsknelpunten (approachability and utility bottlenecks) which are related to the appropriate social‐economic and social‐cultural conditions for accessibility of services and amenities; think of services and goods being too expensive to buy or to reach, or of a mismatch be‐tween available goods and services and desired goods and services.

1.3 Problem statement and key concepts

1.3.1 Problem statement

This study deals with an intellectual problem, a problem of theory, rather than with an empirical problem. It concerns the exploration of how, in the domain of urban and regional design and planning, to deal in a better way with a particular kind of knowl‐edge and with a particular way of seeing urban transformation processes.

In an ideal situation, urban environments are suited to accommodate the desired and desirable activities and movements of people that inhabit and visit them as best as possible for as many as possible. Urban and regional designers and planners have an important role to play in inventing new environments and adapting those that no longer suffice, so as to better accommodate those desires and desirables than before. To realise urban environments that can be sustained over longer periods of time, it is important to understand how people’s lives are organised in time and space on a daily, weekly and monthly basis (Klaasen, 2004; Drewe, 2004; 2005b). Urban and regional designers and planners would ideally base their decisions on a thorough understanding of how urban environments and their proposals for interventions in those environments would affect people’s activities and mobility. It is also important


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that they understand how changes in activity and mobility behaviour in turn create new demands for the urban environment to accommodate. Klaasen (2004), amongst others, has argued that without such understanding errors in design and planning are easily made, resulting in difficult to use or ill‐used urban places and larger urban sys‐tems.

Knowledge on the so‐called temporospatial activity patterns of people is readily available within the domain of human geography (see Chapter 2). Two major prob‐lems occur with using and applying such knowledge in urban and regional design and planning. One has to do with the dissimilarities between the domain of urban and regional design and planning and the domain of human geography. Fundamental differences exist between types of knowledge in the two domains There are funda‐mental differences between the type of knowledge on how to make urban and re‐gional designs and plans – focused on physical‐spatial interventions and changes in urban areas and regions constituted by large temporal grains (years, decades) – and knowledge about how to understand activity behaviour of people – focused on em‐pirical knowledge of temporospatial patterns constituted by smaller temporal grains (days, weeks, months). To apply the latter to the former proves difficult: at the piv‐otal point between these two bodies of knowledge a so‐called ‘applicability gap’ can be found (see Chapter 3).

The other major problem occurs when looking at the fact that society is changing: the domain of urban and regional design and planning seems to be lagging behind in understanding those changes and acting upon them (Drewe, 2004; 2005a). Proposed interventions are often based on an understanding of patterns of behaviour of days past rather than possible and plausible patterns of future behaviour (Klaasen, 2004). It is indeed difficult to grasp activity patterns of people now that they are rapidly changing due to societal and technological developments (see Chapter 2). The ques‐tion is if one can find new ways to propose urban interventions based on a funda‐mental understanding of temporospatial activity patterns of people and the way these may be changing over time.

If urban and regional designers and planners are not capable of answering to the question of how to accommodate, sustainably, activity patterns of people, it is likely that, within their domain of knowledge and action, they remain searching for the relevance of the domain in society. In the meantime society will have already changed again, answering to its own dynamics. If, however, it would be possible to apply knowledge on temporospatial activity patterns of people in urban and regional design and planning, the relevance of that domain in a world where those patterns are changing would increase significantly. Resolving the applicability gap problem is crucial to getting there. Previous attempts have largely failed with regard to embed‐ding knowledge on activity patterns of people in urban and regional design and plan‐ning (see section 1.4).

This leads to the following concise problem statement for this thesis:

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A gap occurs between understanding how temporospatial activity patterns of people get constituted and change, and knowing how to design and plan urban systems. This gap hinders the making of designs and plans for urban areas and regions that can accommodate plausible and probable fu‐ture patterns of temporospatial behaviour in a sustainable manner. With‐out understanding the ordering of time in relation to the ordering of space, this gap cannot be bridged. Nor can this problem be resolved without un‐derstanding knowledge‐application processes when different knowledge domains have to be bridged.

To elaborate this problem statement I will explain three key concepts as building blocks for the main research questions of this study. Firstly, I will identify what I think of as temporospatial activity patterns of people. Secondly, I will provide a rudimen‐tary definition of the applicability gap concept. Thirdly, I will briefly outline the basic idea of knowledge utility studies. These concepts will be elaborated in more detail in Chapters 2, 3 and 4.

1.3.2 Temporospatial activity patterns of people

The first key concept concerns the notion of temporospatial activity patterns of peo‐ple. The basic concept of temporospatial activity patterns of people can be under‐stood by looking at the web‐like scheme of figure 1.4. This figure demonstrates how an individual may combine a series of activities during a limited amount of time, and how one can measure and document the relation in time and space between those activities. Figure 1.4 shows how, for example, the number of activities, the distance, i.e. moving, between activities as well as the location of a ‘home’ base are of influ‐ence on the total amount of activities that can be undertaken by an individual in a certain amount of time. The idea is that activity patterns are constituted by both the pattern of multiple activities carried out in situ as well as by the patterns of mobility necessary to combine activities in different places. In this thesis I focus on activity patterns of people, but a similar concept may, for example, apply to patterns of ac‐tivities of companies.

I will explicate that this seemingly simple idea has large theoretical implications. The spatial reach of an activity pattern will show in Chapter 2 to be subject to a range of so‐called constraints (Hägerstrand, 1970), although people are also themselves capable of seeking ways to increase or reorganise the span of their activity patterns (Giddens, 1984). Such influence – agency – must be seen in the context of powerful mechanisms by which both societal patterns and people’s individual patterns are continuously being adapted (e.g. Janelle, 1969). Temporospatial activity patterns of people are thus no static givens, but must be seen in relation to societal processes.

Such processes are characterised by both temporal and spatial order. I posit that these ‘orders’ cannot be seen apart, but must be seen in terms of temporospatial order. Furthermore, I posit that they must be seen as being dynamic, thus in terms of


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temporospatial ordering. Such ordering is where the domain of urban and regional design and planning comes into play. Moreover, with its fundamental task of societal‐spatial and physical‐spatial organisation, urban and regional design and planning has a significant role to play in such ‘ordering’. I will explain in Chapter 2 the workings of four major types of mechanisms of temporospatial adaptation, already introduced earlier this chapter, by which such ordering may take place: timespace compression, timespace convergence, timespace individualisation and timespace flexibilisation.

Figure 1.4 A web concept for quantification of the ordering characteristics of activity patterns. Source: Vidakovic (1988: 122) as adapted by Klaasen (2004: 70)

1.3.3 Applicability gap

The ‘applicability gap’ is the second key concept in this thesis. Although the term ‘applicability gap’ originates in design theory, and in particular in environment‐behaviour studies (Hillier, Musgrove and O'Sullivan, 1972; Zeisel, 1981), the concept of a gap between knowledge and action is recognised throughout literature on plan‐ning in general (Friedmann and Hudson, 1974) and urban and regional design and planning in particular (Heide and Wijnbelt, 1994; Klaasen, 2004). Much of the litera‐ture focuses on one of a series of possible explanations of the applicability gap’s oc‐currence. I identify in Chapter 3 three major categories of explanations for the appli‐cability gap problem: structural aspects, related to the gap between professional communities amongst themselves and/or in their relation to academic communities; content‐based aspects, related to what is regarded relevant knowledge in different domains and disciplines; and procedural aspects, related to gaps in processes of plan‐

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ning and design. Throughout the thesis I also look at explanations for the applicability gap at a so‐called meta‐level, i.e. referring to methodological aspects of managing knowledge such as laid bare by the domain of so‐called knowledge utility studies.

1.3.4 Knowledge utility

To understand the third key concept as I use it, the concept of ‘knowledge utility’, it helps to distinguish it from knowledge use. This is the third key concept that I explain here. Both use of knowledge and utility of knowledge concern processes of knowl‐edge being transferred or knowledge ‘travelling’ from one context to another. The use of knowledge then is a relatively neutral term without a particular normative connotation. An often‐used distinction between types of knowledge use is that be‐tween instrumental use of knowledge, conceptual use of knowledge and symbolic use of knowledge. Landry, Amara and Lamari (2001a), Amara, Ouimet and Landry (2004) and Beyer (1997) provide in‐depth treatments of these categories. When using distinctions between different uses of knowledge another often made distinction is the one between tacit and explicit knowledge (Nonaka and Takeuchi, 1995), each implying different ways of using knowledge.

Utility of knowledge has a different connotation. ‘Utility’ is a term originally coined in economics, but the use of the term in the context here is different from its economic meaning, though associated with the possibility to quantify and measure ‘utilisation’. Thus, a difference can be made between the use of knowledge and the usefulness of knowledge. The question of who gets to decide what is deemed useful knowledge in planning and design processes is a matter of concern, but is beyond the scope of the work at hand. It is important to note that usefulness – i.e. utility – can be defined from both the point‐of‐view of the source of knowledge as well as what could be considered a receiving end of a process of knowledge transfer.

Knowledge utility studies in the context of planning are methodological in nature. Other terms used to describe these types of studies are knowledge influence, knowl‐edge uptake, knowledge transfer, knowledge diffusion and knowledge management studies. One can distinguish between three major fields of study that comprise knowledge utility studies with a direct relevance for urban and regional design and planning.

Firstly, there are those studies, grounded in the social sciences (in particular evaluation studies), that focus on the use of knowledge for policy purposes (Weiss, 1977; Weiss, 1979; Dunn, 1980; Dunn, 1983; Dunn, Hicks, Hegedus and van Rossum,

1990; Healey and Underwood, 1978; Caplan, 1979; Knorr, 1976; Innes, 1990; Landry, Amara and Lamari, 2001b; Landry et al., 2001a; Landry, Lamari and Amara, 2003; Amara et al., 2004). This category forms the largest body of work on the subject. Secondly, there are those studies grounded in the technical or design sciences, that focus on the use of knowledge for design purposes (Heide and Wijnbelt, 1994; Heide and Wijnbelt, 1996; Mey and Heide, 1997; Hamel, 1990). But in this sub‐domain most research does not refer or apply to urban or regional design, but rather to architec‐


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tural or to industrial design. Thirdly, there is a body of literature that works under the banner of evidence‐based policy (Davoudi, 2006) or evidence‐based planning (Krizek, Forsyth and Slotterback, 2009; Nutley, Walter and Davies, 2003).

Demonstrating the possible wide range of viewpoints, Weiss (1979) outlined a se‐ries of models of knowledge use that can be characterised as ways in which knowl‐edge ‘travels’ in particular contexts. Extending on the work by Weiss on the Many Meanings of Research Utilisation, I will consider a generic model of knowledge utility to be built up of three dimensions; Weiss’s models providing one dimension – con‐cerning how knowledge travels in certain contexts – plus two other dimensions of knowledge utility: strategies to improve on knowledge utility and stages of knowl‐edge utility (see Chapter 4).

1.4 Relevance

1.4.1 Societal relevance

Between 2000 and 2002 the Wetenschappelijke Raad voor Regeringsbeleid (WRR, Scientific Council for Government Policy) published a series of reports on the chang‐ing relation between cities and countryside in the Netherlands (Mommaas, Heuvel and Knulst, 2000; Knaap, 2002; Scheele, 2001; Asbeek‐Brusse, Dalen and Wissink, 2002). That series of reports demonstrates how relevant it is – in light of the set of disciplinary and societal problems as set out above – to pay more attention to knowl‐edge of the daily patterns of activities and mobility of households within the domain of urban and regional design and planning. The WRR demonstrates that the relevance of a study on that subject lies mainly in the fact that changing activity and mobility patterns of people provide multiple challenges for contemporary urban and regional design and planning in terms of:

The growth of the leisure industry and its spatial consequences (Mommaas et al., 2000) (see also Haan et al., 2003);

The need for new spatial concepts and steering mechanisms for spatial dy‐namics in light of changes in activity and mobility behaviour of people and companies (Knaap, 2002) (see also Boelens, 2009; Klaasen, 2004);

The need to change municipal spatial policies in light of societal changes, particularly with regard to the mismatch between the low level of scale of municipal policies in contrast to the relatively higher level of scale of peo‐ple’s and companies’ activity patterns (Scheele, 2001) (see also Hoog and Vermeulen, 2009);

The changes in the way different scientific disciplines regard the relation be‐tween societal dynamics and spatial dynamics (Asbeek‐Brusse et al., 2002).

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These challenges have already led, in practice, to the definition of a number of design tasks within the domain of urban and regional design and planning. In the Nether‐lands, in particular, this needs to be seen in the context of a general shift, around the turn of the century, from a focus on urban expansion towards the design and plan‐ning task being focused on intensified use of built‐up areas, the mixing of functions, and, particularly, the focus on transformation of urban areas rather than on greenfield development (see Cammen and Klerk, 2003).

One example is the task of designing public space and spatial concentrations of urban services from the perspective of multiple, diverse and intensive land use (cf. BSIK‐programmes Habiforum 2000‐2004 Meervoudig Ruimtegebruik – Multifunc‐tional and Intensive Land Use, and Habiforum 2004‐2009 Vernieuwend Ruimtegebruik – Innovative Land use) (Habiforum, 2009; Gouw, Hillebrand and Zantinge, 2006; Nio and Reijndorp, 1997: 238; Coolen, 2004; Lagendijk and Wisserhof, 1999a and 1999b; Tummers, 2002; Harts, Maat and Zeijlmans van Emmichoven, 1999; Rodenburg and Nijkamp, 2004).

Another example is the task of designing places around public transport nodes so as to provide possibilities for synergy between functions and possibilities for activity chaining for households – or in more general terms, in answer to the increasing diver‐sity of mobility and activity patterns, the design of so‐called ‘mobility environments’ (e.g. Bertolini and Dijst, 2000; Cammen and Klerk, 2003: 378; Boelens, Sanders, Schwanen, Dijst and Verburg, 2005; Rooij and Read, 2008). A third example is con‐cerned with designing regional visions for networks of cities (e.g. VROM, 2001b). For each of these design tasks it is necessary to include thinking about people’s temporo‐spatial activity and mobility patterns while designing the physical and programmatic fabric of cities.

All this coincides with a revival of attention to the ‘everyday’ (het alledaagse) in the domain of urban and regional design and planning – although this can not be considered a mainstream discourse in the domain of urban and regional design and planning (Karsten, 2009). Exemplary of that revival is a series of theme‐issues by the Dutch professional magazine Stedebouw & Ruimtelijke Ordening (S&RO) (NIROV, 2007a; 2007b; 2007c); as well as the re‐appreciation of Jane Jacobs’ work, exempli‐fied in the Netherlands by the first Dutch translation of Death and Life of Great American Cities (Jacobs, 1961 (2009)). The work by Arnold Reijndorp continues to highlight the importance of everyday life, which seemingly escapes the attention of urban designers and planners (Reijndorp, Kompier, Metaal, Nio and Truijens, 1998; Hajer and Reijndorp, 2001; Dudok, Teeffelen and Reijndorp, 2004; Reijndorp, 2004; Nio, Reijndorp and Veldhuis, 2008). Also the work of Marion Roberts draws explicit attention to everyday life and in particular its peculiarities or hidden aspects such as the night economy (Roberts and Eldridge, 2009). The temporal organisation of society also receives ample attention in popular architecture and popular design, exemplified in publications such as by Sep and Verheije (2004) and Maas (2006).

And although these searches – for ‘better’ urban and regional design and planning – provide some interesting openings, they are symptomatic of the problem rather


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than exemplary for the emergence of a solution to the necessary adaptation within the domain of urban and regional design and planning to contemporary processes of timespace (re)organisation. Luuk Boelens explains that ‘we planners have failed to translate the more behavioural, collaborative or relational, post‐structural planning theories into convincing, decisive and sustainable practices’ (Boelens, 2009: 185).

In light of these design tasks, the societal developments as I described them above cannot and should not be seen separate from the debate on the core of stede‐bouwkunde. This is not only because the organisation of time and space in contempo‐rary society is changing and transformations in contemporary cities are unavoidable as a result. In my view, the physical layout of cities cannot be meaningfully separated in urban planning from the patterns of use of urban places in both time and space. It is to accommodate temporospatial activity patterns that urban designers and plan‐ners concern themselves with the physical layout of the city. But that temporal di‐mension has been largely neglected in urban design and planning (Klaasen, 2004; Klaasen, 2005b; Nio and Reijndorp, 1997; Bonfiglioli, 2004). To contribute to liveable cities, knowledge of the daily, weekly, monthly and yearly temporal and spatial pat‐terns of use in urban environments needs to be embedded in the body of knowledge of urban and regional design and planning more than it is now.

1.4.2 Fundamental questions on people, time and space

As introduced at the start, two fundamental questions provide the intellectual start‐ing points for this thesis. The first question was raised around 1970 by Torsten Häger‐strand, a geographer: What about People in Regional Science? (Hägerstrand, 1970) The core of his argument was that it was necessary to develop a detailed understand‐ing of people’s day‐to‐day behaviour – in terms of their temporospatial patterns of activity and mobility – as a basis for planning rather than generalised economic or sociological theories (cf. Pred, 1977) (see Figure 1.5; see Chapter 2). The second ques‐tion was asked by Kevin Lynch, urban designer and planner, in 1976: What Time is this Place? (Lynch, 1972). The core of his argument was that, within the domain of urban and regional design and planning, it is necessary to pay attention to the rela‐tion between time and space as perceived by people and the temporal organisation of spaces as they are inscribed in urban environments.

I argue that the two questions put forward by Lynch and by Hägerstrand need to be related to each other as well as be valued for the complexity of their implications. I also argue that this has so far not been done sufficiently within the domain of urban and regional design and planning. Still, I will not be the first in the domain of urban and regional design and planning to grapple with the problem of time and people in terms of temporospatial activity patterns. I will summarise three previous attempts to do just that below. Firstly, Boelens’ work demonstrates the importance of theoris‐ing and conceptualising about time and space as done by, for example, Anthony Gid‐dens, Nigel Thrift, Manuel Castells and David Harvey (Boelens, 2009; Boelens, 2010) (cf. Asbeek‐Brusse et al., 2002) (see Chapter 2). But such theorisation does not neces‐

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sarily brings one closer to finding ways to embed time more firmly in urban design thinking – apart from raising awareness and raising a sense of urgency that some of the core ideas about cities in the domain of urban and regional design and planning that have been prevalent over the last decades will not suffice for the 21st century.

Despite developing an interesting framework for innovating practices in the do‐main of urban and regional design and planning, Boelens fails to fundamentally inte‐grate time and space in his theory on planning. While he provides in this sense highly relevant case material from practice – in particular the case of the Stedenbaan (Boelens, 2009: Box 5.1; Boelens et al., 2005) (cf. Klaasen and Radema, 1987; Radema and Klaasen, 1986), he refrains from returning to the question of time and space in the substantive portion of his theory.

Figure 1.5 Hägerstrand’s timespace cube concept provides an annotation system to visualise the complex relation between temporospatial behaviour of people and the physical environ‐ment. Source: Parkes, Thrift and Carlstein (1978)

Drewe in contrast highlights the theoretical importance of time in relation to space as he finds a notion of time integral to theory on network urbanism, building on the work by Gabriel Dupuy (Drewe, 2004; Drewe, 2005b; Drewe, 2005a; Dupuy, 1991; Dupuy et al., 2008). Drewe argues that to understand the complexity of cities in the ‘network society’, it is important to highlight the temporal dimension of urban sys‐tems in terms of time use of individual people as well as in terms of the collective structures of time in society. However, his work remains on an abstract level and as a result regrettably remained to occupy an academic niche in urban planning in the Netherlands. Still, he points the way for further research to the work of Sandra Bon‐


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figlioli (Bonfiglioli and Mareggi, 1997), who has vividly argued since the 1980s to see cities as ‘temporal objects’. She has suggested to conceptualise cities in terms of chronotopes, literally time‐places. Her work has been identified by others as well for having potential (Nio and Reijndorp, 1997; Graham and Healey, 1999), but the work has seemingly remained somewhat parochial and has only been translated into Eng‐lish to a limited degree. Although her approach has been institutionalised in Italian time policies and dispersed in a European network of researchers, her approach has not been able to really influence mainstream urban planning. Still, we might draw more lessons from her work than so far has been done. (See Chapter 6)

In the Netherlands Margot Mey was the first, and one of few to date, to attempt a concrete translation of research on time use to making urban designs for neighbour‐hoods in an attempt to overcome the apparent ‘applicability gap’ (the gap between research and design) (Mey, 1994; Mey, 1996; Mey and Heide, 1997). Her work should be seen in the context of a body of work grounded in the theory of time geography (see Chapter 2). Time geographical theory has had quite some follow up in Dutch academic research (e.g. Vidakovic, 1980; Vidakovic, 1981; Vidakovic, 1988; Dijst and Vidaković, 1997; Dijst and Vidakovic, 2000; Droogleever‐Fortuijn, Hietbrink, Karsten and Rijkes, 1987; Dijst, 1995; Dijst, 1999; Arentze, Dijst, Dugundji, Joh, Kapoen, Krygsman, Maat and Timmermans, 2001; Dietvorst, 1995; Dietvorst, 1994). However, time geography was and is seldom used by urban designers or in the context of urban design tasks. Mey developed and defended the argument that it is possible to trans‐late empirical studies on time use to a concrete urban design – by developing typical user profiles – in her PhD thesis (Mey, 1994) and a research report for PRO (A then Dutch institute for programming policy research) (Mey, 1996), but her work has not been followed up since. As far as is known, only Luuk Boelens has attempted one other such study in Dutch urban planning (Boelens et al., 2005). In addition, for the domain of tourism and recreation planning there are some examples to be found based on the tourist‐recreation‐complex concept developed by Adri Dietvorst at Wageningen University (Dietvorst, 1989). However, these concern product develop‐ment for tourism or management of tourist areas rather than physical‐spatial design and planning.

Acknowledging both the desirability as well as the apparent difficulty of embed‐ding knowledge of temporospatial activity patterns of people in urban and regional design and planning, Ina Klaasen has argued that, to deal with that difficulty, it is necessary to literally ‘put time in the picture’, amongst other factors (Klaasen, 2005b). Her argument is that the ‘invisibility’ of such knowledge for urban designers and planners might be located in the fact that urban designers and planners primarily reason from spatial models; these can only indirectly depict time. And that claim may indeed be valid, though it is embedded in a much wider problem, as Chapter 3 will demonstrate. However, Klaasen’s solution of embedding knowledge of temporospa‐tial activity patterns of people in spatial organisation principles (see Klaasen, 2004) remains at the surface of what incorporating time in notions of space may implicate (see Chapter 2). Moreover, in recent years, some criticism has also arisen on the use

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of such spatial organisation principles in urban and regional design and planning as ‘givens’ (see e.g. Healey, 2007: 228, denoting them as ‘spatial ordering principles’). Although that critique – in my view – does not disqualify the possibility of developing such principles, the critique does provide ground for examining how knowledge em‐bedded in those principles gets positioned within the body of knowledge of urban and regional design and planning.

1.4.3 Scientific relevance

Although Mey, Boelens and Klaasen have thus developed approaches for applying knowledge of temporospatial activity patterns of people in the domain of urban and regional design and planning (Mey, 1994; Mey, 1996; Boelens et al., 2005; Boelens, 2009; Klaasen, 2004; Klaasen, 2005b), these approaches have not been appropriated in mainstream urban and regional design and planning. So, although it is in principle possible, knowledge of temporospatial activity and mobility patterns of people just simply does not get translated into urban and regional design and planning practice.

Two areas of particular interest emerge. On the one hand, there is no large body of literature on temporospatial activity and mobility patterns as an intricate compo‐nent of urban and regional design and planning. On the other hand, there seems to be a problem of applicability of empirical knowledge of such patterns in the making of urban design and plans. I aim to contribute to both these areas of interest. To do so, I base the theoretical foundation of this thesis on two elements of the work by Ina Klaasen on developing urban and regional design and planning as a science (Klaasen, 2004). Firstly, I adopt her idea that the adherence to a creative‐craft approach to urban and regional design and planning cultivates a so‐called ‘applicability gap’ which hinders the development of a scientific body of knowledge in urban and regional design and planning. The term applicability gap was labelled by Hillier, Musgrove and O’Sullivan to describe the gap between empirical research and the synthesis of knowledge, the latter being characteristic of designing (Hillier et al., 1972). Klaasen considers the applicability gap as one aspect of her broader theoretical work on de‐veloping a scientific body of knowledge of urban and regional design and planning. Her use of the concept of the applicability gap is based on hypotheses on the behav‐iour of designers as they have been developed in particular in research on design processes (e.g. Cross, 2001; Hamel, 1990). Secondly, I adopt the idea that the struc‐turally lacking temporal dimension in the language and cognitive schemes of urban designers leads to the underestimation of the relevance of the temporospatial char‐acteristics of activity patterns of people (Klaasen, 2004: 63; Klaasen, 2005b). Klaasen develops the idea that this is for an important part due to the difference between the static spatial models that designers use and the dynamic reality governed by space and time in which they operate. Another aspect that Klaasen identifies, is the differ‐ence in the dominant grain of observation of time in transformation processes (years, decades) and the dominant temporal grain of observation for activity patterns of people (days, weeks)


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Where Klaasen consequently focuses on the development of substantive content for a scientific body of knowledge for urban and regional design (Klaasen, 2004), I will focus on exploring and theorising these two interrelated, but in my view less devel‐oped elements of her work. On the one hand, this is because Klaasen’s work initially refrains from approaching the problem of the applicability gap in all its complexity (see Chapter 3). On the other hand, this is because her work – in my view – misses a comprehensive framing of the implications of putting the notion of activity patterns in a central position in her notion of timespace (see Chapter 2). This thesis will aim at extending the scientific body of knowledge for which Klaasen sketches the outline such that it will be inclusive of these notions.

1.5 Aim and research questions

1.5.1 Aim

The general aim of this thesis is to explore new possibilities for embedding knowl‐edge about temporospatial activity and mobility behaviour of people in the domain of urban and regional design and planning. With this exploration I want to contribute to the scientific body of knowledge of urban and regional design and planning as set out by Klaasen (2004). I aim to do so with the help of two major building blocks. On the one hand, based on an intricate understanding of the applicability gap problem (Chapter 3), the work operationalises the applicability gap problem in terms of the use and utility of knowledge (Chapter 4). On the other hand, I operationalise the – substantive – relation between temporospatial activity patterns of people and the temporospatial organisation of urban areas and regions (Chapter 2).

1.5.2 Research questions

Following from the problem statement the two main interrelated research questions are:

In what way can the temporospatial ordering of urban systems – in particular of temporospatial activity patterns of people – be understood so as to act upon that understanding in the domain of urban and regional design and planning?

and What is the potential of particular approaches to contribute to resolving the applicability gap problem; approaches that aim to provide an understanding of temporospatial activity patterns of people from a design and planning per‐spective?

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In the next section I will explain how I will use the analysis of two particular ap‐proaches to explore the central problem. The main research questions are unravelled into a series of sub‐questions that need to be answered in the analysis of particular approaches that at first sight show potential to resolve the applicability gap problem:

Which approaches, at first sight, show potential to contribute to resolving the applicability gap problem by bridging knowledge domains considering the ordering of time and the ordering of space respectively?

Which strategies to embed knowledge of temporospatial patterns of people are put forward by particular approaches combining activities of research, planning and design?

In what way is the ordering of timespace considered in the framing of design and planning tasks within particular approaches?

What aspects of the applicability gap problem are tackled by particular ap‐proaches?

Combining the answers to the three questions directly above, can lessons for tackling the applicability gap problem can be derived from particular ap‐proaches? If so, which lessons?

Which aspects of the two approaches help and which don’t help to tackle the applicability gap problem?

Working from the findings on the approaches, what further research is nec‐essary to embed knowledge of temporospatial activity patterns of people in the making of urban and regional designs and plans?

The first sub‐question is answered in this chapter; the following three sub‐questions are addressed in the conclusions of the descriptive Chapters 5 and 6. The remaining series of questions are addressed in Chapter 7.

1.6 Research strategy and selection process

1.6.1 The principle behind selecting approaches to study

Over the last decades, several approaches that show potential for resolving the appli‐cability gap problem have emerged. Two of those approaches that emerged in the 1990s and early 2000s have been selected for analysis in this thesis. The description of the way in which they have tried and the degree to which they have succeeded – and why they have or have not – to embed knowledge of temporospatial activity patterns of people in urban and regional design and planning forms the core of this thesis.

I have chosen to study two approaches that exemplify particular problem‐solution sets for embedding knowledge of activity patterns of people in urban and regional design and planning: the application of tracking studies in urban and regional design


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(Chapter 5) and the so‐called times‐of‐the‐city approach (Chapter 6). Both these ap‐proaches show, on first sight, potential to provide lessons for embedding such knowledge in the practices of the domain of urban and regional design and planning. The two approaches represent two different viewpoints on knowledge of activity patterns of people. Both show how the focus on spatial patterns in urban and re‐gional design and planning may be extended so as to include the notion of ‘time’. The one viewpoint focuses on knowledge about the particular web‐like and rhythmic patterns of activities and emphasises the role of empirical knowledge about them. The other approach focuses on the constraints within which those activities may unfold and emphasises the role of knowledge about design and planning.

These viewpoints are expected to offer rival strategies for tackling the applicabil‐ity gap problem. These may complement each other, but may also demonstrate each others weaknesses. As such, the compiling of the findings from the two approaches, and viewing them against the theoretical framework built in Chapters 2, 3 and 4, provides a plausible base to suggest further research on improving the use of knowl‐edge of temporospatial activity patterns of people in urban and regional design and planning.

1.6.2 On the search process and the structuring of findings

The results of this study have emerged from an iterative, explorative search process. The entry point for my search was the body of empirical knowledge on the relation between physical urban structures and activity patterns of people. I found several bodies of literature, the largest was that on the relation between urban form and travel behaviour, which tried explicitly to link characteristics of the layout of cities to how activity patterns of people get constituted. However the question then emerged ‐ why such knowledge was hardly used already while it was readily available?

To address that question, and setting the base line for the study, I identified the ‘applicability gap’ problem (see section 1.3 and Chapter 3). I initially focused my re‐search on instruments that might help in bridging the gap. The so‐called ‘medium shift’ got my particular attention: the moment of ‘translation’ of numerical or verbal information into visual information as a crucial step in design processes. By revisiting the body of literature on theory and practice of the domain of urban and regional design and planning I realised that the applicability gap problem I had been dealing with was fundamental to that discipline and profession. The gap between empirical knowledge and the making of urban designs and plans was treated in a particular body of literature linking organisational theory, design theory and planning theory: knowledge use studies or knowledge utility studies.

I chose to build the study primarily around a more qualitative method of research based on literature study. This literature study I supported by interviews and group meetings to collect information on particular topics. Theory on urban and regional design and planning as well as on timespace came to play a much more important part in the study. I searched for a level of analysis on which I could show the intrica‐

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cies of the applicability gap problem. I found this level of analysis in the identification of different approaches of which I selected two to study in more detail. These ap‐proaches, as distinguishable entities, also form the core chapters of the thesis itself.

1.6.3 The choice of approaches

The approaches analysed in this thesis are chosen so that they cover two fundamen‐tal properties of the concept of temporospatial activity patterns of people: the tem‐porospatial patterns themselves and the constraints to which people are subjected in ‘producing’ those patterns. These roughly match with two fundamentally different viewpoints within studies of activity behaviour: the choice‐based approach and the constraints‐based approach (see Chapter 2). Moreover, these two viewpoints also enlighten the two sides of the applicability gap problem, each starting on ‘the other end’: empirical knowledge about activity behaviour on the one hand and design and planning on the other. The final choice of approaches has been the result of an itera‐tive, explorative research process (see sections 1.6.2 and 1.7).

The first approach centres on an only recently – in the last ten years – developed approach for the collection and processing of data on temporospatial activity and mobility behaviour: the use of tracking technologies such as GPS (Global Positioning System) and mobile phone positioning. Tracking technologies, offering state of the art research techniques, is a logical choice for this study as research into the workings of activity systems is at the base of thinking about people’s temporospatial activity and mobility behaviour in the context of urban and regional design and planning (see Chapter 2). The major concern in the chapter on tracking technologies is if this novel approach enables researchers and designers to get beyond the applicability gap prob‐lem. The approach can be considered novel for it extends beyond being just another research technique that replaces paper diaries for studying activity behaviour. I posit that the introduction of tracking technologies may fundamentally change something in the epistemology of activity behaviour research. How and to what degree, though, is a matter of debate.

The second approach picks up on the suggestion that the so‐called times‐of‐the‐city approach, which conceptualises cities as ‘chronotopes’, may provide ways for‐ward in urban and regional design and planning for embedding a concern for the small grains of time such as days and weeks. Such grains are characteristic for peo‐ple’s activity and mobility behaviour. The approach, primarily developed through French, German and Italian action‐research practices, is analysed with regard to its theorisation of problem‐solution sets being considered as planning endeavours and the analytical and action‐oriented research, design and planning strategies that con‐stitute the approach. The selection of this approach is primarily, although not exclu‐sively, based on Paul Drewe’s expectations of the approach: it seems to deliver an important step forward in bringing activity patterns of people to the fore in urban and regional design and planning (Drewe, 2004):


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It provides starting points for the development of new spatial concepts based on the underlying concept of the post‐industrial city (i.e. based on a service‐based and knowledge economy);

It provides a framework for multidisciplinary scientific reflection on contem‐porary urban design and planning leading to an innovative problem formula‐tion based on a temporal description of spatial phenomena; and

It provides concrete methods for local political processes such as so‐called multi‐partner tables of co‐design, mobility pacts and a visual language sup‐porting these processes in the form of so‐called chronotopic maps

1.6.4 Demarcating the approaches

Rather than demarcating the approaches by a concrete situated practice, I have cho‐sen as a first step to define the approaches by episodes characterised by the intro‐duction of a new way of framing and/or tackling an urban and regional design and planning problem – an ‘approach’ – that illustrates the problematic of the applicabil‐ity gap. Such an episode can be analysed by looking at the constellation of practices and publications that are associated with the approach. The period from 1990 on‐wards is of particular interest as was demonstrated at the start of this chapter and the approaches are selected from this period.

The second step to demarcate the approaches is in terms of their ‘relational map’ of knowledge, i.e. the network of knowledge experts involved (see Chapter 4). But involved in what? The approaches have been identified by networks that are organ‐ised around an identifiable research, planning and/or design approach that is of rele‐vance to the problem statement. Often ‘approaches’ get reduced to ‘discourse’ or ‘stories’, i.e. language‐based endeavours largely stripped of substantive aspects. But such a conceptualisation would not allow for a broader mapping of the subject at hand. It is more helpful to define ‘approaches’ indirectly in terms of the network of experts supporting the ‘approach’, as well as directly in terms of what could be called the ‘program’ of the approach. In particular, I am choosing as a starting point net‐works of experts that organise themselves around certain knowledge strategies oc‐cupying only parts of the knowledge domain of urban and regional design and plan‐ning, i.e. within the ‘relational’ knowledge scheme (see Chapters 3 and 4, Table 3.3). In both approaches of Chapters 5 and 6, a group or network of professionals is com‐mitted to changing some fundamental property of the knowledge domain by refram‐ing the type of knowledge and/or manner of dealing with knowledge of activity and mobility behaviour of people.

However, not all networks of experts are the same. Peter Haas’s distinction be‐tween different types of networks of experts is helpful here (Haas, 1992). Note that Haas’s aim was to distinguish ‘epistemic communities’ from other groups. ‘Epistemic communities’ are ‘networks of professionals with recognised expertise and compe‐tence in a particular domain, and an authoritative claim to policy‐relevant knowledge

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within that domain or issue‐area’ (Haas, 1992: 3). Based on distinguishing groups of experts according to the degree to which they share so‐called causal beliefs, princi‐pled beliefs, interests and consensus on their knowledge base, he distinguishes be‐tween five types of groups:

(a) ‘Epistemic communities’ (cf. the concept of policy communities; see

Healey, 2007: 177‐178), (b) Interest groups and social movements (cf. the concepts of ‘regime’

networks; Mossberger and Stoker, 2001), (c) Disciplines and professions, (d) Legislators and bureaucratic agencies. (e) Bureaucratic coalitions.

I am excluding from my analysis the groups consisting exclusively of legislators and agencies. The group of bureaucratic coalitions is the odd one out in Haas’s work; the concept ‘communities of practice’ (Wenger, McDermott and Snyder, 2002) concern‐ing a similar type of network is more apt here. Such communities and ‘epistemic communities’ help here in demarcating the approaches, while (b) and (c) will show to be related to particular strategies for enhancing knowledge utility within the ap‐proaches.

1.6.5 What would have been alternative research strategies

Several directions for research have been considered to tackle the research question and its sub‐questions as alternatives to the research strategy finally chosen:

Using empirical research results on temporospatial activity patterns of peo‐ple and applying this in a concrete urban design so as to update Margot Mey’s approach to contemporary activity patterns;

A research‐by‐design approach (as defined by Klaasen, 2004) focusing on the development of spatial organisation principles derived from knowledge of temporospatial activity patterns of people;

A design research approach that focuses on studying (measuring) the ways in which individual designers or a team of designers deals with a pre‐defined design task (cf. Hamel, 1990);

A knowledge utility approach studying the types of and the ways in which knowledge is being used in the making of an urban design or plan.

I will briefly address the central weaknesses and strengths of these alternative strate‐gies and reasons why they have not been chosen. The first direction has not been chosen for a number of reasons. Although the research strategy has been tested before and it is seemingly possible to produce results in terms of urban designs, it is


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not likely that this strategy would now lead to a higher degree of appropriation of knowledge of temporospatial activity and mobility patterns of people by urban de‐signers than after the first attempts. Moreover, the problems associated with the applicability gap are not fundamentally being solved by this strategy. A better under‐standing of people’s activity patterns and of the relation between these activity pat‐terns and the structure of the built environment do not automatically lead to the appropriation of such knowledge by urban designers.

A more design‐based strategy to tackle the problem as suggested by the subse‐quent two options – research‐by‐design or design research – would possibly provide results that would be more easily appropriated by urban designers. However, before it would be possible to tackle the problem at hand as either a design research prob‐lem or a research‐by‐design problem, it is first necessary to answer a number of questions about what actually to appropriate then.

Such questions might be developed and possibly answered using an explorative strategy based on a research strategy akin to that of knowledge utility studies. Knowledge utility studies are an eclectic field of study and have emerged after the comprehensive, cybernetic approach to urban and regional design and planning proved to collapse under its own weight at the end of the 1970s (see Chapter 3). Knowledge utility studies concern themselves with the way in which knowledge ‘travels’ from one domain to another. There are several reasons why this strategy seems more apt here than the other strategies described in this section, but there are some critical remarks to be made as well.

In knowledge utility studies researchers generally try to answer their research questions by observing the use and transfer of knowledge in a practice‐based case environment. This allows for clear demarcation of cases in terms of case study meth‐odology. However, it is difficult to assess the use of a particular body of knowledge in such a setting and most studies therefore rather focus on the classification of types of knowledge used. Moreover, few examples of practices are actually available in which to study the integration of knowledge of activity patterns of people in urban and regional design and planning. As it is difficult to identify if such integration will take place in a practice case, it was therefore necessary to choose and delimit units of study in another way than is custom in knowledge utility studies.

1.7 On research method and technique

1.7.1 On method

For the description and analysis of particular approaches to research, planning and design I have used a technique akin to a technique generally used in case study re‐search; even though this study can not be characterised as such. To analyse the two different approaches the same protocol was used: (a) structuring the approaches along the lines of aspects of the applicability‐gap; (b) evaluating them against time‐

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space theory, and (c) evaluating them against the three dimensions of knowledge utility. Theory building and the use of theory as a framework for evaluation has played an important role in setting up this protocol (see section 1.7.2). The study is akin to an embedded, multiple case study as each analysed approach contains multi‐ple projects or cases embedded in the approach. However, as I also evaluate the global nature of the two approaches the research design of the study has also ele‐ments of holistic case study design (Yin, 2009: 46). The study is not meant to be a comparative study of the two approaches. They are both evaluated against the theo‐retical framework, not against each other. Still, they do complement each other and in Chapter 7 I will therefore draw conclusions based on the compiled findings of both analytical chapters.

The method is based largely on the systematic study of documentation on each particular approach and the evaluation of their principles and use in practice against the theoretical framework. The literature study – desk research – has been combined with participation in the set‐up of empirical research and educational pilot projects led by others (see section 1.7.3). Rather than the empirical work, the set‐up and de‐velopment of projects subsequently served as embedded ‘cases’ within the analysis of, in particular, the tracking‐based approach. The study is thus a‐typical in the sense that it does not contain empirical fieldwork.

1.7.2 On the use of theory

The theoretical framework of the study has two major components: theory on the applicability gap problem and theory on timespace, or more particular temporospa‐tial ordering. These components can be seen as representing, respectively, theory of urban and regional design, and planning and theory in urban and regional design and planning (cf. Faludi, 1973). I hold that these components cannot be meaningfully separated and need to be seen in relation to each other. This point of view is sup‐ported by referring to theory on the so‐called ‘material object’ of urban and regional design and planning (Hidding, 2006; see section 1.3).

The theory on the applicability gap problem needs to be seen as an explanatory theory. It explains why knowledge on temporospatial activity patterns of people is difficult to use in urban and regional design and planning. My aim here is not to test the theory directly, but to examine approaches with regard to the degree to which they pay attention to different explanations. The supposition here is that there is not one simple explanation to the applicability gap problem, but that there is always an amalgam of explanations.

The theory on timespace that I use in this study leans on ‘grand theory’, in par‐ticular social theory with a geographic component. For this thesis such theory helps to identify links between societal processes and transformations in the physical‐spatial organisation of cities; and thus, to identify which role the domain of urban and regional design and planning may play in accommodating (changes in) societal proc‐


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esses. Again, my major concern is the degree to which approaches deal with the intri‐cacy of timespace that the theory demonstrates to be relevant.

Extending on the theoretical framework on the applicability gap, theory on knowledge use and knowledge utility plays a different role in this thesis. From such theory I have derived a conceptual model of how the use of knowledge ‘works’ on three dimensions of knowledge utility: (a) how does knowledge ‘travel’ in certain contexts, (b) which strategies to enhance knowledge utility are used, and (c) which stages of knowledge utility can be distinguished. To evaluate the approaches of Chap‐ters 5 and 6, I confront them with this three‐dimensional model of knowledge utility.

The bodies of theory on the applicability gap and on timespace deliver indicators and criteria for that evaluation. The first two dimensions of the knowledge utility model are combined in a conceptual grid. That grid is used to draw conclusions in each chapter on a particular approach. Based on these conclusions, in Chapter 7, which contains general conclusions, the third dimension is used to identify strengths, weaknesses and ways forward.

1.7.3 On the search for and treatment of source material

As the use of tracking technologies in urban and regional design and planning (Chap‐ter 5) concerns a relatively new field of study – in particular the search for its rele‐vance in the domain of urban and regional design and planning – there is relatively little documentation available. The documentation that is available often shows the experimental, trial‐and‐error type of attempts developed outside disciplinary or aca‐demic constraints and thus does not necessarily always answer to academic or highly professional rigor. Still, I have attempted to rely mostly on those accounts that do display some rigor and signs of external review. In examples where these are absent I rely on less formal accounts and reports of experiments using tracking technologies. As the people and projects within the domain of information visualisation have a large online web presence, I have relied on finding accounts on tracking visualisations for a large part through online searching and networking. I have avoided delving into the body of literature that solely attempts to solve technical issues of tracking studies, although I have included some accounts that primarily focus on technical issues but do display a direct interest for the domain of application at hand.

The sources that present an account of pilot studies using tracking technologies, in which I have been directly or indirectly been involved, consist mostly of finalised research reports or student reports, but due to time constraints I have also used draft reports and preliminary research results to fill in some of the gaps. Credits for much of that material should go to those people that have been involved in this research, in particular Stefan van der Spek, Frank van der Hoeven, Otto Trienekens, Remco de Haan and Peter de Bois. When I was directly involved – in the pilot studies in particular – I primarily contributed to the shaping of the research questions and research set‐up. Lastly, one other source needs to be made explicit. The qualitative material resulting from round‐table and plenary discussions at the Urbanism on Track

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event contributed much to an initial framing of the analysis (Schaick and Spek, 2007; Schaick, 2008; Schaick and Spek, 2008); it is included in section 5.2 on indicators of structural aspects of the applicability gap problem.

With regard to the times‐of‐the‐city approach (Chapter 6) I am not the first to study its potential. Several in‐depth studies focusing on situations in particular coun‐tries have been published (Bonfiglioli and Mareggi, 1997; Mareggi, 2002; Belloni, 1998; DATAR, 2001; SZW, 2002; Keuzenkamp, Cloin, Portegeijs and Veldheer, 2003; OCW, 2007), as well as several comparative studies based on the state of the art in the 1990s (Boulin and Mückenberger, 1999; Mückenberger, 2001). The same goes for some explorative studies in more recent years of best practices and their transferabil‐ity (Horelli, 2005; IERMB, 2008; OCW and Dehora, 2009; Mairhuber, 2001; Mairhuber and Atzmüller, 2009) and of case studies in which particular planning instruments are developed (SURE‐consortium, 2006). This material has been used as secondary source material.

The body of literature on time‐oriented urban planning and design on which this chapter is based originates largely from the period between the mid 1990s and mid 2000s. Some theoretical literature originates from the 1980s. I distinguish two types of sources on which my analysis has been based: (1) documents (co)authored by core members of the epistemic community on time‐oriented urban planning and design; these are partially planning documents and partially articles and compiled volumes on planning practices; (2) documents in which the epistemic community is referred to by authors from outside the core network; most of these are explorative documents to see if there are lessons to be learned from past practices. The fact that there are several different language domains involved – in any case Italian, German, French, Dutch, and English – translation of terms might in some cases lead to loss of hidden and culturally dependent meanings. For that reason, I will often give the original term together with an English translation.

1.8 Plan of the book In this chapter I have introduced the central problem of this thesis. I have shown how that problem requires a combination of a methodological and a substantive approach, resulting in an explorative, largely theoretical study. I have explained that I have cho‐sen to use a research strategy that is akin to knowledge utility studies that are a methodological type of studies. In addition I have explained the reasons for my choice to study two different approaches to incorporating empirical knowledge of temporospatial activity patterns of people in urban and regional design and planning. The following Chapter 2 will focus on the definition and conceptualisation of time‐space on the border between the domains of time geography, of social theory and of urban and regional design and planning. The subsequent two chapters will develop the concepts of the applicability gap and of knowledge utility to serve as a further theoretical and methodological framework for the thesis. Those three chapters will


31

provide the basis on which to draw conclusions from the analysis of the three ap‐proaches.

Figure 1.6 presents an overview of the outline of the thesis. The core of the thesis is formed by the analysis of two approaches each elaborated on in a descriptive ac‐count of the approach in a single chapter. Each of the two chapters treating a particu‐lar approach is built up along the lines of the three major aspects of the applicability gap problem plus meta‐level aspects. In these chapters firstly I aim to identify possi‐ble indicators of the applicability gap problems for the approaches, and, secondly, to explore possible and plausibly effective strategies to overcome the applicability gap. The first of the two core chapters revolves around the introduction of tracking tech‐nologies such as GPS (Global Positioning System) and mobile phone tracking in the domain of urban and regional design and planning. In this chapter I search for ways in which research using these technologies may help in – literally – putting the time‐space characteristics of people’s behaviour in the picture within the domain of urban and regional design and planning. The second of the two core chapters revolves around the introduction of time‐planning policies with a spatial component, in par‐ticular so‐called territorial time plans, in several European countries with an emphasis on planning practices in Italy, Germany and France. These practices have been said to provide interesting exemplars for embedding knowledge of temporospatial activity patterns of people in practices of urban design and planning (Drewe, 2005b; Nio and Reijndorp, 1997; Mey and Heide, 1997). I search in this chapter for the degree to which this potential is realised. The conclusions on the findings regarding each of these approaches are for the most part included in the two descriptive chapters. In Chapter 7 I put the compound findings in the context of the theoretical framework as set out in Chapters 2, 3 and 4. I will also reflect there on the main research questions and I will identify avenues of future research.

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Figure 1.6 Structure of argumentation and outline of the thesis

Chapter 2 Temporospatial order: a matter for urban and regional design and planning The aim of this chapter is to identify the manner in which thinking about timespace in the context of urban and regional design and planning may reflect both the physical transformation processes that are central to the material object of that domain as well as the temporospatial characteristics of activity and mobility behaviour of people.

Torsten Hägerstrand asked ‘what about people in regional science?’ in the paper in which he developed his basic principles for ‘time geography’ (Hägerstrand, 1970). This same question can be asked for the domain of urban and regional design and planning. Back then, Hägerstrand’s question did not stand alone and was joined by, for example, sociologist Herbert Gans’s plea for Planning for People, not Buildings (Gans, 1969) and architect Jan Gehl’s plea to pay attention to Life Between Houses (Gehl, 1971). To position Hägerstrand’s work within urban and regional design and planning I will treat it in this chapter by placing it between Chapin’s comprehensive work on Urban Land Use Planning of the 1960s and 1970s (Chapin, 1957; Chapin, 1965; Chapin and Kaiser, 1979) and several grand theories in the social sciences of the following decades which incorporated time geography in their writings (Parkes and Thrift, 1980; Giddens, 1984; Harvey, 1990).

Both Ina Klaasen and Paul Drewe have argued, inspired by Kevin Lynch, amongst others, that the question ‘What about people in urban and regional design and plan‐ning?’ automatically leads to the question ‘what about time in urban and regional design and planning?’ (Lynch, 1972; Klaasen, 2005b; Klaasen, 2004; Drewe, 2005b). With this latter question as starting point I will develop here the criteria to evaluate practices in urban and regional design and planning. This chapter results in a set of criteria against which I evaluate the approaches of Chapters 5 and 6 with regard to the way in which they address timespace.

2.1 Spatial and temporal order in systems

2.1.1 System and environment: conceptual starting points

Klaasen states that ‘the fact that we perceive reality as a composite of parts with spatial and temporal dimensions means we can consider reality as a system’ (Klaasen, 2004: 11). A(n open) system can be defined by what it exists of:

A set of elements with certain variable characteristics (attributes), plus

A set of relations between these element‐attributes (structure), plus

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A set of relations between these element‐attributes and the environment of the distinguished system (Harvey, 1973: 451; cited by Klaasen, 2004: 12).

The environment of a system may be understood as

The larger system within which the first‐mentioned system is embedded be‐ing similar and hierarchically positioned (e.g. city – neighbourhood), or

The larger system within which the first‐mentioned system is embedded be‐ing similar and of the same order (e.g. different parts of cities), or

Dissimilar systems that occupy the same space (and time) (e.g. ecological system, economic system, cultural system), or

The larger system within which (a) dissimilar system(s) is/are hierarchically embedded, i.e. occupying the same time, but not the same space (e.g. a gathering of people within a city)

(see figure 2.1 from top left to bottom right; adapted from Klaasen 2004: 12).

In the case of the first two, and of the latter, one may speak of systems on different system ‘levels’. In this thesis I focus on the fourth type of relation between environ‐ment and system, or more accurately, between two levels of systems. I consider ur‐ban systems as ‘environment’ and activity systems as ‘embedded systems’.

Figure 2.1 The environment of a system: four types of relations between system and environ‐ment. Adapted from Klaasen (2004: 12)

Chapter 2 Temporospatial order

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2.1.2 Spatial order and temporal order

The visual and thus spatial description of systems in figure 2.1 and their environment uses spatial order to describe the relation between system and environment and the relations between systems. These descriptions are highly simplified spatial models. Klaasen (2005b) rightfully stated that the relation between space and time in urban and regional design and planning is problematic. For an important part, this is be‐cause of its reliance on spatial models without giving much attention to time in the systems its models represent. Temporal order is as important in systems as spatial order. And as with space, time knows different arrangements between system order and the environment, if the latter is also defined in terms of time.

Sets of elements and relations in systems are not ‘aggregated’, but are ‘arranged’ in relative spatial or temporal positions (Angyal, 1941 (1969) cited by Klaasen, 2004). As such, a system represents per definition temporal order and spatial order. Systems should rather be seen as ‘compositions’ or ‘patterns’ if they are only temporally or only spatially ordered. Any system that is both temporally and spatially ordered – such as an urban system – is by definition constituted by ‘processes’ rather than ‘compositions’.

Figure 2.2 Relations between cyclical and linear temporal phenomena, based on the principle that in cyclical processes with a linear component the grain of perception determines the per‐ception of a process as linear or cyclical: (a) shifting down in level of scale from a cyclical to a linear perception (Figure by Schaick, 2004: 72); (b) shifting up in scale from a cyclical to a linear perception (Figure by Klaasen, 2004: 14).For the line of reasoning see Klaasen (2004).

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Processes are in first instance characterised by means of temporal order, but have a direct effect on or are simultaneously characterised through spatial order. The tem‐poral order of processes may, for example, be linear or cyclical, continuous or discon‐tinuous, routinised or irregular in nature or a combination of such characteristics depending on the temporal grain of observation (see Figure 2.2) (Klaasen, 2004). For different notions of spatial order I refer to Jong (1992). Timespace can thus be initially defined in terms of processes displaying temporospatial order.

Processes on different system levels may influence the spatial and/or temporal order of a related system on another system level. Processes may take place on the ‘higher’ system level (‘change’ of the system) or on ‘lower’ system levels (‘action’ within the higher‐level system) or between systems on the same level (‘interaction’) or between system and environment (‘adaptation’). These processes occur simulta‐neously in real‐life systems and can be characterised according to the ‘grain’ of ob‐servation, both temporal grain and spatial grain. This chapter develops the idea that it is necessary to focus on ‘adaptation’ of both temporal order and spatial order to understand activity patterns in the context of urban and regional design and planning.

2.1.3 Conceptualisation of time in relation to temporospatial order

There is no room or use in this book for an in‐depth treatment of philosophical works on the nature of time or space. The focus from the following section onwards is on issues of timespace in activity systems and urban systems. There, as well as in the tracing of the time‐geographical concepts in sociological theory in section 2.3, I will deal with the most important notions of time as they relate to notions of space as far as they are relevant to this thesis.

In conceptualising the ordering of time in relation to space, it is important though to highlight the position of this thesis in a brief discussion on major categories of time in the context of geography. These categories contribute to the notion of timespace order as it is used in this thesis. I refer here to Parkes’ and Thrift’s (1980) Times, spaces and places – A chronogeographic perspective. Parkes and Thrift (1980: 36‐107) distinguish three major categories of time: universe time, life times and social times. These ‘times‘, ‘by operating together, provide the basis for a more or less coherent environment for daily living’ (Parkes and Thrift, 1980: 108).

Universe time – or standard time – is the time recorded in and measured by cal‐endars and clocks, and zoned by the regionalisation of the world into time zones. This notion of time also includes the understanding of relations between universe item relations, in particular the interrelation between earth movements in relation to the sun that is the basis of time measurement. Life times refer to notion of time as ‘it is inseparable from the concept of self’ (Parkes and Thrift, 1980: 50). ‘Life is a complex system of interlocking items, relating to one another periodically and often in a sys‐tematic or rhythmic manner.’ (ibid: 51) The concept of ‘life times’ contains, on a range of time scales, the notions of biological time and circadian rhythms, and the notion of psychological or mental sense of time, also related to a notion of the pat‐


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terning of time through complex feedback loops between potential, motive, percep‐tion, judgment and stimuli in and of time patterns. This last notion of patterning con‐nects life times into what Parkes and Thrift call ‘social times’; this notion of time is based on the idea that ‘social roles, attitudes, values, etc., each move in their own characteristic time. They vary in their durations, in their rhythm, on the degree to which they are dominated by the past or projected into the future, etc.’ (Parkes and Thrift, 1980: 72). There is no single notion of social time that is universal.

This categorisation is not undisputed. Urry (2000: 4) argues in his Sociology be‐yond societies, for example, that the distinction between universe time and social time is uncalled for as ‘apparently ‘natural’ clock‐time is in fact socially produced and … has exerted a powerful role in the subduing of nature’. And that is a view that comes back in this thesis.

I will not cover all notions of universe time, life times or social times in this book. In particular, I will pay little attention to time regarding how its characteristics differ across societies and cultures. With life times in terms of biological time or psychologi‐cal time I will only deal indirectly. Clock and calendar time is taken as a reference, although looked upon critically and not taken for granted as a given. The focus of the thesis within this broader conceptualisation of time is led by my understanding of time geography and societal mechanisms as elaborated in the remainder of this chap‐ter. Of these three main categories, the notion of ‘social times’ is therefore most central to this thesis. This thesis is positioned such, in this range of notions of time, that it looks not only at the timespace patterns of activity behaviour itself, but also at the processes ‐ societal mechanisms – that put a strain on the coherence of universe time, life times and social times, as they, together, constitute the temporal environ‐ment for daily living, as Parkes and Thrift put it. The idea that different social times and life times, and to a lesser degree different ways of measuring time, co‐exist, coin‐cide and may conflict, and so form what Boelens (2005) calls a ‘layered’ reality, within which urban and regional designers and planners operate, is inherent to the notion of timespace used in the theoretical framework of this thesis. At the end of this chapter I will come to the mechanisms that play an important part in shaping this ‘layered’ reality.

2.2 What about people? : activity systems and urban sys‐tems

2.2.1 A late start

The idea of embedding knowledge of activity and mobility patterns of people in the‐ory and practices of the domain of urban and regional design and planning was not fundamental to the ideas of the domain when it arose at the end of the 19th century in Germany, the UK and the Netherlands, and elsewhere. Research on activity and mobility patterns of people in the context of urban planning only started with the

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introduction of the systems approach to planning in the decades after World War II (see Chapter 3). Until then demography had been the major concern for sociological surveys on cities’ spatial organisation in addition to engineering driven surveys on aggregate traffic volumes.

The work of the American urban planner Francis Stuart Chapin Jr. was pivotal in bringing the concept of ‘activity systems’ to light and for that reason I devote some space and time to his work here. However, a large part of this section will concern the work of Torsten Hägerstrand, whose ontology of activity and mobility behaviour proves to have been quite influential for the grand theories of sociology in section 2.3.

2.2.2 Activity systems and spatial order

Chapin introduces the concept of activity systems as one of several key urban land use systems for the domain of urban planning in the second edition of the seminal work on Urban Land Use Planning (Chapin, 1965). Chapin is also amongst the first to systematically study these activity systems (Chapin, 1968). Activity systems are de‐fined by Chapin as ‘behaviour patterns of individuals, families, institutions, and firms which occur in spatial patterns that have meaning in planning for land use’ (Chapin, 1965: 224). Of particular interest to this thesis is one type of behaviour pattern, namely the day‐to‐day temporospatial activity patterns of individual people.

In first instance, Chapin shows here to be concerned with activity systems as they are spatially ordered; a spatial model (map) may represent that spatial order (see Figures 2.3, 2.4 and 2.5). Chapin’s supposition is that changes in activity systems, for example by people moving house, reciprocally interact with changes in land use sys‐tems. How that interaction takes place was one of his key concerns. On the one hand, Chapin refers here to activity systems and land use systems as equivalent systems (see above) while implying, on the other hand, an urban (or metropolitan) environ‐ment that forms a system in which those systems are embedded. That environment may be seen as either a physical system, economic system or a social system with a certain spatial and temporal order which creates the stable conditions for that activ‐ity system to be embedded in it.

Activity systems are systems ordered on three levels: that of the individual, that of an individual’s networks, and the aggregate level of the environment. The idea of routinised behaviour as an indicator of ‘social space’ (i.e. the network level) in urban ecological theory – to which Chapin’s work may be attributed – had been preceded by the work of Paul‐Henry Chombart de Lauwe with a depiction of the routines of a young Parisian girl during the period of a year (Chombart De Lauwe, 1952) (see Figure 2.3). Chapin developed his ideas on activity systems only fully in the running up to his third edition of Urban Land Use Planning (Chapin, 1974; Chapin and Kaiser, 1979) and he focused on outcomes on the network level and the aggregate level, while basing his findings on data collection on the individual level.

Chapin’s work was unique in the way it connected the then primarily economy‐based theories of location choice, urban structure and urban growth with activity


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behaviour in terms of both input and output for the metropolitan system as well as in terms of social, routinised behaviour (see Figure 2.4 and 2.5). But his work on the individual level activity system remained somewhat awkwardly disconnected from his work on land use systems (cf. Chapin, 1974). While the former focused largely on spatial order, the latter focused largely on temporal order. As a consequence, the temporal order of activity systems and its relation to spatial order remained some‐what of a black box in urban systems theory.

Figure 2.3 Trajectories during one year of a young girl of the 16th arrondissement. The central triangle has at its corners: the home, piano lessons and political science lessons. Source: Chombart De Lauwe (1952: 106)

Figure 2.4 Input and output in urban systems. ‘Interaction in processing activities. The Figure to the left presents linkages in terms of output relations. Clearly the input of one plant may be the output of another plant in the metropolitan area. As shown here, the to‐from representation of “within” interaction involves approximately the same areas. The dotted pattern suggest that these areas may be treated as one class of land use in land use planning.’ (Chapin, 1965: 233)

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Figure 2.5 Routinised behaviour. ‘Illustrative household activity patterns from pilot study. These diagrams show spatial patterns of two types of activities as determined from interviews with a simple random sample of households in a census tract flanking downtown Durham, North Carolina. … The [left] Figure shows recreation patterns, and the [right] Figure shows visiting patterns. The activity places are indicated by black dots, and places of residence are designated by plus signs. Locations are plotted to the centroid of the grid cell. The dotted line delimits the CBD.’ (Chapin, 1965: 249)

2.2.3 Time geography: unpacking the black box of temporal order

Despite the critique expressed above, Chapin must be credited as being the first to develop a survey instrument to start unpacking the black box that the individual level activity system had been in urban systems theory; an approach, which he perfects in later years using a choice‐oriented, behaviourist approach to activity behaviour (Chapin, 1968; Chapin, 1974; see Dijst, 1995). This approach conceives of ‘a person’s activities in the urban scene as the result of a complex and variable mix of incentives and constraints serving to mediate choice…with some activities traceable to positive choices, and some attributable to negative choices in the sense that constraints over‐shadow opportunities for choice.’ (Chapin, 1974: 9) With regard to constraints for behaviour, Chapin by then builds on the – rather non‐behaviourist – ontology of ac‐tivity and mobility behaviour offered by what became known as time geography.

Despite his spatial‐pattern definition of activity systems (see above), Chapin somewhat oddly limited his empirical work exclusively to studying the relation be‐tween motivations, personal characteristics and personal roles in relation to activity patterns, neglecting the physical‐spatial conditions under which activity and mobility behaviour unfolds (Dijst, 1995: 42). It was the work of Torsten Hägerstrand that laid down the basis for negating that neglect in later geographical studies, while also shedding light on the nature of temporal order in activity systems.

Torsten Hägerstrand, a Swedish geographer who had become known for his work on Innovation diffusion as a spatial process (Hägerstrand, 1967; a translation by Alan Pred of Hägerstrand's dissertation of 1953), was critical of much of the contemporary economic theory on human behaviour; in particular of the modelling of human be‐


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haviour in terms of aggregates and in terms of mass probabilistic behaviour as was used in much urban systems theory. Hägerstrand aimed

to eliminate imprecise thought processes which conceptually deceive us into han‐dling people as we handle money or goods once we commence the process of ag‐gregation …What [he had] in mind is the introduction of a timespace concept which could help us to develop a kind of socio‐economic web model. The model would be asked what sorts of web patterns are attainable if the threads in the web (i.e. the individuals) may not be stretched beyond agreed levels of ‘liveability’. (Hägerstrand, 1970: 8)

The central question he put forward was: ‘what about people?’ (Hägerstrand, 1970). At the core of Hägerstrand’s thinking is the idea of ‘timespace trajectories’. These are ‘universal – being followed by all humans plus all natural and man‐made phenomena’ (Pred, 1977). To further answer his own question, Hägerstrand (1970: 11) develops a ‘comprehensive taxonomy of constraints’ for activity and mobility behaviour by which the choice for people to take certain timespace trajectories are limited:

‘Three large aggregations of constraints immediately present themselves. The first of these could be tentatively described as capability constraints, the second as cou‐pling constraints, and the third as authority constraints.’ (Hägerstrand, 1970: 11) ‘Several other general constraints impinge upon the individual's freedom of action, for example: the indivisibility of each individual (no person may be at two different places simultaneously); the limited ability of any human being to undertake more than one task at a time; the fact that … movement is always time‐consuming; and the fact that every situation is inevitably rooted in past situations’ (Pred, 1977: 208). The fact that movement in space is also movement in time and that the human life span is finite, completes this set of more general constraints (see Giddens, 1984: 111).

All these constraints are fundamentally temporospatial in nature as demonstrated by Hägerstrand’s, then highly original, visual system of annotation to describe both behaviour and constraints (see Figures 2.6 through 2.9). At first glance, it is mainly in capability constraints and in coupling constraints rather than in authority constraints where the domain of urban and regional design and planning comes into play. Al‐though the focus here is on daily paths in timespace based predominantly on the time scale of 24 hours, Hägerstrand’s taxonomy also applies to other time scales such as the time scale of the life‐path (cf. Giddens, 1984).

Capability constraints ‘are those which limit the activities of the individual be‐cause of his biological construction and/or the tools he can command.’ (Hägerstrand, 1970: 12) According to Hägerstrand, the most important capability constraints con‐cern the necessity to sleep and to eat at regular intervals and minimum number of hours. Such constraints are the basis for the concept of the timespace prism, origi‐nally operationalised in terms of the ‘principle of return’ by Lenntorp (1976), which shape and volume indicates the timespace budget available for activities (see Figure 2.6). The timespace budget in the form of the prism is central to Hägerstrand’s con‐ceptualisation of temporospatial behaviour. Besides sleeping and eating – which

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largely determine the height of the prism within a 24 hour scale – this principle prism is shaped by the available means of transportation for moving between places of activity, determining the width of the prism. For example, figure 2.7 demonstrates the difference in reach for a person walking or cycling.

The second type of constraints concerns ‘where, when, and for how long, the in‐dividual has to join other individuals, tools, and materials in order to produce, con‐sume, and transact. Here … the clock and the calendar are the supreme anti‐disorder devices. We may refer to a grouping of several paths as a bundle’ (Hägerstrand, 1970: 14) (Figure 2.8). Although Hägerstrand pays relatively little attention to the spatial location aspect within these types of constraints, it is of course the location of activi‐ties, in time as well as in space, that determine the degree to which these types of constraints limit the possibilities for an individual person’s behaviour. Hägerstrand considers the possibility to overcome these constraints to some degree by using communication technologies (see Figure 2.8), a concept later elaborated as ‘extensi‐bility’ (e.g. Janelle, 1973; Adams, 1995; Kwan, 2000a).

Figure 2.6 The timespace prism. Source: Wu and Miller (2001: 4)


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Figure 2.7 The difference in reach between a person walking and a person cycling. Source: Lenntorp (1978); reproduced by Parkes and Thrift (1980: 252)

The third type of constraints, related to authority, is more difficult to grasp. It is of, relevance to the domain of urban and regional design and planning in terms of au‐thority being informed by the ‘packing capacity’ of places (see below; cf. Pred, 1977; Giddens, 1984) as well as in terms of differentiating between public, parochial or private spaces, e.g. in how it creates ‘forbidden’ places through requiring payment for entry or formal rules of access such as cycling being forbidden on highways. This type of constraint refers to the concept of ‘a control area or a domain …. a timespace en‐tity within which things and events are under the control of a given individual or a given group. The purpose of domains … seems to be to protect resources, natural as well as artificial, to hold down population density, and to form containers which pro‐tect an efficient arrangement of bundles, seen from the inside point of view of the principal. In timespace, domains are described as cylinders the insides of which are either not accessible at all or are accessible only upon invitation or after some kind of payment, ceremony, or fight.’ (Hägerstrand, 1970: 16) (see figure 2.9)

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Figure 2.8 Bundles of timespace trajectories and a rudimentary visualisation of the extensibility‐concept. Source: Hägerstrand (1970)

Figure 2.9 The nesting of several domains Source: Hägerstrand (1970)

2.2.4 Temporal order and spatial order: timespace

Hägerstrand’s ontology of activity and mobility behaviour widens the idea of ‘order’ in activity systems (see also Hägerstrand, 1985, and Lenntorp, 2004, on ‘pockets of local order’). In contrast with Chapin’s initial definition of activity systems, Häger‐strand finds that one needs not only the spatial pattern, i.e. spatial order, to under‐stand activity systems, but also the pattern in time, i.e. temporal order. Thus spatial order and temporal order cannot be seen as fully separate spheres, but then need to be seen as a ‘homology’ (Kellerman, 1987): timespace. This shift from space to time‐space is not one to take lightly. It has several implications regarding how to under‐stand urban systems. Such implications can, in first instance, be traced in sociological theory on timespace, as I will do in the following sections.


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2.3 Timespace in sociological theory: Implications of time geography

2.3.1 The traces of time geography

Hägerstrand’s work would not have proliferated as it has, if not for being adopted to enrich several of the grander theories in the social sciences of the last three decades of the twentieth century. However, let me begin to state that it is not my purpose here to treat the grand theories of social science for all their detail. I am interested in one thing only: the traces left by time geography in such work, and the implications and criticisms as a result of the implications of time geography as a building block for understanding timespace in the context of urban and regional design and planning. Bo Lenntorp – one of Hägerstrand’s disciples – has done a similar tracing exercise by comparing the entry for ‘time geography’ in the 1981 and 1994 editions of the Dic‐tionary of Human Geography (Lenntorp, 1999), but such an approach focusing on a singular domain is too limited to draw out the key concepts that are of relevance here. I am rather interested in the wider scope of time geography.

After introducing initial traces within the domain of geography itself, I will de‐scribe the appropriation and influence of the ideas from time geography in three bodies of sociological work: in the work of Anthony Giddens, in the work of David Harvey and in the work of Manuel Castells. I will conclude this review of the ‘traces’ that time geography has left in social science theory by identifying some of the impli‐cations for thinking about design and about planning as well as about the role of communication and transport technologies. Note that an in‐depth, similar line of argumentation, although without the focus on time geography, was developed by Lash and Urry (1994). Their book complements the argumentation here with rich reference to sociological literature and an empirical analysis of social change; it also highlights the relevance of paying attention, in sociology, to transportation, informa‐tion and communication technology.

2.3.2 Geography and time geography

The major domain in which the traces of Hägerstrand’s time geography can be traced is geography itself. Note that it, in fact, the core theoretical work on time geography cannot only be attributed to Hägerstrand, but is, at and from its beginning, also shaped and disseminated by others such as, notably, Bo Lenntorp (1976, 1978, 1999, 2004). Three ‘traces’ are of direct relevance here for the way they have set the stage for time geography to be connected into a debate on the relation between society and space. However, this chapter does not allow for a more detailed account than a concise introduction to some of the key authors and literature. Besides a history of ideas, this is also a history of social and professional connections between research‐ers.

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Anne Buttimer met Torsten Hägerstrand at the end of the 1970s when she worked on The Dialogue Project about the history of geography in Sweden at Lund University. Buttimer’s work had focused thus far and focused then on histories of geographic thought. Her PhD‐thesis on Society and Milieu in French geography pro‐vided her later work with a framework resting in the work of French geographer Vidal de La Blache who is generally known for his theoretical contribution to an ‘ecological geography’ and the introduction of the concept of ‘genre de vie’ (Buttimer, 1971; Vidal de la Blache, 1922; Vidal de la Blache, 1911). This made her receptive of Häger‐strand’s work. Thus Buttimer was concerned with connecting time geography with phenomenological theory and sociological theory – notably the concept of ‘social space’ used by Chombart de Lauwe, exemplified in her widely cited paper on ‘dyna‐mism of lifeworld’ (Chombart De Lauwe, 1952; Buttimer, 1976). In that paper But‐timer defines how time geography – combined with phenomenological thought – provides three novel avenues for study in three major research areas: sense of place, social space, and timespace rhythms. Similar concerns had, during the same years, inspired the work of Henri Lefebvre, French sociologist and philosopher, who has been in turn influential for the work of David Harvey (Lefebvre, 1974 (1991)) (see below).

Tommy Carlstein, working directly with Hägerstrand in the 1970s (see Pred, 1977), is a second person through whom it is possible to trace the legacy of time geography. His own work mainly extended on Hägerstrand’s by aiming to refine the types of constraints that can be identified. One is of particular interest here, namely the con‐cept of timespace packing, which is termed ‘ecological constraints’ by Giddens:

The packing of materials, artefacts, organism and human population in set‐tlement space‐time

The packing of time‐consuming activities in population time‐budgets

The packing of bundles of various sizes, numbers and durations in the popu‐lation system, i.e. group formation because of indivisibility and continuity constraints of individuals

(Giddens, 1984: 116; cf. Parkes et al., 1978, Vol. 2: 146‐161). However for the large part, it is not in a long line of work of his own, but rather in bringing the subject to light for others, in particular for Nigel Thrift, in which Carlstein’s contribution lies (see Thrift, 1977). Much of Nigel Thrift’s work in which he refers to time geography – often in collaboration with others such as Don Parkes, John May or Ash Amin – has been concerned with bringing the discourse in geography with a singularly spatial focus in confluence with discourse in geography (as well as other domains) with a singularly temporal focus. It is particularly in the 1970s that Thrift’s work is dominated by reference to time geography. During these years, he co‐edits the three‐volume work on Timing Space – Spacing Time (Parkes et al., 1978) and co‐authors the comprehensive work Times, Spaces and Places – A Chronogeographic Perspective (Parkes and Thrift, 1980). The core of these two


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projects was to ‘place time firmly in the minds of human geographers’ where the discourse is rather dominated by concerns over ‘space’ (Parkes and Thrift, 1980: xi). Time geography is seen as pivotal in doing that, but according to Parkes and Thrift it needs to be broadened to a wider understanding of time in geography for which they reserve the term ‘chronogeography’. Much of their contribution to a ‘geography of time’ lies in connecting the philosophical debate on what time is to tackling time in geographical research. They distinguish between (i) universe times, familiar by how it is recorded in calendars and clocks, (ii) life‐times, which can be divided into biological and psychological time, and (iii) social times, derived from ‘group use and awareness of frequency, duration and sequence of relations among socially relevant times’ (Parkes and Thrift, 1980: 37). Another contribution lies in the introduction of the term ‘timing space’ as ‘the maintenance or adjustment of the space context by time manipulation’ and is bound by reference to universe time (Parkes and Thrift, 1980: 109); and of the related term of spacing time. ‘With the notion of spacing time the focus shifts to the interval between events and the recurrence of events. Spacing becomes the adjustment of event (or item) relations and therefore of time.’ (Parkes and Thrift, 1980: 116) These dual concepts provide a major step forward in terms of the ‘production’ or ‘making’ of times and spaces in comparison to Hägerstrand’s work. In light of these concepts, Parkes and Thrift’s also gives more substance to Hägerstrand’s ideas by introducing a vocabulary of ‘markers’, pacemakers’, and ‘Zeitgebers’ (Parkes and Thrift, 1980: 19‐21). However, in connecting their comprehensive treatment of time as it relates to physical space and social space, they loose much of the clarity and simplicity which makes Hägerstrand’s framework so graspable and elegant (see Figure 2.10) (cf. Pred, 1977).

Much of Thrift’s later work is highly theoretical in nature and veers into many other subjects that have little direct relation to time geography or theory on time‐space. But there are two books from the early 2000s in which Thrift reasserts the importance he attaches to his initial concern for timespace. In Timespace – Geogra‐phies of Temporality John May and Nigel Thrift bring together a collection of new essays on the theme. Somewhat disappointingly, it again diverges in many directions (Thrift and May, 2001). It is of interest, though, to draw attention to the essay on Rhythms of the City by Mike Crang in that volume (Crang, 2001). Linking Häger‐strand’s thinking to that of Elizabeth Grosz and Henri Lefebvre’s Rhythmanalysis (Grosz, 1995; Grosz, 1999; Lefebvre, 1995) and using Bakhtin’s vocabulary (Bakhtin, 1930s (1981)), Crang develops the concept of the ‘chronotope’: ‘a unity of time and place … a place not necessarily of singular time but a particular constellation of tem‐poralities coming together in a concrete place’ (Crang, 2001: 190) (cf. Chapter 6). So, Crang here develops the notion of timespace rhythms – as Buttimer introduced it as an avenue of research – as the problem of a simultaneously co‐existing plurality of rhythms; i.e. of ‘the city as rhythms and urban living as rhythmic composition’ (Crang, 2001: 191). This brings the ideas of harmonisation and synchronisation of rhythm as well as conflicts over mastering one’s own time (cf. Rinderspacher, 2002) (see Chap‐ter 6) central to any argument on a geography of timespace.

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Figure 2.10 Social space, physical space and time in the ecology of the city. The comprehensive treatment of time, as it relates to physical space and social space, makes losing much of the clarity and simplicity which makes Hägerstrand’s framework so graspable and elegant. Source: Parkes and Thrift (1980: 361)


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A last account of time geography and how it informed the development of new con‐cepts of timespace within the domain of geography itself concerns the developments under the banner of ‘feminist geography’, in particular the strand of research associ‐ated with ‘transport geography’ and ‘geography of everyday’. There is an awkward relationship between feminism and time geography. On the one hand, there is fierce criticism of the inherent ‘masculinity’ in time geography (Rose, 1993), while on the other hand time geography is used in several feminist geographic accounts to make a gender‐sensitive agenda visible (e.g. Kwan, 2000c). The potential of time geography to enlighten gender issues in geography was recognised early on, for example by Palm and Pred (1974). However, as in the accounts above, I am here not as much interested in applications of time geography as much as I am interested in the influ‐ence of time geography on the development of concepts in geography.

As time geography, feminist geography needs to be seen not as a sub‐discipline of geography, but as a mode of thinking that pervades virtually all sub‐disciplines of geography (see Gregory, Johnston, Pratt, Watts and Whatmore, 2009). This enlight‐ens the fact that time geographic concepts have emerged in feminist transport geog‐raphy which emerged with the so‐called ‘quantitative revolution’ in geography (see Hanson and Hanson, 1981), geography of everyday life (Palm and Pred, 1974), but also a form of feminist time geography proper (Kwan, 2002; Kwan, 1999; Droogleever‐Fortuijn et al., 1987).

Figure 2.11 The differences in timespace trajectories emerging from the mapping of multiple timespace trajectories of groups of women from Asian Americans and from African Americans. Source: Kwan and Lee (2003) (original in colour)

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Central to the notion of feminist geography is the notion of ‘differences’ and this is also where time geography is enriched by feminist geography. And this notion of difference extends beyond the male‐female distinction, extending into debates about racial differences, the position of elderly and disabled people and the position of children’s geographies (e.g. Kwan, 2002; Karsten, 2002). A second key concept from feminist geography contains the notions of ‘personal accessibility’ and ‘place accessi‐bility’, concepts that have gained much meaning since the introduction of time geog‐raphy (cf. Weber and Kwan, 2003; Kwan, Murray, O'Kelly and Tiefelsdorf, 2003; Dijst, 1995).

The work by Mei‐Po Kwan is exemplary of how these concepts get combined in a feminist time geography (e.g. Kwan, 2000b). She also demonstrates the importance of visualisation and a theorisation of the use of geographic information technologies that focus on theory rather than on technique (cf. Kwan and Lee, 2003) (see Figure 2.11). Moreover, her visual work demonstrates the importance of patterns as they differ between groups emerging from the accumulation of multiple timespace trajec‐tories. What in fact comes to light with this last account of time geography is that a geography of temporospatially determined differences in accessibility is an important part of what time geography has to offer throughout the domain of geography.

2.3.3 Time geography in structuration theory

As already became clear from the accounts of time geography within geography, its concepts have extended beyond the domain of geography into the domain of social theory. Although some lament this (e.g. Lenntorp, 1999), time geography would not have played the role it has now, if it had not. It is the ‘theory of structuration’, as it was developed by Giddens, which took on first in this manner the concepts from time geography. And to understand how this evolved it is necessary to take a look at a key person in linking time geography with structuration theory: Allan Pred.

Allan Pred was maybe one of the most active in advocating Hägerstrand’s work both inside and outside the domain of geography (e.g. Pred, 1977). Pred worked with Hägerstrand during much of both their careers. Allan Pred stood for the embedding of time geography in a ‘social’ notion of space and found starting points for it in Hägerstrand’s conceptual framework. Pred advocated the confluence of time geog‐raphy and social theory, and he expressed this at a stage that structuration theory was still only in its infancy (Pred, 1981; Thrift and Pred, 1981; Giddens, 1979):

it is an entreaty for human geographers to directly address that most central and challenging set of questions confronting all of the social sciences and history: the dialectic between society and individual; the relation between the individual and the collective, one and many, subject and object, I and you, us and them …; the in‐terplay between individual behaviour and experience, the workings of society, and societal change …


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and … if one looks beyond the immediately apparent, one finds in Hägerstrand’s time‐geography a highly flexible language and evolving philosophical perspective whose core concepts of path and project readily lend themselves to dialectical formula‐tions concerning the individual and society.

(Pred, 1981: 5‐6)

In a period in which Pred as well as Thrift perceive that there is a growing consensus in social theory along these lines (Pred, 1981; Thrift, 1983), Anthony Giddens pub‐lishes his elaborate ‘theory of structuration’ (Giddens, 1984). Although Giddens him‐self sees structuration theory as a novel research programme for sociology, the 2009 edition of the Dictionary of Human Geography states that ‘structuration theory was … always more of sensitising device than a research programme’ (Gregory et al., 2009: 725). Amongst a range of other theoretical constructs, structuration theory intro‐duces two major ideas for tackling the agency‐structure duality in social theory:

The importance of seeking to dialectically link structural‐determinist (objec‐tivist) and voluntarist (subjectivist) approaches by developing a transforma‐tional / recursive model for social (inter)action; and that

‘Time and space are central to the construction of all social interaction and, therefore, to the constitution of social theory’ (Thrift, 1983: 112).

Time geography is central in Giddens’ conceptualisation of time and space, although Giddens also acknowledges its limitations (Giddens, 1984: 132‐133). Giddens goes to quite some length to explain the concepts of time geography. By doing that Giddens sets himself apart from much of his contemporaries in the social sciences in his chap‐ter on Time, space and regionalisation in The Constitution of Society:

Most social analysts treat time and space as mere environments of action and accept unthinkingly the conception of time, as measurable clock time, charac‐teristic of modern Western culture. …[S]ocial scientists have failed to construct their thinking around the modes in which social systems are constituted across timespace. … [I]nvestigation on this issue is one main task imposed by the ‘problem of order’ as conceptualised in the theory of structuration. … It is not a specific type ‘area’ of social science which can be pursued or discarded at will. It is at the very heart of social theory …

As I have already addressed the central concepts brought forward by Hägerstrand himself, I will focus here on how Giddens extended on and critiqued those concepts. The first place where Giddens extends on time geography is where he frames the notion of capability constraints by introducing the concept of timespace convergence as it was developed by the geographer and transport scientist Donald Janelle (Gid‐

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dens refers to Janelle, 1969; see also Janelle, 1966, for the original, or Spiekermann and Wegener, 1994, for a renewed view of the concept). By timespace convergence, Janelle implies ‘that, as a result of transport innovations, places approach each other in timespace; that is, the travel‐time required between places decreases and distance declines in significance’ (Janelle, 1969). In Giddens’ view timespace convergence is a useful concept to plot the changes in the outer bounds of timespace prisms. It fails however, Giddens says, to indicate ‘the major discrepancies between and within social communities’ as to how they are differently affected by ‘shrinking’ of such virtual distances (Giddens, 1984: 114).

Why would Giddens be interested in Janelle’s concept? In my view because it is embedded in a rudimentary model of spatial reorganisation (see Figure 2.12); a type of model Giddens is aiming to construct from a sociological viewpoint ‘fleshing out the timespace structuring of the setting of interaction which … tends to appear in … writings as given milieux of social life’ (Giddens, 1984: 116), as opposed to from a technological viewpoint (cf. Lash and Urry, 1994). This concept has later been ex‐tended by Janelle in a paper in which he identifies several key space‐time adjusting technologies that have similar ‘power’ for transformation though other mechanisms – e.g. compression, extensibility (Janelle and Gillespie, 2004) – than only acceleration.

Figure 2.12 A process of spatial reorganisation in which timespace convergence and adaptation are key concepts (Janelle, 1969)


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Although in principle Giddens is right in his critique of the concept, in my view, Gid‐dens leaves this technological angle too soon to focus on his major extension of the time geographical framework: the concept of regionalisation. Regionalisation refers to the dependence of the continuity of social life on interactions with others who are either co‐present in time and/or space or who are absent in time and/or space (Gregory et al., 2009: 726).

The leaving of the technological angle by Giddens is, moreover, remarkable in light of two key concepts – mechanisms of spatial reorganisation – in Giddens’s theo‐risation of structuration (Giddens, 1984) and modernity (Giddens, 1990): distancia‐tion – the stretching of social systems across timespace (Giddens, 1984: 377) – and disembedding – the ‘lifting out’ of social relations from local contexts of interaction and their restructuring across indefinite spans of timespace (Giddens, 1990: 21). These mechanisms are in my view, which is supported by Janelle’s work, inherently although not exclusively technological in nature.

The second place where Giddens starts to extend on the concepts of time geog‐raphy he does so by adopting ‘ecological constraints’ concerned with the ‘packing’ of timespace (see above) (Giddens, 1984: 116). Giddens moves these under the banner of authority constraints as concerning the ‘packing’, i.e. inhabiting or moving through, and constitution of ‘domains’; as representing the ‘overall organisation of capability and coupling constraints’. Here, before developing his concepts of ‘regionalisation’ as intimately related to a dynamic, social conceptualisation of ‘place’ as ‘locale’ and ‘presence availability’, Giddens develops a number of critical viewpoints on Häger‐strand’s framework. In summary Giddens finds that:

Time geography represents a naïve and defective conception of the human agent in its corporeality independent of the social settings which they con‐front in their day‐to‐day lives; from this follows that the nature and origin of ‘projects’ which they pursue remain ‘unexplicated’.

For that reason, Hägerstrand’s analyses tend to recapitulate the dualism of action and structure, albeit in novel form because of his concern with time and space. Stations, domains, etc appear as givens. Thus little emphasis is placed on the transformative character of all human action, even in its most utterly routinised forms.

The concentration solely upon constraining properties of the body in its movement through timespace is unwarranted. All types of constraints are also types of opportunity, media for the enablement of action. Moreover, the notion of constraints is culture bound with its focus on scarcity and effi‐cient use of time and space as resources.

Time geography involves only a weakly developed theory of power. The con‐straints as Hägerstrand proposes them are all modalities of the engendering and sustaining of structures of domination.

(Giddens, 1984: 117‐118)

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This critique is the basis for Giddens to explain his concept of ‘regionalisation’. As this is at the core of Giddens’ theory, it is impossible here to draw a comprehensive pic‐ture of the characteristics and the implications of the concept. I limit myself to a brief outline, which may thus regrettably be to some degree flawed.

It is in one of the key concepts that Hägerstrand uses to describe authority con‐straints that Giddens places his concept of ‘regionalisation of timespace’: domains. For Hägerstrand these were ‘control areas’, but Giddens extends on this definition, in light of his critique that it is too much seen as a ‘given’. Giddens sees domains as dynamic regions that are shaped in continuous interaction between agent and do‐main. Thus, regionalisation of timespace is ‘the movement of lifepaths through set‐tings of interaction that have various forms of spatial demarcation’ (Giddens, 1984: 116). Despite this rather indirect definition, Giddens continues that ‘the properties of domains can be subjected to direct study in terms of coupling constraints which a given distribution of ‘stations’ and ‘activity bundles’ creates for the overall population whose activities are concentrated within those domains.’ (Giddens, 1984: 116) He continues to identify the process of regionalisation: it ‘should be understood not merely as localisation in space but as referring to the zoning of timespace in relation to routinised social practices’ (Giddens, 1984: 119; cf. Zerubavel, 1981, and other work by Zerubavel).

Structuration theory has been highly influential in providing a range of new con‐cepts and contextualising of preceding concepts for sociology and geography, though is not without criticism. Jeremy Rose provides a useful concise overview (Rose, 1998); Archer develops an elaborate critique arguing for more a more ‘realist’ approach (Archer, 1995). One of the issues highlighted by Rose is that the dynamics of agency and those of structure unfold on different time scales and thus can and need to be conceptually separated rather than brought in confluence as Giddens does (cf. Archer, 1990); moreover, that Giddens tends to negate the relevance of structure and privi‐leges agency.

In contrast, Bruno Latour finds that Giddens does not take the implications of the confluence of structure and agency far enough by proposing forms of mediation be‐tween structure and agency; Latour’s proposal for actor‐network theory however does not pay attention to the issues of temporal and spatial ordering offered by Gid‐dens (see Latour, 2005; cf. Boelens, 2009). Others critique Giddens for not paying sufficient attention to power relations in terms of politics and economy (e.g. Harvey, 1990: 102). Or for his focus on ontology without paying sufficient attention to the implications for methodology, describing it as Giddens’s ‘failure to provide a viable epistemology’ (Hekman, cited in Rose, 1998) and his lack of ‘critical stance’ in term of normative concepts (Bernstein, cited in Rose, 1998). Thus, although Giddens’s work is helpful in providing a more detailed vocabulary on timespace, he does not provide the full or only story to be told about the implications of time geography.


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2.3.4 Time geography in the work of David Harvey

David Harvey is the second of grand theory producers – after Giddens – to position Hägerstrand central in his work. Harvey finds time geography to be ‘the simplest descriptor of daily practices’ (Harvey, 1990: 211). In that capacity, Harvey positions time geography at the basis of his treatment of ‘the experience of space and time’ as it is characteristic for postmodernity (Harvey, 1990, Part III, p.201 ff), after having introduced the ‘condition of postmodernity’ (the central theme of his work) first as ‘the passage from modernity to postmodernity in contemporary culture’, and as ‘the political‐economic transformation of late twentieth‐century capitalism’. Harvey’s central argument is that ‘there has been a sea‐change in cultural as well as in politi‐cal‐economic practices since around 1972’ and that ‘this sea‐change is bound up with the emergence of new dominant ways in which we experience space and time’; but that ‘these changes ... appear as surface appearance rather than as signs of the emergence of some entirely new postcapitalist or even postindustrial society’ (Harvey, 1990: vii). It may be clear that with the importance Harvey attaches to ‘experiencing space and time’ he is also critical of time geography. Harvey (1990: 211‐212) states:

Hägerstrand’s scheme is a useful descriptor of how the daily life of individuals un‐folds in space and time. But it tells us nothing about how ‘stations’ and ‘domains’ are produced, in the way it palpably does. It also leaves aside the question of how and why certain social projects and their characteristic ‘coupling constraints’ be‐come hegemonic, … and it makes no attempt to understand why certain social re‐lations dominate others, or how meaning gets assigned to places, spaces, history, and time. Unfortunately, assembling massive empirical data on timespace biogra‐phies does not get at the answers to these broader questions, even though record of such biographies forms a useful datum for considering the time‐space dimen‐sion of social practices.

To provide an answer to this critique, Harvey proposes to consider ‘the socio‐psychological and phenomenological approaches to time and space that have been put forward by writers such as de Certeau, Bachelard, Bourdieu and Foucault’ (Harvey, 1990: 213); a similar move towards phenomenology as Buttimer proposed (Buttimer, 1976). Remarkably Harvey’s work on timespace shows an almost complete neglect of Giddens’ work on distanciation and structuration, concepts that are important to Giddens’ understanding of timespace. Harvey shows outright criticism on Giddens being a macro‐social theorist (Harvey, 1990: 102), but by building in part on Bourdieu’s notion of practices and his notion of time (Bourdieu, 1977), Harvey re‐mains, in my view, quite close to some of the key notions of structurationist theory, perhaps not with regard to its idea of reflexive action, but in particular with regard to its conceptualisation of timespace. However, Harvey’s work diverges from Giddens’ work with his focus on ‘representations of space’, a concept he borrows from Henri Lefebvre’s work on ‘social space’ (Lefebvre, 1974 (1991)).

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In connecting his thinking about timespace to Lefebvre’s notion of social space and Bourdieu’s notion of practices and of time (cf. above the work of Pred and of Buttimer), Harvey exposes some of the central weaknesses of the annotations of behaviour in time geography, in particular with regard to the social nature of (tem‐poro)spatial practices. Inspired by Lefebvre’s triad of concepts on social space – spa‐tial practice (perceived space), representations of space (conceived space) and repre‐sentational spaces (lived space) (Lefebvre, 1974 (1991): 38‐39) – Harvey takes an important conceptual step by developing a grid of ‘spatial practices’ along these three dimensions (see Table 2.1). The fourth dimension he uses to delineate spatial practices is defined by ‘more conventional understandings’ of spatial practice: acces‐sibility and distanciation (cf. Giddens, 1984), appropriation and use of space, the domination and control of space (see above for the discussion on ‘domains’), and the production of space in terms of how new technological and other systems are pro‐duced.

He highlights that these dimensions are ‘not independent of each other’ with, particularly, relations between distanciation and domination or appropriation; and appropriation and domination (Harvey, 1990: 222). Harvey’s purpose with this grid is ‘not to attempt any systematic exploration of the positions within it … [but] to find some point of entry that will allow a deeper discussion of the shifting experience of space in the history of modernism and postmodernism’ (Harvey, 1990: 222). Interest‐ingly Harvey also exposes the weaknesses of his own work with this scheme. With his furthermore almost exclusive focus on ‘representations of space’ in ‘cultural’ expres‐sions of spatial and temporal order – as a result of his postmodern stance – he fails, with intent I must say, to provide neither an empirical (episteme) nor a technical view of knowledge (techne; cf. Chapter 3) on temporospatial practices, particular with regard to the production of space. However, he puts something else in place. After having introduced Hägerstrand’s concepts of time geography, Harvey in fact leaves them aside – in terms of referencing – almost immediately. His reasons for this can be found in his statement that ‘it is a fundamental axiom of [the] enquiry that time and space … cannot be understood independently of social action’. Harvey focuses thus on power relations being ‘always implicated in spatial and temporal practices’ which ‘permit us to put these rather passive typologies and possibilities [indicated in the ‘grid’] into the more dynamic frame of historical materialist conceptions of capi‐talist modernisation’ (Harvey, 1990: 223‐225); in my view an almost Giddensian ‘move’.

There, in his analysis of social action in terms of power, Harvey finds a new ‘de‐scriptor’ of how ‘daily life unfolds’. And, although it largely refrains from the individ‐ual level to which Hägerstrand was so fervently attached, it builds – though not exclu‐sively – on the integral temporospatial nature of day‐to‐day practices as it was devel‐oped by Hägerstrand. This new ‘descriptor’ is the concept of timespace compression:


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Accessibility and distanciation

Appropriation and use of space

Domination and control of space

Production of space

Material spatial practices (experience)

Flows of goods, money, people, labour power, information, etc.; transport and communications systems; market and urban hierarchies; agglomeration

Land uses and built environments; social spaces and other ‘turf’ designations; social networks of communication and mutual aid

Private property in land; state and administrative divisions of space; exclusive communities and neighbourhoods; exclusionary zoning and other forms of social control (policing and surveillance)

Production of physical infrastructures (transport and communications; built environments; land clearance, etc.); territorial organisation of social infrastructures (formal and informal)

Representations of space (perception)

Social, psychological and physical measures of distance; map‐making; theories of the ‘friction of distance’ (principle of least effort, social physics, range of a good central place and other forms of locational theory)

Personal space; mental maps of occupied space; spatial hierarchies; symbolic representation of spaces; spatial ‘discourses’

Forbidden spaces; ‘territorial imperatives’; community; regional culture; nationalism; geopolitics; hierarchies

New systems of mapping, visual representation communication etc.; new artistic and architectural ‘discourses’; semiotics.

Spaces of representation (imagination)

Attraction/repulsion; distance/desire; access/denial; transcendence ‘medium is the message’.

Familiarity; hearth and home; open places; places of popular spectacle (streets, squares, markets); iconography and graffiti; advertising

Unfamiliarity; spaces of fear; property and possession; monumentality and constructed spaces of ritual; symbolic barriers and symbolic capital; construction of ‘tradition’; spaces of repression

Utopian plans imaginary landscapes; science fiction ontologies and space; artists’ sketches; mythologies of space and place; poetics of space; spaces of desire

Table 2.1 A ‘grid’ of spatial practices inspired by Henri Lefebvre’s conceptualisation of social space. Source: Harvey (1990: 220‐221)

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Figure 2.13 The acceleration of travelling in France over a period of 200 years as depicted by Emile Cheysson in 1889 (Cheysson, 1889; depicted in Bretagnolle, 2003)


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I mean to signal by that term processes that so revolutionise the objective qualities of space and time that we are forced to alter, sometimes, in radical ways, how we represent the world to ourselves [note again the focus on representation of space, JvS]. I use the word ‘compression’ because a strong case can be made that the his‐tory of capitalism has been characterised by speed‐up in the pace of life, while so overcoming spatial barriers that the world sometimes seems to collapse inwards upon us. (Harvey, 1990: 240)

The ‘timespace compression’ concept was and still is very compelling, for a part, exactly because it is associated with visual depictions of a ‘shrinking world’. It con‐jures up – much stronger than the annotations of Hägerstrand, Giddens or any other geographer or sociologist – a view of timespace that acknowledges the role of tech‐nology (‘artefacts’, cf. Simon, 1969), the production of technology and its territorial effects as it organises space around networks (cf. Dupuy et al., 2008). However, often since Harvey introduced the concept of timespace compression as a descriptor, it has been interpreted exclusively in terms of accessibility and distanciation – ‘shrinking’ – (see the first column of spatial practices in Table 2.1) rather than in other types of (temporo)spatial practices as Harvey originally intended.

Timespace compression is in those cases reduced to and translated into time‐space convergence, which is a faulty conceptualisation of timespace compression as I will explicate below. Moreover, if considered only in those terms, the idea of time‐space compression was not particularly new, as Emile Cheysson depicted the idea of a ‘compressed’ France already at the end of the 19th century (see Figure 2.13) (Bretagnolle, Paulus and Pumain, 2002). In Hägerstrand’s terminology, that faulty conception of timespace compression only concerns capability constraints, whereas Harvey implies significance for both coupling and authority constraints as well. As such it is the notion of ‘timespace packing’ (see above) rather than – but not apart from – ‘distanciation’ that is of relevance to the concept of timespace compression.

2.3.5 The Network Society

With Giddens and Harvey, the sociologist Manuel Castells belongs to the grand theo‐rists of the second half of the twentieth century. Although he refrains from referring to Hägerstrand I will show that Castells work still belongs here with the traces of time geography in social theory. Castells’ The Rise of the Network Society is generally re‐garded as one of the most influential works of the late 20th century on how societies and cities within them are developing and may be developing for a good part of the 21st century (Castells, 1996 (2000)). In it he has outlined a fundamentally new ‘con‐text for planning’ (Albrechts and Mandelbaum, 2005).

Key to Castells’ thesis is the conceptual distinction between a ‘space of places’ – the ‘historically rooted spatial organisation of our common experience’ (Castells, 1996 (2000): 408) – and a ‘space of flows’ – the ‘material organisation of time‐sharing social practices that work through flows’ (Castells, 1996 (2000): 442). These two

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‘spaces’ need to be seen as separate ordering mechanisms (‘logics’; Castells, 1996 (2000): 408) for the economic, social, political and physical ordering of cities. Castells’ claim is that the ‘space of flows’ is replacing the ‘space of places’ as primary ordering mechanism; so not that it is replacing it per se as Castells has been often wrongly interpreted. It is, in Castells’ view, ‘becoming the dominant spatial manifestation of power and function in our societies’ (Castells, 1996 (2000): 409); ‘the space of flows is not placeless though its logic is’ (Castells, 1996 (2000): 443). The content of the space of flows concept, Castells explains, can be described through three layers, which I summarise here, that provide the material support for it:

A circuit of electronic exchanges that form the material basis for the proc‐esses, being strategically crucial in the network of society, i.e. the network of communication expressed in technological infrastructure (in first instance in‐formation technology) which defines the new space much as railways de‐fined regions and markets; and as rules of citizenry defined cities.

The nodes and hubs of the space of flows, i.e. specific places with well‐defined social, cultural, physical and functional characteristics; these nodes and hubs are found in particular cities that are embedded in a hierarchically organised global network of cities.

The spatial organisation of the dominant managerial elites (rather than classes); articulation of cosmopolitan elites (through forming symbolically secluded communities and by ‘designing’ symbolic environments of globally unified spatial forms and lifestyles) and segmentation/disorganisation of the local masses as twin mechanisms of social domination in society.

(Castells, 1996 (2000): 442‐445) Though having formulated his thesis primarily from the viewpoint of spatial order, Castells develops an intricate link to temporal order, as the concepts of time and space are inherently linked when acknowledging the existence of the mechanisms embedded in the space of flows. Central is the idea that ‘the transformation of time under the information technology paradigm, as shaped by social practices, is one of the foundations of the new society we have entered, inextricably linked to the emer‐gence of the space of flows’ (Castells, 1996 (2000): 460). However, Castells somewhat mystifies his conceptualisation of time by introducing the term ‘timeless time [as] the dominant temporality of our society’ (Castells, 1996 (2000): 494). In fact, Castells relies heavily on an eclectic reading of Giddens’ work, on that of Harvey and on oth‐ers such as John Urry to come to an empirically explicated notion of time. That notion of time – I would say – is far from timeless, but enshrined in complex interactions of different mechanisms of timespace ordering.

Key notions that Castells identifies as ‘timeless time’ are the following (Castells, 1996 (2000): 465‐481) – again summarised, but leaving out his conceptualisation of time as he relates it to ‘death’ and ‘war’:


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The idea of ‘real‐time’ interactions and transactions in economic systems [note that this is an ultimate form of timespace convergence, JvS];

The notion of ‘flex‐time’ in networked enterprises – seen as flexible forms of management combined with intensified performance of labour for example related to the adaptability of firms to market demand and technological changes by slowing down or speeding up product and profit cycles [note that this is related to the notion of timespace compression as developed by David Harvey, JvS];

The ‘shrinking and twisting of life working time’; hours spent for paid work remaining at the nucleus of day‐to‐day life of most people, though generally the amount of hours quantitatively declining while showing increasing diver‐sity in duration of working hours [note that this combines mechanisms of timespace individualisation and flexibilisation, JvS] (cf. below)

The blurring of the life cycle which would in its ultimate state lead to ‘social arrhythmia’; Castells ‘proposes to hypothesise that the network society is characterised by the breaking down of the rhythms, either biological or so‐cial, associated with the notion of the life cycle’ (Castells, 1996 (2000): 476) (cf. Lefebvre, 1995) (i.e. timespace individualisation; cf. below)

For Castells the combination of these processes of transformation of temporal order results in ‘timeless time’, occurring ‘when the characteristics of a given context, namely the informational paradigm and the network society, induce systemic pertur‐bation in the sequential order of phenomena performed in that context’ (Castells, 1996 (2000): 494). In my view he tries here to unify the different mechanisms of tem‐poral ordering in a way that mystifies rather than clarifies. I will draw out these dif‐ferent mechanisms in more detail below.

2.3.6 Implications: mechanisms of temporospatial adaptation and cartography

In the preceding paragraphs I have developed a detailed account of traces of time geography in geographic and social theory. It is necessary to stand still here at two implications of having outlined these traces. The first implication concerns the mechanisms of spatial and temporal – temporospatial – transformations – or ‘adapta‐tions’ in Janelle’s terms (see section 2.1 for the role of adaptation in systems thinking). The second implication concerns the cartography, i.e. the mapping, of timespace. Let’s start with the latter. Harvey demonstrates the importance of representations in how we conceptualise space and time. But he refrains from identifying a fundamental problematic of representations of space. Namely, cartography – partially informed by the field of information visualisation for the development of thematic cartography – produces principally spatial models (i.e. on/as maps) where time can be depicted only indirectly by morphing space, colour, symbol, scale type or other cartographic tech‐niques (Klaasen, 2005b; see e.g. also Kraak and Maceachren, 1994). Although there is

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a considerable body of literature on cartography of timespace phenomena (see e.g. Vasiliev, 1997; Koussoulakou and Kraak, 1992; Axhausen and Hurni, 2005), these show a significant bias towards visualising time primarily as travel duration, neglect‐ing the stationary aspects of temporospatial behaviour; despite activities in particular places, as identified by Hägerstrand, being key to understanding activity and mobility behaviour. For compelling exceptions see Figures 2.14 and 2.15; the authors of these visualisations, however, signal large difficulties in collecting and processing the data necessary to develop such visualisations of rhythms rather than distances (Janelle and Goodchild, 1983; Goodchild and Janelle, 1984) (cf. Chapters 5 and 6).

There is a fundamental strength in timespace maps as to how they may combine different notions of time. Timespace maps displaying, for example, timespace con‐vergence, are able to make visible the intuitive relation between timespace distance in day‐to‐day life and the transformations of the technological conditions for travers‐ing those distances on a day‐to‐day basis; timespace maps thus render visible a sig‐nificant part of the structuration of timespace as conceptualised by Giddens. How‐ever, there is a fundamental bias in timespace cartography, namely the bias of meas‐urability of distances in both time and space which neglects other – less easily meas‐urable – types of relations between temporal and spatial order. Such other types of orders – rhythm for example – are often socially rather than technologically con‐structed, although they are often still mediated by technology (information, including monitoring technology, communication technology, transport technology, etc.).

Moreover, in the reduction of temporal phenomena to two time scales (one for travel distance and one for transformation), timespace mappings of timespace con‐vergence neglect many of the intermediary‐scale orderings of time and space on which timespace constraints tend to ‘work’ such as weekly or seasonal rhythms of activity and mobility. Moreover, such mappings tend to generalise timespace phe‐nomena such that they render invisible the differences between how timespace transformations result in different effects for different groups of people (cf. the cri‐tique by Hägerstrand that lies at the basis of his question ‘what about people?’, but also Giddens’ critique on Hägerstrand above). These mechanisms work together, effecting fundamental changes in the four types of constraints identified by Giddens as embedded in time geography: capability, coupling, authority and packing con‐straints. I will explicate below.

When theorists speak of the ‘speeding up’ or ‘acceleration’ of contemporary life to identify the ‘condition of postmodernity’ (e.g. Virilio and Derian, 1998; Harvey, 1990), they often do not distinguish how these mechanisms are related to those different types of constraints. As has become clear in this chapter, distinguishing between these constraints as separate categories is not the same as them being in‐dependent from each other. Yet without such a distinction it is difficult to identify where the opportunities lie for the domain of urban and regional design and planning and which are clearly outside the workings of that domain. Therefore I propose the scheme in Table 2.2 for linking constraints to different mechanisms of timespace adaptation.


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Figure 2.14 The shift over a period of 24 hours in spatial distribution of activity patterns by type of activity (Janelle et al., 1998: 130) (original in colour)

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Figure 2.15 Temporal ordering of urban space showing tracts of time use in particular places (Janelle et al., 1998: 126)

Timespace convergence and timespace compression have been discussed earlier this chapter, but it is necessary to here briefly provide a more detailed definition of the concepts of timespace flexibilisation and timespace individualisation (also see Chap‐ter 1 for examples). Timespace flexibilisation refers to the uncoupling (disembedding) of activities from a local temporal or spatial order. This can be an effect of the disap‐pearance or shifting of temporal markers (or Zeitgebers; see Parkes and Thrift, 1980;


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e.g. work time – leisure time balance) or spatial markers (e.g. the shift of centre func‐tions to ‘edge’ locations; Garreau, 1991); or it can be an effect of the emergence of new nets of relations between distanciated actors (see e.g. the space‐of‐flows con‐cept developed by Castells, 1996 (2000)).

Of a different order, timespace individualisation refers to the possibilities for peo‐ple to diversify their activity patterns on both a daily basis and/or divergent from their social‐culturally dependent context and habits. It is closely related to the proc‐ess of ‘disembedding’ associated with timespace flexibilisation, but differs in that respect that it is concerned with the degree to which people are capable of governing their own time. As such it is related to both notions of freedom of activity choice (cf. Chapin, 1968) – for example, related to participation in the labour market by women – and freedom of mobility. The latter is mediated, for example, by car ownership.

These four mechanisms are not unavoidably unidirectional – i.e. increasingly mov‐ing towards more converged, compressed, individualised or flexible timespace. By seeing these concepts as mechanisms rather than only in terms of processes of trans‐formation it is possible to open up inquiries about the non‐generalised, differentiated effects of these mechanisms throughout populations. And about the possible roles of urban and regional design and planning. Timespace constraints

Primarily mediated by (note that these are technologically, socially, politically and/or economically constructed in a process of structuration – influenced by the other constraints – themselves)

Mechanism of timespace adaptation

Capability

Transportation and communication technology

Timespace convergence

Coupling

Location and regions of activities in time and space, economic rules

Timespace flexibilisation

Authority

Social rules and demarcation of regions

Timespace individualisation

Packing

Size and identity of locales

Timespace compression

Table 2.2 The suggested relation between timespace constraints and mechanisms of timespace adaptation

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With the scheme in Table 2.2 the argument is reinforced that the mechanism of time‐space individualisation is outside the domain of direct influence of urban and regional design and planning. This table also puts forward that the three other mechanisms are in some way or another related to spatial and temporal orderings which may be influenced by the physical‐spatial transformations effected through design and plan‐ning of cities. This shift now opens up the subject of this chapter to the question if the domain of urban and regional design and planning is capable of responding to such an intricate conceptualisation of timespace.

2.4 Conclusion: ‘What about time?’

2.4.1 Recapitulating the key ideas in this chapter

This chapter started of with defining temporal and spatial order as characteristics of systems in general and activity systems and urban systems in particular. The chapter subsequently outlined the key concepts of time geography in light of the question inspired by Torsten Hägerstrand ‘what about people in urban and regional design and planning? I demonstrated that these concepts can be seen in terms of ‘activity sys‐tems’ as part of a wider systems‐based view of urban planning; and that time and space need to be seen as a ‘homology’: timespace.

Based on Hägerstrand’s work I introduced the idea of timespace ‘constraints’ for people’s activity and mobility behaviour including three different types: capability, coupling and authority constraints. A fourth category, namely packing or ecological constraints was shown to contribute to a more complete understanding of con‐straints for the domain of urban and regional design and planning. Of these four, at first glance, the four main types of constraints – capability, coupling, authority and packing are all of concern to urban and regional design and planning although in different ways.

By tracing these elements of time geography in the work of three key social theo‐rists – Giddens, Harvey and Castells – I explicated that these constraints are directly linked to different mechanisms of structuration, each mediated by technology. Thus I showed that instead of looking at time in terms of timespace order, timespace in the context of urban and regional design and planning need to be looked upon in terms of timespace ordering, i.e. structuration.

I have identified two major categories of implications of the way in which social theory looked upon the timespace activity and mobility behaviour of people. The first implication is that it is of key importance to attach relevance to representations of timespace in the visibility and interpretation of that behaviour. The second implica‐tion is concerned with the linking of the explanatory concepts of timespace con‐straints for behaviour to some of the key mechanisms of timespace structuration, transformation and adaptation of both society and individual behaviour or ‘action’ as


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identified in social theory. Together these implications provide a concise framework to look upon the approaches described in Chapters 5 and 6.

2.4.2 Value of time geography for urban and regional design and planning

Because Hägerstrand’s descriptors of behaviour of people in timespace had inspired much geographic and social theory that later proved to be influential on proclaiming the ‘network society’ as a new context for planning, I sought out the traces of time geography within the larger domain of geography and in social theory. Several au‐thors within geography extended on Hägerstrand’s concerns seeking out new ave‐nues of research, amongst whom are quantitative geographers, phenomenologists and feminist geographers. Their body of work led to attaching relevance to new no‐tions of time such as rhythms, unequal opportunities, diversity and the introduction of a fourth type of constraint, ‘packing constraints’. Within the grand social theories of Giddens, Harvey and Castells I drew out the traces of time geography in the identi‐fication of a series of mechanisms through which the ordering – structuration – of timespace in time and over time and on a series of time scales unfolds.

So what about time in urban and regional design and planning? If it were easy to translate immediately such theorisations into issues of concern for urban and re‐gional design and planning, this thesis would not concern itself with that question. It turns out it is not that easy. In Chapter 3 I point out several plausible explanations for the lack of such translations from within the domain of urban and regional design and planning itself.

I aimed in this chapter to also build a bridge between the domains of social the‐ory and urban and regional design and planning. For that reason, let’s go back to time geography for a moment and Hägerstrand’s question on ‘what about people?’. In particular for Allan Pred, time geography’s relevance lay largely, but not exclusively, in its relevance for and application in social as well as physical planning: ‘In fact, since 1966, when the ‘Research Group on Human Geographic Process and Systems Analy‐sis’ was formed at Lund, the time‐geographic research of Hägerstrand and his associ‐ates [had] been mainly funded by Swedish government agencies concerned with regional development policies, nationwide physical planning, and urbanisation and settlement policies.’ (Pred, 1977: 211) Pred’s examples include a wide range of plan‐ning applications, not only physical planning, but in general: ‘planning policies, if they are to be goal‐consistent rather than counterproductive, require the acquisition of at least an elementary understanding of the people‐involving process relationships which their implementation will both affect and be affected by’ (Pred, 1977: 213). In his view, and in mine, time geography delivers some of this ‘elementary understand‐ing’.

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Chapter 3 The applicability gap between empirical research and design and planning

In this chapter I develop the second part of a theoretical framework for the search for ways to embed knowledge of the timespace patterns of activity and mobility behav‐iour of people in the making of urban designs and plans. Central in this chapter is the concept of the ‘applicability gap’ as I put it forward as an initial concept that could describe the central problem of this thesis in Chapter 1. In this chapter I develop the argument that the use of the concept of the applicability gap has more to it than seems at first glance. This chapter contains a new operational conceptualisation of the applicability gap. The aspects of the applicability gap I am distinguishing in this chapter will be used to structure the analysis in Chapters 5 and 6. I also use the theo‐retical framework of this chapter as a starting point for the methodological Chapter 4 on knowledge utility. I develop the conceptualisation of the applicability gap through an eclectic reading of literature from the history of planning, planning theory, design theory and theory in knowledge utility studies. This chapter is built up in three parts. Section 3.1 contains a concise history of the idea of the applicability gap in the con‐text of the domain of urban and regional design and planning. In section 3.2 I give a first delineation of the applicability‐gap concept. The subsequent sections elaborate on explanations of the applicability gap problem providing the theoretical framework and chapter structure for describing the approaches in Chapters 5 and 6. These sec‐tions also set the stage for the methodological Chapter 4 on knowledge utility.

3.1 Empirical research in urban and regional design and planning

3.1.1 The early beginnings: survey‐before‐plan

De Casseres, one of the founders of the Dutch 20th century profession of stedebouw also stood at the basis of stedebouwkunde as an independent knowledge domain. Before the turn of the century (19th to 20th) it was either architects or engineers that were dealing with stedebouwkunde‐like questions of planning and design. De Cas‐seres – an outsider educated in Germany, France and England (Gans, 1999) – stood for an integral approach to urban problems in which sociology and urban design and planning were directly related; in which research and design went hand‐in‐hand. Although his first book was titled Stedebouw (Casseres, 1926), De Casseres later in‐troduced the term planologie to describe the broader knowledge domain in which scientific research played an important role over the view of stedebouw as an exten‐

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sion of the artistic architectural knowledge and practice domain (Casseres, 1929). With this shift in terminology, he laid the seed for two developments. Firstly, it set the scene for a specialisation to develop – of researchers on the one hand and de‐signers on the other – within the knowledge domain concerned with the spatial de‐velopment of cities and urban regions. Secondly, it set off the debate on the possibili‐ties and impossibilities for stedebouwkunde and/or planologie to develop as a scien‐tific knowledge domain. De Casseres, inspired by and learning directly from Patrick Abercrombie (see De Casseres, 1929, and Bosma, 2003), tried to integrate two differ‐ent views on the world: looking back trying to understand the present situation and looking forward trying to imagine possible futures. Traditionally the first view is asso‐ciated with the ‘survey’ as part of the physical planning process. The latter view con‐sequently is associated with the designing of plans for the future expansion or trans‐formation of urban areas. The use of surveys as part of a wider pallet of possible design and planning actions was implemented in urban design education in Delft in the 1930s by Granpré Molière (Steenhuis, 2009). ‘Survey‐before‐action’ or ‘survey‐before‐plan’ became the doctrine during the years of De Casseres (Bosma, 1993, 2003); surveys then concerned mainly demographic prognoses and traffic counts.

This principle of survey‐before‐plan is often attributed to Geddes (1915 (1949)), but his ideas were at least partially inspired by German town planning practice and subsequently translated to Dutch practice and developed further by De Casseres and others. See Baumeister’s Stadterweiterungen in Technischer, Baupolizeilicher und Wirtschaftlicher Beziehung (Baumeister, 1876); and Stubben’s, Der Städtebau (Stubben, 1890 (1980)), practised widely in the UK as De Casseres’ 1926 review of Britain’s planning practice demonstrates. The idea really took hold in the Netherlands from the 1924 CIAM (Congrès Internationaux d'Architecture Moderne) event onwards.

Survey‐before‐action was no singularly academic enterprise. Faludi and Van der Valk explain about the pre‐WW‐II period: ‘Respected geographers engaging in survey research were soon admitted to the Planning Council. The reason was the growing importance of surveys. The three largest cities each employed researchers: after several years at Rotterdam, Th.K. van Lohuizen went to Amsterdam, L.H.J. Angenot, another engineer, succeeded him at Rotterdam, and W.B. Klaas, an architect, but a keen researcher, went to The Hague.’ (Faludi and Valk, 1994: 48) Over time De Cas‐seres himself had become a somewhat controversial person in the field and after the war he was passed over for a position as professor at the Polytechnic Institute Delft (Technische Hogeschool Delft, the forerunner of Delft University of Technology) in favour of the combined appointment of Van Lohuizen and Van Eesteren as well as for a position at Wageningen University (Bosma, 2003: 99). Van Lohuizen and Van Eesteren were contemporaries of De Casseres and inspired by much the same think‐ers such as Baumeister, Abercrombie and Geddes.

Thus, the stage was set for a tension between researchers and designer‐planners to be structurally embedded in the practices of urban and regional design and plan‐ning.


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3.1.2 The unity of town planning

The ideal of the ‘unity of town planning’ (a translation of eenheid van het stedebou‐wkundig werk by Schut and Lohuizen, 1990) is a particularly Dutch concept coined mid‐20th century by Lohuizen (1948). It is rooted in Lohuizen’s experiences during the 1920s and 1930s design, research and planning process leading up to the Amsterdam extension plan (see Hartman, Hellinga, Jonker, Ruijter, 1985: 39‐40). The ideal of the ‘unity of town planning’ expresses that the work on a ‘somewhat significant urban plan, for example a plan for a somewhat large city’, should be considered to be one indivisible work in which the contributions from different domains and actors in a planning process (in particular research and design, researcher and designer) are inseparable, and that the plan is inextricably linked to plans on other scale levels by other institutions (Lohuizen, 1948). Within the planning process, ‘there is a continu‐ous reciprocal interplay between reflecting on the observed and the creative power of the artist’ (Lohuizen, 1948: 4). The ideal consists thereof that a bridge should be built ‘between creative aesthetic design and rational scientific research to enable them to cooperate for their common goal: to make the Netherlands after some dec‐ades attractive to live in for all inhabitants’ (Schut and Lohuizen, 1990: 2). Th.K. van Lohuizen distinguished three dimensions of the unity of town planning ideal (Schut and Lohuizen, 1990: 2):

Cooperation between designers, surveyors, engineers and policy makers to such a degree that they continuously take part in each other's work. The planning team cooperates to coordinate the knowledge, talents and insight of these individuals as if they were united in one person.

Integration of the disciplines which play a role in town planning projects, re‐lating to the great diversity by which town planning is characterised

Continuous interaction of intuition and knowledge as both are basic compo‐nents of the town planning exercise, in design as well as in research.

This procedural answer to the inherited tension of the survey‐before‐plan doctrine saw the plan delivered by a team as the key platform on which the unity of town planning could be secured. But from the 1960s onwards the position of the plan came increasingly under discussion and with that its solution to the problem of a distinction between research practices and design practices.

3.1.3 The unmanageable complexity of knowledge in systems approaches

The unity of town planning concept became embedded in Dutch planning practice in the aftermath of the Second World War as part of the reconstruction process. The idea continued to play a central role in Dutch academia for several decades, e.g. with the continuation of Lohuizen’s work by professor L.H.J. Angenot at Delft Polytechnic

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in the 1960s. In the mean time, planning theory elsewhere had already been taking another step. In the 1950s and 1960s the cybernetic approach to planning emerged based on a large body of literature on, firstly, a systems approach to planning (Chapin, 1965), and secondly, the implications of automation in computation (Wiener, 1948; Wiener, 1954; Hall, 1975 (2002)). The approach was a counter reaction to the idea that cities as well as town planning can be seen in terms of ‘unity’ (boundedness and comprehensiveness) as it was embedded in the ‘unity‐of‐town‐planning’ ideal (cf. Foley, 1964).

The work of Francis Stuart Chapin, Jr. is exemplary here. Chapin built his initial theory of urban systems and land use planning on a review of ‘theories of urban growth and structure’ (Chapin, 1964; including reviews of Meier, 1962; Lynch and Rodwin, 1958; Guttenberg, 1960; Wingo, 1961; Webber, 1964; Chapin and Weiss, 1962). In the following years other important works such as McLoughlin’s Urban and Regional Planning – A Systems Approach and Forrester’s Urban Dynamics were pub‐lished (McLoughlin, 1969; Forrester, 1969).

Building on these theoretical works while combining it with existing practices, sys‐tems theory was translated into planning practice in the 1970s. In the Netherlands national government applied systems theory for the preparations and development of the Third Memorandum on Spatial Planning (VRO, 1973‐1977; RPD, 1975). Theo‐ries on the workings of the urban or metropolitan system were combined with theo‐ries on the planning system based on a cybernetic approach to systems theory, i.e. aiming for control of the complex metropolitan system (see RPD, 1975; cf. Faludi, 1973; Hall, 1975 (2002)).

The identification of two types of parallel systems is central to the cybernetic ap‐proach to planning: firstly, the identification of all urban and regional subsystems and the relations between them; secondly, the identification of all subsystems of the planning system and the relation between them (Hall, 1975 (2002); cf. Faludi, 1973). Foley’s conceptual model of the metropolitan system (Foley, 1964) and the WERON‐model developed by the Dutch Rijksplanologische Dienst (RPD, 1975) are illustrative of such comprehensive systems models.

In hindsight it seems apparent that such intricate system models would be doomed to fail in day‐to‐day planning practices. Instead of providing a solution that would overcome both the problems of the survey‐before‐plan approach as well as the problems of a unity‐of‐town‐planning approach, the comprehensive systems approach introduced a whole new range of problems of its own. Still, as Hall (1975 (2002)) claims, the systems approach to planning has probably brought more pro‐gression than regression in the domain of urban and regional design and planning as it provides a basis for more rational and democratic planning. In addition, it is neces‐sary to understand that each successive period in planning theory as it was part of planning practice is not done away with and cleanly replaced by a subsequent theory. In fact, these models of planning co‐exist in contemporary planning.


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3.1.4 The continuing heritage of cybernetic approaches to planning: some gaps perceived in design and planning practice

Although for urban and regional design and planning the comprehensive approach underlying the ‘ideal’ of cybernetic approaches has now been largely abandoned, the heritage of the approach remains to influence the day‐to‐day practices in the domain of urban and regional design and planning, in particular in its relation to transport planning. The linking of – or mediating between – ‘knowledge’ and ‘action’ remained central to the task of planning (Friedmann, 1987). Seemingly new strategies were needed to create such a link as well as ways to think about the link.

In cybernetic approaches to urban and regional design and planning the new fo‐cus on computational modelling became inherent to the activity of planning (cf. Hall, 1975 (2002)). This development bred a whole new types of planners, namely those focusing on designing mathematical, computational models. Computational model‐ling is thus seen as a system for planning and decision support. Design is primarily viewed as model design rather than physical urban design (see Hall, 1975 (2002)). However, model‐based planning support systems (PSS) have often failed to come down on their promises of support (Brömmelstroet, 2010). The problem here seemed to be a gap between computational modelling and the act of decision making. As such it introduces, on the one hand, the problem of the relation between tacit (this time embedded in decision‐makers) versus explicit knowledge (represented by model output) to the debate on the applicability gap (cf. Brömmelstroet, 2010). This can be understood as a problem of implementation of models in planning practice. In such a view of planning, the act of physical design has been largely removed from the plan‐ning domain.

The role of design in urban and regional planning is seeing a re‐appreciation since the 1990s – in any case in the UK as well as in the Netherlands (Punter and Carmona, 1997; OCW et al., 2008; Hajer, Sijmons and Feddes, 2006). This re‐appreciation of design points to an age‐old gap between the paradigms of the transport planning domain (based on computational models) and the domain of urban and regional design and planning (based on a combination of designerly and other more tacit knowledge in planning). In a simplified manner the difference can be described as follows: in the transport planning domain, knowledge is seen as providing an objec‐tive background for decisions and is captured in models of urban systems, whereas knowledge in the urban and regional design and planning domain is rather seen as the capability of exploring possible alternative futures amongst which decision mak‐ers can make choices. This gap is wider than just between transport planning and urban planning, but pervades the spatial planning domain as land use modelling re‐mains to be a strong field of praxis (e.g. Schotten, Velde, Scholten, Boersma, Hilferink, Ransijn and Zut, 1997; Groen, Koomen, Piek, Ritsema van Eck and Tisma, 2004). Since the early 2000s there is again increasing attention paid to the necessity of relating transport planning and urban planning within the practice‐domain of urban and re‐gional design and planning. Amongst other factors this seems to be a result of in‐

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creasing concerns about the environmental effect of a rapid increase in car use over the last decades. An exemplary program in the Netherlands trying to re‐establish links between transport planning and urban planning is the program Ruimte en mobiliteit (Zandee, 2006a; Zandee, 2007a).

Another gap being perceived, between planning theory and planning practice, may be seen in terms of the heritage of cybernetic approaches: the classic distinction between the different arenas of academia and practice. The cybernetic approach brought this distinction into planning practice itself, by privileging a scientific ration‐ale largely based in mathematical modelling as part of planning practice while plan‐ning practice was at the same time dealing with, for example zoning regulations (Fainstein, 2000). Boelens (2009: 183) states that there is in 2009 still a ‘growing gap between planning practice and spatial‐scientific dynamics’; apparently even those approaches opposing the cybernetic approach, are locked‐in with a theory‐practice gap.

Part of the heritage of the cybernetic approach is also the gap between proce‐dural theories focusing on planning systems and substantive theories focusing on urban systems, or theory of planning and theory in planning as the adage describes it (Faludi, 1973). Faludi assumes that these represent two fundamentally different problems that planners are facing. Faludi suggest to see ‘procedural theory as form‐ing an envelop to substantive theory rather than vice versa’ (Faludi, 1973: 7) as he is critical of systems theory, as developed by McLoughlin (1969), for its assumption of a substantive theory of urban systems to provide the basis for planning. What in fact has happened, is that – ironically – the comprehensive model of cybernetic theory, incorporating both into one system, has prepared the ground for a fundamental di‐vide between the two. This can be observed, for example, in the Dutch situation very prominently with different schools teaching procedural theory (planologie) and sub‐stantive theory (stedebouwkunde); the distinction between the two can be roughly equated with the distinction between planning and design.

With growing criticism of the failing rationale of a comprehensive technocratic approach to concrete planning and design problems for urban development, the 1980s saw the emergence of a new wave of thinking about urban and regional design and planning which is often characterised as the ‘communicative turn’. In addition to a communicative approach (discursive, collaborative, argumentative, interpretative; see Healey, 1997 (2006)), this shift in thinking also includes other approaches seeking ‘to embed spatial planning in the ambitions and controversies of key social and eco‐nomic groups in everyday life’ (Boelens, 2009: 182). This new episode of planning theory, though not without criticism, opened the way for studies on knowledge use that went beyond instrumental use of knowledge. It acknowledged that a lack of knowledge use had to do with aspects other than the lack of ‘good’ knowledge.


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3.2 The applicability gap

3.2.1 An initial delineation

As shown above, the phenomenon of a gap between knowledge and action, research and design is deeply embedded in the practices of anyone working within the domain of urban and regional design and planning, regardless of whether they characterise their practices as planning, design or research. However, it is much more difficult to develop an operational definition of the phenomenon for research purposes. To help in that respect I introduce the notion ‘applicability gap’ (see Klaasen, 2004).

The term ‘applicability gap’ originates in the domain of design theory to refer to the difficulty of applying empirical research results in a design context (Hillier et al., 1972). As such, it refers to a description of the concept in cognitive terms. However, the term refers to a fundamental idea that can also be found in planning theory (e.g. Friedmann and Hudson, 1974) and the domains of knowledge management (Heide and Wijnbelt, 1996) and organisation theory (Beyer and Trice, 1982; Schön, 1983). The applicability gap can seemingly only be defined indirectly. Many define the appli‐cability gap by ways of explaining how to get across, by means of a creative leap (e.g. Zeisel, 1981), a flash of insight (Cross, 2006), translation (Schön, 1983), linking (Hillier et al., 1972), mediating (Friedmann and Hudson, 1974), et cetera. Another point of view focuses on what is on both sides of the gap: knowledge and action (Friedmann and Hudson, 1974), research and design (Zeisel, 1981), research and action (Hillier et al., 1972), research and planning (Rubenstein, 1989), social science and decision mak‐ing (Weiss and Bucuvalas, 1980), et cetera.

Thus, the integrality of the domains of knowledge and action is implied in the concept of the applicability gap. The relation between the two is generally more complex in the context of urban and regional design and planning than in the context of design of, for example, consumer goods.

With this complicated matter in mind, I define in first instance the applicability gap as a ‘moment’ in the process of making a plan when ‘knowledge’ is translated into a ‘plan’ for a future order (organisation) of physical space. It is necessary here to be clear about what is considered ‘knowledge’ and what a ‘plan’. For now it suffices to use fairly classic notions, with ‘knowledge’ referring in this context to scientific knowledge of activity and mobility patterns of people derived from empirical study, while ‘plan’ refers to a design of an urban area – a proposal for a possible future in which several interrelated spatial interventions are presented (Klaasen and Boelen, 1996) – visualised most often in a two‐dimensional spatial model (i.e. on/as a map). Note that this is different from a plan meant as a blueprint for making a physical structure. Also, note that this may be a different interpretation of what a ‘plan’ or ‘design’ is in other contexts than Dutch (also see the Notes on the Translation from Dutch to English in Klaasen, 2004).

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A main characteristic of design in the domain of urban and regional design and planning is that there are many kinds of (scientific) knowledge that are integrated into the making of a design. Also, it is in this ‘moment’ of synthesis that the applica‐bility gap emerges (see Klaasen, 2004). This might be, for example, related to the relevance of scientific knowledge to the situation, the suitability of acquired knowl‐edge to a design question, the mismatch between the studied object and the object of design, and the different needs for degree of detail in knowledge generation in scientific research and design (Klaasen, 2004). The ‘moment’ in the process of making a plan in which the applicability gap exists, can be in the cognitive process of a single person as well as in a process in which multiple persons work together. Part of this moment in making a design is a shift of media, for example, from text to drawing.

The concept of the applicability gap is not neutral, but implies that there is a fun‐damental problem to be solved to design ‘better’ plans or products; it is a prescrip‐tive concept in addition to being a descriptive concept (see Klaasen, 2004; Weiss, 1979; Davoudi and Strange, 2009). The view of the applicability gap as a problem can often be found in those accounts on design and planning that draw attention to the importance of people’s behaviour or preferences to which design should answer (e.g. Zeisel, 1981; Mey, 1994). Another aspect of ‘better’ plans or designs rests on a higher level, in the ideal of a ‘better’ – which often, but not always, means by implication more rational – process of design or planning (e.g. Zeisel, 1981; Zeisel, 2006).

3.2.2 Distinguishing between explanations of the applicability gap problem

To search for ‘solutions’ for the ‘problem’ of the applicability gap it is important to first identify possible explanations of the applicability gap. There is a broad body of literature that tries to identify the different aspects that may play a role in the emer‐gence of an applicability gap. Although I use a range of literature that refers to ‘de‐sign’ in other contexts than urban and regional design and planning, I find that these refer back to that domain through, partially, universality of the characteristics of designing. However, they may also refer to analogies with urban and regional design and planning such as in the case of professional practice in a wider sense (Schön, 1983) or product and architectural design (Zeisel, 1981).

Within the domain of architectural design, Fahriye Hazer Sancar identifies three types of arguments generally used to explain the applicability gap: structural argu‐ments, epistemological arguments, and methodological arguments (Sancar, 1996). Note here that Sancar uses the term ‘epistemological’ where I will use ‘content‐based’; and ‘methodological’ where I will use the term ‘procedural’ later in this chap‐ter. The latter is because Sancar refers to design methods, while ‘methodological’ in this thesis refers to a meta‐level of knowledge use studies (see Chapter 4). The for‐mer is because I use ‘epistemological’ exclusively in the context of philosophy of science and ‘content‐based’ is close to what Sancar refers to.

Landry, Lamari and Amara in their work on the use of university research by public administrations use a similar distinction as Sancar, based on the body of literature on


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knowledge utilisation: the two communities’ explanations (referring to structural factors), the interaction explanations (referring to factors similar to procedural fac‐tors), and the organisational interests explanations (referring to content‐based fac‐

tors) (Landry et al., 2003). Note the difference with Sancar’s and Klaasen’s focus on the distinction between research and design rather than between research and policy as apparent in Landry’s work.

Such distinctive explanations for the phenomenon of the applicability gap are not mutually exclusive, but represent views from different strands of theory on design and planning. In line with the concept also being prescriptive in addition to descrip‐tive, each type of explanation is also associated with particular strategies to over‐come the applicability gap. Below, I give a brief outline of the three types of argu‐ments based on the distinction between structural, procedural and content‐based aspects. I conclude with a section on meta‐level aspects based on knowledge man‐agement literature.

3.3 Structural explanations of the applicability gap

The idea that the applicability gap can be explained from, understood through, and solved by looking at so‐called ‘structural’ factors, rests in a sociological view of knowledge production. From this viewpoint the problem is first and foremost per‐ceived as caused by the persistence of two (or more) ‘communities’ attaching to different ‘cultures’ dominating either side of the applicability gap (Caplan, 1979; Dunn, 1980; Landry et al., 2003; Beyer, 1997). The applicability gap is thus seen as a matter of distrust between different knowledge experts and denial of validity and credibility of the other’s body of knowledge. The applicability gap seen this way, can be considered, according to Sancar, in terms of ‘institutional constraints such as a lack of rewards for research in professional departments in academia and for interdisci‐plinary collaboration, lack of trained design professionals understanding and/or con‐ducting scientific research, and lack of natural and behavioural scientists trained in the design process.’ (Sancar, 1996: 133)

Indicators that are often used – focusing largely on affirming the gap – from this perspective are: a lack of a common vocabulary (e.g. Hamel, 1990: 243), the preva‐lence of misconceptions about each other's needs, the reporting of findings in differ‐ent media, and the credibility of information provided by ‘the other’ (cf. Hamel, 1990; Sancar, 1996; Landry et al., 2003).

The idea of such a structural gap is not particular for researchers and designers, but is part of the long trend of increasing specialisation of experts, which in itself is not necessarily as negative as demonstrated in literature on the applicability gap. A similar phenomenon to the applicability gap arises between specialists from different domains (e.g. social science versus engineering), between academic research and practice or between planners advocating a ‘scientific’ approach versus those advocat‐ing a participatory approach.

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‘Learning’ is the key word in strategies that focus on overcoming the structural aspects of the applicability gap (cf. Brömmelstroet, 2010). In a narrow sense ‘learn‐ing’ may be thought of as translating knowledge from one domain to the other so as to let people from one community appropriate knowledge from the other community and vice versa. Typical vehicles of such learning are educational environments (school, university) as these are the environments that foster the development of different specialised communities in the first place. Another typical vehicle for learning in light of this viewpoint is the creation of multidisciplinary project teams or ‘communities of practice’.

However, what becomes clear from literature on ‘learning’ in such teams or net‐works of experts is that it is not in translating knowledge from one ‘community’ to the other but rather in the process of learning where progress is expected (Brömmelstroet, 2010). This brings me to the second type of explanations for the applicability gap.

3.4 Procedural explanations of the applicability gap

A second type of explanation for the applicability gap, which rests in a procedural view of design and planning, conceptualises the applicability gap as a sort of ‘glitch’ in design and planning processes. As such it is a more dynamic conceptualisation of the applicability gap than the structural‐type of explanations above. To understand the procedural type of explanation, it is necessary to provide here a definition of design within the context of the domain of urban and regional design and planning. The procedural type of explanation is not valid exclusively for the design domain, but brings the issue into the planning domain; either with design as a form of planning, or with design embedded in planning. Different definitions of design circulate, but what they have in common is that they define it as a process focusing on physical change. Such a definition of design is proposed by Herbert Simon and used by Donald Schön in the development of his work on theory‐in‐action (see Schmidt, 2000: 271): design is the ‘process of changing existing situations into preferred ones’). Christopher Alex‐ander takes a slightly different angle defining design as ‘the process of inventing things which display new physical order, organisation, form, in response to function’ (Alexander, 1964: 1). Both definitions combined could be considered a more complete definition of design as a process spanning between an existing situation and a changed future situation mediated by the invention of things. That future situation should be seen as a ‘possi‐ble’ future rather than only a probable and/or desirable one (Jong, 1992). However, these definitions do not explain how one ‘knows about’ the existing situation and how this gets linked to the action of designing. Seeing the concept of ‘design’ as in‐herent to the concept of ‘planning’ (Friedmann, 1987) – although not necessarily only in the ‘public domain’ – may help here. Adding Friedmann’s conceptual definition of ‘planning’, design may ultimately be seen as a means for linking, or mediating be‐


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tween, knowledge and action thus extending the definition of design so as to include the knowledge dimension. Within the context of the domain of urban and regional design and planning design can then be defined as the process of mediating between knowledge and action by inventing possible future situations so as to change an exist‐ing situation into a preferred one.

Procedural types of explanations are concerned exactly with the idea that ‘know‐ing about’ through research (or analysis) is seen as external to design and with the search for how to make it integral to design processes. In first instance, the applicabil‐ity gap emerges from this viewpoint in its most clear form when the design process is imagined as a linear process starting at an analysis of a situation or problem for which to design a solution which, when implemented, creates a new ‘order’ – of space, time, meaning and/or communication according to Rapoport (1977) – that offers a solution to the problem. Such a linear view of the design process dominated until the 1980s. The gap may arise in such a process both after the analysis when shifting to designing a solution, or in implementing the solution as an answer to the problem. However, nowadays it is widely acknowledged that a linear, rationalised representation of the process of design does not suffice (see e.g. Lawson, 1980 (2006)). But that does not mean that the applicability gap has automatically disappeared.

In non‐linear conceptualisations of the design processes, ‘knowing about’ a situa‐tion can be conceptualised in various ways; in particular when ‘knowing about’ is distinguished from ‘designing’ a new situation. A well‐known distinction of this sort is the distinction between explicit knowledge versus tacit knowledge with research typically associated with explicit knowledge and design with implicit knowledge. For an individual’s cognitive process the concern of procedural types of explanations is then the moment of externalising and internalising of knowledge. In such a process several ‘creative leaps’ may take place to bridge the gap. These creative leaps are often seen as a positive force in creativity (cf. Zeisel, 1981; Cross, 2006), but are criti‐cally viewed upon as mystifying the design process in accounts of design that favour a rational view of design over a view of design as a craft in light of ethical concerns, amongst other (e.g. Klaasen, 2004). The problem of the applicability gap in a group setting is then how to reciprocally combine, internalise, socialise and externalise knowledge (Nonaka and Takeuchi, 1995) (see Figure 3.1).

A second well‐known distinction of this type is the distinction between research and design as it is made in environment‐behaviour (E‐B) studies. Such studies typi‐cally view the structural distinction between researchers – typically environmental psychologists – and designers – typically architects that oppose a modernist, func‐tionalist approach of design – as a given. The gap between them is inherent to design processes, Zeisel (2006) explains. The gap arises with the separation of the position of the designer (of for that matter a planner) from that of the ‘user‐client’, i.e. the peo‐ple that actually use the product or environment created through design. This is af‐fected by the position of the one to which a designer is directly accountable– the ‘paying client’. (see Figure 3.2) In answer to this ‘boundary’ problem ‘research [may

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change] the boundary by making more visible to designers the needs, desires, and reactions of users …’ (Zeisel, 2006: 50)

According to Zeisel, cooperation between researchers and designers thus needs to be seen as a possible arena for ‘solving the user‐client problem’. Zeisel distin‐guishes between three moments in a design‐process cycle where occasions arise for research and design cooperation. He focuses on how such cooperation can contribute to the fund of basic E‐B knowledge (see Figure 3.3): (1) design programming research for designing a particular project, (2) design review to assess the degree to which designs reflect existing environment‐behaviour research knowledge, and (3) post‐occupancy evaluation of built projects in use (Zeisel, 2006: 51) (cf. Altman, 1975). Basic E‐B knowledge subsequently helps in ‘prestructuring’ future design problems (Hillier et al., 1972: 29‐3‐3).

This description demonstrates the two major strategies to bridge the applicability gap in accounts using the procedural type of explanation. Firstly, research and design could be linked through process design with a focus on designing cyclical, iterative processes. Secondly, one may rely on the nurturing of a reservoir of (generalised) substantive knowledge fed by both researchers and designers; Ina Klaasen developed an elaborate framework of criteria to which such ‘nurturing’ of generalised substan‐tive knowledge should answer to provide a scientific base for design (Klaasen, 2004). In her framework, such generalised knowledge should take the form of scientifically validated principles for spatial organisation that can then serve as cognitive schemes for designers that help in prestructuring design problems.

Figure 3.1 A model of combining, internalising, socialising and externalising knowledge. Source: Nonaka and Takeuchi (1995) cited by Brömmelstroet (2010)


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Figure 3.2 The user‐client problem. In the context of urban and regional design and planning the ‘paying client’ may also be read as ‘political client’. Source: Zeisel (1981)

Figure 3.3 Occasions for research‐design cooperation in the design‐process cycle. Note that ‘evaluation’, ‘programming’ and ‘design and design review’ may directly contribute to basic E‐B knowledge (Zeisel, 1981)

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3.5 Content‐based explanations of the applicability gap

Despite the conceptual elegance of the accounts on procedural explanations of the applicability gap problem, a procedural view of the applicability gap embedded in an acknowledgment of structural issues does not capture all of the key problems that are associated with the applicability gap. There is a third type of explanation for the applicability gap: content‐based explanations. This type of explanation is concerned with what is seen as relevant (scientific) knowledge and as (scientific) knowledge generation in design‐oriented research. This type of explanation sees a gap between incommensurable types of knowledge within, in Zeisel’s terms, the reservoir of ‘basic E‐B knowledge’ (see above). Note that I include here both debates on epistemology and on ontology (cf. Jakubik, 2007).

The debate on content‐based concerns is a particular sharp one in comparison to the debate on structural and procedural issues. The distrust between researchers and designers that was identified as part of structural explanations is embedded in this issue; with each party in a sense blaming the ‘other’ that they are asking the ‘wrong questions’ (Sancar, 1996) or that they refrain from asking any questions to the ‘other’ (Klaasen, 2004). Content‐based types of explanations present themselves around different, but often interrelated dualities, of which five are of direct importance here: (1) objective knowledge versus subjective knowledge, (2) empirical scientific knowl‐edge versus practical (or technical) scientific knowledge, and extending on this (3) structured knowledge in intrascientific problems versus unstructured knowledge in extrascientific problems; in addition two types of a slightly different nature: (4) knowledge in planning versus knowledge of planning, and (5) knowledge of ‘proc‐esses’ versus knowledge of ‘patterns’. I aim to delineate here the implications of these subtypes of explanations for the notion of the applicability gap. For reasons of conciseness I will necessarily remain at the surface of the key concepts without delv‐ing too deep into philosophy of science. For a more thorough treatment of the key philosophical concepts in the context of urban planning I refer to Klaasen (2004) and Flyvbjerg (2001).

The first subtype of the content‐based explanations is concerned with the object and subject and objectiveness and subjectiveness of the respective knowledge do‐mains of research and design. In a classic distinction between research and design, research is associated with positivistic, objective reasoning, i.e. value‐free knowing of the object of concern, while design is associated with subjective reasoning, highly value‐based reasoning by a subject, i.e. a designer. Simply put, the applicability gap arises within this type of explanation as part of a linear process of design at the mo‐ment of subjective interpretation of objective knowledge, in particular since design necessarily synthesises multiple sources of knowledge in the making of a design. Often, when this type of explanation is used, the subjectiveness inherent to design places the ‘designerly’ knowledge domain – or a particular part of it, namely creative craft – outside the scientific domain (cf. Klaasen, 2004). This distinction is related to


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the earlier discussion on the tacit‐explicit knowledge distinction; epistemologically that distinction is also known as the distinction – gap – between phronesis (prudence or technical wisdom; referring to knowledge of particulars) and techne (technical knowledge or know‐how; referring to general knowledge) (see Flyvbjerg, 2001, and Klaasen, 2004, for discussions on which should ‘prevail’ in scientific urban planning).

The second subtype of content‐based explanations makes in the first instance a distinction between empirical science and practical science, acknowledging the pos‐sibility of design being part of a scientific domain (see Klaasen, 2004) (see Table 3.1). There are three key differences that make this distinction still a source for an applica‐bility gap to arise between research and design. Firstly, there is a difference between object of study; namely ‘what will probably be the case’ in empirical science versus ‘what can be the case’ in practical science (Klaasen, 2004); or descriptive versus pre‐scriptive (Lawson, 1980 (2006): 86). For that reason empirical science necessarily focuses on what is or was the case while practical science focuses on possible future situations. Secondly, progress in the respective scientific domains is respectively con‐cerned with intrascientific considerations versus extrascientific considerations (e.g. Hamel, 1990: 243). Thirdly, the types of models used are fundamentally different: explicative and predictive models in empirical science against descriptive, intentional and explorative‐projective models in practical science (Klaasen, 2004). The applicabil‐ity gap arises with attempting to use empirical knowledge to directly inform model development in practical science. The extrapolation type of transferring knowledge of the past to future situations, either inductive or deductive, is difficult to directly re‐late to a more abductive type of reasoning as is characteristic in practical science (see Klaasen, 2004). ‘Better’ models, for example of activity behaviour, based on empirical science are not likely to solve this fundamentally epistemological problem.

The third subtype of content‐based explanations extends on the intrascientific‐extrascientific distinction of the previous explanation. The task settings of research and design are not only typically associated with that – partially sociological – prob‐lem, but also concerns the nature of the type of problems in both settings. Problems that are formulated based on extrascientific considerations are inherently ill‐structured and can by definition not be defined in any way comprehensively; while problems generated by intrascientific considerations are rather of a more puzzle‐solving nature (cf. Simon, 1973). ‘The designer’s task is to explore the possibilities of synthesising … knowledge and insights, resulting in proposals for packages of inte‐grated spatial interventions in existing urban systems or urban systems that are being developed.’ (Klaasen, 2004: 76) Due to the ill‐structured nature of design problems while one has to rely on many sources of research based on relatively well‐structured problems, the gap between analysis and synthesis thus becomes virtually non‐traversable. In design sciences this issue has been optimistically adopted in terms of the relevance of ‘designerly ways of knowing’ (Cross, 2006) in which the applicability gap is bridged by the ‘creative leap’ as a positive force in creative thinking (cf. Klaasen, 2004, for a more critical stance on the creative‐craft base of that view in the context of urban and regional design and planning).

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Knowledge type

Object of knowledge

Progress generated

by

Characteristic

models

Empirical science

Epistèmè

(intersubjective) knowledge

What will

probably be the case

intrascientific considerations

Explicative and predictive

Practical science Technè

(intersubjective) knowledge

What can be the case

extrascientific considerations

Descriptive, inten‐tional and explora‐tory‐projective

Table 3.1 The distinction between empirical science and practical science according to Klaasen (2004: 32)

The fourth subtype of content‐based explanations revolves around differences in paradigms as a possible basis for the applicability gap and is embedded in planning theory. This is the often made distinction between paradigms inherent to theory of planning as opposed to theory in planning (Faludi, 1973); with theory of planning embedded in the social sciences and theory in planning embedded in the design sci‐ences. This is a distinction with similar implications as the empirical science – practi‐cal science distinction with the major difference that both theory of planning and theory in planning locate their problem outside the sciences.

Historically this type of applicability gap arose when so‐called cybernetic, compu‐tational models of spatial organisation and of planning processes were proposed as the basis for planning in the 1960s. Still now mathematical, computational modellers play an important role in the urban planning domain. As such the applicability gap here is rather an implementation gap with computational‐model designers and urban designers adhering to fundamentally different, difficult to bring together, paradigms (cf. Brömmelstroet, 2010).

The fifth and last subtype of content‐based explanations relates to differences in ontology regarding the material object of planning and design. It is a type of explana‐tion that is embedded in the sub‐domain of urban and regional design and planning concerned with ‘theory in planning’ as referred to in the previous paragraph; this can also be referred to as substantive knowledge (as opposed to procedural knowledge). The nature of this type of explanation of the applicability gap lies in what Foley refers to as the distinction between a ‘unitary approach’ and an ‘adaptive approach’ to metropolitan planning (Foley, 1964) (see Table 3.2). More focusing on the design side of urban and regional design and planning, Klaasen (2004), forty years later, makes a similar distinction between pattern‐oriented design versus process‐oriented design (note that in both accounts ‘process‐oriented’ is not the same as ‘procedural’).


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Table 3.2 Distinguishing characteristics of the unitary and adaptive approaches to metropolitan planning (Foley, 1964: 59)

Nature of the characteristic

Unitary approach

Adaptive approach

The plan toward which planning works

Long‐range locational‐physical plan: the portrayal of a metropolitan spatial form for the future as desirable goal

Policies and proposals constituting courses of action to influence metropolitan development

Substantive focus Locational pattern of activities and the physical characteristics of the metropolis, taking into account social and economic goals; guiding controls to ensure that development will accord with desired character

Social economy of the metropolis, including opportunities and standards for living, cultural and business activities, etc; the public and private decision‐making mechanism by which development takes place

Methodology Intuitive‐synthetic‐political; aggregative; strong design influence; focus on product

Empirical‐analytic‐economic; disaggregative; social science influence; focus on process

Underlying assumptions as to the basis for community solidarity

Solidarity results from consensus: a normative view of what is desirable

Functional integration: solidarity results from the integration of diverse parts and viewpoints

Assumptions regarding the political economy

Necessarily strong and fairly centralised role of government (the mix as between local and nonlocal subject to considerable variation); market decisions important but kept under control

Decentralisation; pluralistic political economy, with market‐type decisions very important; governmental responsibility to provide leadership regarding prime‐mover developments and to ensure working of economy in public interest

Assumptions as to knowledge about the future

Precise knowledge irrelevant; strong design commitment and political leadership can provide self‐fulfilling prophecy

In view of complexity of the present and the essential unknowability of the long‐range future, focus is on the near future and the directions of influence, subject to successive adaptation as the future unfolds

Implicit aesthetics of spatial arrangement

Articulation: the designation of centres, the strong demarcation of circulation channels and internal boundaries, the clear bounding of the community so as though they were reasonably final, with implication that disturbing overgrowth should be prevented

Fluidity and interpenetration: the acceptance of growth; no single, final design; latitude for experiment and unpredictable change. A spatial plan can at best provide sound communication and transportation systems, a system of public spaces and community facilities, and a modular‐type framework within which further development can proceed

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A key problem within the domain of urban and regional design and planning within this subtype of explanations of the applicability gap is the role played by visual mod‐els (see Klaasen, 2002; Klaasen, 2004). Visual models such as drawn maps or physical, architectural models are primarily spatial models. In such spatial models the knowl‐edge of processes, ontologically temporospatial, are hard to depict directly and need thus be represented indirectly. It is in the translation of knowledge of processes into spatial models where the applicability gap arises from this explanation. The applica‐bility gap in this sense is ‘aggravated by the tendency, originating from the traditional bond between architecture and urban & regional design, to regard … the achieve‐ment of experiential value, as the essence of urban & regional design’ as opposed to privileging use value (Klaasen, 2004: 76).

There are several typical types of solution strategies for situations in which the applicability gap problem is perceived as a content‐based issue. A first strategy in‐volves shifting the problem from one content‐driven debate to another; for example, by bringing urban and regional design and planning into the scientific domain (e.g. Klaasen, 2004; Boelens, 1990; Doevendans, 1988) or bringing social science into the domain of phronetics (Flyvbjerg, 2001). A second typical strategy involves negating the duality of epistemological debates by shifting from monodisciplinary problem framing to a combination strategy: multidisciplinary, epidisciplinary (accumulative), interdisciplinary or extradisciplinary problem framing (cf. transdisciplinary, problem in practice as unifying component) (Heide and Wijnbelt, 1996; Mückenberger and Timpf, 2006). A third typical strategy also directs its attention to the duality of the epistemological debate. This strategy aims at reframing research, design and planning problems as an integral process such as learning‐in‐action or reflection‐in‐action. The work by Donald Schön, particularly focusing on the theory‐practice gap, is exemplary in that respect (Schön, 1983; Schön and Rein, 1994).

3.6 Meta‐level explanations of the applicability gap

In addition to the three types of explanations of the applicability gap – structural, procedural and content‐based – it is important to distinguish one other type of ex‐planations. This type of explanations concerns the explicit management of knowledge. The applicability gap problem can be seen from this perspective as matter of incom‐plete or faulty management of knowledge. I see this in terms of meta‐level types of explanation for the applicability gap problem.

Heide and Horrevoets (1996) demonstrate that two components can be distin‐guished in such meta‐level explanations. The first component concerns techniques of knowledge management. The second component concerns the methodology to grasp the utility of knowledge. It refers to methods for knowledge management in more general terms. According to Heide and Horrevoets (1996: 197‐198) relevant tech‐niques of knowledge management for urban and regional design and planning are:


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Research techniques, including certain methods and techniques used in relevant disciplines (e.g. demographic forecasting techniques) as well as techniques used in multiple disciplines (e.g. GIS);

Storage techniques, for maintaining and retrieving knowledge stocks, three main knowledge depots being nowadays available: human memory, paper documents, computer files;

Learning techniques, and hence, teaching techniques, both at an individual and at a collective level;

Organisational techniques, of various kinds: to facilitate communication be‐tween actors in how they relate to others, to accommodate the work of in‐terinstitutional and interdisciplinary project groups, to enable efficient knowledge storing and retrieval;

Planning techniques: planning processes not only produce policy products but also new knowledge, provided the methods used are valid for structur‐ing knowledge.

The second component of the meta‐level aspects of the applicability gap relates to the methodology of so‐called knowledge utility studies. For these Heide and Hor‐revoets refer back to methods belonging to similar categories by which I distin‐guished aspects of the applicability gap problem: content, relations between actors, application in planning processes, and methods of knowledge management (Heide and Horrevoets, 1996: 197). This self‐referencing is typical for reasoning on a meta‐level. As this provides a starting point to further evaluate the use and utility of knowledge in this thesis, I elaborate in the following Chapter 4 on knowledge utility theory. This meta‐level will so provide the starting points for a methodological framework to evaluate the approaches described in Chapters 5 and 6 .

3.7 Concluding remarks: a grid for structuring the analysis In this chapter I have introduced the ‘applicability gap’ as a notion to understand the gap between empirical research and urban and regional design and planning. I showed how such a gap is embedded in the history of the domain. I set out to unravel the applicability gap so as to operationalise it as a theoretical framework for this thesis. The theory contained in this chapter can be seen as explanatory theory, but it is not my aim to test this theory. I have provided here the basic understanding and underpinning of my supposition that there exists an applicability gap. Moreover, I have developed a theoretical basis from which I can structure my analysis in Chapters 5 and 6.

The work of Heide and Horrevoets (1996) helps to enlighten this. They propose to distinguish between four schemes – dimensions – that are of relevance to understand what kind of knowledge is relevant and the ways in which knowledge is embedded in spatial planning practices (Heide and Horrevoets, 1996). They distinguish these di‐

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mensions for what they call ‘knowledge mapping’. The structure of Chapters 5 and 6 builds on their idea of knowledge mapping.

Heide and Horrevoets’ first scheme considers the substantive dimension of knowledge. The second scheme considers the network of (i.e. relations between) actors involved in knowledge production and use of knowledge. The third scheme considers the context of application for knowledge in terms of products and levels of scale of plans (or other types of so‐called ‘spatial products’). Lastly, the fourth scheme considers the various methods and techniques employed in producing, pre‐senting, acquiring and applying the knowledge, i.e. the methodological dimension (Heide and Horrevoets, 1996). The original schemes were developed in the context of an explorative study in the field of knowledge management with the purpose of seek‐ing more efficiency in knowledge development in the domain of spatial planning – in terms of cost, returns, generalisability of particular knowledge and wider availability of practical knowledge (Horrevoets and Heide, 1992; PRO, 1992). This process of increasing efficiency viewed the body of knowledge, its context and the development of knowledge as a system of planning knowledge.

Based in theoretical considerations, case analysis as well as practical experience on the part of the authors, the schemes were initially hypothetical frames which, the authors suggested, might make it ‘easier to find one’s way in this system’ (Heide and Horrevoets, 1996: 186) and thus by transparency make the system more efficient. Note that this view of knowledge is partially derived from the notion of a knowledge system as it was viewed in the cybernetic approach to planning. However, this fresh view of knowledge systems acknowledges that the earlier purely technocratic view of the knowledge system needed to be replaced by a more context‐sensitive view of knowledge development. Based on the view that knowledge use is per definition heterogenic in nature (cf. Weiss, 1979), the authors state that particular cases can not be mapped one to one to the whole of the knowledge scheme, and that it can be expected that particular cases will only occupy parts of the ‘map’ (Heide and Hor‐revoets, 1996: 189).

It is in the type of cases where their study diverges from this one. The cases against which Heide and Horrevoets tested the schemes – as well as the cases on which they built them – were all centred on a particular plan development, i.e. they were goal‐oriented reasoning back to practices of how knowledge was developed and the range of knowledge that was used in reaching that goal (the plan). The work in this thesis is different in the sense that it is source‐oriented. The grid of Table 3.3 helps in this thesis to describe how the embedding of knowledge of temporospatial activity and mobility patterns of people is playing out in different ways within the two approaches of Chapters 5 and 6. Yet, as the purpose of describing the use of knowl‐edge is slightly different here than for the context in which the schemes were devel‐oped, the scheme in Table 3.3 is an adapted version of the grid originally developed by Heide and Horrevoets.


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Explanations

Knowledge schemes*

Aspects Optional views Criteria for mapping

Actors**

Epistemic communities Interest groups and social movements Communities of practice

Networks of experts

Structural explanations

The relational knowledge scheme

Modalities**

Public domain Peer review Prosumption, i.e. knowledge as by‐product Market

Domain in which accountability for validity of knowledge takes place

Spatial products***

Scenarios Concepts Considerations Designs Standards Zoning Plans Decisions

Knowledge representation language

Procedural explanations

The knowledge application scheme

Levels of scale

Spatial scale Temporal scale Administrative scale Socio‐economic scale

Scale match between problem/ solution

Disciplines

Monodisciplinary Multidisciplinary Epidisciplinary Interdisciplinary Extradisciplinary

Problem‐solution frames

Content‐based explanations

The substantive knowledge scheme

Components

Geographic Functional Temporal Institutional

Ontology of environment‐behaviour homology

Techniques of knowledge management***

Research Storage Learning Organisation Planning Etc.

Strategies for knowledge application

Meta‐level explanations

Methodological scheme

Content‐based Structural Procedural Meta‐level

Before: knowledge management After: test of completeness of and links between units of knowledge.

Models of knowledge use

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Table 3.3 (previous page) Knowledge schemes providing a framework for ‘mapping knowledge’. Source: adapted substantially from Heide and Horrevoets (1996); *) these schemes were the ones devised by (Heide and Horrevoets, 1996). I will use in this thesis the termi‐nology in the far left column as I explain in Chapter 3; **) this aspect is a major factor in delimiting the approaches; ***) documentation concerning this aspect provides main sources for the analysis of approaches.

Chapter 4 Studying the utility of knowledge

In this chapter I explain that I am using in this thesis findings from the domain of knowledge utility studies on how knowledge use works and can be categorised. I do so based on the theoretical framework of Chapter 3 on the applicability gap to final‐ise my methodological framework for this thesis. After an introduction of the idea of ‘knowledge use’ in section 4.1, the chapter is built up of three sections each highlight‐ing a different dimension of knowledge utility. Section 4.2 focuses on how knowledge ‘travels’ in certain contexts. Section 4.3 describes a range of strategies for enhancing knowledge utility. Lastly, section 4.4 introduces the ‘ladder of knowledge utilisation’ as a way to understand the degree of success of enhancing knowledge utility.

At the end of the chapter I combine the first two dimensions of knowledge utility in a grid for thinking about knowledge utility for evaluating the approaches of Chap‐ters 5 and 6.

4.1 Prelude on knowledge use

After a first surge of studies in the 1970s and 1980s (e.g. Healey and Underwood, 1978), the field of knowledge utility studies has again gained momentum around the turn of the century (e.g. Landry et al., 2001b). To understand the ideas on the use of knowledge, it is important to highlight the distinction made in such knowledge utility literature between different forms of knowledge use. An often used distinction is that between instrumental use of knowledge, conceptual use of knowledge and symbolic use of knowledge. Landry et al. (2001a), Amara et al. (2004) and Beyer (1997) provide in‐depth treatments of these categories. They rely on the work of the 1970s by, amongst others, Knorr (1976), Pelz (1978) and Weiss (1977).

The distinction is derived from the realisation that knowledge is, in practice, often not used fully rationally. From the 1970s onwards research showed that the use of knowledge is messier than a rational model of knowledge use would suggest. Re‐search may still be used, but more indirectly, through processes of ‘enlightenment’ in which knowledge becomes tacit knowledge or contributes to general knowledge which may then be used in practice; hence the conceptual use of knowledge. How‐ever, research also showed that knowledge use may not only be messy, but may be used to substantiate previously taken positions or may become part of wider proc‐esses of negotiation in planning processes; this is called the symbolic use of knowl‐edge. When put in a political‐practical context, analysing knowledge use in terms of instrumentality does not suffice (Albæk, 1995). Amara et al. (2004) state, moreover, that instrumental use, conceptual use and symbolic use of knowledge ‘must be con‐sidered as complementary rather than as contradictory dimensions of research utili‐sation’.

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Figure 4.1 Relationships between information, knowledge, research evidence, and practice in instrumental and conceptual uses of knowledge. The ‘filter’ for applicability is a concept akin to the applicability gap. Krizek et al. (2009) also distinguish a theoretical filter and a review filter. I have added the generalisability filter. Source: adapted from Krizek et al. (2009: 467)

It may further help in clarifying knowledge use to imagine knowledge as travelling along a path from initial data and information towards planning practice. Based on the method of evidence‐based planning derived from medical science Krizek, Forsyth and Slotterback (2009), in a further less relevant paper, conceptualise different paths for knowledge towards planning practice (see Figure 4.1).

On the one hand Krizek et al. distinguish between (a) data or information, (b) general knowledge or research evidence and (c) planning practice. On the other hand they distinguish between different filters of applicability through which data, infor‐mation, knowledge and evidence pass in the process of being used for planning (e.g. the ‘research process’ and the ‘review’). An important aspect of evidence‐based planning as belonging to the practical sciences is that it sees research in a ‘context of application’ in stead of a ‘context of justification’ (Klaasen, 2004). Several of the ele‐ments used to explain aspects of the applicability gap in Chapter 3 can be recognised here. However, note that Figure 4.1 does not demonstrate the symbolic use of knowledge.


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4.2 First dimension of knowledge utility: paths of knowl‐edge in context

So, generally, knowledge utility studies distinguish roughly between instrumental, conceptual, and symbolic forms of use of knowledge, each implying a different model for the role, path and position of knowledge in decision making processes. Carol Weiss (1979) provides a manner of thinking about paths of knowledge (she focused on ‘research’) in combination with forms of knowledge use. Focusing on use of social science knowledge in a policy context, she presents an overview of the ‘many mean‐ings of research utilisation’ and warns against too fervently adhering to one model or the other as an explanatory concept (Weiss, 1979) (see Table 4.1). These models can be seen as particular combinations of factors that characterises knowledge utility: science push, demand pull, dissemination and interaction between researchers and users (Landry et al., 2001b). Weiss (1979: 430) states that:

Probably all of [the models] are applicable in some situations. Certainly none of them represents a fully satisfactory answer to the question of how a polity [i.e. forms of government such as the state] best mobilises its research resources to in‐form public action. An understanding of the diversity of perspectives on research utilisation may serve many purposes. For one, it may help to overcome the disen‐chantment with the usefulness of social science research that has afflicted those who search for use only in problem‐solving contexts. For another, it may enable us to engage in empirical study of the policy uses of research with better awareness of its diverse and often subtle manifestations; if immediate impact of a specific study on a specific decision is only one indicator of use, we will have to devise more complex but more appropriate modes of study.

Where cybernetic approaches relied on the ‘harder’ models of knowledge utility, more recent planning theory (e.g. Healey, 2007) relies heavily on the ‘softer’ models of knowledge use that still attach importance to constructing valid knowledge; the interactive model and enlightenment model are typical examples of that stance.

Although Weiss provides one key to understanding knowledge utility, her catego‐ries or ‘models’ of knowledge utility do not provide much way forward in thinking about how to influence knowledge utility or how to grasp the utility of particular kinds of knowledge. For that reason I extend on Weiss’ models to come to a model of knowledge utility with more dimensions. Below I will explain two other dimensions that are helpful in grasping the embedding of a particular type of knowledge in urban and regional design and planning.

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Knowledge use model

Process of using knowledge from social sciences

Position of research

The Knowledge‐Driven Model

Sequence of events: basic research > applied research > development > application.

Sheer fact that knowledge exists presses it toward development and use.

Problem‐Solving Model

Direct application of the results of a specific social science study to a pending decision: model > the decision drives the application of research.

Research provides the missing knowledge. With the gap filled, a decision is reached

Interactive Model The process is not one of linear order from research to decision but a disorderly set of interconnections and back‐and‐forthness that defies neat diagrams.

The use of research is only one part of a complicated process that also uses experience, political insight, pressure, social technologies, and judgment. It has applicability not only to face‐to‐face settings but also to the multiple ways in which intelligence is gathered through intermediaries and brought to bear.

Political Model For reasons of interest, ideology, or intellect, decision makers have taken a stand that research is not likely to shake; One of the appropriate conditions for this model of research use is that all parties to the issue have access to the evidence.

Research can still be used. It becomes ammunition for the side that finds its conclusions congenial and supportive.

Tactical Model Little relation to the substance of the research. It is not the content of the findings that is invoked but the sheer fact that research is being done.

Research becomes proof of responsiveness.

Enlightenment Model

Not the findings of a single study nor even of a body of related studies that directly affect policy. Rather it is the concepts and theoretical perspectives that social science research has engendered that permeate the policy‐making process.

Research has given a backdrop of ideas and orientations that has had important consequences. Research sensitises decision makers to new issues and helps turn what were non‐problems into policy problems.

Research as Part of the Intellectual Enterprise of the Society

Research as one of the intellectual pursuits of a society.

Research responds to the currents of thought, the fads and fancies, of the period.

Table 4.1 The many meanings of research utilisation. Source: derived from Weiss (1979)


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4.3 Second dimension: major strategies for enhancing knowledge utility

4.3.1 Summarising

The ideal of knowledge utility studies, their major driver, can be summarised as striv‐ing for ‘better’ use of knowledge. ‘Better’ can mean different things: more rational, more accurate, more democratic, more influential, more interrelated (in case of knowledge from multiple domains), etc. That this is a normative standpoint and how that has come about is not of the highest importance here. What is important is that this implies that there are several strategies for bettering the use for knowledge. Below I outline a helpful range of strategies that represent different viewpoints of how and what to enhance. They are derived from the less pronounced strategies associated with different aspects of the applicability gap as described in Chapter 3. Particular aspects of the applicability gap may be traced in different strategies for enhancing knowledge use (see Table 4.2). Moreover, particular aspects are associ‐ated with particular strategies for tackling the applicability gap problem. However, this does not imply they may not be traced in other strategies as well, but that will most likely only be indirectly. This list of seven strategies, which I elaborate concisely in the subsequent sections, provides the second dimension for the framework within which I analyse the approaches in this thesis.

Structural aspects

Procedural aspects

Content‐based aspects

Meta‐level aspects

I. Knowledge integrator (roles)

II. Knowledge integrator (medium)

III. Influencing people

IV. Knowledge management

V. Reflection‐in‐action and/or action‐research

VI. Epistemological theory

VII. Integral substantive strategy

Table 4.2 Relations between strategies for tackling the applicability gap problem and three major aspects of the applicability gap problem.

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4.3.2 Knowledge integrator: roles

Without knowing clearly what specialists may deliver as knowledge to an urban de‐sign or planning process, there is little use in trying to embed such knowledge in ur‐ban design and planning: the amount of unstructured information would simply halt any application of knowledge. Thus, paradoxically with regard to bridging the appli‐cability gap, a first strategy may be to sharpen the role of different experts holding, or at least claiming, particular expertise relevant to the design and planning processes at hand. This strategy acknowledges the complexity of planning tasks that makes it nec‐essary to use specialist knowledge. It aims at clarifying the questions that may be asked of specialists from fields other than planning, as well as of planners themselves, and how that knowledge may contribute to making urban and regional designs and plans. Though then it also becomes important to think about how to link different specialists’ knowledge.

Figure 4.2 Overview of possible distribution of roles in project groups. Source: after Heide and Wijnbelt (1994: 95)

Embedded in their analysis of obstacles for knowledge transfer, Heide and Wijnbelt (1994) in their study To Know and To Make identify a strategy for tackling applicabil‐ity gap problems based on the idea of a mediator or integrator of knowledge. What is interesting in their study is that even when choosing this strategy of finding an inte‐grator, differences of opinion may still arise over who plays the mediating role. Thus, this strategy makes differences explicit and provides particular suggestions to move ahead from the differences. Face‐to‐face contact is a key factor in that strategy as well as collectively choosing a model for the integrator role (see Figure 4.2). Although


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To Know and To Make focuses on the gap between researchers and designers, the ideas may well apply to the more general gap between empirical research and urban and regional design and planning.

4.3.3 Knowledge integrator: medium

The integrator role is not only reserved to persons. A medium – image, plan, com‐puter environment, etc. – may also enable the integration of different types of knowledge. Again, there may be differences of opinion on what is considered the ‘best’ medium for integration with, for example, designers mainly opting for visualisa‐tion of knowledge (Heide and Wijnbelt, 1994). This strategy rests to a certain degree in the history of urban and regional design and planning in which the ‘unity of town planning’ was mediated by the ‘plan’ (Schut and Lohuizen, 1990), but it goes beyond that. Recent research points in the direction of talking over maps or interacting through computer interfaces being central to bringing disciplines and their knowl‐edge together in contemporary, complex design and planning processes (e.g. Brömmelstroet, 2010; Tummers and Heyink‐Leestemaker, 2004).

Figure 4.3 Mechanisms through which research produces influence. Source: Henry and Mark (2003: 298)

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4.3.4 Influencing people

A third strategy focuses on influencing people rather than on integrating knowledge although the latter is considered an effect of the former. In a review paper on the influence of evaluation studies (Henry and Mark, 2003) demonstrate that knowledge can have an influence on an individual, interpersonal or collective level and on each level through several mechanisms (See Figure 4.3) (cf. Nutley et al., 2003, who distin‐guish between individual and organisational or system levels). For Henry and Mark (2003), the key to influencing processes and outcomes is to construct pathways for knowledge using the building blocks offered by different manners of influencing peo‐ple.

4.3.5 Reflection‐in‐action and action‐research

A fourth strategy has yet another focus: that of practices or conduct in research, planning and design. This strategy aims at merging the practices of research with practices of design and/or planning; or academic practices with planning practices. Three subtypes may be distinguished: reflection in action (Schön, 1983; Schön, 1987), (participatory) action‐research (amongst a wide body of literature, see, e.g. Lewin, 1946; Rapoport, 1970; Stringer, 1999; Kemmis, 2006), and the reciprocal theorising of practice and practicing of theory (Boelens, 2009; Boelens, 2010).

4.3.6 Explicit knowledge management: institutionalisation of knowledge

A fifth strategy puts the institutionalisation of knowledge central to the strategy for a ‘better’ application of knowledge in planning and design and practices. Innes (1990): 232) explains: ‘institutionalisation … means the setting up of procedures and prac‐tices which ensure the continuing existence of an indicator and which legitimise and formalise its methods and concepts.’ Such institutionalisation knows both a social and a technological component. The social component depends on the framing of knowl‐edge. Innes (1998: 56) Innes states:

Information … will become … ‘intellectual capital,’ or shared knowledge, only if there is plenty of talk about the meaning of the information, its accuracy, and its implications. Information does not influence unless it represents a socially con‐structed and shared understanding created in the community of policy actors. If, however, the meaning does emerge through such a social process, the information changes the actors and their actions, often without their applying it expressly to a specific decision.

The technological component of institutionalisation interacts with the social compo‐nent (cf. Brömmelstroet, 2010). The persistent use of, in particular, mathematical computational models within the planning domain shows how this is a factor to


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reckon with. They also demonstrate how technology can be used in institutionalising knowledge.

4.3.7 Epistemological strategy

Epistemology is concerned with the question of how it is possible to know about the world, i.e. the nature and scope of knowledge. I refer to epistemological strategy here as a way to influence the possible enhancement of the use of knowledge through a philosophy‐based approach concerned with the nature and scope of (scien‐tific) knowledge. Such an epistemological strategy aims at changing the fundaments of knowledge domains by shifting the boundaries of what is considered (scientific) knowledge. This strategy may be concerned with delimiting knowledge domains or with forging new links between knowledge domains. It may also concern distinguish‐ing between or forging new links between scientific knowledge and knowledge previ‐ously concerned to be non‐scientific. The strategy generally contains a component that suggests changes in the education of novices in a particular domain. As such it operates in a different way, but with similar aims as the reflection‐in‐action or action‐research strategy. Examples of epistemological strategies can be found in the work of Klaasen (2004) and Flyvbjerg (2001).

4.3.8 Integral substantive strategy

Some types of epistemological strategies include integral substantive strategies, such as in the work by Klaasen (2004). For the purpose here, however, one needs to be analytically separated from the other. Although integral substantive strategies may rely upon thinking up ‘ontologies’, i.e. studies of what can be said to exist in the world, it is not necessarily and most often not driven by philosophy. They can thus not be defined as ‘ontological’ strategies. A key concern in this strategy is filling the reservoir of knowledge for planning and design practitioners such that it provides general knowledge that can be easily appropriated when designing. That ‘filling’ is done in the form of theoretical principles and models of functional‐spatial organisa‐tion; these principles and models are not given from empirics, but may be produced through design (Klaasen, 2005a).

Point of attention here is that application of knowledge needs to be considered in its ‘context of application’ (Klaasen, 2004; Klaasen, 2005a). Environment‐behaviour studies is an important example of integral substantive strategies (Rapoport, 1977; Zeisel, 1981; Zeisel, 2006). Akin to this strategy, though leaning on empirics rather than design, is the large body of literature based on empirical research on and model‐ling of spatial patterns of land use and activity behaviour as another (see e.g. Snellen, 2002).

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4.4 Third dimension: the ladder of knowledge utilisation The two dimensions described above say nothing yet of the degree of success of trying to use, or ‘apply’, knowledge in urban and regional design and planning proc‐esses. To deal with that omission, Table 4.3 shows how one can distinguish between different levels of knowledge utility. In knowledge utility studies ‘application’ is seen as the final of six stages of the so‐called ‘ladder of knowledge utilisation’ (Landry et al., 2001a). The stages shown in Table 4.3 are cumulative, the higher stages building on the lower ones. Landry has developed his ‘scale’ to measure knowledge use so as to improve on studies that focused too much on so‐called ‘instrumental use’ of knowledge, i.e. studies that focused too much on particular knowledge (e.g. evalua‐tion studies) or focused on perceptions of the use of knowledge rather than observa‐tions of the use of knowledge (Landry et al., 2001a). I will be concerned with explor‐ing possible strategies to step up the ‘ladder of knowledge utilisation’, trying to link the first two dimensions of knowledge utility with this third dimension. I will do so in Chapter 7.

Stage of knowledge utility

The use of knowledge (as experienced by interviewed group)

Stage 1 Transmission

I transmitted my research results to the practitioners and professionals concerned

Stage 2 Cognition

My research reports were read and understood by the practitioners and professionals concerned

Stage 3 Reference

My work has been cited as a reference in the reports, studies and strategies of action elaborated by practitioners and professionals

Stage 4 Effort

Efforts were made to adopt the results of my research by practitioners and professionals

Stage 5 Influence

My research results influenced the choice and decision of practitioners and professionals

Stage 6 Application

My research results gave rise to applications and extension by practitioners and professionals concerned

Table 4.3 Stages of the ladder of knowledge utilisation. Adapted from Landry et al. (2001a: 399).


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4.5 A matrix to evaluate the approaches

I have now arrived at the point where I can outline a conceptual matrix in which I can position my analysis of approaches to urban and regional design and planning which may have potential to overcome the applicability gap problem (Table 4.4). I will do so for both approaches at the end of Chapters 5 and 6, and I come back to it in Chapter 7 to draw overall conclusions. The conceptual matrix contains two of the three di‐mensions outlined in this chapter: paths of knowledge in context, i.e. Weiss’ models of knowledge utility, and the series of strategies for enhancing the utility of knowl‐edge. The third dimension of knowledge utility – stages of knowledge utility – is used in Chapter 7 for identifying strengths and weaknesses in the approaches as a basis for outlining possibilities of future research. First however, the following two chapters contain the description of the two approaches, each structured by the knowledge schemes of Table 4.1 and evaluated against the conceptual matrix of Table 4.4.

\ Strategies Knowledge travelling by \

Knowl. integrator: roles

Knowl. integrator: medium

Infl. people

Knowl. Manage‐ment

Reflec‐tion‐in‐action and/or action‐research

Epistemo‐logical theory

Integral subst. theory

Knowledge‐driven Model

Problem‐solving Model

Interactive Model

Political Model

Tactical Model

Enlightenment Model

Research part of Intellectual Enterprise of Society

Table 4.4 Conceptual matrix containing knowledge utility models as well as strategies for bet‐tering knowledge use

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Chapter 5 On the relevance of tracking technologies for urban and regional design and planning

5.1 Introduction

5.1.1 Starting points

The availability, increased functionality and user friendliness of devices based on so‐called ‘geo‐positioning’ such as by GPS (Global Positioning System) have made such devices widely proliferate over the last decade. And this process has not halted yet. More and more people own a navigation system for getting where they want to go without getting lost, a GPS‐device for logging and guiding their experiences, for ex‐ample during outdoor sports, biking or geo‐caching. Most people now own a mobile phone, and in the coming years these will be increasingly supplied with built‐in GPS which allows for combining location logging with information provision in the form of location based services or social networking. These geo‐positioning devices are used mainly for orientation (determining where you are or were), navigation (determining where to go) and communication (exchanging information with others or accessing information services). However, the devices can also be used for tracking, i.e. collect‐ing data on a travelled route into a track log, which is the functionality of the devices in which the interest lies in this chapter.

This chapter describes the first of the two approaches analysed in this thesis. At the centre of this chapter is the introduction of geo‐positioning technologies that enable the accurate positioning and tracing of people’s location and traces of move‐ment in time and space in research on activity and mobility behaviour of people. To some concern for this chapter is the exploration of the different uses of these tech‐nologies as to how those uses might bring research on activity and mobility behaviour of people to a next level in comparison to more traditional research techniques for studying such behaviour. It is not that comparison to old research techniques that is of central concern here however. This chapter focuses on how the technique func‐tions in a particular context of application – in this thesis that being the domain of urban and regional design and planning. So the approach analysed here is not the instrument of tracking technologies, it is the use and application of knowledge at‐tained by using tracking technologies in the making of urban or regional designs and plans.

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5.1.2 Outline

I start in this chapter by defining the notion of tracking technologies and by distin‐guishing between the major underlying technologies in section 5.2. The remainder of this chapter is built up in four parts along the lines of indicators for four aspects of the applicability gap: structural (section 5.3), procedural (section 5.4), content‐based (section 5.5) and meta‐level aspects (section 5.6). The purpose of section 5.3 is to clarify how different disciplines have converged on the application of tracking tech‐nologies in urban and regional design and planning by describing the shaping of a network of researchers. The purpose of section 5.4 is to identify the problems and possibilities that emerge from actual experimentation with tracking technologies within the domain of urban and regional design and planning; and to see if teaching the use of tracking technologies to novice urban designers and planners may help in embedding knowledge of activity and mobility patterns of people in the framing of design questions – i.e. problem‐solution sets. Moreover, looking at the way in which novice designers deal with tracking technologies may clarify some of the fundamental chances and bottlenecks of tracking technologies in the context of urban and regional design and planning. The purpose of section 5.5, focusing on different ‘ways of know‐ing’ in tracking‐based studies, is to identify the chances of an applicability gap emerg‐ing – or being circumvented – in the development of an epistemology for tracking studies.

I extend the description of the approach by providing a series of possible scenar‐ios for the further development of tracking technologies in the context of urban and regional design and planning, scoring them for being possible, probable and desirable; the latter referring to the ethical aspects of this type of research. That part of the chapter (section 5.6) represents a meta‐level view of the applicability gap problem. These four viewpoints, on using geo‐positioning devices within the context of urban and regional design and planning, provide the basis for evaluating the relevance of the use of tracking technologies for the domain of urban and regional design and planning at the end of this chapter and in Chapter 7 and for identifying future ave‐nues of research in Chapter 7.

5.2 Tracking technologies

5.2.1 What are tracking technologies?

Thus far I have used the terms ‘geo‐positioning’, ‘tracking technologies’ or ‘tracking’ without defining them properly. This definition is important because several similar terms are often used without clear distinction. ‘Tracking’ can be defined as the cap‐turing of a position in space, through space, in time and over a period of time of any body or object in an information device and/or system. ‘Geo‐positioning’ only refers to capturing a position in space and/or in time. In the context of this thesis, with its


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focus on people’s activity and mobility behaviour, tracking is regarded as a form of behavioural mapping, a methodology derived from psychiatric research in the 1960s and further developed in the emerging field of environmental – or ecological – psy‐chology (Ittelson, Proshansky and Rivlin, 1970; Ittelson, 1978); a field that has long been strongly associated with architectural design (see Zeisel, 2006; Zeisel, 1981; Rapoport, 1977).

Behavioural mapping as an empirical method, and thus tracking, needs to be dis‐tinguished from cognitive mapping (Tolman, 1948) or mental mapping (Gould and White, 1974) (for examples related to urban design and planning see Golledge, 1999, and Lynch, 1960). Cognitive or mental mapping refers to the process of building a mental construct of a spatial environment and, when that mental construct is visual‐ised in a map, represents (tacit) knowledge of that environment as perceived by the one who draws the map. Behavioural mapping is the process of capturing observed behaviour in terms of pre‐defined measurements, which represents, when visualised in a map, the understanding of behaviour in its environment by an observer (although at times in the case of tracking technologies the observer and the observed may be one and the same). In some cases, in particular in art projects (e.g. Waag‐Society, 2000; Waag‐Society, 2003), the same technologies used for tracking as behavioural mapping are used for other purposes and against values other than behavioural mapping. In such somewhat hybrid cases, it is better to refer to ‘psychogeographies’ (cf. Debord, 1955) than to the term ‘tracking’, even if the underlying technique of and technology for capturing movement and activity behaviour is similar.

In the last decade new technologies have emerged that are able to collect track‐ing data much more easily, more accurately and in larger data sets. It is on such tech‐nologies that this chapter focuses. For this chapter I define tracking technology as a system consisting of mobile electronic devices (both transmitters and receivers), of an immobile technical infrastructure for transmitting data, of databases and of data users; a system which can collect, store, process, combine, represent and interpret data on the position and movement of portable tracking devices with reference to a spatial and temporal system of coordinates. As such, tracking technology is a type of geographic information system (GIS) (cf. Nijhuis, 2008). Thus it is defined at a higher level than the underlying technology such as the Global Positioning System (GPS) and the technical system for mobile phone positioning which I will describe further below.

5.2.2 The candy store that is tracking

‘The travel behaviour researcher faces GPS data like a child faces a candy store – there is so much there, that it is difficult to get started.’ (Axhausen, Schönfelder, Wolf, Oliveira and Samaga, 2004) Tracking technologies provide several advantages over other data collection techniques, such as reduction of non‐response, because of the lesser burden on the respondent in comparison to diary keeping; this is important in light of the increasing variety in people’s activity and mobility patterns (Verbree, Maat, Bohte, Nieuwburg, Oosterom and Quak, 2005). Other advantages include the

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degree of accuracy and completeness of data (although the latter can be questioned due to technology failures; see Spek, Schaick, Bois and Haan, 2009), the possibility of direct matching of tracking data to other data within geographic information systems (GIS) and the availability of data in digital form which shortens the error‐prone proc‐ess of data entry (Goulias and Janelle, 2006; Verbree et al., 2005).

5.2.3 Underlying technologies

The technology‐oriented approach to tracking used in this chapter distinguishes tracking from tracing observed movement of people by drawing lines on paper maps (Winkel and Sasanoff, 1966), counting and mapping people in movement or remain‐ing in a single place (Gehl, 1971) and tracking as a form of discrete stalking which has been used since the 1960s (Hill, 1984; Zacharias, 2000; Millonig and Gartner, 2008b). Tracking should also be distinguished from survey techniques based on back‐reporting of temporospatial behaviour through diaries or survey forms (Chapin and Kaiser, 1979; Vidakovic, 1980; Dijst, 1995; Arentze et al., 2001). Such technology‐less tracking must be seen as an important inspiration for tracking and is still used as a way to triangulate and complement data delivered by tracking studies based on technology (see e.g. Millonig and Gartner, 2008a; Millonig, Brändle, Ray, Bauer and Spek, 2009), though postal or phone‐based back‐reporting is now also slowly being replaced by online formats (Bohte, Maat and Quak, 2006).

Early examples of technology‐based tracking include employing low frequency ra‐dio transmitters attached to individuals on a psychiatric ward (Esser and Etter, 1966, cited in Sanoff and Coates, 1971); and using a hodometer, an electrical floor mat which records pressure, to study behaviour patterns of visitors in museums (Bechtel, 1967 cited in Sanoff and Coates, 1971). Other early examples of tracking technologies can be found in the domain of ecology and biology. In hunting, in ecology and in biol‐ogy, the term tracking – embodied in the person of the ‘tracker’ – was initially associ‐ated with following and seeking wildlife in its natural habitat by the use of spoors such as, for example, footprints and faeces.

In the twentieth century, with the rise of an ecological approach to studying ani‐mal behaviour, tracking became a way for studying animals’ natural behaviour by observing movement behaviour – e.g. for so‐called home range analyses as defined by Burt (1943) – first by direct observation and, from the 1960s onwards, by using UHF (ultra high frequency) and VHF (very high frequency) radio signal tracking (White and Garrott, 1990; Millspaugh and Marzluff, 2001). As early as the 1970s researchers started using satellites for tracking of animals’ movement patterns using the, still operational, ARGOS‐system – based on radio transmitters carried by animals – that was specifically developed for research purposes by the French Space Agency (CNES), the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) and the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) and has been operational since 1978 (Fancy, Pank, Douglas, Curby, Garner, Arnstrup and Regelin, 1988) (Figure 5.1).


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Figure 5.1 Overview of the Argos data collection system (Fancy et al., 1988)

However, such radio‐transmitting devices are of less importance to tracking studies in behavioural mapping, although tracking technologies based on so‐called RFID‐chips (radio frequency identification) are on the rise. In some cases also vision‐based tech‐nologies might be considered to be at the basis of tracking technologies when used to capture timespace paths of people; examples of such technologies are time‐lapse photography or ‘smart’ video capturing. There are two major types of tracking tech‐nology that are of relevance to tracking in the context of this chapter: (1) technolo‐gies based on geo‐positioning using satellite technology with portable devices receiv‐ing multiple satellite signals, and (2) cellular technologies, using (grids of) signal transmitters and receivers on the earth surface such as mobile phone antennas.

Of the first type, the United States’ controlled Global Positioning System (GPS) is currently the only globally operational system of satellites for position determination. GPS is regarded the global standard, although other Global Navigation Satellite Sys‐tems (GNSS) – i.e. position determination systems with global coverage – are under development (e.g. GLONASS in Russia and Galileo in Europe). GPS has developed from NAVSTAR (Navigation System with Timing And Ranging), a system of satellites launched in 1978 by the US military (see e.g. Pace, Frost, Lachow, Frelinger, Fossum, Wassem and Pinto, 1995, for a detailed history). The system gradually expanded over the following decades and became known as GPS. The system was ‘declassified’ in 1983, slowly opened up to commercial applications and was declared fully opera‐tional as a dual system – military and civilian – in 1995. In 2000 the definite lift of

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‘selective availability’, which until then limited the accuracy of position determination considerably, unlocked the full potential of the system for civilian purposes.

The development of the second type, cellular tracking technologies, is directly re‐lated to the historical development of the mobile phone – so not based primarily on telemetrics, but telephony. The basis of cellular mobile phone technology is (1) the antenna – cell site or base station – which receives and transmits the ‘radio’ signal between a mobile, wireless device and an antenna and vice versa; (2) the characteris‐tic of mobile phones to transmit a ‘roaming’ signal which strength and position in relation to an antenna can be measured; and (3) the characteristic of the mobile phone network to ‘carry’ a phone call from cell to cell, i.e. from antenna to antenna (see Figure 5.2). Each of these characteristics have developed with the history of the mobile phone since 1940s (see e.g. Levinson, 2004, for a detailed account of that history).

Figure 5.2 From antennas to trajectories: map of antennas (A), Voronoi plot (B), possible hand‐over transitions (C), and user path from handovers (D). Source: Reades (2010)

5.2.4 Four types and performances of tracking technologies

These two main systems underlying tracking technologies are of relatively young age, stemming in their current forms from the 1990s only. Because of that, it is yet unclear what these technologies can fully deliver in terms of behavioural mapping with mean‐ing for the domain of urban design and planning. Still, this chapter will demonstrate what the first and current second generation of experiments have delivered so far. It will also demonstrate that the first stage of experimentation is slowly, though not yet


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fully being replaced by widespread use of tracking technologies in traditional re‐search domains in geography and transport planning.

In this process, it is necessary to be aware of some fundamental differences be‐tween technologies with regard to their different limitations for using them for travel survey studies: scalability (size of the sample), longitudinality (duration of the data capturing), individuality (disaggregation level of data) and privacy concerns (high/low risk for privacy violation resulting from the data collection process). In Table 5.1 Girardin, Dal Fiore, Blat and Ratti (2007) identify some of the major differences in performance along these lines for GPS, mobile phone tracking and Bluetooth.

Mobility data capturing technology

Scalability Longitude Individual Privacy

GPS

Low Low High High

GSM (device‐based)

Low Medium High High

GSM (aggregated network‐based)

High High Low Medium

Bluetooth

Low High High Medium

Table 5.1 The performance of different tracking technology systems for capturing mobility patterns in travel surveys. Source: Girardin et al. (2007)

5.3 Indicators of structural aspects

5.3.1 Early networking between researchers

This first of four sections in this chapter on indicators of the applicability gap problem focuses on structural aspects of the applicability gap problem. The other three sec‐tions will subsequently address procedural, content‐based and meta‐level aspects of the applicability gap. Structural aspects refer to a sociological notion of the applicabil‐ity gap problem. It refers to the gap between professional communities amongst themselves and/or in their relation to academic communities

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The choice for elaborating the case of the introduction of tracking technologies in research on activity and mobility patterns of people – from the viewpoint of urban and regional design and planning – originates from an early avenue of research which focused on the possibilities of visualising temporal patterns of behaviour. With the recognition that, during the period of research, a network of experts was emerging that exchanged knowledge of the use of tracking technologies, it became clear that this process of network shaping provided this chapter with a feasible subject of study.

Since the use of tracking technologies for application purposes is a relatively new field of study, the research activities of the network are very much curiosity‐driven and largely focusing on overcoming the technical hurdles for getting to meaningful and valid results. The result is that the network can be looked upon as a type of com‐munity of practice that is slowly starting a process of collective learning. There is a wide, loosely connected network of people that attempt at improving hardware, software or (business) implementation of tracking technologies. In this chapter though, I am only interested in those who position the relevance of their work in applications within the knowledge domain of urban design and planning. This ‘com‐munity of practice’ forms a (slightly) more networked community of experts (cf. Wenger et al., 2002, for an elaborate definition and categorisation of communities of practice). That community is not something that emerged out of thin air. It was ac‐tively shaped and in that process I was myself an actor.

5.3.2 Urbanism on Track

Since the mid‐2000s the number of publications that describe experiments with tracking technologies such as GPS and mobile phone tracking has exploded, in par‐ticular in the domain of transport research (Stopher, FitzGerald and Zhang, 2008). Although many of these publications claim it, few really elaborate on the relevance of tracking technologies for the domain of urban and regional design and planning. For that reason, the expert meeting Urbanism on Track I organised in January 2007 at Delft University of Technology aimed to provide insight in the suppositions held by experts from several related knowledge domains on the possibilities of tracking tech‐nologies for urban design and planning. (Schaick, 2008; Schaick and Spek, 2007) (see section 5.6 for results relevant for the meta‐level)

The expert meeting consisted of expert contributions (see Schaick and Spek, 2007, 2008), four round table discussions and a plenary debate during the expert meeting Urbanism On Track in January 2007. The group of ca. 50 mostly European participants consisted largely of researchers from multiple disciplines using tracking technologies in academic research, complemented by academics from the domain of urban design and planning. The topic was introduced by Stefan van der Spek (2008a), Alexandra Millonig (Millonig and Schechtner, 2008), Henrik Harder Hovgesen and Thomas Sick Nielsen (Hovgesen, Bro and Tradisauskas, 2008), Geert Wets (Janssens, Hannes and Wets, 2008) and Carlo Ratti and Andres Sevtsuk (Sevtsuk and Ratti, 2008). Subse‐quently, the participants were asked to provide – through round table discussion on


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specific themes led by the introductory speakers and members of the TU Delft urban‐ism department – a view on a future research agenda for tracking technologies in urban design and planning. The plenary debate looked at this question through the eyes of different disciplines. The panel consisted of a geographer (Martin Dijst), an urban designer (Henco Bekkering) and a spatial planner (Paul Gerretsen).

Urbanism on Track brought together a network of experts with this particular fo‐cus: the application of tracking technologies in the domain of urban and regional design and planning (see Schaick and Spek, 2008). The network has since been ex‐panded through conference meetings, social online networking as well as network funding and academic cooperation. This process of shaping the network is an on‐going process and thus the case description here can provide necessarily no more than a snapshot of that process during the mid 2000s. The community of practice with which I am concerned here consists of roughly two groups of researchers: those working from within the domain of urban and regional design and planning and those embedded in other disciplines, be it the technological disciplines of the location measuring technologies, in the domains of geography and transport science or in the arts.

One can observe in the data from the expert meeting Urbanism on Track, but also in collective activities after that, that the highly specialised knowledge necessary to collect and handle tracking data can be a new isolating factor rather than a binding factor in networks of researchers from different disciplines (Schaick and Spek, 2007). Still, when not looking at urban and regional design and planning first, but at the multidisciplinary character of the domain of Geographic Information Science, new links between domains can be observed around tracking studies. Geographic Infor‐mation Systems (GIS) provide a shared vocabulary, which is both quantitative and visual in nature. GIS, however, primarily connects tracking technologies to the sub‐domain within urban and regional design and planning that puts quantitative data central to its practices. The bridge to qualitative data and qualitative choices made in design seems to be still one bridge too far, although some of the pilots described further below seem to also open up links between disciplines through data visualisa‐tion.

Although it can be concluded that there is keen interest in linking the more tech‐nology‐oriented disciplines with the design‐oriented disciplines, there is little pro‐gress that can be observed. Despite being followed up in 2009 in Copenhagen, the core idea of Urbanism on Track has hardly landed in true cooperation between re‐searchers, planners and designers with the aim to apply knowledge in the making of urban designs and plans. Structural aspects of the applicability gap seem to play a role here, but cannot be isolated from other aspects when looking narrowly at track‐ing technologies. The following sections 5.4 and 5.5 will demonstrate this further.

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5.4 Indicators of procedural aspects

5.4.1 Experimentation and teaching

The purpose of this section is to identify the problems and possibilities that emerge from actual experimentation with tracking technologies within the domain of urban and regional design and planning; and to see if teaching the use of tracking technolo‐gies to novice urban designers and planners may help in embedding knowledge of activity and mobility patterns of people in the framing of design questions – i.e. prob‐lem‐solution sets.

Exploratory experiments using GPS‐technology conducted by the Department of Urbanism at Delft University of technology focused on visual pattern analysis assisted by GPS tracking studies. The description of the results from the experiments is neces‐sarily concise here. For detailed accounts of the Spatial Metro project I refer to Hoeven, Smit and Spek (2008) and Spek (2008c; 2008d; 2008e). The account of the experiment here has been only slightly adapted from Spek et al. (2009); courtesy of co‐authors Stefan van der Spek, Peter de Bois and Remco de Haan. My involvement with the experiments can be characterised as somewhat distanciated as I have only been marginally involved while assisting in intermediate evaluation in the Spatial Metro case and structuring and publication of the results after the experiment was carried out.

In the experiment described below, GPS devices were deployed in the INTERREG IIIB Spatial Metro project to observe pedestrians visiting the historic city centres of Norwich (U.K.), Rouen (France) and Koblenz (Germany) (Hoeven et al., 2008; Spek, 2008c; Spek, 2008d; Spek, 2008e). The purpose of presenting the experiment here is to review the particular directions of research as well as particular bottlenecks for tracking research within the domain of urban and regional design and planning.

Another setting in which GPS‐devices are used for experimenting in the context of an urban design and planning task is in education of students at the Faculty of Archi‐tecture of Delft University of Technology. GPS devices have been used in elective courses at Master level as well as in graduation projects. Students’ projects are inter‐esting here because analyses using GPS and design and/or strategic proposals for urban transformation are embedded in the same project rather than GPS studies being separated as research projects. Due to that setup it is possible to identify the use of tracking technologies in the context of a design setting, the combination with other types of knowledge input as well as, to a limited degree, the translation of knowledge derived from a tracking study into design proposals. The disadvantage of students’ projects is that they represent the experience of novice designers that are less apt at synthesising different types of knowledge into a design proposal than ex‐perienced designers mostly are (cf. Schön, 1983). The account of the student project Tracking Delft has been previously published in Schaick (2010). The Assisted Living


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experiment has been documented on the website www.veldacademie.nl (accessed 8 April 2011) and by Spek (2009).

5.4.2 The Spatial Metro experiment

This section 5.4.2 describes a first pilot – the Spatial Metro project at Delft University of Technology (TUDelft) with tracking technologies from within a setting in which the domain of urban design and planning was central rather than technological concerns regarding tracking technologies (see Hoeven et al., 2008; Spek et al., 2009; Spek, 2008b).

The aim of the INTERREG IIIB Spatial Metro project was to make investments in public space happen in small to medium‐sized European cities in North‐Western Europe; in particular to improve the city centres for pedestrians. Each city involved in this study has a historical centre and functions as a regional attractor serving a large hinterland. Concerned about future retail developments, the administrations of these cities struggle to keep up the vitality of their urban core as the central shopping dis‐trict and in particular as an attractive place for living. The role of the TUDelft team was to develop tools to evaluate the effects of the investments in, for example, city beautification, street furniture, street lighting and information systems. TUDelft de‐veloped and used two tools: (1) street interviews to collect information about the experiences of visitors (used in 2005 and 2006) and tracking technologies (GPS track‐ing) to collect data on actual movement and routing (used in 2007).

Using the GPS devices, in total 1,300 pedestrians were tracked and interviewed. On average 60% of the data was valid. The remaining 40 % was not usable due to problems with fixation, batteries, blur (clouds of points) and fragmentation. The data set consists of track logs of one‐time visits by people who come to town by car for a limited period of time on one day. As such it contains only a limited number of the total visits to the selected town centres. The reason for this was to reduce the risk of the loss of devices – in light of the high price of replacement – as people tend to re‐turn to their cars at the end of a visit to town for which route and duration is logged by the GPS device. Nevertheless, a substantial amount of data remained to map meaningfully diversified patterns of pedestrian route choice and duration of stay as well as data on differentiation within the aggregated patterns for different personal characteristics of participants and based on characteristics of the trips undertaken while carrying the device.

Most insight gained from the experiment resulted from the spatial‐temporal data adding another layer of information to the interview data and to the spatial analysis of morphology and functional structure of the town centres, providing in particular more insight in daily processes in the city (see Figure 5.3). The combination with in‐formation exogenous to the GPS data, such as morphological maps, provides a tech‐nique to discover anomalies within the tracking data set and to draw conclusions about qualities of public space. Density analysis using GIS‐software is a tool to dis‐

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cover ‘hotspots’ of use in the city based on actual movement, not on perception and post‐hoc questionnaires.

Of particular interest is the use of dynamic maps for data visualisation that offers temporal diagrams of spatial patterns of use. Such visualisations show not only tra‐jectories, but also directions and flows of movement. Both static and dynamic ways of visualisation offer much intuitive insight in pedestrian behaviour that cannot be de‐rived from only quantitative analysis. Such insights concern differences in urban qual‐ity between places in light of ‘hotspot’ analyses and about opportunities for improv‐ing the local situation based on insight in route choices. These types of insight have proven helpful to some degree to inform and enlighten planning practitioners within the project about their own city. However, despite the practice‐based brief for the empirical studies, there were several mismatches between the tool that was devel‐oped and the plans for improvement of public space.

The major mismatch in the project was the difference in timing of the study and the timing of interventions. In light of the research brief it would have been necessary to execute an ex‐ante and an ex‐post study; to compare a ‘before’ situation with an ‘after’ situation. However, the initial study has until now not been followed up yet. Another mismatch concerns the limited generalisability of the dataset in light of the practical limitations of deploying the data set. A major lesson is that goal and study can be better matched in future projects. Still, the type of data that was collected in this project would have not been reasonably feasible in a combination of other types of research set‐ups. Moreover, as this project provided a pilot for capacity and tech‐nological‐skill building within the academic team, the spin‐off of this project must not be underestimated, though lies not primarily within planning practice. One of the spin‐offs is the embedding of the use of these technologies in an educational setting.

5.4.3 The Tracking Delft student project

The methodology developed in the Spatial Metro project provided the basis for an elective course on MSc level. The course – formally consisting of 3 sub courses – was called ‘Urban Design’ with the subthemes ‘People, Pedestrians and Public Spaces’, ‘Mobility and Networks’ and ‘New Metropolis’ (academic year 2009/2010). The pilot for the educational project – Tracking Delft – took place from November 2009 to January 2010. The description here is based on the students’ group report (Baltus, Dirks, Esselink, Kwon, Langelaar, Rozemuller, Saarloos, Scheepens, Yu and Yuan, 2010) and personal attendance to presentations by students. The theoretical setting for the work is for a large part provided by the work of Jan Gehl (inter alia Gehl and Soholt, 2002). In line with those frameworks, the project task setting for the students views visitor experiences and urban quality for pedestrians as being central to the analytical task and the subsequent design tasks which were defined by the students themselves on the basis of their analysis (see Figure 5.4).

Though the GPS data collected during four days of field work was at the heart of the students’ analysis (also in terms of time burden for data processing), the analysis


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was more extensive than only GPS data. The GPS data was combined with functional‐spatial analyses: shop types, land use, 3‐step analysis (cf. Bois, 2009), isovist analysis (cf. Turner, Doxa, O'Sullivan and Penn, 2001), analysis of existing and recent devel‐opment plans as well as morphological analysis, in part using space syntax techniques (cf. Hillier and Hanson, 1984). Although much can be said about the way students dealt with the analytical phase – important to note is that the unfamiliarity with the technology provided the students with an above expected work load – it is more interesting for the purpose of this chapter to shortly describe here some of the de‐sign interventions proposed by students based on their analyses.

Due to the subdivision of the course in three smaller courses, only part of the en‐tire group who worked on the analytical part developed a design proposal. Five pro‐posals are documented in Baltus et al. (2010) (Table 5.2). The projects varied in spa‐tial level of scale as well as type of interventions proposed. Still, as a range of analyti‐cal techniques is used it is difficult to isolate the effect that the use of tracking tech‐nologies has had on the proposed interventions. Statements that can be inferred to have been at least partially influenced by the GPS analysis are, for example, ‘it seems that despite the fact that east and west have functions as shops and horeca not many people visit these areas.’ And ‘the north part of the Burgwal is situated in the central area of the inner city. … However, based on the tracks we collected, few people choose this road.’ (see Table 5.2)

Still, students that claim that the intervention is directly based on the tracking study have not necessarily done so more than those students who are less explicit. What can be concluded from this small selection of projects is that there are roughly three models of how students deal with the information delivered by tracking studies (although this goes for the analysis in general). A first model suggests a structure of argument as ‘we found A, A is a problem, so we have to intervene to change A to B’ (projects III and IV). A second model suggests a larger focus on potential: ‘location B is not visited much, while other analyses show great potential for B, what interventions may make B live up to its potential’ (projects I and II and V). A third model, less easily identifiable in these projects, suggests the prioritisation of one analysis over the other: ‘we found X in one analysis and Y in another, Y is more important so I will solve the problem of Y’ (Projects I, III and IV show elements of this model).

So what conclusions may be drawn from this set of projects? Firstly, it demon‐strates that for novices there are several risks as well as advantages in empirical data collection on activity and mobility behaviour using tracking technologies. One risk concerns an empirical ‘lock‐in’ where students only see the ‘truth’ provided by the data and base their whole problem framing on it. This risk gets stronger if there is little awareness of the limitations of the collected data set, which are partially ‘hid‐den’ by the data visualisation. Another risk is a lock‐in in seeing the design task pri‐marily as a ‘problem‐solving’ task while designing is inherently (also) a ‘possibility‐searching’ task. Still, it is clear from the problem framing by students that other analyses within the projects would not have sensitised students to several issues of routing and network structure as GPS tracking has.

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Table 5.2 Design proposals within the Tracking Delft student project. Page numbers refer to Baltus et al. (2010)

Design pro‐posal

Inferred relation of proposed inter‐vention to GPS analysis

Framing of the design problem and solution

I Master plan Delft centre

‘the city of Delft is a well known and popular destination for people who live in the region’ (p.110) ‘It seems that despite the fact that east and west have functions as shops and horeca not many people visit these areas.’ (p.110)

‘By the proposed expansion [of the centre function within the historic centre] a ‘cross’ appears which con‐nects the Grote Markt from every possible direction in Delft. Each of these four axes can hold different types of facilities to accommodate the needs of the city and its visitors.’ (p. 111)

II East‐West connection

‘… the Peperstraat and the Koorn‐markt have the potential of a higher intensity [of use] compared to the current situation.’ (p. 112)

‘The developments of the Central station and the Koepoort are a great opportunity to create a more dynamic east – west connection. However, there are some issues that have to be solved before the east – west connec‐tion can function to its full potential.’ (p. 113)

III Library area

‘This intervention is based on the [analysis] of pedestrian movements and the places pedestrians stop for a short stay. We interpret those places as functions people use. Out of the research we discovered that the area around the old library does not func‐tion.’ (p.114)

‘The proposal we introduce consist of a programmatic intervention and a logistic [i.e. pedestrianisation & cycle route] intervention.’ (p. 115)

IV City improve‐ment

‘The points of departure for the interventions are based on the out‐comes of the GPS tracking research and three different analysis’ (p.120)

‘Action points can be found in differ‐ent city scales, from a large to a small scale; (1) Improving connections / barriers … (2) Improving socio‐spatial (programmatic) patterns … (3) Im‐proving the quality of the urban space’ (p.121‐127)

V Burgwal

‘The north part of the Burgwal is situated in the central area of the inner city. ….. However, based on the tracks we collected, few people choose this road.’ (p. 128)

‘To improve this situation, there are two main problems that need to be solved: ‐ Lack of active functions. ‐ No clear visual indication at the cross corner’ (p. 128)


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Figure 5.3 Superimposition of one week of data collection from deployment locations in Koblenz. All track points are logged at 5 seconds frequency on devices carried by pedestrians deployed from car parks. Source: Spek et al. (2009) (top) GPS tracking results from Löhrcenter (parking for 1,400 cars) and from Gorresplatz (park‐ing for 386 cars) in Koblenz (middle) GPS tracking results from Löhrcenter superimposed on commercial locations (bottom) GPS tracking results from Gorresplatz in Koblenz superimposed on touristic attractions

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Figure 5.4 Compilation of tracking data visualisations and students’ design proposals for strategic spatial interventions in Delft’s historical centre. Source: Baltus et al. (2010)

Tracking in particular helps students in triangulating space syntax analyses and obser‐vations in‐situ while providing a type of data that could not be delivered by physical‐morphological analysis. Still, there is one other risk in how tracking data influences problem framing by students. The type of pattern visualisation that is used easily suggests that ‘presence of people’ is always a positive thing, while ‘absence of peo‐ple’ is always negative. Such simplistic dualist representation of the problem is strengthened when there is a little awareness in the student that the data set only represents the ‘presence’ or ‘absence’ of the group of people that was included in the data set. In this case that excluded for example people coming to the centre by foot, by bike or by public transport, hence leaving a severe omission to draw general con‐clusions. This can be, and has in this case been mediated by supervision, but it could also be affected by triangulating different types of research by subgroups of students (cf. Millonig and Gartner, 2008b). However, particular educational settings and group size do not always allow this.


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Despite such drawbacks, the greatest advantage of using tracking technology in an educational setting is the building of a combination of awareness as well as skill in students to take account of people’s behaviour in proposing problem‐solution sets. An additional advantage lies in the introduction of students to GIS tools in an educa‐tional setting where these are hardly used. A similar advantage is related to the de‐velopment of empirical research skills in a setting where the teaching of design skill dominates, widening the scope of students.

5.4.4 The Assisted Living student project

One of the first student projects in which GPS was used at TU Delft was conducted in the context of the so‐called Veldacademie (field academy) in 2009, a locally situated studio in Rotterdam where students were embedded in the situation for which they are required to develop a design proposal. The Veldacademie has been deliberately set up to deliver greater interaction between stakeholders in the transformation process of a neighbourhood in Rotterdam and involves input from the municipality as well a local groups. The Veldacademie‐project, in which GPS was used, focused on so‐called ‘assisted living’ in the context of a neighbourhood for which an urban regen‐eration task was defined (Höppner and Trienekens, 2009; Spek, 2009).

The student project consisted of a 9 week explorative task with both collective and individual work. The GPS‐study was part of the collective work and set up to be combined with interviews and life style analysis that was conducted at the start of the project. The students also had the possibility to access the municipality’s GIS‐databases with statistical data for the neighbourhood. The GPS‐study was placed towards the end of the project period initially because of practical problems – the GPS devices were not available at the start of the project. This allows, in the context of this chapter, to contrast the use of the GPS as an evaluation for the students’ initial proposals in comparison to using it at the outset of a project as in the students’ pro‐jects described above. Students at this phase of their study at the Faculty of Architec‐ture at TUDelft generally have little or no experience in social science research and are generally novices or at intermediate level at urban design, planning and strategy tasks.

The set up of the GPS‐study was necessarily modest in scale as it was only a rela‐tively small part of the project. In addition, there was little time to provide students with the necessary extensive instruction on data processing necessary for handling larger datasets and more sophisticated data analysis. The data consisted of 3 days of trips from 26 people of 65 years to 95 years old and home to one of the locations with housing for the elderly. The data was read out in the municipality’s GIS‐web. The four main data analyses consisted of a density analysis, destination analysis, distance analysis combined with an analysis of trip mode (pedestrian, electric scooter, public transport, etc), and an analysis of the duration of the trip. Each of these analyses was based on visual processing and analysis of the data. (see Figure 5.5)

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Figure 5.5 The Veldacademie‐maps of density analysis (top of this page); distance analysis combined with an analysis of trip mode (pedestrian, electric scooter, public transport etc.) (bottom of this page); destination analysis (next page, top), and an analysis of the duration of the trip (next page, bottom). Source: Spoutzi, Lee, Yu, Jeller and Kang (2009)(original in colour)


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Figure 5.5 (continued)

Table 5.3 (continues next page) Overview of how students in the Assisted Living project have dealt with GPS in their project reports.

Student project

Position of GPS in the report on the project Direct combinations of GPS‐data with other data

Explicitness about relevance GPS data for aspects of the individual design proposal

Collective report (group’s master plan for the area)

Evaluation of master plan and assumptions on routing; extensive description of research set up

‐ Tracks and circles of reach from home ground ‐ Tracks and public transportation

n/a

A Evaluation of the assumptions and principles of the master plan

‐ Violence & destination ‐ Proposed public transportation & mobility

The reach of and barriers to elder’s mobility related to accessibility of services close by home Conditions for sustaining social networks

B Embedded in range of data collection during a broad survey stage of thinking

Explains verbally mismatch between catchment area of shopping area (map) and reach of walking trips Verbally reported link to safety indicators map

Derives dominant directions of mobility (East‐West) in the neighbourhood, design interventions to facilitate North‐South direction more Focus on housing program to keep the, for this group apparently important, local environment safe; if elderly want to move further to use facilities they will

C Extension of the location analysis, idea shaping with regard to differentiation in mobility options, evaluating assumptions on use of shopping area

Google maps projection of GPS data on local level of scale

Differentiation between proposals for people with higher mobility and lower mobility due to physical ailments, focusing on those least mobile and interventions in the public space directly surrounding the home

D Post‐hoc theoretical (not in situ) comparison of analytical techniques including space syntax and RGBG

n/a Task identification: ‘many elderly spend their time at park’

E Comparison project intervention with GPS data n/a Redesigning of spatial axis, public space and self‐containing neighbourhoods

F Post‐hoc evaluation of the assumptions and design proposals; extensive description of research set up

n/a

Choices for development new centre with services and public space structure is confirmed

G Part of the survey section of the report n/a Distances between points to rest for pedestrian mobility of elderly based on GPS research

H Post‐hoc affirmation of design interventions based on GPS data

n/a Definition of programs (related to public space, transport and building) for redevelopment

I Post‐hoc affirmation of design interventions based on GPS data; evaluation of assumptions on mobility

n/a Distinction between two zones for spatial strategy Combining service core with green area is useful Mismatch with assumption and spatial strategy for developing shopping area Provision of semi‐public space Relocation public transport stops

J n/a n/a n/a

K n/a n/a n/a

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Despite the GPS study being a collective work of the students, each student used the GPS data differently in reporting on their individual and collective design project. None of the students demonstrated in their reports that the planned, iterative ad‐justment of the initial design, to be based on the GPS‐study, had been made; some indicating a lack of time to do so. Table 5.3 shows that of the 10 students of which the work was put on the website of the project (www.veldacademie.nl; accessed 14 April 2010), two did not report on the GPS study in their individual report on the design project. All students that report on the GPS‐data aim in their reports to dem‐onstrate some link to their design proposals (see third column Table 5.3).

Students typically see a confirmation of their choices in the data for enriching the direct environment of the home location with other functional programmes, the tackling of barriers to increase public transport accessibility and an improvement of the physical (green) public space. In addition, some students claim to have consid‐ered that there is a differentiation in uses of public space amongst elderly people. From their reports, this seems to be due to the combination of interviews and GPS‐data, rather than just the insights from the GPS‐data. Regardless of the level of the work, the students that reported on the GPS‐data show variations in the position of that work in their report despite having the same starting position (see Table 5.3). Three major variations are demonstrated in the students’ reports: (1) evaluation of the assumptions and principles of the master plan, (2) affirmation of the logic of their proposed design interventions, (3) locating the GPS‐data as part of the survey‐phase for the project. Several students also demonstrate in their reports a critical stance towards the validity of the data because of the small data sample, the choice of loca‐tion for distribution of the devices or the relevance in relation to other analytical techniques. Only a few students (three out of ten) demonstrate a further interpreta‐tion of the GPS‐data beyond the collective work by combining it in their report with other data, in particular from the GIS‐database from the municipality, but also, for example, the combination with Google map projection on a local level of scale.

This second educational project shows that GPS‐data collection by students can be helpful as an evaluative tool to reflect on their projects. It also demonstrates that, for a learning effect to take place, it is possible to limit the exercise to a simple set‐up of the experiment without providing extensive analytical skills and tools to the stu‐dents. However, as most students are generally aware of, this also limits the rele‐vance of the collected data for drawing ‘real’ conclusions on the relation between their interventions and the use of public space. There is a general risk in the set‐up as used in this project with regard to students justifying design choices based on the data without the quality of the data allowing for it; however, this is a pattern of rea‐soning commonly recognised in students’ design projects at novice level rather than an effect of the GPS‐data as such. There was a planned follow up of the project in April/May 2010 with a second edition of the Assisted Living project as part of the elective program for the MSc Urbanism. In this edition GPS tracking would be put more central and pulled forward in the set‐up of the educational project. Such a dif‐ferent set‐up might deliver a different use and interpretation of GPS data by students.

Chapter 5 On the relevance of tracking for urban and regional design and planning

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5.5 Indicators of content‐based aspects

5.5.1 The dominant view: transport science and GIScience

This is the third section on aspects of the applicability gap in this chapter. I focus here on the development of an epistemology ‐ different ‘ways of knowing’ ‐ of tracking studies. The purpose of this section 5.5 is to identify the chances of an applicability gap emerging – or being circumvented – in the development of an epistemology for tracking studies.

In the field of GIS (Geographic Information Science – or Systems) the possibilities of GPS caught on early, but its focus in the 1990s was on accurate location positioning for cartography and within a debate on remote sensing rather than on tracking (cf. Abler, 1993). Related to the possible relevance of tracking technologies for urban design and planning, it was primarily in the domain of transport science and geogra‐phy in which researchers aimed to explore the potential of GPS to study activity and mobility behaviour of people. At the end of the 1990s the potential of GPS in terms of accuracy, price and potential for continuous tracking had been discovered in this domain where the earliest studies focused on testing the feasibility of tracking tech‐nologies as an instrument for research, but attention has since shifted towards sub‐stantive concerns (see Table 5.4).

The domain of transport planning is an important field where the use of tracking technologies for studying activity and mobility patterns of people has been initiated in the 1990s and has proliferated since the mid 2000s. With formal scientific, instru‐mental rationality dominating the domain of transport planning, empirical data col‐lection on travel behaviour – and mathematical modelling based on that data to pro‐vide ‘objective’ measures for planning support – is central to its practices both in academia as well as in planning practices (Willson, 2001; Banister, 2008) (also cf. NWO‐MaGW, 2010) for its selection of funded research projects for a Duurzaam Bereikbare Randstad (‘Sustainably Accessible Randstad’). Since the 1990s there is a drive for innovation in the field from two sides. Firstly, there are the fundamental changes and the increasing variation in activity and mobility behaviour of people in Western societies (see Chapter 1). Secondly, there is an increasing sense of urgency to shift to more sustainable forms of transport (Banister, 2008). Both are driving forces in collecting more, more suitable and more accurate data to answer research questions in light of these two main issues. Janelle and Gillespie (2004) posited in their 2004 paper on Space–Time Constructs for Linking Information and Communica‐tion Technologies with Issues in Sustainable Transportation that ‘trackability’ would be a key concept in the future of transport planning on three levels:

Individual space–time dynamics

Urban‐form Dynamics

Transportation‐ICT system dynamics and responsiveness

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Study

Technical details Main research objectives

Lexington area travel data collection test 1996 (Batelle, 1997)

Passive recordings plus interactive input by the drivers (PDA); post‐usage interviews

Acceptance of using automatic collection devices; test of passive and interactive reporting; analysis of route choice information

1997‐1998 Austin household survey (Pearson, 2001)

Passive vehicle‐based GPS recording; 200 vehicles; additional paper and pencil diary

Feasibility; underreporting of trips in ordinary paper surveys; identification of trip ends in GPS data

Transport research centre (AVV) experiment 1997 (Draijer, Kalfs and Perdok, 1998); several cities in the Netherlands

Mixed design: Passive GPS recording by mobile equipment plus paper‐pencil diary as well as GPS/pencil diary only; total sample size: 150

Acceptance of survey methodology; test of mobile GPS devices (in hand‐held computer); test of suitability for all travel modes

Georgia Tech experiment 2000 (Wolf, Hallmark, Oliveira, Guensler and Sarasua, 1998; Wolf, Guensler and Bachman, 2001); Atlanta/Georgia

Passive in‐vehicle GPS system plus paper trip diary for part of sample; 30 respondents

Possibility of total substitution of paper travel diaries; post‐data processing issues

SMARTRAQ / Drive Atlanta, start: 2002, Atlanta (Wolf, Guensler, Frank and Ogle, 2000; Sanders, 2000)

Passive monitoring of about 1100 vehicles, up to two‐years monitoring period plus paper travel diaries

Traffic safety and travel behaviour issues; physical activity of the respondents; air quality issues.

Secondary processing of the Borlänge dataset developed in Swedish Intelligent Speed Adaptation (ISA) study started 2000; Borlänge, Lund and Lidköping (Axhausen et al., 2004)

80 weeks longitudinal passive monitoring with in‐vehicle GPS; 186 vehicles, each at least 30 days of travel data and corresponding household socio‐demographic data

Traffic safety effects of in‐car speed information systems (original study); identification of trip destinations and their corresponding trip purposes; detect abandoned trips and trips associated with short duration activities (secondary study)

Table 5.4 GPS and travel behaviour analysis technical details and research objectives of some of the earliest tracking studies. Source: adapted from Schönfelder, Axhausen, Antille and Bierlaire (2002)


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Applications of tracking on these levels, respectively, are suggested by Janelle and Gillespie (2004) to include: (a) Real‐time dynamic mapping of individual activity paths, (b) Monitoring, displaying, analysing and forecasting activity patterns within urban regions, and (c) Real‐time detection and management of flows through transport and communication networks; scheduling transport services to meet individual and re‐gional needs. Across all three categories they suggest the relevance of real‐time in‐formation processing, but in fact most studies still rely on post‐processing of data sets for the purposes of modelling travel behaviour (e.g. Bellemans, Kochan, Janssens, Wets and Timmermans, 2008; Verbree et al., 2005; Axhausen et al., 2004). Still during the 2000s the use of tracking technologies had yet to fully pass beyond the stage of pilot studies.

From the mid‐2000s mobile phones proliferated in daily life. This offered a new source of location data, but it proved difficult to access, introduces severe privacy issues, does not offer the level of accuracy of GPS and is for most datasets limited to data based on the active use of phones (cf. Shoval, 2007; Reades, Calabrese, Sevtsuk and Ratti, 2007). In the cases where access to data has been realised, the size of the datasets does prove to provide fundamentally new avenues of research, particularly with regard to modelling of longitudinal repetitive travel behaviour (e.g. Gonzalez, Hidalgo and Barabasi, 2008; Ahas, Aasa, Silm, Aunap, Kalle and Mark, 2007b). At the end of the 2000s early experiments with hybrid GPS‐mobile phone technology and experiments with other technologies (e.g. Bluetooth, RFID, video imaging) are aiming at filling the gaps where GPS and mobile phone technology are less applicable (e.g. Gartner and Rehrl, 2009).

There are several remarks to be made from the transport science point of view on the use of tracking technologies. Firstly, the idea that a technology such as GPS would fully replace the use of diary techniques (see Wolf et al., 2001) proves to be hardly followed up in studies on activity and travel behaviour using tracking technologies; except maybe in studies focusing on data mining (cf. Miller and Han, 2009). Moreover, much effort in tracking studies goes into combining the ‘pure’ tracking data to other sources of data so as to triangulate for verification purposes or to enrich the data so as to find correlation between activity and travel patterns and other indicators of behaviour (e.g. Bohte, Maat and Quak, 2008).

Secondly, studies using tracking technologies focusing on transportation model‐ling show a bias to particular types of data sets collected for purposes of generalis‐ing/modelling from overall types of web‐like activity patterns (Vidakovic, 1988) or in terms of elliptic action spaces (Dijst, 1995). However, such ‘agent‐based modelling’ tends to ‘black‐box’ the detailed data on individual activity patterns. Tracking studies of this type are highly quantitative in nature and tend not to visualise the activity patterns that constitute the data set, but for – in some cases – promotional rather than analytic purposes. As such tracking in terms of ‘behavioural mapping’ is hardly practised, from this point of view, in tracking studies.

Modelling‐oriented studies focus on improving research for a large part based on intrascientific considerations. The introduction of tracking technologies has offered

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an instrument for filling the gap between empirics and application of empirical knowledge by collecting greater and greater data sets, since ‘the more and more accurate the data, the better the models, the better the planning support system’ (cf. Table 5.4) However, some voices are being raised stating that this will not fundamen‐tally solve any applicability gap problem (also see Brömmelstroet, 2010).

On the up‐side, this type of work gets much funding for research and is as such a major driver for the development of more accurate tracking technologies (in the sense of GIS) as well as for the development of the necessary software for quicker data processing. Moreover, this research domain is rigorous in its publication of re‐search results, which adds to the accessibility of knowledge for further research. These are all necessary conditions for other types of applications of tracking tech‐nologies to develop in the long run.

5.5.2 A first alternative view of tracking technologies

A major area of study in which relevance of tracking technologies for the domain of urban design and planning is asserted, has a different starting point than transport science. Rather than driven by a strong positivist‐rational research and planning prac‐tice such as transport planning, this area of study leans on a variety of research tradi‐tions of which most prominent are studies on ‘wayfinding’ (e.g. Golledge, 1999; Lynch, 1960) and ‘environment‐behaviour’ studies as they relate to urban design (e.g. Thwaites and Simkins, 2006; Porta, Romice, Thwaites and Greaves, 2007; Gehl and Soholt, 2002), but also in studies aiming to highlight ‘daily life’ as a matter of concern for urban designers and planners (see e.g. Nio et al., 2008). Some studies may be set up from a more phenomenological angle (Neuhaus, 2009).

These types of studies can be characterised as visual‐pattern‐oriented studies. Fundamentally different from transport science in its epistemology, these types of studies rely on several techniques for cognitive and behavioural mapping as a way to inform designers about the way in which people interact with the environments in which they ‘act’ and ‘move around’. Generalisation of research findings may take place in terms of universals on the workings of certain ‘patterns’ (Alexander, Ishikawa and Silverstein, 1977), but often knowledge generated in these types of studies is of a highly context‐dependent nature and embedded in the ‘learning’ of involved actors about the environment in which they intend to intervene.

The reason for looking at tracking technologies from this point of view thus lies elsewhere than where it lies in transport science. Rather than black‐boxing the data on activity and mobility patterns so as to facilitate quantitatively grasping the pat‐terns in tracking data‐sets, this type of study aims to make patterns in the data graspable through visualisation. It is in this type of study where also most studies that are developed from within the domain of urban and regional design and planning originate; as the educational projects in this chapter demonstrate. A major supposi‐tion in this type of studies is that the complexity of people’s behaviour patterns is better grasped – almost on an intuitive level – through a process of visual analysis


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rather than, or in addition to, quantitative analysis. The notion of visual analysis is at the heart of urban design and the logical conclusion would be that the visualisation of tracking data might add another layer to the set of other visual analyses that may be executed during an urban design process.

Forerunners of visualisation of tracking data have been De Waag Society, a Dutch multimedia firm focusing on cultural productions and Senseable City Lab, a research lab at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). De Waag’s Real Time Amster‐dam project (Waag‐Society, 2000) – as an early example of visualising GPS tracks – is often considered an exemplar for later studies that aim at visualising tracking data (Figure 5.6). This is mainly because it provided insight into the possibilities of such data in the sense of the ‘real‐time’ aspect of uploading positioning information di‐rectly into an in real‐time accessible database. Another aspect was that it demon‐strated the importance of the inclusion of temporal position as well as spatial posi‐tion by visualising the data through dynamic maps.

The visualisation also demonstrated a novelty in the accumulation of multiple trips by using a ‘fading’ of older traces so as to highlight the ‘active’ traces during viewing. This proved to be a highly compelling combination on which later studies built. (e.g. Bois and Buurmans, 2009; Ratti, Frenchman, Pulselli and Williams, 2006; Pulselli, Ratti and Tiezzi, 2006) The compelling nature of that experiment was strengthened by the recognisability, at that time tantalising, of the ‘whole’ of Am‐sterdam’s urban structure through daily traces of people’s movement. Still, as many of the other projects by De Waag, this project was based in the arts rather than in visual analysis for design and planning.

A second work that proved a forerunner for later work was that of the Senseable City lab at MIT coordinated by Carlo Ratti, partially inspired by the Amsterdam Real Time project as well as by a research group in Estonia that developed a ‘social posi‐tioning method’ using mobile phone tracking (Ahas and Mark, 2005). Ratti’s work became particularly known after the Architecture Biennale in Venice in 2006. There they presented their Real Time Rome project (Ratti et al., 2006) based on an earlier pilot in Graz (Ratti, Sevtsuk, Huang and Pailer, 2005) and similar work in Milan (Pulselli et al., 2006).

The major novelty of the work by the Senseable City lab was the introduction of mobile phone tracking as well as the use of compelling visualisations (e.g. see Figure 5.7). In addition to maps, three‐dimensional and dynamic visualisations were used, which added to its attractiveness visually. In terms of technology most of their work is based on the positioning of active phone calls and monitoring of intensity of phone calls; some explore the potential of tracking Wi‐Fi signals (Sevtsuk and Ratti, 2005). More recent experiments aim to extend into studying ‘rhythms’ in larger urban areas (Sevtsuk and Ratti, 2010). In terms of content, most experiments by MIT focus on data that highlights the occurrence of particular events such as a concert or football match and the relevance of such data is only of limited value to the domain of urban and regional design and planning.

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Later work aims to extend the ‘real time’ concept into a sensoring technology ena‐bling real‐time, bottom‐up ‘control systems’ of the wider urban system (Calabrese, Kloeckl and Ratti, 2007). However, the major value of this work, as of the Waag pro‐ject, is that these projects have sensitised a wider audience to the possibilities of visualising tracking data.

Figure 5.6 Screenshots from dynamically built‐up map through individual traces in the Amster‐dam Real Time project. Source: CD‐ROM (Waag‐Society, 2000); courtesy of artist Esther Polak


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Figure 5.7 Data flow for the purpose of visualisation of mobile phone tracking data. Visualisa‐tion of tracking data from 10 October 2005 during the Graz Real Time project by means of map (right of the Figure): (top) cell phone traffic intensity; (middle) traffic migration (handovers); (bottom) traces of registered users. The data visualisations were projected in real‐time during the exhibition. Source: Ratti et al. (2005)

Some of the most compelling visualisations of tracking data come from the domain of information visualisation, which is a hybrid field of study comprising GIS scientists, interaction designers, designers of location based service applications, architectural and urban designers and independent artists. Many in this field share an interest in the impact that new tracking, information and communication technologies might have on contemporary culture and daily life (cf. Lange, 2009).

Although many such visualisation experts find their purpose in visualisation for visualisation purposes, often on online platforms, some of the studies in this field aim to extend into the domain of urban design and planning, in particular for urban analy‐sis purposes (e.g. Neuhaus, 2009; Ratti et al., 2005; Calabrese and Ratti, 2006; Ratti et al., 2006; Girardin, Vaccari, Gerber and Ratti, 2009).

There is a blurred disciplinary boundary here between geography, planning (e.g. in health, tourism or physical planning), design, cartography and GIS science (see also section 5.3 on structural aspects of the applicability gap). Examples of work on the border between tourism studies, planning and geography are for example the work by Rein Ahas (Ahas and Mark, 2005; Pae, Ahas and Mark, 2006; Ahas et al., 2007b;

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Ahas, Aasa, Mark, Pae and Kull, 2007a; Ahas, Aasa, Silm and Tiru, 2009; Tiru, Saluveer, Ahas and Aasa), and that of Noam Shoval and Michal Isaacson (Shoval and Isaacson, 2006; Shoval and Isaacson, 2007; Shoval, 2008; Shoval and Isaacson, 2009). Also, the field of visual analytics or ‘geovisualisation’ exemplified by the work of Natalia and Gennady Andrienko shows a similar blurring of disciplinary boundaries (Andrienko, Andrienko, Dykes, Fabrikant and Wachowicz, 2008a; Andrienko and Andrienko, 2008; Andrienko, Andrienko, Kopanakis, Ligtenberg and Wrobel, 2008b). Part of the reason for this blurring of boundaries is that the driving technological forces lie outside any planning or design domain, but rather in the domain of location based service tech‐nology and ‘new’ cartography, exemplified by the work of Jonathan Raper and David Mountain (Mountain and Raper, 2001; Raper, Dykes, Wood, Mountain, Krause and Rhind, 2002; Mountain, 2005; Raper, Gartner, Karimi and Rizos, 2007) and that of Georg Gartner and Alexandra Millonig (Millonig and Gartner:, 2008; Millonig and Gartner, 2008b; Millonig and Gartner, 2009b; Millonig et al., 2009; Millonig and Gart‐ner, 2009a).

This blurred multidisciplinary field of study is a rich source of innovation in the field, but for the use of tracking technologies in substance‐driven research, this eclec‐tic mix of technical knowledge domains offers little direction in terms of a strong substantive angle on the analysis of tracking data. It is the typical representative of tracking as a technology in search of applications.

The domain of urban and regional design and planning is one of the candidates of such application. The major concern of tracking studies in urban and regional design and planning from a visual‐analysis perspective could be to identify patterns of be‐haviour as to how they correlate to the physical pattern of the built‐environment and/or to identify differences between patterns of behaviour within tracking data sets. Many visualisation‐oriented studies show that patterns will emerge through the visualisation of tracking data. These patterns – in most cases – are not purely spatial patterns, but contain inherently a temporal component as it is embedded in the da‐tabase ontology of tracking technologies. The visualisation of tracking data can make a range of different types of (differences in) patterns tangible, partially from the na‐ture of the data, but also from some easily attainable links to personal or environ‐mental characteristics.

One of the remarkable features of tracking visualisations is that even the raw data – at least with regard to GPS data – can already display information‐rich patterns, which makes the use of tracking technologies have a low threshold for use. The visu‐alisation of raw data is that of data from individual GPS devices and as such displays the series of dots, which often automatically get visualised as lines in the coordinates of geo‐location. When multiple logs from a single device or logs from different de‐vices are visualised the dots and lines can be provide an accumulated image. How‐ever, that low threshold is somewhat deceptive when looked upon from a substan‐tive viewpoint.

Only when the data is put in a context of data exogenous to the tracking data set, it attains meaning for visual analysis. Such meaning only gains richness with the proc‐


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essing of data to make visible particular types of patterns, such as the difference between the mobility patterns by individual or public transport, different density patterns of multiple people at different times of the day (rhythms and flows of peo‐ple), the differences in duration of stay and number of people in certain areas of cities while avoiding others, etc. In that context the ‘cleaning up’ of data is of great importance for developing detailed analysis. Moreover, GPS does not necessarily deliver the most suitable type of data set for all of these patterns. For example, mo‐bile phone data may provide richer information on rhythms of population shifts over a day within an urban region than is attainable with GPS devices. The latter contain – with the current state of technology – necessarily relatively small samples; subjects are most often only tracked during a short span of several hours or several days at most.

All in all, this alternative view of tracking technologies uses a feature of activity and mobility data that goes beyond the possibilities of data sets collected through diary formats and the use of tracking technologies as a replacement of paper or digi‐tal diaries. The visualisation of data can provide new insights, but where to go with these insights is not very clear. In terms of epistemology, there is no clear framework that emerges from the range of studies that frames tracking technologies for applica‐tion in urban and regional design and planning. Recent advancement may point to the field of ‘visual analytics’ as a possible direction in this respect (Andrienko, An‐drienko and Wrobel, 2007; Keim, Andrienko, Fekete, Gorg, Kohlhammer and Melan‐con, 2008; Andrienko et al., 2008b). That field of study provides a combined qualita‐tive – in terms of the data interpretation process by people – and technical research agenda for knowledge generation and knowledge use from the viewpoint of data visualisation that is of direct relevance for seeing tracking technologies in terms of knowledge use.

5.5.3 A second alternative view of tracking technologies

Another important area of study in which tracking technologies are asserted to have relevance for the domain of urban design and planning is part of a tradition associ‐ated with art and culture studies as well as with social activism, i.e. grass‐roots‐oriented initiatives. Within that tradition, it is in particular being heralded by those interested in ‘new media’ (e.g. see Lange, 2009). This area of study can often not be formally classified as either academic research or formal planning, but is interesting nevertheless for their claims. This category of studies employs tracking technologies in a manner that is at times closer to ‘psychogeographic’ mapping than behavioural mapping. Moreover, applications of tracking technologies within this type of ap‐proach in several cases consciously blur the distinction between the ‘observer’ and the ‘observed’ by putting (playful) reflection and interaction with visualisations from tracking data collecting on people’s own movement central to collecting tracking data (e.g. Nold, 2009b).

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It is possible to distinguish different kinds of grass‐roots‐oriented projects. A first type focuses on information accessibility. A project such as Open Street Map (OSM), using volunteered tracking data in combination with local information on streets to deliver street maps free of rights, is exemplary for this type of grass roots initiative (www.openstreetmaps.org; accessed 16 May 2010). Other projects concern the visu‐alisation of public service provision in space and time, such as in the case of data on taxis’ availability in New York. A second type of project focuses on the possible inter‐action, information and services capabilities of tracking‐enabled mobile phones, PDAs, laptops or similar devices; projects are often a type of ‘gaming’ based on location‐positioning. Projects of this type, also known under the name of ‘locative media’, often have a commercial angle to them in aiming to develop a commercially viable application of location based services.

With an increasing though still early interest in ‘serious gaming’ in the context of urban planning as well as with the influence that new use of media might have on the use of public space, it is still too early to say if the use of tracking technologies will be extended into urban planning via this route (cf. Borries and Böttger, 2007). The Mo‐bile City initiative (Lange, 2009) makes a case to develop practices on the interface between designing technology and designing urban space, but has yet to go beyond harvesting pilot initiatives and cautious explorations of developing a conceptual framework that would capture such hand‐in‐hand development. Much of the projects in this category work from a highly technologically optimistic and idealised view of the role of technologies in changing day‐to‐day life and architecture (cf. the ‘sentient city’ concept (Shepard, 2009) or the ‘augmented space’ concept (Manovich, 2007).

A second type of grass roots initiative relates more directly to a planning context and is therefore of greatest interest here. This type of project uses tracking data from a social activists’ point of view enabling civil society groups to map a problem they find of concern; a particular example would be to combine sensors for air quality with tracking devices so as to ‘prove’ low air quality in a neighbourhood or community building projects (see Nold, 2009b).

Exemplary is the work of Christian Nold. Nold became know for his project Bio‐mapping, a method that he uses since 2004 combining GPS‐technology with sensors that measure peoples physiological reactions to and sensory perception of environ‐mental stimuli (www.emotionmap.net; accessed 16 May 2010) (see Figure 5.8); later Nold coined the term ‘emotional cartography’ to identify this method as part of a range of cartographic tools to identify the way people attach meaning to their envi‐ronment and how that environment may hence be advanced.

Many of these tools use GPS to support the physiological or sensory information. Themes that are highlighted by different projects are, amongst others, air quality, sensory deprivation and stimulation, affect mapping and community‐based urban planning and vision development. As Nold found out after having invented the con‐cept: ‘[the] device, or more correctly, the idea or fantasy of [the] device had struck a particular 21st century zeitgeist’. (Nold, 2009b: 4)


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Figure 5.8 (left) In ‘emotional mapping’ projects the social learning dimension is very important: social workshop in the Greenwich Biomapping project (Source: Nold, 2009b: 12); (right) another project mapping air quality Source: Nold (2009a); courtesy of Christian Nold

Figure 5.9 Promotional material for the San Francisco emotional mapping project using the biomapping device in March‐April 2007. Note that data visualisation is as relevant for these projects as the social workshop setting. Source: www.sf.biomapping.net; accessed 16 May 2010; courtesy of Christian Nold

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Studies such as those by Christian Nold are fundamentally different from the trans‐port science or from the pattern analysis type of projects with regard to epistemology. At the heart of these grass‐roots‐oriented studies is not only data collection and processing. What started with the invention a hardware device extended into a method in which the process itself was put central as a matter of social community building and social learning: ‘design for responsive communities’ (Nold, 2009a) (see Figures 5.8 and 5.9). Based on Biggs and Collins’ SOLO taxonomy for learning cycles, Nold highlights the importance of seeing such projects as sophisticated learning processes rather than policy‐led participation processes or objectivist knowledge generation (Nold, 2009a; Biggs and Collis, 1982)(cf. Chapter 4 for a parallel to reflec‐tion‐in‐action processes). Such an approach implies ‘the public’ informing science rather than the other way around (Nold, 2009a).

Taken from a distance, these type of projects only provide highly anecdotal ac‐counts of problem exploration for urban planning. Projects, generally, are highly mediagenic, but these types of projects often fail to have a real impact in the domain of urban design and planning. However, the information visualisation as well as the social learning process may provide an interesting exemplar for new types of dis‐course on design and planning theory such as ‘communicative action’. It thus implies a new view on the domain of urban design and planning based on a fundamentally different epistemology than science‐based planning or visual pattern analysis by expert urban designers.

5.5.4 Implications

I have identified three different starting points for experimentation using tracking technologies, in this section 5.5, on indicators of aspects of the applicability gap prob‐lem: transport science, visual pattern analysis and social learning. These can be con‐sidered fundamentally different paradigms on the use of tracking technologies for research purposes. The second of these stands closest to the design‐oriented domain of urban and regional design and planning. Still, both the transport science angle as well as the social learning angle offer interesting additional insights as to how track‐ing technologies may be employed in urban and regional design and planning

However, what also becomes clear so far is that the use of tracking technologies has not fully passed beyond the stage of pilot studies. As such, many studies have primarily a ‘sensitising’ function for bringing knowledge of activity and mobility pat‐terns to the fore in urban planning. Visualisation of tracking data plays a major part in that ‘sensitising’ process. Only recently, studies are starting to go beyond solving the technological ‘growing pains’, shifting into content‐based experimentation. However, the comprehensive, accurate and temporospatial nature of tracking data proves to be so compelling that experimentation will continue and tracking technologies are slowly becoming ‘standard’ equipment in studying temporospatial behaviour pat‐terns of people.


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Bringing people’s activity and mobility behaviour out of the black box of travel modelling into the domain of information visualisation enables the conceptualisation of complex concepts of temporospatial organisation such as the ‘chronotope’ (see Chapter 6). Moreover, tracking technologies seemingly provide the instruments to develop improved insight in the particular behaviour of certain groups or of a particu‐lar travel mode that may have previously been undervalued in the urban and trans‐port planning domain, e.g. people with disabilities, children; or pedestrian and cycling behaviour (or in general small trips) in contrast to the emphasis on car travel (or in general larger distance trips)

In terms of framing concepts each of the three paradigms show a preference for framing the issue of activity and mobility behaviour in a different way. Transport science predominantly frames it in terms of travel patterns; visual pattern analysis predominantly frames it in a way that is akin to the ‘chronotope’ concept by identify‐ing the temporospatial distribution of behaviour; and the grass‐roots‐type of studies frame it as a matter of psychogeographies, which are to some extent per definition a counter reaction to overarching dominant ‘systems’. These different ways of framing may thus have different effects on the formulation of problem‐solution sets – both in substantive as well as procedural terms – in formulating urban design and planning tasks.

5.6 Indicators of meta‐level aspects

5.6.1 Knowledge utility

To grasp the meta‐level of knowledge utility aspects of the introduction of tracking technologies in urban and regional design and planning, I look at a range of scenarios on the future use of tracking technologies in the context of urban and regional design and planning. The following analysis has been previously published in Schaick (2010).

Scenarios are used because the literature on tracking technologies provides little foothold to analyse the relation between tracking studies and urban and regional design and planning. There are several advantages of developing scenarios in such context. For one, there is the risk of falling in the trap of simplicity that underlies poorly informed technological forecasts, which may be overcome using scenario thinking. An additional reason for using scenarios is the uncertainty as a result of the complex interaction between the rapid development of ICTs in day‐to‐day life, the use of ICTs in academic research and the effects of the introduction of ICTs on cities’ organisation.

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Figure 5.10 The conceptual relations between possible, probable and desirable scenarios. Source: Jong (1992: 9)

Scenarios can be formulated for (im)probable, (im)possible and (un)desirable futures. Desirable futures can be probable or improbable, as well as possible or impossible (see Figure 5.10). The scenarios can be judged to be probable as to the degree its stance is utopist or realist. It may be ascertained that a scenario describes a possible future if its principles have already been at the basis of pilot studies. As to desirability, this may only be judged with reference to a particular context. The degree to which privacy is respected may be a general indicator for desirability. This obviously de‐pends on the context – differing across the globe – in which tracking research takes place.

5.6.2 Scenarios on the future of tracking technologies

The ways in which experts assert the relevance and applicability of tracking technolo‐gies in urban design and planning can be viewed in terms of how they ‘frame’ re‐search using tracking technologies. In Table 5.5, the frames and related scenarios for the future development of tracking technologies in urban design and planning have been organised in order of the prominence given to tracking technologies in urban design and planning research, distinguishing four levels from top to bottom. The scenarios have been elaborated along the following lines (see Table 5.5):


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The level to which a scenario supposes people’s behaviour to be influenced by ICTs, in particular tracking technologies (undermining suppositions held by urban designers and planners)

The level to which it regards scientific urban research and its basic hypothe‐ses to be changing under the influence of ICTs (changing the nature of scien‐tific research in urban design and planning)

The level to which it supposes the spatial‐physical conditions of people’s be‐haviour to be changing, either by the introduction of ICTs or other factors (changing the subject of urban design and planning)

Firstly, it can be concluded that the extreme scenarios (bottom) still lean quite heavily on utopian visions of ICTs in cities, predicting quite heavy trend breaks in both daily life and planning. Secondly, the major part of the scenarios is quite pragmatic and very much linked to current practices in activity behaviour research and urban plan‐ning. In these scenarios, keywords are scale (in terms of number of tracking devices), compatibility (of research results of different order and in terms of comparability) and cross‐disciplinarity (both in research teams and in translating results between disciplines).

The scenarios do not provide an either/or choice for the future of tracking tech‐nologies in urban design and planning. Several scenarios could play out – on both short term and long term – simultaneously. The scenarios show that it is quite a bur‐den for urban design and planning to incorporate tracking technologies in their re‐search. Moreover, they show that it is questionable if the domain of urban design and planning can play a leading role in steering research questions.

Scenario 1 reflects one of the major hurdles – though still one that may be over‐come quite quickly – for tracking research in urban design and planning. Namely, the fact remains that to go beyond the pilot stage, the necessary practical skills to collect, store, process and combine tracking data are relatively specialised. This seems to lead to a situation in which ‘reinventing the wheel’ several times is unavoidable.

Although scenarios 1, 2a, 2b and 3 suggest strategies to cope with tracking tech‐nologies for specific purposes in urban design and planning, research in tracking technologies does seem to follow its own logic. It implies its own level of specialisa‐tion which is technology‐driven. It is rather tending toward providing Location Based Services and urban management possibilities, than providing knowledge for making urban designs.

On the bottom part of the Table this leads to urban design and planning not being able to do more than just tagging along with the developments in the ICT sec‐tor, rather than being able to formulate and execute its own research agenda using tracking technologies. This remains a large risk to structurally embedding thinking about ICTs in urban design and planning throughout all scenarios.

Table 5.5 (continues 3 pages) Scenarios for the future of tracking technologies (TTs) in urban design and planning. Derived from discussions and debate during the expert meeting Urbanism On Track January 18, 2007.

Frames Suppositions on changing activity behaviour in urban design and planning

Changing subject of urban design and planning

Changing nature of research in urban design and planning

Additional remarks Implications for research using tracking technologies in urban design and planning

Scenario 0 ‘The results of studies using tracking technologies are useless to urban design and planning’.

Urban design and planning should not concern itself at all about suppositions about human behaviour, because it is changing too fast to account for in designs.

Focus on urban ground plan and physical‐technical transformation of cities.

Urban design and planning focuses on relations with technical fields of study (e.g. civil engineering) in stead of social(‐spatial) sciences.

This argument did not come out of the expert meeting.

Not putting effort in tracking research in urban design and planning; influence of TT research on urban design and planning remains limited to taking inspiration from the domain of artistic projects using TTs.

Scenario 1 ‘It is not going to be that dramatic a change but – as designers – we need to become aware of activity behaviour in general and TT is a good tool for that’.

No major changes – basic biological functions are determinant for activity behaviour; some qualitative changes are acknowledged.

Durée of the physical environment remains the stable factor in the making of urban designs and plans. Accommodating faster changing processes such as changes in mobility behaviour through spatial flexibility and gradual adaptation.

Visualisation is used as an additional layer in urban analysis.

Investing in developing practical expertise on tracking technologies in urban design and planning; academic research in urbanism focuses on interpretation and translation of TT research results to design practice.

Scenario 2a ‘The more data – the better our models – the better we can plan’.

Based on contemporary body of knowledge in time geography.

Spatial transformation modelling combined with activity‐based traffic modelling. Focus on operationality of models.

TTs deliver large amounts of data as input in models; tendency towards linking databases and data mining; testing existing hypotheses and models.

Large scale research projects with lots of tracking devices; towards extracting data from mobile phone location and traffic to grasp the collective patterns that might be interesting for urban design and planning.

Scenario 2b ‘Tracking technologies provide a great instrument to get experts from different disciplines on one table’.

During a planning process expert opinions clash in organised environments and produce a new shared expert opinion.

Decision support systems.

Playful use of TT; raising awareness about activity behaviour; visualisation is used as communication instrument between experts.

Similar to 2a with regard to the importance given to TT.

Investing in compatibility of results from tracking studies with other research; focus on raising funding for cross‐disciplinary research.

Scenario 3 ‘Behaviour is changing, so we need new physical conditions’.

Activity and mobility behaviour changes both qualitatively and quantitatively due to the introduction of TTs.

Exploring new spatial‐physical conditions for activity and mobility behaviour; new concepts for urban design and planning, for example with regard to accessibility.

Project‐based ex‐ante and ex‐post research using TT; new conceptualisations of city‐ICT relations.

Invest in ready‐made research formats to avoid re‐inventing the wheel each project; invest in new urban services that complement spatial‐physical interventions.

Scenario 4a ‘In time, physical interventions will become second to real‐time urban management’.

Real‐time interaction of mobile and immobile information devices leads to new and controlled activity and mobility patterns.

Urban planning is concerned with (real‐time) management of urban flows and rhythms rather than with making physical changes to cities. Planners as Big Brother.

Research focuses on finding new mappings and conceptualisations of the city; going beyond doing the same type of research that was done with the help of, for example, diaries.

Was put forth in the expert meeting as an extreme scenario in case ‘everybody will be traceable in real‐time’.

Investing in implementation of TTs in control and planning environments; invest in real‐time properties of control systems.

Scenario 4b ‘The availability of tracking technologies will lead to empowerment of civil society groups in urban development and management’.

Pervasive computing leads to new types of social networks with power to act because they have information about the urban system they live in.

Urban planning has become a bottom‐up process emerging out of civil society groups organising their space with the help of ICTs. No place for urban designers and planners.

Research focuses on mapping local environments in novel interactive workshop settings; collective learning processes.

Similar to 4a with regard to the almost utopian attitude towards TT.

Investing in network and communication applications of TTs; no specific role for urban design and planning.


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5.6.3 Possible, probable or desirable?

Table 5.6 provides a scoring of each of the scenarios for representing a possible (pi‐loted or not), probable (realist‐utopist) and/or desirable future. First and foremost, it needs to stated that it is very possible that tracking technologies will remain to play a marginal role in urban design and planning, because of the scepticism towards ICTs (see earlier this paper) as well as due to the fact that mainstream urban design and planning, for a large part led by architectural design concerns, is still mainly con‐cerned with the physical transformation process in cities rather than the use of cities.

Three of the scenarios score high on desirability. Each highlights a different aspect of the desirability of having tracking technologies play a role in urban design and planning. The first, scenario 1, highlights the capability of tracking studies to sensitise urban designers and planners to the ways in which people use the urban environ‐ment. Key to this sensitising, also demonstrated in the pilot presented above based on this scenario, is the visualisation of tracking data in relation to data exogenous to the raw tracking data as well as to other types of analyses.

There is much to gain here in switching from static visualisations to dynamic visu‐alisations of tracking data as well is in compiling more complete GIS environments which can combine multiple data sources. Such developments are likely to happen, though there are some hurdles to overcome, mainly with regard to computational skill development within the domain of urban design and planning. Scenario 2b high‐lights the desirability of multidisciplinary work as it is very likely that tracking studies gain much value by working with multiple disciplines to tackle the length of the so‐called ‘value chain’ between data collection and application (cf. Ahas and Mark, 2005), rather than to attempt to go through the whole value chain within a single discipline.

Moreover, tracking studies in which researchers do not work in a multidisciplinary fashion will remain of little value to urban design and planning. However, despite the increased networking of researchers using tracking technologies from multiple disci‐plines, the probability of really succeeding is not very high. This is deemed so because there seems to emerge a new discipline rather than a true multidisciplinary field of work on tracking technologies. Much effort is needed to overcome this problem. More work from a transdisciplinary point of view – seeking the research question outside the scientific domains in the real world – might provide a new avenue here. The third scenario deemed desirable is scenario 4b which focuses on the empower‐ment of civil society groups. It is seen as desirable because such a development fits an increased democratisation of the planning domain away from technocratic and bureaucratic ways of working. There is some exemplary work from this point of view, notably the work by Christian Nold (2009b; see above) amongst others, and it is as such deemed very possible that this scenario will play some role in relating tracking technologies to urban design and planning.

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Frames Possible Probable Desirable

Scenario 0

‘The results of studies using tracking technologies are useless to urban design and planning’

++ + +/‐

Scenario 1

‘It is not going to be that dramatic a change, but – as designers – we need to become aware of activity behaviour in general and ATT is a good tool for that’

+ + ++

Scenario 2a

‘The more data – the better our mod‐els – the better we can plan’

+ +/‐ +

Scenario 2b

‘Tracking technologies provide a great instrument to get experts from differ‐ent disciplines at one table’

+ +/‐ ++

Scenario 3

‘Behaviour is changing, so we need new physical conditions’

+/‐ +/‐ +

Scenario 4a

‘In time, physical interventions will become second to real‐time urban management’

+ +/‐ ‐

Scenario 4b

‘The availability of tracking technolo‐gies will lead to empowerment of civil society groups in urban development and management’

++ +/‐ ++

Table 5.6 Scoring of the scenarios for probability, possibility and desirability

However, the probability of this scenario to enter mainstream tracking research or mainstream urban design and planning may not be so high. To some degree it is, by intention, too utopist to develop in that direction, but it may play an important role in sensitising designers and planners to less obvious groups of users of urban envi‐ronments or to new items for the agenda of urban design and planning. The sugges‐tion that by scoring it both desirable and possible, but not very probable is that much more effort should be put into this type of research. The issues of data visualisation and multidisciplinarity as deemed important to the other two highly desirable scenar‐ios are fundamental conditions to do so.


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It is interesting to end this section with a discussion of a scenario that has been scored most negatively for desirability. Where does this scenario 4a come from? Firstly, it suggests that tracking technologies will play an increasingly bigger role in our daily lives. This is based on the idea that increasingly more people and more goods are carrying tracking technologies such as GPS, RFID or other technologies which can continuously position them in space and time. Moreover, that information – often with added qualitative information – will be made available to others in an information system in ways in which several mobile and online applications already operate. This scenario speculates on the possibilities this opens up in extremis for public planning. It is important to note that the scenario is associated with a highly optimistic view of democratising information availability on what people are doing from day to day or even minute to minute in urban settings based on geo‐positioning. Exemplary for the basic idea is the wiki‐city project by the Senseable City lab, which proposes the development of cities as real time control systems (Calabrese et al., 2007). According to the wiki‐city project a real time control system is characterised by: (a) an entity to be controlled in an environment characterised by uncertainty; (b) sensors able to acquire information about the entity’s state in real‐time; (3) intelli‐gence capable of evaluating system performance against desired outcomes; (4) physical actuators able to act upon the system to realise the control strategy. In fact the wiki‐city concept is thus a hyperbolic of the cybernetic systems concepts which was popular in the 1950s and 1960s (cf. Wiener, 1948).

Despite the optimistic view of tracking technologies from the viewpoint of the person who wants to use the information provided by such a system, the concept underlying scenario 4a neglects the severe issues of privacy and the possibilities for undesirable state and commercial control over the data ‘volunteered’ to the system. In the combination of risk of severe damage to the privacy of personal positioning data and the undesirable control over every aspect of personal information lies the negative score for the desirability of this scenario. This highlights that the distinctive ethical implications of using tracking technologies have not been a guiding issue for thinking about the future of urban design and planning in most of the scenarios; fu‐ture research should put privacy back on the agenda.

Still, one may note that this scenario is scored highly possible in Table 5.6. With the sharp increase in the numbers of CCTV cameras and the slowly increasing posi‐tioning‐based pricing systems for car use as well as for public transport chip cards, pervasive tracking systems are becoming a reality in day‐to‐day life. But the fact that tracking is possible, should not make it so that everything should be tracked. Also researchers should be always questioning if this highly pervasive research technique may not be replaced by others and if it not helps creating increasingly undesirable ‘function creep’ for traceable devices such as mobile phones.

But this last scenario is an extreme scenario. All in all, one can be positive about the development of pragmatic, project‐based as well as more activist applications of tracking technologies in urban design and planning. Still, a fundamental integration of

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tracking technologies in urban design and planning would require major effort from both specialists in tracking technologies as well as urban designers and planners.

5.7 Findings and conclusions

5.7.1 Tracking studies representing an empirical research point of view

The use of tracking technologies to capture the movement of people in the context of urban and regional design and planning is an approach driven primarily by an empiri‐cal‐research point of view. This does not mean that all tracking studies are based on scientific method. The chapter showed that there are diverging interpretations of the connections between empirical research and planning and design. I address here two sub‐questions of the main research question in this thesis:

In what way is the ordering of timespace considered in the framing of design and planning tasks within approaches based on tracking technologies?

What aspects of the applicability gap problem are tackled by approaches based on tracking technologies?

With regard to the former I am interested in the framing of design and planning tasks in terms of timespace ordering within tracking studies through the representation of timespace and through the implicit or explicit understanding of mechanisms of tem‐porospatial adaptation (see section 2.4). With regard to the latter question, the ap‐proaches based on tracking technologies are set against the aspects of the applicabil‐ity gap problem as developed in Chapter 3: structural aspects, procedural aspects and content‐based aspects, as well as several meta‐level aspects. I will pay some atten‐tion to strengths and weaknesses of the approach, though those findings are com‐piled in Chapter 7.

5.7.2 Tracking technologies and the ordering of timespace

Tracking data are both temporal and spatial in nature. By registering series of loca‐tions in time and space against a system of temporal and spatial coordinates, tracking technologies are able to easily display visually the temporospatial order as Torsten Hägerstrand framed it in terms of the timespace paths (Hägerstrand, 1970). Also, the representation of timespace is at the core of tracking studies. On the one hand this concerns the use of a range of media to display the time dimension in a cartography that is characteristic for tracking studies. Often this includes animated maps or mov‐ies, sometimes even (approaching) real‐time visualisation of tracking data. This is something fundamentally new which is made possible by this type of data. What is not new is that this type of data, in the context of urban and regional design and planning, needs to be made visible, literally, in relation to other data; and that this requires intelligently combined sets of visualisations (also see Schaick, 2009). This


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opens up new avenues of research of, for example, correlating spatial patterns of physical networks with spatial patterns of temporospatial activity patterns of people.

What is also new is that not only movement through time and space in a manner akin to Hägerstrand’s timespace cube, but also collective, accumulative rhythms of use over time in and around a particular place have been visualised. This makes it possible to start further developing several integrally temporospatial planning con‐cepts such as the ‘chronotope’, a temporospatial planning concept introduced by the times‐of‐the‐city approach (for definition see Chapter 6 and for elaboration further below). However, the time scale of the majority of tracking studies is limited to rep‐resenting time frames in terms of hours or days. The work by Rein Ahas and consorts (Ahas et al., 2007b; Ahas et al., 2007a) as well as that by Barabasi and consorts (Gonzalez et al., 2008), in particular their work based on mobile phone data, demon‐strates that it may also be possible to start displaying the continuities and changes in character of temporospatial activity patterns over time.

This latter point is a first hint of how approaches using tracking technologies con‐sider mechanisms of temporospatial adaptation as I defined them in Chapter 2, sec‐tion 2.3.6, but more telling is the framing of urban and regional design and planning tasks as well as tracking research as displayed in the scenarios in the chapter on the future of tracking technologies in relation to the domain of urban and regional design and planning (section 5.6). Particularly insightful were the suppositions on changing activity behaviour as a result of the introduction of tracking technologies in day‐to‐day life, integrated in mobile phones and tracking devices such as mobile navigators, as well as the ideas on the changing subject of the domain of urban design and plan‐ning.

Of the four mechanisms of timespace adaptation, all may be addressed by one or more of the scenarios. Closest to the rationale of mechanisms of timespace adapta‐tion were the relatively extreme scenarios that indicate significant changes in the temporospatial activity patterns of people influenced by technology. For those in particular, timespace flexibilisation is an important process that is directly related to the availability of tracking technologies for individual people and companies; the idea of real‐time control systems is exemplary in putting flexibilisation forward as the prime characteristic of future temporospatial ordering. It does so by reasoning from processes of mass individualisation. Research using tracking technologies considers timespace compression and timespace convergence no more than as a backdrop for research; the former may be slightly more relevant with tracking technologies facili‐tating ever more efficient logistics. Despite tracking technologies facilitating increas‐ingly efficient routing information for people, the findings do not suggest a link to processes of timespace convergence. Still, tracking opens up vistas for researchers so that they will be able to measure such processes much more directly than in the past.

The scenarios for the future of tracking technologies in urban and regional design and planning demonstrated, as well as did several of the pilot studies that I described, the possibility of having tracking data at one’s disposal seems to open a Pandora’s

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box of ideas regarding the reciprocal temporospatial adaptation of activity systems and urban systems.

I looked for possibilities for applying tracking data in the process of making urban designs and plans. I found that many of the researchers hold to a particular definition of how knowledge of temporospatial activity patterns of people may influence, di‐rectly or indirectly, the transformation of physical urban systems. In that sense par‐ticular definitions of temporospatial order in terms of mechanisms of adaptation do directly influence research design of tracking studies.

5.7.3 Aspects of the applicability gap tackled by tracking technologies

Structural aspects of the applicability gap

I showed in this chapter that there was initially, in the mid‐2000s, little to go on in terms of networks of researchers or planners that concerned themselves with the topic. With the organisation of the expert meeting Urbanism on Track, bringing to‐gether primarily European researchers, this problem was partially circumvented. As indicators for structural aspects I used (a) shared goal‐setting from the viewpoint of urban and regional design and planning, and (b) a possibly common, shared vocabu‐lary between disciplines.

This meeting opened up links between the domains of urban and regional design and planning and other disciplines. However, in terms of structural aspects of the applicability gap, the meeting and the range of tracking studies within different disci‐plines showed that urban and regional design and planning was not a binding factor for tracking studies to converge upon. Rather, it is the common vocabulary offered by Geographic Information Systems (GIS) that does provide such a binding factor. How‐ever, due to practical limitations of this thesis, it was not possible to fully examine the implications of GIS as a binding factor in circumventing the applicability gap between empirical research on activity patterns of people and urban and regional design and planning. There are indications from pilot studies that data visualisation may help to some degree in finding a vocabulary that also links to the domain of urban and re‐gional design and planning. The role of data visualisation via GIS in tackling applicabil‐ity gap problems requires further study (also see Schaick, 2009).

Procedural aspects of the applicability gap

For the analysis of procedural aspects of the applicability gap I looked at experiments using tracking technologies within the domain of urban and regional design and plan‐ning; in particular from a designer’s point‐of‐view. As key indicator I used the degree to and the way in which the results of tracking studies got translated into design and planning choices in a practice‐based case, Spatial Metro, and two cases of teaching urban design while using tracking technologies at Delft University of Technology.


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Both in practice‐based experimentation and teaching much value was attached, by students and researchers, to making explicit what knowledge was derived from empirical data through data visualisation and reporting on the research method. These examples demonstrated that it takes a lot of effort to get the method right within the context of urban design, both in terms of research skills as well as in terms of technological skills when using GIS, and that this, as an important part due to time limits within projects, may easily go at the expense of careful application of knowl‐edge for design purposes.

The examples demonstrated for the large part a classic notion of process design with a linear process between analysis and design. An example from section 5.5 on content‐based aspects, the work of Christian Nold, shows that this is not necessarily the only possible approach that can be taken (Nold, 2009b). Moreover, the slight difference between the two cases in a formal educational context showed that stu‐dents were better capable of learning from tracking data when they were asked for a feedback loop, with tracking studies playing an evaluative role rather than an analyti‐cal role.

Content‐based aspects of the applicability gap

To analyse the content‐based aspects of the applicability gap, I made a distinction between the dominant paradigms of transport science and geographic information science and two possible alternative views of paradigms in tracking studies. The analysis focused on the binary contrast of intra‐scientific versus extra‐scientific con‐siderations to further knowledge using tracking technologies. It also touched upon the binaries of objective and subjective knowledge and knowledge of patterns as opposed to knowledge of processes.

I have identified three different starting points for experimentation: transport sci‐ence, visual pattern analysis and social learning. The second of these stands closest to the design‐oriented domain of urban and regional design and planning. Still, both the transport science point‐of‐view as well as the social learning point‐of‐view offer in‐teresting additional insights as to how tracking technologies may be employed in urban and regional design and planning.

From all three starting points both data visualisation and the formulation of sub‐stantive ‘framing’ concepts for urban planning tasks offered clues as to how to tackle applicability gap problems through the use of tracking technologies. However, a fun‐damental gap remains from a content‐based point of view: the disparity between knowing about current and past situations and knowing about possible future situa‐tions.

5.7.4 Tracking technologies and dimensions of knowledge utility

I consider now the meta‐level, knowledge utility aspects of the applicability gap. I look at two of the three dimensions of knowledge utility for the tracking‐based ap‐

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proach: how knowledge ‘travels’ to application and the strategies by which to en‐hance the use of knowledge (see Chapter 4). I address here the sub‐question of which strategies to embedding knowledge of temporospatial patterns of people are put forward by this particular approach.

The analysis of the use of tracking technologies showed attempts within the ap‐proach at tackling applicability gap problems on all three aspects of the applicability gap. This explains the wide range of scoring on the top row in Table 5.7. But from this same row it is also clear that an approach using tracking technologies is heavily dominated, in terms of Weiss’ models, by a knowledge‐driven model of knowledge utility. This refers back to the remark earlier in this chapter that those collecting and processing tracking data are actively searching for applications, and that research primarily starts with the idea to collect empirical data to solve a scientific problem and is as such primarily driven by intra‐scientific considerations. Moreover, tracking studies so far seem to be poorly suited to be embedded in more complicated proc‐esses (see row for the ‘interactive model’). An exception is the scoring of an outlier combining a political model of knowledge utility as well as an intellectual‐enterprise‐model with an action‐research approach trying to influence people, the work of Christian Nold being exemplary. In one sense this is not an outlier.

The diagonal cluster of scoring to the right of the Table indicates the strong tech‐nology‐driven character of tracking studies. Table 5.7 also suggests that the combina‐tion of two possible strategies may provide openings for tackling the applicability gap between tracking data and the making of urban design and plans, indicated by the outlined cluster. The first strategy focuses on different forms of learning (‘influencing people’), the second on different ways of employing GIS or similar data platforms as a means to integrate disciplines (‘knowledge integrator: medium’). These strategies highlight the great potential of tracking technologies for sensitising people to how people actually behave – in terms of temporospatial activity patterns – in their daily life and in public space. This is an additional feature to providing tools for learning and suggestions on how to use geographic information. In teaching urban design, a first priority could be to find combinations of the knowledge‐driven model with a problem‐solving model of knowledge utility.

Based on a scenario approach, the analysis of meta‐level aspects provided insight into the possibilities for the two openings defined in Table 5.7, which are to be elabo‐rated upon. In this chapter I concluded that the most probable, as well as possible, and desirable scenario was that tracking technologies will play an important sensitis‐ing role. If supported by a realisation of the scenario in which tracking technologies will provide an approach on which multiple disciplines converge, in particular through the increased use of GIS‐based data visualisation, tracking technologies indeed have a future in both urban and regional design and planning practice and in academia.


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Infl. people






x x X x x x


X

Interactive Model

Political Model

x

Tactical Model

Enlightenment Model

x


x

Table 5.7 Typical problem‐solution sets for tackling the applicability gap problem in the use of tracking technologies in the context of urban and regional design and planning (marked X). Dark grey cluster and outlined cluster of such sets indicate possible strategies for tackling the applicability gap by applying tracking technologies.

5.7.5 Lessons from the introduction of tracking technologies

An approach building on the experiences with tracking technologies as an empirical research instrument offers a novel view of data collection regarding activity patterns of people, but that is not the major lesson that can be learned here. Despite the fact that many tracking technologies remain focused on a knowledge‐driven model of knowledge use, tracking technologies provide interesting starting points to enhance and support learning processes. Data visualisation is shown to be central to the ideas on learning processes; putting timespace literally on the map. Two slightly different approaches of learning processes are found in this chapter.

The first approach is characterised by work outside a formal teaching setting. This was demonstrated in the work by Christian Nold. It is highly idealistically motivated. The richness of the work lies, on the one hand, in the combination of temporospatial movement data with other, mainly qualitative data of how the environment is ex‐perienced by its users. On the other hand the richness of this approach lies in the reflective work form in which data are being reflected upon by users of urban space themselves. This reflection is then a source of grass root initiatives in planning. As such, in terms of the applicability gap, it is an approach that aims at the meta‐level aspects of the approach. In other words, it aims at finding new combinations of strategies for tackling the divide being planners and users, academia and practitio‐ners, as well as to circumvent the glitch in the planning process by which user infor‐

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mation gets excluded from considerations in planning processes. In addition, the approach stands for an explicit epistemology in which user‐generated knowledge and the reflective practice that is part of the approach is considered and treated as a valid source of information in planning practices.

The second approach, a pragmatic and less idealistically motivated one, is charac‐terised by a formal teaching setting within the domain of urban and regional design and planning with a design focus. The Delft experiments described in Chapter 5 may be seen as exemplary, but are only pilots and are fairly traditional in terms of their studio setting. The scenario analysis showed that the pragmatics of the approach make it have high‐potential for sensitising urban designers to knowledge about tem‐porospatial activity patterns of people. Aspects of time that are made explicit by this approach are mainly duration of stay and distribution of users over the day. For stu‐dents this is a first small step to a temporospatial understanding of use patterns rather than only spatial. This approach mainly provides tools for tackling procedural aspects of the applicability gap.

But there are major weaknesses with the approach implicit in the use of tracking technologies. Firstly, there is a high risk of falling back into unfruitful knowledge‐driven approaches to tackling applicability gap problems. But even for the two learn‐ing‐based approaches there are major weaknesses. To date, the approach is applied merely ad hoc and has hardly entered mainstream urban and regional design and planning. This seems mainly due to the still relatively specialised knowledge neces‐sary to set up, collect, process and interpret tracking data in a design context.

Sensitising novices and laymen is an important chance opened up by tracking technologies, and embedding tracking technologies in teaching urban design seems a good starting point. However, it must be questioned if other approaches such as those used in environment‐behaviour studies may not yield similar results, at least for local scale projects. Still, for city and urban region level of scale issues, tracking technologies offer a unique instrument.

Chapter 6 On the promises of the times‐of‐the‐city approach for urban and regional design and planning

6.1 Introduction

6.1.1 Starting points

This chapter describes the second of two approaches in this thesis. At the centre of this chapter is the introduction of a hybrid planning approach combining aspects of time planning with aspects of urban design and planning in Italy, Germany and France. That approach is called the times‐of‐the‐city approach. A variety of authors have claimed that the times‐of‐the‐city approach, as it was developed in Italy, Germany and France, provides good starting points to incorporate thinking about time in terms of daily activity patterns in urban design and planning (Drewe, 2004; Drewe, 2005b; Drewe, 2005a; Nio and Reijndorp, 1997; Bonfiglioli and Mareggi, 1997; Bonfiglioli, 1997b; Henckel and Eberling, 2002; Mey and Heide, 1997). This claim is of central concern to this chapter.

6.1.2 Outline

In this chapter I describe and analyse the times‐of‐the‐city approach in 5 sections. In section 6.2 I will first describe what the approach comprises in terms of planning action. I do so by bringing to light the basic underlying concepts, a concise history of the approach and an overview of characteristic cases that demonstrate the nature of the approach. In sections 6.3, 6.4, 6.5 and 6.6, I subsequently describe different indi‐cators for structural, procedural and content‐based aspects of the applicability gap problem, and aspects on a meta‐level regarding primarily the transdisciplinary nature of the approach.

Conclusions on the approach with regard to the degree and manner in which it embeds knowledge of temporospatial activity patterns of people into the domain of urban and regional design and planning are documented in this chapter. Chapter 7 will combine these with the findings from Chapter 5 to draw more general conclu‐sions.

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6.2 The times‐of‐the‐city‐approach

6.2.1 What is the times‐of‐the‐city approach?

The times‐of‐the‐city approach or chronotopic approach to urban planning is at the core of a research programme for localised action‐research with the purpose of de‐veloping tailor‐made, explicit and/or integral territorial time policies for cities or ur‐banised regions (see Bonfiglioli, 1997c; Boulin and Mückenberger, 1999). The central problem at which the times‐of‐the‐city approach is directed, concerns the tension between the collective organisation and the individual organisation of time in daily life (see section 6.4 for how this translates into planning concepts). In addition to providing descriptive accounts of time structures in cities, the approach is in particu‐lar a label used to describe territorial – most often urban – time policies.

Territorial time policies are plans for coordinating collective and individual time rosters within a pre‐defined area which are developed with a range of stakeholders that affect or are affected by the time regimes in a certain area. Time rosters and time regimes are constellations of agreements – both formal and informal – on when and for which period of the day, week, month or year activities in places are permit‐ted, made possible or facilitated. Territorial time plans are not primarily physical‐spatial plans, but may in some cases have a physical‐spatial dimension or are, in other cases, explicitly related to physical‐spatial plans.

‘Times‐of‐the‐city’ is a direct translation of the original Italian term ‘tempi della citta’, which translates in German to ‘Zeiten der Stadt’ (Mückenberger, 1998; Mück‐enberger, 1997; Mückenberger, 2004a). Its key aim is to ‘organise round tables where a variety of logics of wishes with regard to and demands for temporal organisation can meet and be exchanged; where a field of and locations for action can be built up, as well as experiments; where compatible solutions can be tried out, evaluated, dis‐cussed and adjusted’ (Mückenberger, 1998: 13; translation JvS).

The times‐of‐the‐city approach is closely associated with a conceptual view of ur‐ban regions, cities or urban areas as so‐called chronotopes (Bonfiglioli, 1997a), liter‐ally time‐spaces or time‐places (cf. Crang, 2001). This term was borrowed from liter‐ary theory (Bakhtin, 1930s (1981)) and is described in the context of the times‐of‐the‐city approach by means of the following composite definition (Bonfiglioli, 2004) and (Guez, 2002):

a place (or a physical space), urbanised and transformed throughout history,

a place inhabited by different populations with characteristic, cyclical archi‐tectures and structures of time (e.g. residents or visitors).

a place that is embedded in networks at diverse levels of scale defined by the mobility range of people, goods and information.

The times‐of‐the‐city approach primarily focuses on the second part of the definition.


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The concept chronotope provides a framework to understand the collective tem‐porospatial patterns of use in cities and potential conflicts between various users that arise from those patterns. The overarching times‐of‐the‐city concept should be seen as a planning concept that also provides a framework of action for how to solve po‐tential conflicts over the use and availability of time and space. Based on an analysis of Italian planning practices of the 1990s, Mareggi provides insight into the kind of actions that are associated with the times‐of‐the‐city approach (Mareggi, 2002).

Taxonomy of Local Practices

Aims Themes in planning practices

Territorial time plans (TTP) Preliminary studies, including the produc‐tion of maps of sched‐ules Projects or interven‐tion programmes on urban times and time schedules managed by municipalities

Improvement of the quality of life for citizens Modernisation of public administra‐tion Up‐grading of city public spaces Reconciliation of the competition between residents and temporary dwellers, between workers and service users

Accessibility of services to the public Public spaces integrated design Time banks Mobility pacts among major local schedule producers Shop opening policies School times Cultural and tourist promotion of the city

Table 6.1 The scope of Italian planning practices during the 1990s that are associated with the times‐of‐the‐city approach. Derived from Mareggi (2002)

Table 6.1 also shows that the aims of the approach translate into a range of possible thematic approaches (third column). Table 6.1 distinguishes three key types of local practices to help realising the aims: (a) the production of territorial time plans, (b) the production of knowledge in the form of maps on schedules and rhythms of the city, and (c) the development of projects or intervention programmes on urban times and time schedules. Mareggi (2002) concludes that:

Most new practices build on existing thematic angles

Elaborating time schedules introduces the time dimension as new stake for planning actors in addition to more traditional physical, territorial considera‐tions

Territorial time plans are not just a cohesive set of policies and actions. They are also intended to provide a whole, chronotopic vision of the town

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urban time policies aim to design and manage urban changes as social, po‐litical and institutional building processes as well as a transformation of the physical urban fabrics

there are few concrete results in terms of physical transformation Lokale Zeitpolitik (local time policy, largely neglecting spatial aspects) is a key term which identifies the major part of the domain of thought and action associated with the times‐of‐the‐city approach. Definition and assumptions on Zeitpolitik are elabo‐rated upon by Mückenberger (2004a: 264) (see also Eberling and Henckel, 1998; Heitkötter, 2004a; Läpple, Ossenbrügge and Mückenberger, 2010; Mückenberger and Timpf, 2007). Others put more emphasis on the relationship between time and space. For example, in Germany some use the term Raumzeitpolitik (spatiotemporal plan‐ning; Henckel and Eberling, 2002). Other terms that cover such a feel of the approach are ‘time‐oriented urbanism’ (SURE‐consortium, 2006) – or chrono‐urbanism (Ascher, 1997). The use of a range of terms to identify the domain of thought and action asso‐ciated with this approach, as this chapter will demonstrate, implies a variation in emphases differing with regard to its focus on time, timespace, policy making or re‐search and planning methodology. Below I describe six cases that further help in understanding what the times‐of‐the‐city approach is and does. This is important because the approach is built around and developed from these exemplar practices rather than in first instance from any grand theory of planning action.

6.2.2 Six cases characteristic of the times‐of‐the‐city approach

I. The Pesaro case

The Pesaro‐case, the first integrally published, comprehensive territorial time plan, consists of four key policies: (a) project for welcoming citizens and temporary guests, (b) quality of public services and urban quality, (c) reconciliation of life and working times, and (d) development of an administrative structure to institutionalise the terri‐torial time plan. These four angles provided the formal political foundation of the territorial time plan to which the local council committed itself. However, the process leading up to these formal policies, the mapping of chronotopes for the city of Pesaro and the elaboration of the policies in pilot projects are also considered integral to the territorial time plan.

The novelty of the Pesaro plan was the attempt to provide a spatially defined vi‐sion on the temporal structure of the city by means of a chronotopic map (Figure 6.1). An early version of this map was used to inform the development of a new land use plan for the town of Pesaro (Bonfiglioli et al., 1999: 35). What makes all this into a comprehensive territorial time plan is the complex interrelation between projects such as a public front desk, a time bank, three projects oriented on the school system, a mobility pact, several physical urban development plans for public space and time table agreements with businesses. The interrelations between the different projects


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are guarded in two ways, on the one hand through coordination by the new time bureau and, on the other hand, through continuous deliberation between the in‐volved stakeholders using a participatory approach. However, no evaluation of the case is available to judge if this comprehensive approach worked and no subsequent actions on the territorial time plan as an independent domain of action have been documented such that they have been accessible for research.

II. The Bolzano case

The Bolzano‐case is different from the Pesaro‐case in three ways. Firstly, it is different in its focus with regard to content. In stead of a wide, formal and politically supported plan as in the case of Pesaro, the instrument called ‘mobility pact’ is central to the territorial time plan of Bolzano (Mareggi, 2001). A mobility pact is an agreement be‐tween institutions, businesses and associations within a specific urban area. Instead of an overall vision, the Bolzano plan focuses on the reconciliation of the different contributors to the rhythm of mobility patterns. The mobility pact for Bolzano was limited to an agreement for the south of the city, incorporating its industrial area. In addition to the mobility pact, the Zeitleitplan or piano dei tempi e degli orari (‘tempo‐ral master plan’ or ‘plan of times and schedules’; Bolzano/Bozen is a bilingual city) does include projects for urban development, projects for the improvement of public services and the establishment of a time bureau as coordinating institute; this is simi‐lar to the Pesaro case. The aim of the plan is to better manage the mobility, informed by research into mobility flows and attractors for mobility and governed by several rounds of round‐table debates.

Secondly, paradoxically, the territorial time plan of Bolzano is much stronger for‐mulated as an integral temporospatial planning endeavour. The documentation of physical urban planning projects within the territorial time plan demonstrates that physical planning and the temporal considerations delivered by the mobility pact have gone much more hand in hand than in the Pesaro‐case where only one example for the redevelopment of a square demonstrated to be developed as an effect of the territorial time policy (Mareggi, 2001). Examples in Bolzano of physical projects being coordinated by the team of the Zeitleitplan are a design competition for city gates, the re‐design of public space previously belonging to private spaces of schools and the redevelopment of an urban street. Figure 6.1 (next two pages) The chronotopic map of Pesaro and its detailed legend (Bonfiglioli et al., 1999) (original in colour)

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Thirdly, it is different from the Pesaro‐case with regard to its embedment in main‐stream policy. The timing of the development of the territorial time plan (Zeitleitplan) was consciously tuned to the parallel and related development of the urban devel‐opment plan (Bauleitplan). Rather than focusing on an end‐image and a comprehen‐sive plan, Bolzano chose to see territorial time planning as a continuous process slowly built up in a network of stakeholders and animated by local projects often with a physical urban development connected to it. The documentation of the Bolzano‐case shows much stronger emphasis than the Pesaro‐case on building up an exten‐sive knowledge base for that process, including the development of new technical visualisation tools that build on the cartographic principles of the on/off map (see section 6.4.4) and of chronotopes as attractors for activity as proposed in earlier pilot projects elsewhere (Bonfiglioli and Mareggi, 1997). ‘Time’ has developed in the 2000s as a proper policy domain for the city of Bolzano with a strategic time plan in 2005 (Comune di Bolzano, 2005) and continuing visible efforts to keep time on the agenda as a subject of local politics (Comune di Bolzano, 2007)

III. The Bremen2030 case

The case of Bremen2030 is interesting, because it is the only example of an attempt to develop something similar to a comprehensive territorial time plan for a city out‐side Italy (Projektteam Bremen2030, 2003a; Projektteam Bremen2030, 2003b; Pro‐jektteam Bremen2030, 2003c; Projektteam Bremen2030, 2003d; Projektteam Bre‐men2030, 2003e; Projektteam Bremen2030, 2003f). The project is the result of being selected as one of twenty‐one projects in the idea competition Stadt2030 (DIFU, 2005). In this competition DIFU (Deutsches Institut fur Urbanistik) invited local coun‐cils to propose projects with the aim of developing – in cooperation with scientific partners – visionary conceptions of the future and guiding visions for their cities and regions with a long term view of thirty years, which would also provide frameworks for action for immediate policy and planning (DIFU, 2000).

Through the funding of the Bremen2030 project, the times‐of‐the‐city concept became recognised by DIFU as visionary framework. That the project was situated in the city of Bremen was not by chance. Bremen had been the location of the first German time bureau after the Italian model, namely the time bureau for Bremen Vegesack. The time bureau became a partner in this new project as well (Projektteam Bremen2030, 2003c). The project contained several sub‐projects bound together by the development of a ‘Leitvision Bremen 2030 – eine Zeitgerechte Stadt’. The Leitvisi‐on (guiding vision) put down a normative framework for action along three lines:

The city should be shaped by spatial density and temporal variety and there‐fore be lively and attractive

Work times, social times and the urban organisation of time must be tuned to the day‐to‐day organisation of life paths of individual citizens


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Public and private services must consistently be reorganised such that they see quality and accessibility from the viewpoint of the temporal necessities and needs of their users; and so serve the realisation and promotion of qual‐ity of life.

Figure 6.2 The rhythm of major functions around the Daimler‐Chrysler plant as part of the mobility pact for Bremen Osten. Source: Warsewa (2004)

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With regard to tangible projects, Bremen2030 rested upon two mobility pacts, one for the east of the city (Bremer Osten) and one for the north of the city (Bremen Vegesack); as well as a project focusing on the identification and resolution of con‐flicts between the different types of uses in a centre‐peripheral highly mixed‐use neighbourhood (Bremer Ostertorviertel). The mobility pact for Bremen Vegesack needs to be seen as a contribution to the revitalisation process of this urban district (Projektteam Bremen2030, 2003f). The mobility pact regarding Bremer Osten was primarily developed as an instrument to deal with mobility problems in which the mobility generated by the Daimler‐Chrysler plant played a major role (Projektteam Bremen2030, 2003e) (see Figure 6.2). The latter is similar to the Belfort‐case regard‐ing the PSA Peugeot plant documented in the SURE‐project (SURE‐consortium, 2006).

All three key projects are primarily concerned with the dialogue between major Taktgebers (metronomes) and neighbouring stakeholders in which – inter alia through visualisation of rhythms of use and mobility flows – the planning process is catered to resolving conflicts between users and contrary developments. These con‐flicts are framed by using the concept of the ‘chronotope’. The plans aimed to pro‐vide both quick fixes as well as a long term vision on how to deal with these conflicts. The mobility pact concerning Bremen Vegesack also included contributions to design physical interventions such as a new bus station and bicycle parking. Overall, the different projects and guiding vision centre on reframing urban problems in terms of spatially distributed temporal problems. In this regard the project can be considered successful. However, it is unclear if this reframing has been taken up in mainstream policy‐making for Bremen.

IV. The VERA case

The VERA‐project (VErzeitlichung des RAumes; i.e. timing space) is interesting for other reasons. Based in Hamburg it ran from 2004‐2007 (Läpple et al., 2010; Pohl, 2009; Timpf, 2005; Mückenberger and Timpf, 2006). Contrary to the Bremen2030 project, the VERA‐project was primarily developed as a research project with strong links to practice using an action‐research method based on real‐life experiments in Hamburg and Bremen. It is mainly interesting because of its explicit goal setting and elaboration as a transdisciplinary project. Also, it is one of the few times‐of‐the‐city projects having been thoroughly evaluated against an explicit methodological frame‐work on action‐research (Mückenberger and Timpf, 2006). That framework defines an ideal real‐life case of action‐research from the viewpoint of the times‐of‐the‐city approach as following:

We identified, together with city managers from regional policy / administration and economy as well as civil society stakeholders, the political issues and experi‐mental fields of time policy. These are dealt with in teams consisting of scientists, practitioners and stakeholders. Research activities support the work in the experi‐mental setting in planning practice by providing technical analysis and work forms,


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and by making those accessible for planning and participation purposes (e.g. space‐time mapping in the form of Chronomaps built on spatial time‐geographic databases). Results of the reality‐based experiments are scientifically grounded practical changes in planning processes (such as new time structures, new services etc.). These results are scientifically tested to the degree of achievement of goals, as well as the conditions under which results may be expected and the possibility for generalisation and transferability of results to other configurations and constel‐lations of actors and made available for a further scientific and practical discourse. (Mückenberger and Timpf, 2006: 232; translation JvS)

Table 6.2 Schematic division of labour for the three VERA‐teams. Source: adapted from Timpf (2005); additional information on normative goal setting from Läpple et al. (2010) (translation JvS)

Team Time Policy

Team Urban Economics Team Geography

Thematic focus in terms of temporospatial concepts

Daily times, normative concepts and participation (process)

Operating on times at the interface between system and lifeworld (content)

Intra‐urban dynamics and spatial‐temporal structures (structures)

Context of transformation (Läpple et al., 2010)

Regeneration of a declining urban area; introducing new functions to a formerly mono‐functional area

The area development for an extension of the urban centre, including relocation of school

Initially market‐driven transformation of a functionally mixed neighbourhood

Concrete real life project

Balancing different time regimes in the Stephani Quarter in Bremen

Designing a Community‐Knowledge‐Center and audits ‘work and family’ in Hafencity Hamburg

Possibilities for stabilising the environments for creative industry aspects in Schanzenquartier Hamburg

Normative goal setting (Läpple et al., 2010)

Searching for an identity for the district

Space‐time‐policy as stimulation of urban society (i.e. social integration)

Conserving cultural diversity and protection of groups under pressure of giving way to new developments while solving conflicts between users

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Table 6.3 Aims, instruments and themes of research and action in the three VERA‐projects. (Läpple et al., 2010: 187; translation JvS)

Aim of scientific intervention

Schanzen‐quarter Stephani‐quarter HafenCity Roles of the VERA‐teams

Thematisation Qualitative interviews

Dialogue with decision makers (Radio Bremen, Senatskanzlei); Expert interviews; lectures; website

Dialogue with decision makers; educational stakeholders social actors; family‐oriented services; direct approach of companies and parents; employment survey lectures; newspaper articles

Providing impulses and ideas; researcher, i.e. analysis or knowledge broker; public relations

Networking/ connecting (of Taktgeber i.e. policy makers)

Development and communication of ideas for connecting local youth labour with the management of the quarter; regular cooperation with local inhabitants for the analysis of noise pollution

Forum Stephani‐quarter; AG Kultur; preparation of a visitor’s day in Stephani quarter

VERA‐team as communication interface; providing information for social actors

Managing Director; information interface; Researcher/analyst; moderator; initiator; motor of co‐operation projects

Empowerment (Giving ‘voice’)

Strengthening of the basis of local inhabitants in explaining noise pollution

Focus groups Workshop with stakeholders Positioning of initiatives

Developer of participation methods; organiser of participation processes; moderator of participation forum; information interface; public relations; advocate for citizen’s interests

Cooperative solution of problems

n/a Moderating on naming issue and disco boat

n/a Moderator; mediator


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The work of the VERA‐project was divided into three research teams: time policy, urban economics and geography (see Table 6.2). The aim of the project was twofold: on the one hand to develop an integral temporospatial analytical method on the three themes and, on the other hand, to set up concrete projects that would contrib‐ute to an improvement of the quality of daily life for citizens (Läpple et al., 2010; Timpf, 2005). Table 6.3 shows that the goal to set up concrete projects was elabo‐rated in terms of defining the problem, networking of actors, empowerment of actors and cooperative problem solving with different roles for the researchers each time. Despite a seemingly successful project from a researcher’s point of view – the testing of the model for action‐research, the development of cartographic tools and testing of hypotheses that were part of the problem framing, the projects were only margin‐ally successful and/or difficult to measure in reaching the project goals with regard to the improvement of quality of life or for sorting concrete effects in planning proc‐esses (Läpple et al., 2010).

V. The Bergamo case In Italy, the work of the research group at Politecnico di Milano is marked during the early 2000s by their work in Bergamo (2002‐2006). The territorial time plan for Ber‐gamo builds much on the cartographic tools and principles from those early exem‐plars. What makes the Bergamo territorial time plan of 2006 into a novel exemplar is the way in which it pays attention to how territorial time policies fit to the overall development of the general spatial vision for the Bergamo region. Where, in earlier examples, such as the Pesaro and Bolzano cases (see above), such a relationship was seemingly desired and partially established, in the Bergamo‐case that relationship between urban development plan and territorial time plan is formalised (Bonfiglioli, 2008) (Figure 6.3). However, Figure 6.3 also demonstrates that the territorial time plan is only a peripheral input for the overall urban development plan (Piano di Gov‐erno del Territorio). The extensive territorial time plan is used as input for the much leaner plan for public services (Piano di Servizi; Comune di Bergamo, 2005‐2006), which in turn is tuned to the overall plan. Scrutiny of the territorial time plan itself (Comune di Bergamo, 2006; limited by its publication exclusively in Italian) shows that the plan is set up as a regional strategic plan that is quite different from previous time‐oriented plans in Italy in its level of scale and focus on particular planning tools or pilot projects that gave face to the plans of Pesaro and Bolzano. The cartography aims to demonstrate a change in regional mobility patterns in addition to chronotopic maps on a neighbourhood level, which are linked to pilot projects that focus on the accessibility of services. Bonfiglioli, Calza and Stabilini (2009) provide an extensive theoretical frame and analytical body of work for the Bergamo case. However, they provide few clues of how the analysis of temporal phenomena is translated into physical‐spatial planning. As such the Bergamo territorial time plan is much more a social policy than an integral temporospatial policy.

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Figure 6.3 The relationships between different plan forms in the development of an overall territorial vision for the city of Bergamo. The TGP – or PGT in Italian – is a planning instrument introduced in Lombardia in 2005. The instrument consists of three major building blocks: framework, service plan and land use plan. The link with the time plan and with time policy and pilot projects (in grey) is particular for Bergamo (Bonfiglioli, 2008) (Catalan version); (Comune di Bergamo, 2006: Part III, p.21).

VI. The Belfort‐Montbeliard case

The sixth and last case, Belfort‐Montbeliard in France contains both cultural planning and mobility components being related to the large spatial claim of the factory in the urban region. The case has been documented in the research report on the EU‐funded SURE‐project (SURE‐consortium, 2006). From 2001 until approximately 2005 the Maison du temps et de la mobilité of the city of Belfort developed a range of projects in the larger region around Belfort based on the times‐of‐the‐city approach. Rather than the development of a comprehensive territorial time plan, this time bu‐reau focused on developing separate projects. This is the case in most French time


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bureaus (cf. the Espaces des Temps programme of the Grand Lyon region; www.espacedestemps.grandlyon.com; acc. 18 March 2010).

One mobility‐oriented project in the Belfort region is of particular interest for how it engaged an important commercial party in an open planning process. The PSA (Peugeot) plant has been located in Sochaux, south of Belfort, since 1918. As a large employer, it is considered a major metronome for mobility in the region, the com‐mercial activities of and the daily lives of its employees. With the plan of reorganising the plant’s internal organisation and partial reclustering of activities, the time bureau organised a planning process with a range of local and regional stakeholders with a view to improve on mobility problems associated with the flux of people and goods into and out of the plant’s site.

The planning process around this project in the period 2004‐2005 focused on the reduction of the use of cars, improvement of safety and reducing the ecological im‐pact of mobility. From a visual analysis of the main problems, a mobility plan resulted, including proposals for car pooling, public transport, the creation of services on site (e.g. a post office), the promotion of bicycle use and a new internal traffic plan (SURE‐consortium, 2006: 101‐102).

6.2.3 A concise history of the approach

From 1990 onwards, it is possible to distinguish four episodes in the development of the times‐of‐the‐city approach based on sequential projects and publications of core network members (Table 6.4). Bonfiglioli (1997c) and Bonfiglioli and Mareggi (2002) provided earlier delineations of the history of the times‐of‐the‐city approach for the Italian situation in particular. I view the times‐of‐the‐city approach in a wider context. Still, the approval of the Turco‐act in Italy in 2000 was a pivotal point for time‐oriented policies which brought the times‐of‐the‐city approach from the stage of experimentation to that of legitimised policy and provides closure for this episode in the development of the approach. The Turco‐act made the formulation of territorial time plans obligatory for Italian municipalities with more than 30.000 inhabitants as well as the establishment of an ufficio tempi (time office), the employment of a time manager and the establishment of a tavolo di concertazione delle forzi sociali (round table for the coordination of social powers) (Mareggi, 2002). Less prescriptive was the French second Aubry‐act of 2000 on time policies, which made room for local time policies (in particular the setting up of time bureaus), but left it up to local actors how those would take form (Boulin and Mückenberger, 2002: 69‐70).

After some early initiatives in Italy at the start of the 1990s, the times‐of‐the‐city concept came to fruition as an approach for planning practice after it was developed as a shared framework for European cross‐border cooperation at the end of the 1990s. In subsequent years, the approach is actively promoted by a multidisciplinary network of researchers and practitioners – some with a background in urban planning and design, others in the domains of sociology and economy – that are primarily located in Italy, Germany and France.

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Characteristic developments

Characteristic cases

Key publications

1990‐1996

First comprehensive territorial time plans; first systemic account of principles of time‐oriented policies

Pesaro, Bolzano

TTPs Pesaro & Bolzano; (Bonfiglioli, Mareggi and Zedda, 1999; Bonfiglioli and Zedda, 2000)

1997‐2002

European cooperation, national/regional/EU funding for local projects, legislation in Italy

Dagindeling‐program NL; comparison of local practices in BEST‐study

Compilation reports (Mückenberger, 1998; Boulin and Mückenberger, 1999; Henckel and Eberling, 2002)

2002‐2007

(International) academic legitimacy, embedment in planning processes

Bergamo 2002‐2006, VERA‐project Hamburg 2004‐2007, Belfort, SURE‐consortium 2002‐2005; Bremen2030

Zeitleitplan Bremen2030 (Projektteam Bremen2030, 2003c); TTP Bergamo (Comune di Bergamo, 2006; Pohl, 2009; SURE‐consortium, 2006); evaluation of the Dutch programme Dagindeling (Keuzenkamp et al., 2003); VERA‐project (Läpple et al., 2010)

2007‐2010s

Further transfer of approach, also to other countries

n/a (diverse studies examining transferability (Austria, Belgium, Netherlands, Finland)

Literature reviews (Mairhuber and Atzmüller , 2009; OCW and Dehora , 2009; Horelli, 2005; Glorieux, Heyman and Moens, 2007)

Table 6.4 An overview of episodes in the development of the times‐of‐the‐city approach

6.3 Indicators of structural aspects

6.3.1 Claiming a ‘new’ discipline based on ‘old’ disciplines

This first of four sections in this chapter on indicators of the applicability gap problem focuses on structural aspects of the applicability gap problem. The other three sec‐tions will subsequently address procedural, content‐based and meta‐level aspects of the applicability gap. Structural aspects refer to a sociological notion of the applicabil‐


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ity gap problem. It refers to the gap between professional communities amongst themselves and/or in their relationship to academic communities.

Dealing with the differences between disciplinary approaches has been at the centre of the times‐of‐the‐city approach since the 1990s. The awareness that differ‐ent disciplines were necessary to tackle the problem – the tension between collective and individual rhythms of life, initially in particular for women – was clear from the start. Key disciplines that got involved were social geography, sociology, urban plan‐ning and design, transport sciences, economics, public policy and specialisations within those disciplines such as the organisation of labour, sociology of leisure and time use research.

The differences between these disciplines and the solving of those differences when they presented a problem were not the starting points for the times‐of‐the‐city approach. Rather, the shared feeling of an urgent societal problem combined with the momentum of a wave of feminism in Italy and, later, the prospect of an action‐research approach, were binding factors. Sandra Bonfiglioli (1997c) claimed this as a new discipline: urban time planning. This is an interesting starting point to view the structural factors that may be of relevance to discerning possible answers, within the times‐of‐the‐city approach, to the applicability gap problem.

6.3.2 Binding ideas of a close‐knit knowledge community

The network of researchers and practitioners around the times‐of‐the‐city approach can be seen as an epistemic community: a network of professionals with recognised expertise and competence in a particular domain, and an authoritative claim – al‐though that might be considered a matter of debate – to policy‐relevant knowledge within that domain or issue‐area (Haas, 1992). The core network is characterised by

(a) a shared understanding of the concept ‘the times of the city’ – a concept that first took concrete form in Italy with the development of the Tempi della città approach (Bonfiglioli et al., 1995; Bonfiglioli, 1986) and was later developed as a referential concept to categorise and describe similar plan‐ning practices in other countries (Boulin and Mückenberger, 1999: 21);

(b) a partially shared problem perception of European countries sharing similar challenges in light of changes to the administration, the welfare state and the timespace structure of daily life (ibid.);

(c) aiming to attract funding for research and policy action as a group and co‐development of professional education and learning platforms (e.g. ESF‐funded 1996‐2000 Studiengang ‘EUREXCTER – Zeiten und Qualität der Stadt’; Master in time planning (Consorzio Tempi della città); recent conferences in Barcelona);

(d) strong reliance on the same exemplar cases and a shared constructed his‐tory derived from these exemplar cases (see Table 6.4);

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(e) the claim of a neo‐discipline driven mainly by the Italian researchers (Bonfiglioli, 1997c);

(f) aiming to disseminate its expertise to other European countries (Bonfiglioli, 1997c).

The epistemic community may be identified as being close‐knit by looking at its publi‐cations. The body of literature on the times‐of‐the‐city approach is characterised by much self‐referencing within the network and some explicit cooperation between a limited number of core researchers (see in particular Bonfiglioli and Mareggi, 1997; Hoffmann and Boulin, 1997; Boulin and Mückenberger, 1999; SURE‐consortium, 2006). The network has regularly published edited volumes and special issues of pro‐fessional journals including theoretical articles and descriptions of best practices in which they have been involved (Bonfiglioli and Mareggi, 2002; Hoffmann and Boulin, 1997; Boulin and Mückenberger, 1999; Mückenberger, 2001; Boulin and Mückenber‐ger, 2002; Henckel and Eberling, 2002; IERMB, 2008).

The factors recognised by Haas (1992) as to why policy makers would turn to an epistemic community for advice can be observed within the planning circles adhering to the approach (see Läpple et al., 2010). In particular, the issue of the network soci‐ety and its temporospatial problematic is characterised by complexity and uncer‐tainty, leading to a demand for knowledge that enables a grasp on the situation. In addition there seem to be things shifting in the organisation of administration and policy practises throughout Europe with new relations developing between local, regional and (inter)national policies. These are typical conditions for a turn towards epistemic communities. It must be noted that for the times‐of‐the‐city approach the context is not primarily identified in terms of spatial planning problems, but rather in sociological terms.

The knowledge community around the times‐of‐the‐city approach is not exclu‐sively limited to those that actively participate in close cooperation. Those referring to the approach in some publications, but not in all of their publications, or involved in only few projects with the core network are also considered as belonging to the epistemic community. This, for example, also brings into the picture the later work of Martin Dijst (e.g. Bertolini and Dijst, 2000) and Lia Karsten (e.g. Karsten, 2002) from the Netherlands who were only involved in one of the early European projects (Boulin and Mückenberger, 1999) and the work of Liisa Horelli (e.g. Horelli, 2005). It also brings into the picture those that look for inspiration at the times‐of‐the‐city ap‐proach in extensive literature studies from Belgium (Glorieux et al., 2007), Austria (Mairhuber, 2001; Mairhuber and Atzmüller, 2009) and the Netherlands (OCW and Dehora, 2009).

6.3.3 The organisation of the network

In 1990 the Italian Ministry for Research and Technology funded a university network to develop an interdisciplinary research program on themes that would be of interest


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for the development of time policies. This led to the establishment of the research centre for Times of the City in 1994, as a cooperation between Politecnico di Milano and Universita Milano‐Bicocca (Bonfiglioli, 1998: 91). At the same time Italian mayors were empowered to develop official time policies for their cities (Mareggi, 2002).

Subsequently this knowledge community has been organised through several na‐tional and international platforms for cooperation such as the EUREXCTER‐network in 1990s, which was important for the establishing of a European network of research‐ers (Hoffmann and Boulin, 1997). It was funded by the EU‐program EQUAL (Mareggi, 2002). Rather than a platform for cooperation in projects, EUREXCTER was explicitly aimed at capacity building on the subject between local actors and subsequent trans‐national knowledge dissemination. Dissemination amounted to, on the one hand, the cataloguing of local practices from Italy, Germany and France and, on the other hand, the development of higher education programs based on the times‐of‐the‐city con‐cept (see Mückenberger, 1998). With its aim of ‘improving quality of daily life in space and time’ (Mückenberger, 1999: 43) the program had a strong time‐oriented profile, largely neglecting the spatial aspects and showing no relation to urban plan‐ning.

Parallel to and partially overlapping with the EUREXCTER‐project, Eurofound (the European foundation for the improvement of living and working conditions, based in Dublin) funded a comparative research project on ‘Times in the City and Quality of Life’ (1997‐1999). This project widened the scope of knowledge exchange to also include practices in Finland and the Netherlands. In particular the German practices of this period have been thoroughly documented in the book Bessere Zeiten der Stadt (Mückenberger, 2001), which also includes some articles based on the Eurofound study. The overall results – comprising an analysis of practices from both 1980s and 1990s – have been documented by Boulin and Mückenberger in a report comprising the results from five explorative studies on national levels (Boulin and Mückenberger, 1999).

From 1999 onwards, network building around the times‐of‐the‐city approach can be observed in France with the establishment of the working group on ‘time and territory’ within the Territoires 2020 program (DATAR, 2001; Boulin, Dommergues and Godard, 2002). During the same years the Akademie fur Raumforschung und Landesplanung in Germany includes the theme ‘Time and Space’ in its research pro‐gram from 1998‐2002 (Henckel and Eberling, 2002). Still, in France the attention to temporal aspects in planning is quite fragmented at this stage. Because of this the‐matic fragmentation, it seems an important development in France that a national network on times‐of‐the‐city‐like approaches has been set up from 2005 onwards – Tempo Territorial. This network initially had four working groups, of which one fo‐cused on time in urban planning. Over the years, however, this angle has been aban‐doned (see Table 6.5).

Table 6.5 The shift in focus away from urban planning of the French network of bureaux des temps Tempo Territorial from 2005 to 2009. Sources: (Tempo Territorial, 2005; Tempo Territorial, 2006; Tempo Territorial, 2007a; Tempo Territorial, 2007b; Tempo Territorial, 2008; Tempo Territorial, 2009a; Tempo Territorial, 2009b); *in December 2007 Tempo held a separate debate in Saint‐Denis on ‘Urbanisme temporel’ (‘Time‐oriented urbanism’ ; no documentation avail‐able); ** In September 2009 Tempo held a separate debate ‘Vers une urbanisme Temporelle’ (‘Towards time‐oriented urbanism’ ; no documentation available)

Themes Proceedings 2005 Themes Proceedings 2006 Themes Proceedings 2007* Themes Proceedings 2008 Themes programme 2009**

I. The Tempo Territorial Network II. Working group Time, territories and firms III. Working group Time, territories and services IV. Working group Time territories and urban planning V. Epilogue on temporal ecologies

I. The role of Europe in the development of local time policies II. Working group Time, territories and firms III. Working group Time, territories and urban planning IV. Working group Time, territories and services V. Future of time policies

I. State of the art and perspectives on time policies (State of the Art mainly focusing on Bureaux des Temps) (Perspectives: 4 themes: Scales & challenges; partnership & cross‐disciplinarity; legibility, evaluation & communication of time policies; role and future of Tempo Territorial) II. The Night III. Student life

I. Reconciling the times of families II. Reconciling access to services and mobility III. In Europe: activities in Barcelona IV. Access to services in rural, peri‐urban and urban environments

I. The difficulties of reconciling professional life and family life: the current situation II. The difficulties of reconciling professional life and family life: what localised solutions? III. Where are territorial time policies in Europe and France?


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European cooperation again took a more formal shape with the allocation of EU re‐search funds to the project SURE from 2001‐2005 (for the research project ‘a time oriented model for Sustainable Urban Regeneration’). This project on ‘a time oriented model for sustainable urban regeneration’ focused strongly on developing technical instruments – in particular chronoGIS – to support analyses of temporal organisation in a series of experimental projects in France, Germany, Italy, Spain and Poland (SURE‐consortium, 2006). With this project timespace cartography supported by GIS‐like software platforms is brought to a prominent position in the times‐of‐the‐city approach.

In Germany the development of the times‐of‐the‐city approach is also marked by the founding of the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Zeitpolitik (DGfZP; German Society for Time Policy) in 2002, which brings together some of the key contributors to the de‐bate on the times‐of‐the‐city approach thus far (Kirner and DGfZP, 2004). In 2005 the DGfZP has published a manifest on time policies (DGfZP, 2005). The DGfZP nowadays still proceeds with this work in extending the normative and theoretical component of time policies.

6.3.4 The knowledge community confronted with mainstream planning

The knowledge community organised around the times‐of‐the‐city seems to be struggling for recognition within mainstream urban planning. That the legitimacy of the approach remains a matter of concern until far in the 2000s is, for example, shown, in the attempt to claim the approach (a) as an answer to grand societal prob‐lems (Bonfiglioli et al., 2009), (b) the acknowledgement that time plans have a weak capacity of action in comparison to plans for service provision, let alone in compari‐son to physical urban plans (Bonfiglioli, 2008), and (c) the almost consistent involve‐ment of key academic ‘carriers’ of knowledge in the making of territorial time plans. This problem of getting into the mainstream of urban planning seems very much a structural problem with a seemingly resistant wider planning community that is not open to acknowledge the relevance of this type of planning.

6.4 Indicators of procedural aspects

6.4.1 What type of planning problem?

The times‐of‐the‐city approach is about making problems of temporal organisation visible and explicit so as to provide ground for action on those problems. Moreover, the times‐of‐the‐city approach is about making clear that these problems require action from both governmental and societal actors calling for a participatory ap‐proach to planning questions. But, from that point onwards the times‐of‐the‐city approach offers less of a foothold. What kind of planning problem is being discussed here? And what kind of planning process is constituted by the approach? This section

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6.4 distinguishes between two views that demonstrate how the procedural aspects of the applicability gap problem, i.e. concerning ‘glitches’ in design and planning proc‐esses, are playing a role in the times‐of‐the‐city approach: an instrumental view and a social‐constructivist view. I will elaborate on the role that visualisation plays in both.

6.4.2 An instrumental view

Planning with time has been conceptualised by Henckel et al. (1989) as a relationship between temporospatial problem definition and temporospatial planning instru‐ments. Based on and adapted from Henckel et al. (1989: 243 and 252), Table 6.6 shows how the combination of problem definition and instrument provide the possi‐bility to categorise integral temporospatial interventions. In addition to Henckel et al. (1989), I also distinguish in Table 6.6 interventions in the planning process as a type of planning instrument as part of the times‐of‐the‐city approach, although such a view is more akin to the work of, for example, Mareggi (2001, 2004a). I will briefly go into the three instrumental viewpoints within the times‐of‐the‐city approach indi‐cated on the horizontal axis of Table 6.6.

Firstly, much of the efforts in applications of the times‐of‐the‐city approach also focus on applying the organisation of time to problems other than temporal organisa‐tion; thus aiming to shift practices from the top row to the bottom row of Table 6.6. A typical example is the pilot case on noise pollution in the VERA‐project (see above). Although there are attempts recorded, of influencing physical‐spatial planning, in the VERA‐study. On another level, for example in the latest Bergamo study, actual results have not been recorded.

Secondly, spatial organisation as a planning instrument, the inverse process of the latter, is much concerned with involving considerations on temporal organisation in the making of physical plans. This can be either to solve temporal problems or to solve particular spatial problems. Of the first, many small‐scale examples exist in the documentation of the times‐of‐the‐city approach, for example, the design of an ur‐ban square in Pesaro. However, only few evaluations have been documented of such interventions (Mareggi, 2001). With regard to the latter, it is the Bergamo case (Bonfiglioli et al., 2009) that aims to move the times‐of‐the‐city approach in this di‐rection. However, the approach appears to have drifted away from its initial aim (Bonfiglioli, 1998) of presenting itself as belonging to the urban and regional design discipline. Further than reference to the times‐of‐the‐city approach, in the literature that was the starting point of this chapter (Drewe, 2004; Nio and Reijndorp, 1997), the approach has not penetrated the urban and regional design and planning disci‐pline.

Thirdly, most prominent and seemingly successful has been the contribution the times‐of‐the‐city approach to the development of participatory approaches to plan‐ning. Mareggi (2001, 2004a) focuses on the instrument of co‐design, i.e. the organisa‐tion of round tables with all relevant stakeholders to find solutions, be they temporal, spatial or other interventions. Läpple et al. (2010) and Mückenberger and Timpf


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(2006) rather focus on transdisciplinary approaches, i.e. research‐based approaches that seek their subject and object of research in real‐life practices. Horelli (1997) shows that such approaches also link into practices that are outside the direct core and planning cultures of the times‐of‐the‐city approach.

Handling with Handling of

Temporal organisation as planning instrument

Spatial organisation as planning instrument

Planning process as planning instrument, i.e. planning in time

Other instruments (examples)

Explicitly temporal problems, including problems related to the consequences of temporal changes (e.g. fluctuation in uses)

Interventions in temporal organisation within temporal structures to solve temporal problems (e.g. adjusting opening hours, adjusting working time) i.e. part of a planning of time approach including the development of collective time structures and explicit time policies

Interventions in physical‐spatial organisation while considering temporal organisation to solve temporal problems (e.g. redevelopment of urban public space; (re)location of amenities)

Changing the planning process of conceiving of temporal and spatial interventions so as to solve temporal problems

Non‐explicitly time‐related spatial planning problems (e.g. scarcity of land; bottlenecks; i.e. refers to planning‐in‐time)

Interventions in temporal organisation within spatial structures to solve non‐temporal problems (e.g. multiple uses of spaces)

Interventions in physical‐spatial organisation while considering temporal organisation to solve other spatial problems

Changing the planning process of conceiving of any intervention so as to solve other spatial problems

Introduction/ adaptation of new mobility, information or communication technologies; introducing tariff systems; changing spatial planning law, etc.

Table 6.6 Theoretical types of interventions for ‘planning with time’ (Planung mit Zeit) (adapta‐tion and extension of Henckel et al. (1989: 252); According to Henckel et al. (1989) ‘time’ is here seen both as a (problematic) resource and as a planning instrument. Emphasised in black are those interventions that are integrally temporospatial in nature.

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Remarkably, the times‐of‐the‐city approach has shown little interest in other types of instruments with the exception of geographic information systems for visualisation purposes (see further below). This is remarkable as this category of instruments is viewed in transport planning and spatial planning as an important component of introducing the temporal dimension into physical‐spatial planning (e.g. Janelle and Gillespie, 2004).

From the instrumental point‐of‐view it is important to note that the times‐of‐the‐city approach is, in most cases, an area‐based approach. This area‐based approach is different from spatially delimiting a sample for studying a social phenomenon. The area of choice for any case based on the times‐of‐the‐city approach is the setting for a physical and/or social transformation process and the choice of a specific area. This makes it possible to employ planning instruments in a focused manner. Thus, in com‐parison to time policies proper, territorial time policies add a localised spatial account of temporal problems that is generally absent in time policy as social‐planning en‐deavour (see e.g. Echange et Projets, 1980; OCW and Dehora, 2009; Glorieux et al., 2007). The latter are generally more oriented towards systemic change, such as legis‐lation on the length of the working week rather than change through local interven‐tion such as those central to the times‐of‐the‐city approach. Territorial time policies as such can be considered to have adopted a model of planning as it is common in physical urban planning without becoming urban planning proper.

This area‐based connotation has a number of consequences. Firstly, it makes time policy into a scale‐dependent endeavour with the spatial boundedness defining who is considered a stakeholder. Secondly, as demonstrated by many examples described earlier this chapter, projects in territorial time policies are very local in nature, mostly limited to the neighbourhood level of scale and lower levels of spatial scale. This level of scale makes collection of relevant data a feasible option which can then facilitate a debate that can lead to the formulation of a temporal planning problem.

What is interesting in some of the Italian cases is their explicit multilevel approach (on both local and urban/regional levels of scale), although it is difficult to assess its real value and effect on other planning policies. Thirdly, territorial time policies thrive in a context where there is already a transformation process going on – e.g. urban regeneration – that defines the area‐base for such a territorial time policy. However at the same time, such transformation processes external to the territorial time plans can have a much higher dynamic such that the time policy is in danger of being over‐looked.

6.4.3 Framing the rhythm of the city as a planning problem

Earlier in this chapter (section 6.2) I have illustrated, by way of exemplary cases, the ways in which the times‐of‐the‐city approach has been used to act upon urban prob‐lems. It shows that the way in which urban problems get framed as temporal or tem‐porospatial problems may be a major factor in the development and application of the times‐of‐the‐city approach. Such framing, although it is seemingly a substantive


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issue, I interpret here as something particular for the procedural view of the knowl‐edge utility problem. This is because it is a way to influence planning processes rather than only the content of plans. Framing changes in the temporal organisation of con‐temporary society as a planning problem was increasingly recognised in political cir‐cles during the 1990s, making it a political and legal issue with the 2000 Turco‐act in Italy and 2000‐Aubry‐act in France. These put forward the time plan as a product of policy making, the first stronger than the second. In a review of local practices Boulin and Mückenberger (1999) provide a concise overview of such framing through the times‐of‐the‐city approach (see Table 6.7). Note that this provides a very normative framework. It being normative is the basis of it being an issue of framing and not of fully objective knowledge. Such a line of reasoning links context, policy and action in a particular way, making the rhythms of use in cities into a key planning problem.

Social backgrounds in the involved countries

Orientation of time policies

Normative actions (areas of interest where action is necessary and seems possible)

The crisis of the welfare state and the provision of person‐oriented services The flexibilisation of labour‐market conditions Changes in women’s labour‐market participation and family structures

Time schedules of service activities Working time policies Conclusion: lacking coordination between working time policies and urban time schedules

Improvement of citizens’ quality of life through a better organisation and allocation of living and working times Network building in the city quarter Coordination of opening hours of public and private service suppliers, creation of ‘common times’ The ‘opening’ of institutions that are usually restricted to their ‘functional’ role to other social or cultural aims Modernisation of public administration by simplifying its procedures, the decentralisation and integration of services and front desks Revitalisation of city quarters in order to enhance security, the upgrading of public spaces to favour networks of socialisation Creation of quarters of mixed use in order to create a city of short distances Reconciliation of the competition between resident citizens and temporary dwellers, between workers and service users Establishing a new culture of citizens’ participation in the definition of the standards of quality of everyday life

Table 6.7 The normative framework for the times‐of the‐city approach as developed in the Eurofound study. Source: derived from Boulin and Mückenberger (1999)

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Theorising about temporospatial organisation as a planning problem implies the de‐velopment of concepts for temporospatial change and/or temporospatial organisa‐tion. These concepts are the actual ‘frames’ used and developed in the application of the times‐of‐the‐city approach. So, how does such conceptualisation of concepts for planning and concepts in planning look from the viewpoint of the times‐of‐the‐city approach? One contribution of the times‐of‐the‐city approach seems to lie in the introduction of a number of new concepts, i.e. as frames, that clarify possible prob‐lems of temporal organisation, with some of those having links to urban planning and design questions. Such key concepts can be found in particular in the German litera‐ture on the approach, for example Zeitpolitik, Zeitwohlstand, Zeitkonflikte, Zeitsou‐veränität and Recht auf Zeit (Heitkötter and Schneider, 2004; Peine and Rollwagen, 2004; Mückenberger, 2004b). From the Italian literature the concept central to the approach is ‘chronotope’ (Bonfiglioli, 1997a), but this has less of a normative conno‐tation, except maybe a positive one with regard to a diversity of rhythms within areas.

Urban problems are seen as integrally temporospatial (Bonfiglioli, 2008), al‐though the domain of action is often almost exclusively temporal. Then, what integral temporospatial problem framing can be discerned in planning practices based on the times‐of‐the‐city approach? Problem framing of the times‐of‐the‐city approach is based on two interrelated conceptualisations of timespace:

In terms of change and transformation: ‘things are changing’, ‘locales have a history and a future’. This is not neutral, but linked to the shift from a socio‐logical, analytically‐oriented approach to an action‐oriented approach: ‘we can change things/make things happen’

In terms of the temporospatial structure of day‐to‐day life: ‘as a string of ac‐tivities connected by mobility’, ‘bounded by constraints’ and ‘conditioned by conflicts over scarcity of time and space. Again, this is not neutral and linked to the shift to an action‐oriented approach: ‘these constraints can be loos‐ened’ and ‘these conflicts can be resolved (or at least managed)’

There is a range of temporal concepts that help in framing planning problems of time policy (see Table 6.8). Table 6.8 also shows that certain frames link to particular in‐strumental viewpoints. With regard to its normative view, there are two major ten‐sions within the contemporary organisation of timespace by which the times‐of‐the‐city approach frames its central problem:

Temporal wealth and well‐being (Zeitwohlstand): the tension between the sovereignty of individuals and groups with regard to their organisation of time and institutionalised time frames, maximising the affluence/abundance of time on an individual and/or social level (Mückenberger, 2002; Rinder‐spacher, 2002)


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Conflicts over time (Zeitkonflikte): the synchronisation and harmonisation of varied societal logics or social organisation of time (Heitkötter and Schneider, 2004; Heitkötter, 2004a)

As pointed out earlier, these frames have an important normative component. The times‐of‐the‐city approach leans on a range of normative standpoints such as ‘quality of life’ (related to a particular, complex notion: freedom of action and access to ser‐vices), women’s emancipation, reconciling family life and working life, considering vulnerable groups, multiplicity of rhythms being good, and responsibility of public service operators and employers for sound temporal organisation.

Such normative concepts are also translated into thematic approaches to planning. Rather than literally visualising integral timespace problems, thematic approaches are based on very concrete, narrowly defined areas of interest and planning. In all cases that have adopted the times‐of‐the‐city approach, a thematic approach has been taken in one form or another. Thematic approaches prove to be an important tool to translate more abstract goals such as ‘quality of life’ to concrete policy practices and engagement of civil society actors as well as political commitment. The thematic profile of practices is to some degree characteristic for different countries and thus for cultural contexts. Some are shared throughout Europe.

A first thematic angle, often used in the times‐of‐the‐city approach, is the concep‐tualisation of the ‘lifeworlds’ (section 2.3.2) of particular target groups in both tem‐poral as well as spatial terms. Many examples consider the lifeworld of children or the constraints that children’s lives deliver for their parents’ mobility and activity behaviour. Other groups that get special attention are elderly people and women. Particular types of thematic approaches are those in which different forms of task combining are expressed: balancing work and private life, balancing care and work, etc. A second thematic angle is the particular focus on the period of the day (e.g. night), week (e.g. the weekend) or year (e.g. the summer season for tourism). A third thematic angle is concerned with so called Taktgebers or Zeitgebers and their influ‐ence on mobility, economy or public space design through temporal regimes they create. Note that this is different from what Mareggi (2001) finds to be thematic approaches (cf. Table 6.1).

6.4.4 A visual language: both instrumental and framing

As was pointed out by Drewe (2004, 2005a, 2005b), an important component of the times‐of‐the‐city approach is the development of a visual temporospatial language for analysing cities on multiple scale levels. Visualisation is both a way of framing planning problems – giving face to the chronotope concept for example – as well as an instrument to be used at the tables of co‐design in participatory planning proc‐esses.

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Table 6.8 A glossary of time policy (Zeitpolitische Glossar) (Heitkotter, 2004b; translation by JvS; terms on ‘political time’ omitted)

Basic concepts of time policy (Grundbegriffe der Zeitpolitik)

Fields of time policy (Felder der Zeitpolitik)

Instruments of time policy (Instrumente der Zeitpolitik)

Acceleration / slowing down (Beschleunigung / Entschleunigung) (NL: onthaasting) Flexibilisation (Flexibilisierung) Nonstop‐society (Nonstop‐Gesellschaft) Right to one’s own time (Recht auf eigene Zeit) Rhythm providers (‘metronomes’ or ‘pacemakers’) / rhythm adopters (Taktgeber / Taktnehmer ) Synchronisation (Vergleichzeitigung) Institutionalised times (Zeitinstitutionen) Time conflicts (Zeitkonflikte) Time culture (Zeitkultur) Systemic time pattern (3 types: rhythm, metronome and synchronisation) (Zeitmuster: Rhytmik, Takt, Gleichzeitigkeit) Time pressure (Zeitnot) Time policy (Zeitpolitik) Time affluence (Zeitwohlstand)

Working time policy (Arbeitszeitpolitik) Education (Bildung) Food systems (Ernährung) Family (Familie) Leisure / culture (Freizeit / Kultur) Generation (Generation) Gender relations (Geschlechterverhältnisse) (temporal characteristics of) Innovation (Innovation) Agriculture (i.e. time of animals; quality of work) (Landwirtschaft) Local time policy (Lokale Zeitpolitik) Media (Medien) Mobility / traffic (Mobilität / Verkehr) Ecology (Ökologie ) Spatial and environmental planning (Raum‐ und Umweltplanung) Risk (Risiko) Urban development / urbanity (Stadtentwicklung / Urbanität)

Chronotope / time maps (Chronotope / Chronomaps) Public timespace (Öffentlicher Zeitraum) Standardisation of time (Standardisierung von Zeit) Time Control (Kontrolle der Zeit) Time bureau (Zeitbüro) Time pacts (including mobility pacts) (Zeitpakte)


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A driving force for the development of visualisation tools for the times‐of‐the‐city approach has been the LABSAT research group at Politecnico di Milano (e.g. Stabilini and Bonfiglioli, 2002; Guez, 2002), although since the early 2000s cartography as an integral part of the times‐of‐the‐city approach has also been pushed forward by European cooperation (SURE‐consortium, 2006) and in relation to initiatives in France through Luc Gwiazdzinski with Laboratoire Image et Ville (http://imaville.u‐strasbg.fr, acc. 8 March 2010) and Germany, in particular by those involved in the VERA‐project (e.g. Pohl, 2009; see also Läpple et al., 2010).

Temporospatial cartography inherently integrates time and space conceptually as it depicts time in a visual, thus spatial, 2‐dimensional or (though not physical) 3‐dimensional model. Moreover, the development of timespace cartography associated with the times‐of‐the‐city approach is based on the assumption that to visualise is to put on the agenda of policy makers and other urban planning actors.

Visualising timespace is not completely new, as Hägerstrand developed a 3‐dimensional visual annotation system to depict individual activity patterns of people in time and space already in the 1960s (see Chapter 2). That annotation system has since been widely used in geography, especially with the emergence of more sophis‐ticated GIS technologies and new research techniques over the last ten years (also see Chapter 5).

The theoretical groundwork of Hägerstrand, particularly in light of the elaboration by Giddens in his structuration theory, is certainly one of the pillars of the times‐of‐the‐city approach and its cartography (see e.g. Mückenberger, 2004a; Pohl, 2009). However, in the times‐of‐the‐city approach, the individual trajectories through time and space depicted with Hägerstrand’s techniques are of relatively marginal impor‐tance in relation to other types of temporospatial annotations. Hägerstrand’s visual annotation of timespace only indirectly depicted constraints by delivering a bounded timespace prism for individual people in which activity behaviour could take place (later developed as activity spaces or ellipses; e.g. Zahavi, 1979; Dijst, 1995; Schön‐felder and Axhausen, 2003).

Another known temporospatial visualisation technique has a similarly marginal, although in certain cases, more prominent role in the times‐of‐the‐city approach: the visualisation of accessibility of places in terms of travel times depicted in cartograms and/or isochronic maps. A well‐known example outside of the times‐of‐the‐city ap‐proach is the map series by Spiekermann and Wegener (1994) depicting the sup‐posed shrinkage of Europe, reaching back to the work by Janelle (1966) on timespace convergence and that of Tobler (1961) on map transformations in thematic cartogra‐phy. Such temporospatial visualisations are particularly prominent in cases where the times‐of‐the‐city approach is used to frame planning problems as mobility – in par‐ticular accessibility – problems such as in the case of Belfort (SURE‐consortium, 2006). However, it needs to be concluded that in practices based on the times‐of‐the‐city approach such visualisations are strikingly absent in cases where mobility is seen as a social construct of multiple actors, such as in the case of the mobility pacts of Bolzano

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(Bonfiglioli and Zedda, 2000; Mareggi, 2001) and Bremen (Projektteam Bremen2030, 2003e; 2003f).

In terms of framing planning problems, however, the main contribution of the times‐of‐the‐city approach to temporospatial cartography and vice versa lies else‐where. It is important to note here that the notion of time in the times‐of‐the‐city approach is such that it considers time as a social, institutionalised construction in addition to regarding time as a resource. Herein lies the main drive to develop a so‐called chronotopic cartography with chronographic maps using new types of data sources and other types of visualisations than the ones already mentioned. This term refers back to concept chronotope as developed by Bonfiglioli (1997a) (see above). Three key types of chronotopic maps can be discerned that are important for integral temporospatial problem framing in the times‐of‐the‐city approach: those maps de‐picting temporal constraints, those maps depicting the temporal distribution of peo‐ple and chronotopic maps which are a combination of these.

The so‐called on‐off map – a map of the first category – can be seen as a spatial depiction of a calendar. As such, on‐off maps should be seen as comprehensive de‐pictions of authority and coupling constraints on the level of neighbourhoods, cities or urban regions. On‐off maps depict geo‐referenced availability of services over a pre‐defined period of time. Most on‐off maps use the time scale of 24 hours, but others refer to the 7‐day week or the distribution of events over the period of a year.

Temporal distribution of service availability is often depicted in a linear distribu‐tion in the third dimension (cf. the use of the third dimension in Hägerstrand’s time‐space cube, Chapter 3; see Kim and Kwan, 2003) (see Figures 6.4 and 6.5). But there are also examples using colour coding. Such colour coding can be used by way of a colour for ‘on’ and a colour for ‘off’ or it can use different colours for particular types of distributions over time. Maps using colour coding of the first type often are repre‐sented in map series (e.g. 6AM‐map, 9AM‐map, 12AM‐map, etc.) (see Figure 6.6) or in a dynamic, animated map. Both such maps mostly depict clock‐time on or next to the map. But the formal representation of time is only one aspect of on/off maps.

In the context of the times‐of‐the‐city approach these maps are not an academic exercise in understanding the human ‘ecology’ of cities such as in the work of Janelle and Goodchild (1983), but are explicitly used as a diagnostic tool for planning pur‐poses. Maps are used as input for round tables of co‐design where the planning prob‐lem itself gets defined (Läpple et al., 2010).

The second type of map – chronotopic maps – is reminiscent of a zoning map in urban planning. Chronotopic maps depict both calendars for attractors and rhythms of use, characteristic for and/or dominant in a certain area; the extensive legends of chronotopic maps are therefore as important as information sources as the maps itself (Figures 6.1 and 6.7). Such chronotopic maps are based on colour coding and qualitative judgment of attractivity and use of places. Chronotopic maps are used as key maps in the cases of Pesaro and Bergamo in Italy. They are, however, still map‐pings of the situation and not of future possibilities. The comprehensive overview that chronotopic maps offer, goes beyond the depiction of constraints and depicts


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the different identities of urban areas. This is reminiscent of some indicative map types by Kevin Lynch (1976) (see Figures 6.8 and 6.9). With regard to maps depicting attractors, such maps are not uncommon in maps used in urban design and planning (e.g. Hoeven et al., 2008). Outside Italian cases, chronotopic maps have hardly been used as such in contrast to the other two types of maps.

Figure 6.4 Example of on/off maps using the third dimension; Pesaro‐case (Bonfiglioli et al., 1999) (original in colour)

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Despite the focus on conflicts between temporal patterns of use of different groups of users (cf. Martinotti, 1994) in several cases, e.g. the VERA‐case, hardly any applica‐tions of chronotopic maps can be observed that display collective urban rhythms of use either for all users or for specific populations of users such as the ones developed by Janelle and Goodchild (1983) (cf. Chapter 2). This type of maps is not new, but has not proliferated either due to the complexity and amount of data needed to develop such maps until recently (cf. Chapter 5 on the introduction of tracking technologies as a means to depict such rhythms). Probably for this reason, this type is not often used in the times‐of‐the‐city approach. However, another reason might also be that the times‐of‐the‐city approach focuses on the constraints delivered by time structures rather than on the particular patterns of use.

Figure 6.5 Example of on/off maps using the third dimension; Pesaro‐case (Bonfiglioli et al., 1999)


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Figure 6.6 Using colour coding; the background gets darker during evening and night hours while light colours pop‐up on the map for available amenities (Bonfiglioli et al., 1999) (original in colour)

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Figure 6.7 Example of the legend of a chronotopic map on a neighbourhood level (SURE‐consortium, 2006)


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Figure 6.8 Time ‘envelopes’ of Seattle, USA. Source: Lynch (1976)

Figure 6.9 Cycles of use in central Boston. ‘Evacuation’: empty at night; ‘Invasion’: active at night especially; ‘Displacement’: shifting from day to night activity. Source: Lynch (1976)

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6.5 Indicators of content‐based aspects

6.5.1 Theory building as indicator of content‐based aspects

Content‐based aspects of the applicability gap concern those aspects that are related to what is regarded relevant knowledge in different domains and disciplines. In this section I demonstrate such content‐based aspects by outlining the development of the theoretical foundations of the approach. I show how different strands of knowl‐edge are brought together in the times‐of‐the‐city approach while at the same time resurrecting new barriers between knowledge domains.

6.5.2 Patchwork of theories: foundations of the times‐of the‐city approach

The theoretical foundations of the times‐of‐the‐city approach are not easy to de‐scribe in a linear manner. Rather, the theoretical groundwork of this approach can be characterised as one of several theories in, as well as consisting of a patchwork of theories that have arisen out of classic fields of study as disparate as sociology, geog‐raphy, economics and planning.

Bonfiglioli identifies 3 origins of the Italian times‐of‐the‐city approach as an ac‐tion‐oriented approach to time (Bonfiglioli, 1997c): (a) the attention given to the social construction of time in Italian academia at the end of the 1980s in both the domain of urbanistica temporale (see Bonfiglioli, 1990) and the sociological domain, (b), legislative initiative on ‘Le donne cambiano il tempi’ (women changing the times) and ‘Orari di lavoro, stagioni della vita, tempi della citta’ (working hours, life stages and urban times) by a women‐led political movement in Italian parliament merging the emancipatory movement and the feminist movement, and (c) first experimenta‐tions with time‐based action in Modena and Reggio Emilia promoted by mayors. As pointed out earlier in this chapter, the Italian term for the times‐of‐the‐city approach is derived from the work by Carmen Belloni in the 1980s on time budget analysis in Turin, Italy: tempo della citta (Belloni, 1984). As one of the first studies of its sort in Italy, Belloni’s was an important work after which national time budget analyses were introduced (Moccia, 2000). This illustrates that time geographic theory (see Chapter 2) has been at the basis of the times‐of‐the‐city approach. Gender theory and gender‐oriented practices have played an important role in weaving a number of these theo‐retical strands together (Bonfiglioli, 1997c). From this latter point of view, Laura Balbo describes the rise of times‐of‐the‐city approach in Italy metaphorically as one of several ‘quilting’ processes; in this ‘quilt’ three overlapping blocks of theoretical work were interwoven since the 1970s/1980s each aiming ‘to influence policy dis‐course and the policy agenda’ (Balbo, 2004: 7): (a) the sociology of everyday life from the perspective of women; (b) transformations in the model of the welfare state from the perspective of women; (c) the study of time as a resource from the perspective of women (Balbo, 2004).


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The development of theory on the organisation of time in Italy needs to be seen against a much wider European trend in which the organisation of time came to the fore as an important indicator of quality of life. In France widely divergent problem fields such as the emancipation of women, a general focus on new models of balanc‐ing working time with private time, but also the rising awareness that car‐based mo‐bility was increasingly causing environmental and congestion problems emerged to have temporal organisation at its foundations. Boulin and Mückenberger identify three bodies of work based in Gurvitch’s theoretical work, originating from the 1960s and 1970s (Gurvitch, 1964): the influence of working time on other social times, in‐cluding ergonomic, chronobiologic and sociologic foci; sociology of leisure time; and, the organisation of local timetables, in particular school hours (Boulin and Mücken‐berger, 2002: 28). However, they also show that over the 1970s and 1980s the de‐bate more and more focused on working time as a central concern with Gurvitch’s more comprehensive view necessarily giving way (Boulin and Mückenberger, 2002: 28). Urban time policies in France during the 1980s already included four elements that can be recognised in later time policies developed in light of the times‐of‐the‐city approach (Moccia, 2000; Echange et Projets, 1980):

(1) An expansion of the first efforts at desynchronisation and the increased use

of personal flex‐time at work; (2) An adjustment of governmental hours to meet consumer requirements; (3) Opening public buildings to innovative uses at times when they would ordi‐

narily be vacant; (4) Civic festivals during vacation periods (e.g. August in Paris) for those who

remained in town In a different language domain and without direct reference to the Italian or French developments at that stage, the Deutsches Institut für Urbanistik (DIFU; German Insti‐tute of Urban Affairs) set up a project group Zeitstrukturen und Raumentwicklung (Time structures and spatial development) during the 1980s (Henckel, 1988; Henckel, Grabow, Kunert‐Schoth, Nopper and Rauch, 1989). These comprehensive studies – strongly related to the domain of urban planning and with much attention for econ‐omy and the effects of mobility and information technology – lay the foundation for a theoretical view on timespace and urban planning which later fed into the initiatives on developing the times‐of‐the‐city approach. This theoretical work of DIFU built on previous work on the role of information technology and urban development (Henckel, Nopper and Rauch, 1984) and the role of production technologies in spatial development (Henckel and Grabow, 1986). In terms of theoretical grounding, these studies lean almost exclusively on German language literature with the work of Jür‐gen Rinderspacher (1988b; 1988a) being central to the argument – rather than any grand theory. Rinderspacher elaborates upon the idea that time structures are of a dynamic nature. Rinderspacher describes the dynamics of temporal structures as Verzeitlichung:

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The dynamics of the development of our temporal reference systems can be de‐scribed as a process of Verzeitlichung (temporalisation/timing). Seen this way, time gets construed, in both a qualitative and a quantitative sense, just as other forms of social organisation or of social reference systems. Verzeitlichung implies the transition of rhythmic movement being governed by nature, to a socially governed, ordered movement. (Rinderspacher, 1988b: 23‐24) (translation JvS)

Though not referred to in these early accounts of times‐of‐the‐city‐like theory, sev‐eral of the key concepts were later directly associated by participants in the times‐of‐the‐city network to the earlier work by Parkes and Thrift (1978) (see Chapter 2) offer‐ing a translation of the term Verzeitlichung des Raumes as ‘timing space’, a neighbouring concept to ‘spacing time’ (Verräumlichung der Zeit) (Henckel, 2007: 533). With this starting point German theorisation – forming the basis of the times‐of‐the‐city approach – defines time as a continuous social construction and puts an axiom of Beherrschbarkeit (the possibility to influence and steer the development of time structures) central to the understanding of Verzeitlichung rather than or in addi‐tion to an understanding of the dynamics of change themselves. In this conceptual context, the DIFU‐studies (Henckel, 1988; Henckel et al., 1989) are the first to thor‐oughly conceptualise time planning in relation to other planning domains, in particu‐lar spatial planning.

6.5.3 Early theory development

Thus far I have only outlined a number of theoretical strands preceding the introduc‐tion of the times‐of‐the‐city approach proper. Only from the early 1990s onwards one can speak of the times‐of‐the‐city approach. Also belonging to that episode is further theory development – developed with direct reference to the approach. I showed already that this early episode in the development of the times‐of‐the‐city approach is marked by the efforts to establish territorial time plans or other similar time‐based strategies for a range of local councils. Bonfiglioli and Mareggi (1997) presented mul‐tiple cases – thirteen in total – in a special issue of the periodical Urbanistica (in the Quaderni series) published by the Instituto Nazionale di Urbanistica. With this edited volume they aimed to give the first systemic account of the principles used in azione pubblica temporali (time‐based public action) as a generalisable and transferable approach applicable at several stages of the planning process. This needs to be seen in the context of the next episode in the development of the approach in which Euro‐pean cooperation emerged.

Bonfiglioli and Mareggi (1997) and Bonfiglioli et al. (1999) theoretically contextu‐alise these actions along several lines of theory development, although never in terms of a coherent theory on time policies. A key reference is to the work of Parkes et al. (1978) and their account of Hägerstrand’s work on time geography (Bonfiglioli and Mareggi, 1997: 10; cf. Chapter 2). Other theoretical elements are contained in the short essay on ‘che cos’e un cronotopo’ (what is a chronotope) by Sandra Bonfig‐


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lioli (1997) and in an essay by Guido Martinotti on the influx of new types of popula‐tions – other than inhabitants – such as commuters, users of public services and busi‐ness people in the contemporary metropolis. This theoretical point of view is, accord‐ing to Martinotti, directly related to Hägerstrand’s, Pred’s and Giddens’ theorisations of the use of spatiotemporal resources (Martinotti, 1997: 93) (cf. Martinotti, 1994; Hägerstrand, 1970; Pred, 1977; Giddens, 1984).

Novel, in Bonfiglioli’s work in particular, is the emphasis on the aim to build a comprehensive framework for representing social and urban times visually and the presentation of exemplary mappings of temporal features: the on/off map, a five‐minutes‐isochronic map for pedestrians, a schematic activity calendar, a chart based on transfer times, anamorphosis of maps based on travel times and a three‐dimensional calendar using both a 24hr scale and a 7‐day scale (Guez and Mareggi, 1997), although any link to cartographic theory is yet missing in the literature on the times‐of‐the‐city approach.

6.5.4 Advancement in theory development in Germany and France

At the end of 1990s the theoretical focus shifts elsewhere as Boulin’s and Mücken‐berger’s accounts in Hoffmann and Boulin (1997) show (Boulin, 1997; Mückenberger, 1997). They describe the problem, on the one hand, as a shift from the focus from working time policy to city time policy and, on the other hand, as a process of the institutionalisation of urban time policy as a transversal type of policy making (see also Boulin and Mückenberger, 2002). These essays incorporate two new lines of theory in the foundations of the times‐of‐the‐city approach.

Boulin’s work places the approach within the context of theory on the evolution of working hours (cf. Boulin, Cette and Taddéi, 1993; Boulin, 1997). With this he brings into play the discussion on the length of the working week as it had been un‐der debate in the Scandinavian countries and the Netherlands as well as in France. Mückenberger’s essay brings into play, for the first time extensively, the issue of modernisation of policy and administrations as a background of the times‐of‐the‐city approach (Mückenberger, 1997). Based on these two pillars, Boulin and Mückenber‐ger draw out the argument that it is in the modernisation of the welfare state, where the times‐of‐the‐city approach finds its place (see Boulin and Mückenberger, 1999; Boulin and Mückenberger, 2002). Referring to Esping‐Andersen (1996), they posit time policies as an answer to a perceived crisis of the welfare state in European coun‐tries (cf. Nadin and Stead, 2008, for a conceptualisation of the relation between models of society and planning systems).

A French working group on the times of the city approach identified two matters of territorial interest (enjeus territoriaux) on this theme: (1) the connections between the organisation of territories and mobility; (2) service provision and the exploration of innovative public services in an extremely tertiarised society. The working group developed three scenarios for temporal development:

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‘La fuite en avant’ (forward flight): time use dictated by market forces, con‐tinuous time (around the clock) and individual times dominate

‘La fuite en arrière’ (backward flight): growing resistance to flexibilisation, back to traditional rhythms and collective times

A scenario combining individual and collective rhythms of time use. (Drewe, 2004)

Mückenberger put Zeitsouveränität (time sovereignty) (also Recht auf eigene Zeit; right to one’s own time) and Zeitwohlstand (time affluence) central to the goal set‐ting of the times of the city approach (Mückenberger, 2004a; also see Heitkötter, 2004b). As such, Mückenberger focuses almost exclusively on time policies rather than on integration of spatial policies with time policies, although he defines the domain as transversal, i.e. cutting across domains and institutions. In putting these concepts central Mückenberger is – in terms of theory – mainly concerned with the process side of time‐oriented planning: the democratic process, transdisciplinarity and the institutionalisation of time planning (also see Mückenberger and Timpf, 2006). Mückenberger focuses, on the one hand, on time structures in their relation to individuals’ daily lives, and on the other hand on a process of planning inclusive of a large range of stakeholders.

Theoretically, Mückenberger contextualises this double focus primarily from the viewpoint of Giddens’ structuration theory (Giddens, 1984). To provide a comprehen‐sive framework for that double focus, Mückenberger (2004a) repositions structura‐tion theory for the purposes of the times‐of‐the‐city approach with reference to the work of David Lockwood (1964) on the relation between what he calls ‘system inte‐gration’ and ‘social integration’ and Habermas’ theory of communicative action (Habermas, 1984; Habermas, 1987). Mückenberger’s focus stands somewhat in con‐trast – theoretically rather than in terms of practical application – to other work from the German language domain in these years. Others prefer to put the integration of time planning and spatial planning central from the viewpoint of a more economy‐based view of temporal organisation (e.g. Henckel, Pahl‐Weber and Herkommer, 2007) (see also the organisation of the Deutsch‐Österreichische Fachtagung Raum.Planung.Zeit in 2005: Henckel, 2005; Eberling and Henckel, 2002).

6.5.5 A shift to a social science‐oriented rationale

The search for EU‐FP‐funding (the European Union Framework Programme provides scientific research funding in light of the Göteborg‐Lisbon strategy for a knowledge‐based economy) for research using the times‐of‐the‐city approach marks a shift in focus from locally funded initiatives based on funding from local or regional admini‐strations to a more scientific‐based rationale for the further development of the approach. I have already stated earlier this chapter that this significantly impacted the times‐of‐the‐city approach, but not yet how.


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It must be remembered that in first instance the step forward with the times‐of‐the‐city approach was actually a shift away from the scientific domain of sociology into the more practice‐oriented domain of urban planning. In the case of Italy this meant developing the approach as a political issue first. The Italian literature shows how in the 2000s that funding and documentation of practices took a U‐turn back towards the social science rationale. This may be linked to a felt need to legitimise the approach more strongly. On the one hand this was done in terms of methodology (case studies, transdisciplinary approach). On the other hand this was done through a stronger development of underlying theory. But the focus here has shifted from a sociological approach, to another strand of social science theory, namely that of pol‐icy processes. The interaction between policy sectors amongst themselves as well as the relation between academia and practice became a matter of interest.

Amongst other things, this shift to a new social science rationale meant reviewing the domain of urban planning more in scientific terms, a debate reminiscent of the Dutch debate on scientification of urban and regional design and planning. That also included a partial shift to policy science from an engineering science. Though still finding the primacy of politics of key importance (Bonfiglioli, 2008), in Italy academia has consistently played an agenda‐setting role in shifting the perspective from sociol‐ogy to planning as ‘delivering’ academic sources of knowledge.

The shift from a political rationale to a social science rationale can most vividly be recognised in the German literature on the times‐of‐the‐city approach around the turn of the century (including later literature based on case material from this period). Where earlier theorisations of the times‐of‐the‐city approach reasoned from the viewpoint of changing welfare systems throughout Europe (Hoffmann and Boulin, 1997), the writings of Boulin and Mückenberger (1999), Boulin and Mückenberger (2002), Mückenberger (2004a), Mückenberger and Timpf (2007), and Pohl (2009) show a gradual shift in perspective with contextualising the times‐of‐the‐city ap‐proach as responsive to Giddens’ structuration theory and Castells’ thesis on the network society (see Chapter 2). Henckel and Eberling’s Raumzeitpolitik, in which the authors urge for integration of time policy and spatial policy, also fits in this devel‐opment (Henckel and Eberling, 2002).

This shift in theoretical context is later strengthened by the publishing of an ed‐ited volume aiming to connect work on the temporal topography of the city, network cities and urban fringes, urban places and the future of the urban core (Henckel et al., 2007: 12), which could be construed as a follow up of the book Raumzeitpolitik. At about the same time, a series of advisory reports by the WRR (Wetenschappelijke Raad voor Regeringsbeleid; Dutch scientific council on government policy) shows a similar (re‐)appreciation of grand theories to provide a framework for understanding the relation between the changing temporospatial behaviour of people and changes in urban structure (Mommaas et al., 2000; Scheele, 2001; Asbeek‐Brusse et al., 2002; Knaap, 2002) (see Chapter 1).

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6.6 Indicators of meta‐level aspects

Earlier in this chapter I have signalled the development of the times‐of‐the‐city ap‐proach as a transdisciplinary approach. As the theory development on this aspect is a major development within the approach in the last decade, I pay some extra atten‐tion to it here. Important to note that this is not only instrumental, but, moreover, a methodological aspect that extends beyond the method as a planning instrument. As such I treat it in this section as a meta‐level issue concerning knowledge utility in this chapter.

Within the times‐of‐the‐city approach two major methodological approaches may be considered; both problem‐driven, but one focused on action‐research, the other on transdisciplinary research linking theory and practice. The first is what Mareggi (2001) calls the multipartner co‐design method, i.e. an action‐research approach. It is characterised by the following (adapted from Mareggi, 2004a):

Starting point is the legislative framework of developing time policies

The approach is problem‐driven, breaking with the sequential logic of analysis‐project‐implementation that is typical of traditional planning and programming forms

Research results and proposals for action not only have a substantive role, but also provide a means for actors to interact so as to solve the problem

The process involves the building of trust between the involved actors

Problem definitions and their solutions are socially constructed, but is initiated and coordinated by the public administration that coordinate the project

The participants come from different sectors of policy making and in‐clude multiple societal partners

The interactive working method is linked to concrete and area‐based interventions

Usually the network of participants is organised around a theme and are temporary in nature

Experts play a multitude of roles: doing traditional research, promot‐ing the approach, stimulating and involving the decision makers, con‐sulting for strategy and communication, providing arguments and ex‐perience, organising meetings, exchanging good practices, facilitating and mediating, designing so as to synthesise the different contribu‐tions of the stakeholders involved, teach the officials and politicians of the public offices involved

The approach may be institutionalised in a time office


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Within the Italian co‐design approach there seemed to have been only at a late in‐stance some recognition of the methodological problems involved with action‐research. The Italian researchers seem to have suffered from the dialectics of pro‐gress: many instances of time policies got developed in a short period, but without thorough documentation and without widely internationally discussed evaluation of practices. With German practices building on the Italian practices, it seems that they have taken a next step in developing a methodology for territorial time policies.

With a slightly different focus, transdisciplinary rather than only action‐oriented, Mückenberger and Timpf (2006) have described transdisciplinarity for the times‐of‐the‐city approach in terms of a double crossing of borders: between scientific disci‐plines and between science and society. As such they have positioned the approach primarily as a scientific endeavour, although in terms of a so‐called Mode‐2 science (Nowotny, Scott and Gibbons, 2003).

6.7 Findings and conclusions

6.7.1 The times of the city approach representing a policy viewpoint

This second of the two approaches analysed in this thesis primarily focuses on the planning side of the applicability gap, in particular in terms of planning policy. This does not mean that empirical research or design does not play a role in the times‐of‐the‐city approach. Moreover, a particular type of empirical research is a key element of the times‐of‐the‐city approach and urban design is seen as an important instru‐ment. But, the times‐of‐the‐city approach showed to be primarily led by policy con‐siderations. Below I will address for this approach two sub‐questions of the main research question in this thesis:

In what way is the ordering of timespace considered in the framing of design and planning tasks within the times‐of‐the‐city approach?

What aspects of the applicability gap problem are tackled by the times‐of‐the‐city approach?

With regard to the former I am interested in the framing of design and planning tasks in terms of timespace ordering within the times‐of‐the‐city approach through the representation of timespace and through the implicit or explicit understanding of mechanisms of temporospatial adaptation (see section 2.3.6). With regard to the latter question, the times‐of‐the‐city approach is set against the aspects of the appli‐cability gap problem as developed in Chapter 3: structural aspects, procedural as‐pects and content‐based aspects, and several meta‐level aspects.

I will pay some attention to strengths and weaknesses of the approach here; those findings are compiled for the two approaches of Chapters 5 and 6 together in Chapter 7. The answering of the research questions for the times‐of‐the‐city ap‐

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proach will show a particular concern for the degree to which empirical research and design are integral parts of the approach.

6.7.2 The times‐of‐the‐city approach and the ordering of timespace

This second approach for which I evaluate how it addresses the ordering of timespace is the times‐of‐the‐city approach. As for tracking‐based approaches in the preceding chapter I will respectively address the representation of timespace and then mecha‐nisms of timespace adaptation; in particular with regard to formulating planning and design tasks.

The major innovation of the times‐of‐the‐city approach lies in literally giving face to the idea of collective and individual rhythms (or schedules) as proponents of tem‐porospatial order in cities. It does so by developing rather novel cartographic tech‐niques building on the intricate conceptualisation of timespace in terms of the ‘chronotope’ idea. Though not completely new, as Kevin Lynch (1976) and Donald Janelle (Janelle and Goodchild, 1983; Goodchild and Janelle, 1984) have produced earlier visualisations of collective rhythms, the times‐of‐the‐city approach is unique in its use of temporospatial cartography of spatially distributed urban time schedules as a planning tool. As such it is exemplary in the representation of time in relation to space in the context of urban and regional design and planning. In addition, it com‐bines such data, on some occasions, with mobility data (Bonfiglioli et al., 2009). How‐ever, that combination of rhythms with travel times could be strengthened in future research. Compared to the complex conceptualisation of timespace used in the ap‐proach, an omission in temporospatial representation is that the approach does not include techniques to display changes and interventions in time schedules.

The times‐of‐the‐city approach addresses primarily one of the four mechanisms of timespace adaptation as identified in Chapter 2 (section 2.3): timespace individualisa‐tion. Moreover, influencing this mechanism by introducing planning instruments that help to balance individual and collective ordering of timespace is at the core of the approach. To a lesser extent the approach pays attention to timespace flexibilisation as far as it relates to timespace flexibilisation; the theme‐oriented cases which put the ‘night’ central are an example of that. Although several accounts on times‐of‐the‐city‐like approaches – particularly Dutch examples and the VERA‐case – also show concern for increasingly pressured daily schedules of dual‐earner households, i.e. timespace compression, this is not the primary rationale of the wider times‐of‐the‐city approach. Central to the rationale is the degree of independence for individuals to organise their personal daily schedules as they desire – Zeitsouveränität. In those accounts on the times‐of‐the‐city approach that put large companies central (see e.g. SURE‐consortium, 2006), issues of timespace compression are also addressed from the viewpoint of round‐the‐clock commercial production. With its area‐based ap‐proach, the times‐of‐the‐city approach shows little concern for processes of time‐space convergence. This is disappointing as rhythms of use are inherently related to


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accessibility. As such, this omission represents a missed opportunity for the approach to better inform transport planners about rhythms of use.

6.7.3 Aspects of the applicability gap tackled by times‐of‐the‐city approach

Structural aspects of the applicability gap

To describe how the times‐of‐the‐city approach dealt with the structural aspects of the applicability gap I focused on its transdisciplinary approach and on the way the close‐knit network of involved experts was bound together. Simply put, the times‐of‐the‐city approach is a reaction to two gaps between different ‘communities’. The first gap put on the agenda by the approach is the gap between socio‐economic policy actors and physical‐planning policy actors. The other is the gap between academia and planning practice. The major strategy for tackling these gaps is to employ a transdisciplinary approach, which is in fact a strategy focusing on meta‐level aspects (see below). In addition, another strategy is to develop a knowledge base particular to the times‐of‐the‐city approach and to disseminate it through professional educa‐tion.

With regard to the gap between social policy actors and physical planning actors, the differences are seen as a problem of professional language as well as of a differ‐ence in problem perception. Bonfiglioli et al. (2009), for example, puts much empha‐sis on the differences in conception of the city in terms of either temporal or spatial structures. But while this difference between spatial thinking and time‐oriented thinking is a spearhead in the times‐of‐the‐city approach, the problem is part of a wider problem of differing professional categories (see e.g. Tummers and Boer, 2003). And that wider problem is poorly conceptualised within the times‐of‐the‐city ap‐proach. Still, it is implied by aiming for a transdisciplinary approach that seeks to do research based on extra‐scientific problems.

The gap between academia and practice has been considered in more depth in the literature on the times‐of‐the‐city approach. Moreover, it is one of the central problems addressed in the approach. It is considered in two ways. Firstly, it is consid‐ered in terms of academia informing policy makers. Secondly, it is considered in terms of empowerment of non‐political actors.

The approach is successful as an example of a cross‐border community‐of‐practice that functions, particularly in Italy, as an epistemic community (see Chapter 1). But it cannot lay claim to the status of a widely acknowledged, cross‐border ‘epistemic community’ as defined by Haas (1992). Only within that community and its network in public policy can it be said to provide a vehicle for tackling the structural aspects of the applicability gap. The dissemination of its practices shows some slowing down after first speeding up in the 1990s. The latest examples of applications of the times‐of‐the‐city approach, e.g. the VERA‐case, seem to get more scientific recognition, but are not having much effect in real‐life situations. This is disappointing in terms of the

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expectations (see e.g. Drewe, 2004, and Nio and Reijndorp, 1997), but this cannot be put down to structural aspects only.

Procedural aspects of the applicability gap

Different from sources on tracking technologies, the literature of the times‐of‐the‐city approach showed direct interest in planning instruments that help in tackling the applicability gap. In this chapter I demonstrated that the planning process itself is seen as a planning instrument, mainly with regard to participatory planning. But such considerations about planning process or procedure are not the core of what I con‐sider procedural aspects of the applicability gaps.

Procedural aspects of the applicability gap between empirical knowledge of tem‐porospatial activity patterns of people and urban and regional design and planning concern those aspects that demonstrate the applicability gap as a ‘glitch’ in design and planning processes. Within the times‐of‐the‐city approach this ‘glitch’ is defined as the difference between framing planning as an issue of spatial order as opposed to framing it as an issue of temporal order. Therefore, I focused not on the method of the times‐of‐the‐city approach in terms of participatory planning (how it solves such planning problems is rather related to what I consider structural aspects of the appli‐cability gap), but on how the approach attempts to make knowledge of temporospa‐tial activity patterns of people integral to planning and design processes.

I distinguished three building blocks that are put forward by the times‐of‐the‐city approach to do that: the framing of the rhythm of the city as a planning problem, temporospatial planning concepts and a visual language. Together this set of proce‐dural building blocks provides for a strongly coherent approach. However, as a com‐prehensive approach it is also time consuming and tends to isolate itself from physi‐cally‐oriented planning processes. As such it only solves the applicability gap problem for the gap between empirical knowledge about temporal order and planning of time, but not that between empirical knowledge about temporospatial order and urban and regional design and planning being concerned with spatial order. The times‐of the‐city approach has here shifted the applicability gap to a gap between two types of planning: time planning and spatial planning. In contrast to the internal coherence and consistency of the approach, weaknesses remain with regard to its ‘external’ positioning. For example, framing a planning problem as a timespace problem is mar‐ginal in the times‐of‐the‐city approach in comparison to framing planning problems in terms of time proper. Moreover, applications of the approach show that integral problem framing does not necessarily lead to integral action.

Content‐based aspects of the applicability gap

The development of theory over time, as part of the discourse on the times‐of‐the‐city approach, was in this chapter the main indicator of content‐based aspects of the applicability gap for this approach. While starting off, initially, from empirical ap‐


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proaches akin to time geography in Italy, an initial shift in the development of the approach was the introduction of an intervention‐oriented rationale based on urban design thinking. The rationale here was to use pilot studies as good practices that could be used elsewhere. This was hardly a scientifically supported approach, though it was largely driven by academia. A subsequent shift at the end of the 1990s was characterised by the deepening of theory on the approach along the lines of political social sciences. However, different developments show diverging trends here. On the one hand, the approach was filled in by linking it to a sociological methodology, in particular based on Giddens (1984) and Habermas (1984, 1987). On the other hand it was filled in from a more technological viewpoint linking it to transport science (e.g. Bailly and Heurgon, 2001). However, the latter remained marginal within most litera‐ture on the approach. In addition, the approach seemed to have been inspired by theories of participatory planning approaches, though there is little documentation within the body of literature on the approach regarding the theoretical basis of par‐ticipatory approaches.

The literature on the approach has actually shown little progress on tackling con‐tent‐based aspects of the applicability gap with regard to its core concepts: urban rhythms. Although interesting starting points have been developed in terms of visual analysis, little has come of an explanatory knowledge‐theoretical framework about how that knowledge is really used other than intuitively in participatory planning. Over time the times‐of the‐city approach has tended to shift from an extra‐scientific rationale to an intra‐scientific rationale, partially driven by a search for funding and perhaps a maturing of the approach in an international context. This shift can be seen particularly in the quest for EU‐funding of research in contrast to early pilots that mainly leaned on practice‐based funding.

Paradoxically the intra‐scientific rationale leans on what is called in theoretical work on the approach ‘mode‐2’ science or ‘postnormal’ science which implies seeking the problem in society rather than in science (Mückenberger and Timpf, 2006). The VERA‐case is exemplary (see section 6.2.2), also for demonstrating that the impact of the times‐of‐the‐city approach in reality has not been proven yet by publications on the approach (see Timpf, 2005; Mückenberger and Timpf, 2006). Although the ap‐proach has been able to attract funding, which is one indicator of success, evaluation of pilot cases is scarce and, if applied, not fulfilling as representative analysis of the approach as a whole.

6.7.4 Times‐of‐the‐city and dimensions of knowledge utility

In this section I revisit the times‐of‐the‐city approach from the viewpoint of the di‐mensions of knowledge utility. As with the conclusions on the tracking‐based ap‐proach in Chapter 5, this relates to the meta‐level aspects of the applicability gap. I consider here two of the three dimensions of knowledge utility: how knowledge ‘travels’ to application and the strategies by which to enhance the use of knowledge (see Chapter 4). I address here the sub‐question of which strategies to embedding

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knowledge of temporospatial patterns of people are put forward by this particular approach. Table 6.9 shows how the times‐of‐the‐city approach is primarily problem‐driven while it uses action‐research strategies. However, for its theoretical founda‐tion (right hand columns) it leans on models of knowledge utility that are largely set apart from its core business. In attempts to disseminate the experiences with the times‐of‐the‐city approach researchers and practitioners lean heavily on person‐based strategies (see left‐hand column and column ‘influencing people’) in which several lead partners within the network are the ‘carriers’ of the message, partially formalised in educational formats. This goes in particular for Sandra Bonfiglioli, Jean‐Yves Boulin and Ulrich Mückenberger.




Infl. people






x


X X x X x

Interactive Model

x x x

Political Model

x x

Tactical Model

X x

Enlightenment Model

x x


x

Table 6.9 Typical problem‐solution sets for tackling the applicability gap problem in the times‐of‐the‐city approach. Grey clusters indicate likely ways forward.

The transdisciplinary strategy of the times‐of‐the‐city approach, in terms of sorting effect in real‐life situations, is successful only to a limited degree. Despite its focus on planning practice, the transdisciplinary approach, of which the times‐of‐the‐city ap‐proach is made up, is initiated from academia. That is a plausible reason for the aca‐demia‐practice gap to remain. Both the failures and successes of VERA (Läpple et al., 2010) may be seen exemplary in this regard. Moreover, the transdisciplinary ap‐proach does not seem to provide a solution to the fundamentally multi‐sectoral prob‐lem within public policy that is presented by the times‐of‐the‐city approach, i.e. the gap between social policy and physical planning policy in particular, with mobility policy also playing its part. Therefore, although the approach covers a wide range of models of knowledge use (cf. left hand column of Table 6.9), it fails to really ‘enlighten’ in a wider context than its immediate actions. Moreover, there are indica‐


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tions that the approach may be used ‘tactically’, merely as a proof of responsiveness. The literature on the times‐of‐the‐city approach does provide some instruments in response, but fails to document failure and success (or non‐measurable impact) of, for example, mobility pacts or comprehensive territorial time plans.

6.7.5 Lessons from the times‐of‐the‐city approach

Two lessons for tackling the applicability gap are readily identifiable from the times‐of‐the‐city approach. Whether they also ‘work’ outside the research and planning community that adheres to the approach, however, is a different question. In its ‘heavy’ form, the times‐of‐the‐city approach offers an example of a ‘truly’ integral temporospatial planning policy with the ‘plan’ being central; including urban designs for particular public spaces, for the timespace ordering of an urban area or even an urban region. And that plan is then supported by an ‘evidence‐base’ of empirical research on urban rhythms and possible problems with them. As such the times‐of‐the‐city approach may have been a type of approach to progress in urban planning practice, if only for its marginal position in wider physical planning processes which displays a significant weakness of the approach. This weakness needs to be seen in light of its strong orientation towards problem solving as its characteristic model for knowledge utility.

Although applications of the times‐of‐the‐city approach pay much attention to meta‐level, methodological aspects, in the end, the times‐of‐the‐city approach con‐ceptualises the applicability gap primarily with regard to its procedural aspects. Still, solutions to the applicability gap problem are sought in both structural aspects as well as in procedural aspects (by ‘inventing’ a new cartography). Content‐based as‐pects are considered in developing a transdisciplinary approach, but in this ‘heavy’ form less so than in the ‘light’ form. Exemplary is the Pesaro case (Bonfiglioli et al., 1999) and later the Bergamo case (Comune di Bergamo, 2006).

Where do the weaknesses of the approach lie in its ‘heavy’ form? Its weaknesses are mainly conceptual, but also procedural in nature. The latter refers to its definition of planning and the insertion in wider public planning procedures: planning of time as central to the approach being disconnected from physical, spatial planning. The for‐malisation of the approach in Italian and French planning law seems a step forward, but based on the available information is not shown to have an effect on the embed‐ding in the urban and regional design and planning discipline. The former, the con‐ceptual problems of the approach refer to the remaining disconnect between the conceptualisation of time and the conceptualisation of space. Although the concept of time has been positioned in the approach as being connected to particular places, which was a significant shift from generic time policies, this does not mean that it is also inherently spatial, i.e. linked to spatial order.

Weaknesses can also be found in the disconnect between temporal data and spa‐tial data collected in the empirical research that is part of the approach; there seems little concern for the spatial distribution of urban rhythms, although the visual in‐

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struments do provide an opening to do so and the work by, in particular, Bonfiglioli et al. (1999) suggests so. Partially, the weaknesses of the approach are related to the disconnect between the problematisation of temporal order in the approach and the role of physical‐spatial design in the approach; urban design is only hinted at on a very small scale, e.g. design of a square. Documentation of urban designs is fragmen‐tary, based on pilots only and not demonstrated to be effective to help solve the problems. But also a disconnect from transport planning can be observed in the ap‐proach, despite flirting with it through so‐called ‘mobility arrangements’ belonging to the domain of traffic management.

It is never really made clear how physical urban planning being integral to the plan‐led viewpoint characteristic to the times‐of‐the‐city approach may contribute to solving the problem of arrhythmia and sovereignty over one’s own time schedules (Zeitsouveränität). Overall there seems to be neglect within the approach as to regu‐lar urban design and planning processes. For the large part the times‐of‐the‐city ap‐proach sees planning as the planning of time. This signifies that both a research‐practice gap as well as a practice‐practice gap remains in place between social plan‐ning and physical planning. The absence of evaluations and documentation of suc‐cessfulness of applications of the approach, published in English, is devastating for seeing this as an exemplary approach to be applied outside the context in which it was developed.

A ‘lighter’ form of tackling the applicability gap problem is centred on the sensitis‐ing of planning actors to the idea that urban rhythms are important to planning the transformation of urban areas. This sensitising needs to be seen in light of the times‐of‐the‐city approach being driven by the desire to ‘empower’ weaker planning actors; weaker both in comparison to government as well as in comparison to large commer‐cial actors. The implicit conceptualisation of the applicability gap problem in the ap‐proach comprises a combination of structural aspects and content‐based aspects, while procedural aspects are of lesser concern in this ‘light’ approach of tackling the applicability gap. The approach offers a number of tools for this sensitising, but it may be clear that other tools for sensitising are possible. Three tools may be transferable: timespace visualisation, the transdisciplinary or action‐research approach, and co‐design with urban actors. However, apart from the visualisation aspect these are not characteristic for tackling the applicability gap between knowledge of activity pat‐terns of people and urban and regional design and planning. They rather apply more generically to participatory planning. The weaknesses of this ‘light’ approach seem to be related directly to the fact that it is a ‘light’ approach and as such have little real impact. The available data on applications of the approach, though, do not provide much information on the impact of the approach.

Chapter 7 Conclusions and reflections on timespace, applicability gap, and knowledge utility

7.1 Introduction

In this final chapter I revisit the main research questions put forward in Chapter 1. To deal with these questions I have developed a methodological and theoretical frame‐work that provides a definition of concepts and an operationalisation of the key con‐cepts that are part of the main research questions (Chapters 2, 3 and 4). The work comprises an explorative study, focused on opening new avenues of research or new views onto promising avenues of research. In two chapters, comprising the analyses of two complementary approaches, I have searched for ways to understand and im‐prove the application of knowledge of temporospatial activity patterns of people in urban and regional design and planning. These Chapters 5 and 6 were built along the lines of different aspects of the applicability gap problem: structural, procedural and content‐based aspects. In addition, concepts derived from knowledge utility studies provide a meta‐level to analyse these approaches as to their concern for the utility of knowledge of temporospatial activity patterns of people. This latter aspect concerns three dimensions: how knowledge ‘travels’, strategies to enhance knowledge utility, and stages of knowledge utility. The first two dimensions have already been used to draw conclusions on the individual approaches in Chapters 5 and 6. Here I compile those findings in light of the main research questions and confront them with the ladder of knowledge utilisation. This chapter starts off by reflecting on the first re‐search question which concerns the matter of timespace.

7.2 Understanding timespace

7.2.1 Frames: timespace in the approaches

In this section 7.2.1 I revisit the sub‐question resorting under the main research ques‐tion of this thesis, on how the ordering of timespace is considered in the framing of design and planning tasks within particular approaches. My theoretical starting point was time geography. In Chapter 2 I showed how a critique on time geography was expressed within the domain of geography and in the sociological work of Anthony Giddens, David Harvey and Manuel Castells. I address here the issue of how the two approaches have dealt with the critique on time geography.

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Critically following a major part of this critique, I proposed in Chapter 2 to look at activity patterns of people in terms of mechanisms of timespace adaptation. A major critique on time geography from within social geography concerns its lack of atten‐tion for processes of timing space and spacing time. Another can be characterised as a phenomenological critique, partially related to feminist geography (see section 2.3.2).

From the perspective of sociology, Giddens’ critique focuses on the lack of atten‐tion for ‘the transformative character of all human action’, the focus on movement, the cultural boundedness of the notion of constraints, and time geography’s weakly developed theory of power (see section 2.3.3). Harvey focuses on the left‐open ques‐tions of ‘… how ‘stations’ and ‘domains’ are produced…’ ; … of ‘how and why certain social projects and their characteristic ‘coupling constraints’ become hegemonic…’ ; ‘… why certain social relations dominate other’; and ‘how meaning gets assigned to places, spaces, history, and time.’ (see section 2.3.4) Manuel Castells’ work cannot be seen as such a firm and directed critique, but his focus on the necessity to understand ‘timeless time’ is relevant here nonetheless (see section 2.3.5). Do the approaches get beyond ‘assembling massive empirical data on timespace biographies [that] does not get at the answers to these broader questions’, as Harvey summarises his critique?

The first approach to embed knowledge on activity patterns in urban and regional design and planning, analysed in this thesis ‐ based on tracking studies – showed mostly to be oriented towards collecting as large as possible amounts of empirical data on patterns of activities of people. Because of that, it fails to address most cri‐tique that was initially directed at time geography. It is indeed primarily, although not exclusively and fundamentally not only, focused on movement of bodies rather than on activities taking place in situ. The use of tracking technologies does not fit the requirements to analyse the intertwining of processes that constitute Castells’ time‐less time; tracking largely lacks the potential to shift the analysis to macro develop‐ments. Tracking studies show little concern, so far, for the variety of cultural contexts of activity behaviour. In particular, any questions about power relations and about processes of how hegemony of certain processes and ordering get constituted, as brought up by Giddens and Harvey, remain out of sight; or more critically, are blocked out of view by the quantitively oriented, dominant paradigms in tracking studies. In particular, the dominance of the Geographic Information Science paradigm holds little promise of answering these questions. This can also be argued for the constraints for activity behaviour conditioned by physical designs and planning rules.

Still, some examples of tracking studies indicate that the possibility to visualise ac‐tivity patterns makes it possible, though not a priori, to circumvent this critique. The exceptional position of the work by Christian Nold, on emotional cartographies and grass‐rooting planning initiatives, demonstrates that a phenomenological or an emancipation view of tracking studies is possible, though not the obvious choice in setting up tracking research. Another interesting exception, which addresses one aspect of ‘assigning meaning’ as brought up by Harvey, is the connection made by some studies to new media, social gaming and location‐based services. As to the

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relevance of these for tracking in the context of urban and regional design and plan‐ning, it is too early, yet, to draw conclusions. Still, based on these exceptions, the tracking‐based approach demonstrates potential to address some major points of critique, by sociologists, of time geography. Another positive note, within its limits as to the empirical character of tracking data, is that tracking studies, in contrast to diary‐based analysis of activity patterns, are able to provide a better understanding of how ‘pockets of local order, ‘bundles’ or ‘stations’ may get constituted over time through the repeated use of particular places and how they are bound to other places through the compilation of a multitude of activity patterns made visible by visualising tracking data. It must be acknowledged that this does not answer that full ‘how’ question, although it may do so to a certain degree. As to the ‘why’ question of local temporospatial order, tracking data does not provide answers, but it does pro‐vide some explorative starting point for further study, in particular in its combination with other research techniques.

The second analysed approach to embed knowledge on activity patterns of peo‐ple in urban and regional design and planning, the times‐of‐the‐city approach, fo‐cuses on collecting data on important sets of constraints for activity patterns rather than activity patterns themselves. It is also focused, by means of transdisciplinary research, on finding ways to influence these constraints. As such, it seems, at first sight, to circumvent the problem that assembling massive amounts of data on activity behaviour is not the answer to questions on why and how activity behaviour is as it is, and how and why it develops over time. The approach is fundamentally driven by feminist geography and sociology. The times‐of‐the‐city approach has over time come to address, explicitly, issues raised by Castells; this is particularly true for issues of working time and flex‐time, less so for social arrhythmia and real‐time interactions in economic systems. The approach focuses on both stationary activities and on (the timing of) movement, although not always in combination. But all this does not mean it fully addresses the critique on time geography. An important question to review the times‐of‐the‐city approach against the critique of time geography is to what de‐gree the people using the approach consider different aspects of temporospatial order as givens. Different from time geography, the times‐of‐the‐city approach does not accept institutional ordering of timespace as a given. However, within several, primarily area‐based examples, the approach does seem to imply that physical loca‐tion and structure is seen largely as a given, with only marginal possibilities for spatial intervention or development over time. This implies a limited applicability in the domain of urban and regional design and planning.

Another aspect that seems a given in the times‐of‐the‐city approach is the major categorisation of working time versus time over which individuals have more auton‐omy. This is a major simplification within the approach, not justified by the sociology of daily life, nor of time geography proper. Still, the approach does imply a richer than usual conceptualisation of ‘inhabitants’ including different types of ‘temporary’ in‐habitants of cities such as tourism‐oriented and business‐oriented visitors. It also acknowledges a wide range of Zeitgebers, not only government regulations, but par‐

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ticularly also large companies, schools and less graspable social arrangements. The approach seems unique in the way it aims to pick up the agency of civilians in new developments in work rhythms affected by globalisation, e.g. in the Bremen2030 case for the Daimler‐Chrysler plant; its success in making change happen, however, is limited. The times‐of‐the‐city approach focuses on what limits activities and changes to activity patterns, but not so much at what drives these activity patterns and changes in them. With its focus on the tension between collective rhythms and peo‐ple’s autonomy over their own time schedule, the approach remains limited in clarify‐ing social relations amongst people; a critique that implies that the question of why some social relations dominate over others remains unanswered in the approach.

In the end, the times‐of‐the‐city approach is stuck with a major switching‐between‐scales problem (cf. VROM‐raad, 2009). Its area‐based focus limits a wider view including multiple temporal and spatial scales. Another problem of a more con‐ceptual nature is its promise of, but disconnection of the conceptualisation of local processes and regional/global processes; much remains implicit in the approach. Moreover, the explanatory theory used in the times‐of‐the‐city approach to inter‐vene in the spatial ordering of time schedule and temporal ordering spatial structure seems not fully plausible, also marginally made explicit or documented. As part of that problem, proponents of the approach are yet to fully address the issues that arise from cross‐border and cross‐cultural transfer of the approach, despite European co‐operation.

From a viewpoint hovering over both approaches, one aspect still, of the critique of time geography, particularly implied by Harvey, needs to be highlighted: neither of the approaches fundamentally address why or how knowledge on activity patterns of people is not part of mainstream thinking. This will be addressed, to a limited degree, in section 7.3 with the help of theoretical framework on the applicability gap and knowledge utility as developed in Chapters 3 and 4.

timespace convergence

timespace flexibilisation

timespace individualisation

timespace compression

tracking approach

x X x x

times‐of‐the‐city approach

x X x

Table 7.1 The foci of the two approaches with regard to the framing of mechanisms of time‐space adaptation

Let’s shift the focus to the theoretical framework on temporospatial ordering con‐cerning the mechanisms of timespace adaptation, derived from time geography and the critiques on it. In Chapters 5 and 6 I conclude that the approaches have only mar‐ginally focused on the mechanisms of timespace adaptation. Still, the shared focus of both approaches on timespace flexibilisation and individualisation seems to open up new ways of thinking about how to intervene in urban areas and regions from within


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the domain of urban and regional design and planning. As far as they do address mechanisms of timespace adaptation, Table 7.1 provides insight into the different foci of the two approaches. What is remarkable about this focus is that the two ap‐proaches analysed in this thesis complement the already existing interest, within transportation planning, in timespace distances and travel speed – i.e. related to processes of timespace convergence – with relatively new fields of attention: indi‐vidualisation and flexibilisation. The societal problems of timespace compression (see section 1.2.4) remain underreported and seem somewhat taken for granted.

Much effort in both the tracking‐based approach and in the times‐of‐the‐city ap‐proach goes into making patterns of use, in both time and space, visible. However, this only helps to set the minimal basic requirements for applying knowledge of activ‐ity patterns of people in urban and regional design and planning, i.e. to get onto the first stages of the ladder of knowledge utilisation (see further below). With an inte‐gral framing of temporospatial problems the times‐of‐the‐city approach provides openings to go beyond that first step in temporospatial planning and with temporo‐spatial interventions; the territorial time plan is its most visible innovation to do so. But it fails, yet, to get beyond the effort of introducing temporospatial concerns into spatial planning processes; at least as far as can be observed based on the available literature on the approach. With the recently more documented shift to ‘transdisci‐plinary practices’ (see Mückenberger and Timpf, 2006), it may indeed become possi‐ble to lift this approach to a next level.

There is one facet of how to address timespace in urban and regional design and planning where the approaches show progress, even innovation. That is in the visual representation of timespace. Because of a hike in digital data collection, and through the development of integrally temporospatial data sets, much ground has been gained in the 2000s. But this seems to be only a first start. There is still much to gain in developing temporospatial cartography so as to put more intricate conceptualisa‐tions of timespace literally in the picture of urban and regional design and planning. A warning seems in place here. The applicability gap problem has more facets than can be overcome to a large extent just by visualisation. Visualising temporospatial data is far from designing and planning based on principles of temporospatial order. More‐over, Chapter 5 on tracking technologies has also shown that in particular, though not only, novices are easily seduced into too easily drawing conclusions from empirical data for designing future situations.

7.2.2 Being realistic about an understanding of timespace in design and planning

The first main research question was:


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I summarise my conclusions here, based on a combination of the conclusions in Chap‐ters 5 and 6 and those formulated in the section above. The overall picture that emerges from the two approaches is that it proves very difficult to address the intri‐cate mechanisms of timespace adaptation in such a way that knowledge about these mechanisms really helps formulating planning and design tasks in urban and regional design and planning. Moreover, the relations between mechanisms are poorly drawn out by the approaches, though the times‐of‐the‐city approach displays links between some mechanisms. There appears to be a true gap between the richness of the the‐ory about the dynamics of temporospatial activity patterns of people and the prag‐matics of knowledge application based on such substantive theory in planning prac‐tices.

I conclude that to build any argument considering the relevance of knowledge on activity patterns of people in urban and regional design and planning, grasping the importance of mechanisms of timespace adaptation is important to act upon an un‐derstanding of timespace when making urban and regional designs and plans. How‐ever, it seems necessary to take small steps in introducing timespace considerations in the domain of urban and regional design and planning. It seems necessary to choose an appropriate level of complexity in using timespace concepts in framing urban design and planning tasks: taking one mechanism of timespace adaptation as a starting point seems to work in the context of particular projects. This may help in getting also more complex interactions between the mechanisms of timespace adap‐tation in the picture. But at the level of particular approaches, overarching separate projects, one would expect a higher level of complexity to be possible. The two ap‐proaches analysed do not demonstrate this, but they neither exclude the possibility.

7.3 Applicability gap: the potential of the approaches

7.3.1 Strengths of the approaches

In this section I consider the sub‐question of what aspects of the studied approaches help in tackling the applicability gap problem. For this I revisit the conclusions in Chapters 5 and 6 and compile these into more general findings. It is important to note, again, that it is not my aim to compare the approaches, but to analyse them separately against the theoretical framework.

The analysis of tracking‐based approaches put different types of learning proc‐esses forward. It shows that sensitising both novices, as well as stakeholders in plan‐ning processes, to knowledge on activity patterns offers possibilities for tackling the applicability gap problem. The times‐of‐the‐city approach shows to be rather coher‐ent as an approach. In particular, it is coherent with regard to addressing empirical research, design and policy from a singular framework of thinking. That is an effect of the adherence to a narrowly defined and, within a relatively closed research and planning community, shared problem perception: urban arrhythmia in which sover‐


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eignty over one’s own time schedules (Zeitsouveränität) is severely under pressure. The planning concept around which the approach is organised is the concept of the ‘urban rhythm’ or the ‘chronotope’.

Based on the findings regarding the times‐of‐the‐city approach it can be con‐firmed that sensitising is important for tackling the applicability gap problem. In addi‐tion, with the territorial time plan, a comprehensive approach is put forward in the approach, although its effectiveness is not clear‐cut. The findings regarding the times‐of‐the‐city approach also demonstrate the importance of agenda setting, an impor‐tant step in tackling the applicability gap problem. Compare here the critical article by Klaasen (to be published) on the lack of attention to small grains of time in the agenda setting New Charter of Athens (ECTP, 2003). The approach demonstrates, on the one hand, the focus that is required as well as the necessity for network building. With the help of clear focus and a strong network it is possible to start influencing the framing of the material object of urban and regional design and planning in new ways. On the other hand, the analysis has also shown that too much focus and too tight a network may also hinder the ‘landing’ in mainstream urban and regional design and planning.

7.3.2 Knowledge utility in the approaches

In Chapters 5 and 6 I have evaluated two approaches on how they dealt with the applicability gap problem with regard to knowledge about temporospatial activity patterns of people in the domain of urban and regional design and planning. In this section I address the sub‐question regarding these aspects of the approaches that do not assist in tackling the applicability gap problem. The evaluation positions each particular approach within three dimensions of knowledge utility: (1) the way in which knowledge ‘travels’ in particular contexts, (2) strategies for enhancing the utility of knowledge, and (3) the degree of knowledge use on a scale of knowledge utility.

The approaches analysed show to be incapable of reaching the level of ‘knowl‐edge application’ on the ladder of knowledge utilisation. Although there are several openings for bettering knowledge utility in both approaches, the findings are disap‐pointing with regard to fundamentally bridging the applicability gap between knowl‐edge of activity patterns of people and urban and regional design and planning. The findings on strategies and models of knowledge utility as identified for the particular approaches do not represent a satisfactory bridging of the applicability gap. To un‐derstand how the approaches are not satisfactory, it is important to go back to the so‐called ‘ladder of knowledge utilisation’ (Landry et al., 2001a). This ‘ladder’ lists the following stages, in order of increasing utility of knowledge:

Transmission

Cognition

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Reference

Effort

Influence

Application of knowledge Timespace theory (Chapter 2) and theory on applicability‐gap aspects (Chapter 3) provide the criteria for drawing conclusions on the position of the approaches on this ladder; this also demonstrates the interrelatedness of the two main research ques‐tions. So, in how far does the conceptualisation of timespace in the approaches pre‐sent problems or chances on the ladder of knowledge utilisation?

To start off, it is remarkable that neither of the approaches puts timespace con‐vergence central to its view of informing urban and regional design and planning (see section 7.2). Flexibilisation and individualisation are generally seen as closely interre‐lated processes in both the approach based on tracking technologies as well as in the times‐of‐the‐city approach. Timespace compression, although referred to in both approaches, is in the end poorly considered as being related to the other mechanisms and factually underreported throughout the approaches. Moreover, both approaches – but particularly the times‐of‐the‐city approach – display a focus on timespace con‐straints, rather than on the translation to mechanisms of timespace adaptation.

The major problem here seems to lie in the step from ‘reference’ to ‘effort’ on the ladder of utilisation. This means that while practical applications of approaches may refer to mechanisms of timespace adaptation as a backdrop, they hardly translate them to efforts ‘to adopt the results of research by practitioners and professionals’ (Landry et al., 2001a: 399), let alone that such knowledge may have had ‘influence’ and may be really ‘applied’. The times‐of‐the‐city approach, on some occasions, does take the step to efforts and influence. However, its practice‐based examples so far show only limited success in sorting real change, an important factor in the last step of knowledge use: application.

Secondly, to demonstrate how the approaches are not satisfactory, I look at the conceptual matrix of knowledge use depicting two dimensions of knowledge utility from Chapter 4 (see Table 7.2). In the conclusions of Chapters 5 and 6 I have posi‐tioned each approach in this matrix. Looking at these accumulatively, there is one major part of the conceptual matrix that remains underreported: interactive models of knowledge use in combination with strategies focusing on media as knowledge integrator and the influencing of people. To a lesser degree, the ‘enlightenment model’ of knowledge use and the role of ‘research as part of the intellectual enter‐prise of society’ are underreported with regard to integrator‐based strategies as well as with regard to influencing people.

Moreover, the ‘scoring’ of the approaches within the conceptual matrix should be put in perspective. If, as concluded in section 7.2, the approaches are not satisfactory in dealing with mechanisms of timespace adaptation, how much remains of ap‐proaches that build on strategies for enhancing knowledge use that require that they do? This concern goes in particular for the top right quadrant of the conceptual ma‐


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trix (knowledge‐driven, problem‐solving and interactive models combined with strategies based on reflection‐in‐action, epistemological theory and integral substan‐tive theory). This is where the times‐of‐the‐city approach, as well as approaches based on tracking technologies, show their major weaknesses.

For the omission of the interactive model of knowledge use and the enlighten‐ment model of knowledge use, I conclude two things. On the one hand, such use of knowledge may remain invisible in the type of analysis used here. On the other hand, it may mean that non‐linear processes of knowledge use are poorly embedded in design and planning practice and academia. This is in line with the finding that nei‐ther of the approaches has truly concerned itself with the so‐called ‘reservoir of knowledge’ (see Chapter 3, section 3.4) that is necessary for such models and strate‐gies. How does this translate to the ladder of knowledge utilisation? It means that even though such use of knowledge may help in getting to the ‘influence’ and ‘appli‐cation’ stages of knowledge utility, the considerations on temporospatial activity patterns of people may come off worst when put in the mix with other sorts of knowledge that are necessary to make urban and regional designs and plans.




Infl. people







Interactive Model

Political Model

Tactical Model

Enlightenment Model


Table 7.2 Gaps in the knowledge utility scheme. Black: underreported; dark grey: less so, but still underreported; grey: weak base for strategies for and models of knowledge utility

For the ‘weakened’ quadrant of the conceptual matrix on the ladder of knowledge utilisation, it means something different. It means the risk of lip service while in fact getting stuck at the lowest level of knowledge utility: transmission. To step up the ‘ladder’ a firmer consideration of the mechanisms of timespace adaptation involved is needed. As well as a firmer consideration of the way these mechanisms are related to the domain of urban and regional design and planning (the ‘understanding’ neces‐

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sary to get to the ‘cognition’ and ‘reference’ stage). Without these considerations, researchers, designers and planners that find temporospatial activity patterns of people important can ‘send’ their information as much as they want, it will not gain much ground.

7.3.3 Summarising the potential of the approaches

The second main research question was:

What is the potential of particular approaches to contribute to resolving the applicability gap problem; approaches that aim to provide an understanding of temporospatial activity patterns of people from a design and planning per‐spective?

I conclude in the preceding section 7.3.2 that the potential of the two particular ap‐proaches analysed in this thesis are rather limited, and because I aim here to summa‐rise conclusions drawn in Chapters 5 and 6 and in the section above, this section on the potential of the approaches remains relatively short. To come to avenues for future research from a more positive perspective in section 7.4, it is still necessary to highlight the potential that is present in the approaches.

A general picture emerges where the key strength of any approach to tackling the applicability gap problem may be built up from instruments for sensitising designers and planners for knowledge on temporospatial activity patterns of people, in particu‐lar using data visualisation. The differences between the tracking‐based approach and the times‐of‐the‐city approach, viewed against the theoretical framework, show that there are different types of knowledge for which designers and planners could be sensitised. The times‐of‐the‐city approach offers instruments for indirectly collect‐ing data on temporospatial activity patterns of people by analysing and proposing urban schedules in terms of opening hours.

With tracking technologies as an empirical research instrument it becomes possi‐ble to ‘measure’ the rhythm of the city directly. As such, seen against the theoretical framework, approaches based on tracking fill a void left by the times‐of‐the‐city ap‐proach. The instrument of tracking may help in evaluating if measures taken through the times‐of‐the‐city approach make a difference. However, no such study has yet been done. The combination of both views on rhythms of use in a single study is also, as yet, non‐existent. Approaches based on tracking touch upon the relevance, for resolving the applicability gap problem, of attaining a multitude of representations of timespace to grasp the complexity of mechanisms of timespace adaptation (see sec‐tion 7.2).

If measured against the final stage of the ladder of knowledge utilisation – appli‐cation – the findings with regard to resolving of the applicability gap problem are disappointing. But it seems unfair to measure approaches only and fully against the ‘application’ stage of the ladder. This has to do with ‘approaches’ as the unit of analy‐


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sis in this thesis. Only situated practices may be fully analysed against that measure, as those ‘fully’ carry knowledge from its inception to its application. The approaches should be viewed as a means to get to a next stage, or to get up a particular number of stages on the ladder of knowledge utilisation; not as comprehensive approaches solving the applicability gap problem. This is also in line with conclusions by Landry, et al. (2001a) on a theory of knowledge utility. As for generalising those findings to a general approach it is in a combination of framing, sensitising, visualising and reflect‐ing in concrete design and planning practices where solutions can be found to the applicability gap problem.

This study shows that difficulties remain in the application of knowledge of tem‐porospatial activity patterns of people in the domain of urban and regional design and planning. The analysis of the two approaches has confirmed that this has to do with the interplay between different aspects of the applicability gap problem, and thus not only with the nature and/or quality of knowledge of activity patterns of people in the domain of urban and regional design and planning. But yet, any ap‐proach attempting to enhance the utility of knowledge of this subject needs to pro‐vide an understanding of how temporospatial activity patterns of people and the (changes in) physical‐spatial structure of cities and urban regions are linked. More‐over, such knowledge must be made part of the ‘reservoir of knowledge’ of the do‐main of urban and regional design and planning. That ‘reservoir’ may be fed and tapped into in different ways on each level of knowledge utility. Any approach should provide instruments to do so. In that sense, though, the two approaches analysed in this thesis have shown very limited success.

7.4 Reflecting on the findings: openings for further re‐search Now I take the argumentation back to the explorative nature of the thesis. I demon‐strate the necessity of and possibilities for further research. The question is what further research is necessary to embed knowledge of temporospatial activity patterns of people in the domain of urban and regional design and planning. I will not delve into what further research is considered necessary from within each particular ap‐proach analysed in this thesis. I will limit myself to building on the compound findings of this chapter. Within these boundaries I propose to consider future avenues of research in the context of getting up on the ladder of knowledge utilisation. Below I consider three avenues for further research that show potential in one way or an‐other: (a) tackling weaknesses to get on the ladder; (b) building on learned lessons to get from effort to influence; and (c) building on strengths: focusing on effectiveness of practices.

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7.4.1 Dealing with weaknesses: getting on the ladder

A first avenue of future research may focus on dealing with some of the primary bot‐tlenecks in using knowledge of temporospatial activity patterns of people that I found in this thesis. In light of the conclusions so far, two stages on the ladder of knowledge utilisation deserve particular attention in further research: the stage of ‘getting on the ladder’, and the stage of getting from ‘effort’ to ‘influence’. This section concerns the former.

Getting on the ladder implies framing of urban and regional design and planning questions in terms of temporospatial planning concepts. Moreover, a range of more or less temporospatial planning concepts has been around for some time. In this study, the chronotope concept, used to put the times‐of‐the‐city approach on the agenda of policy makers, is the clearest concept. This does not necessarily mean that it is plausible or credible as a concept to work with. But for now that is a concern on another level of the ladder of knowledge utilisation. Some of the most easily grasp‐able and thus compelling types of planning concepts are those based on travel times, for example, the 20‐minute, 25‐minute or 30‐minute city or neighbourhood. Such concepts are much akin to compact city approaches or transit‐oriented development approaches. These concepts relate to ideas on connecting urban systems on different levels of scale and to multimodal approaches to transport concerning so‐called ‘activ‐ity chaining’. There is also a trend in transport planning where isochronic maps are used as a tool to visualise this type of concepts. Earlier in this chapter I concluded that none of the approaches puts timespace convergence central to its view of in‐forming urban and regional design and planning. This was remarkable, because it is most directly linked to physical conditions of mobility that may be influenced by physical interventions. It is likely that, if I had included an approach based around transport planning, this omission would have been corrected. In Chapter 3 I have demonstrated that such approaches have their own particular problems of knowl‐edge application. Further research compensating for this omission could address those problems in relation to the use of planning concepts.

Another concept that deserves attention in such a line of inquiry is the multiple space use concept, in the Netherlands developed in particular through the Habiforum program (Habiforum, 2009). Although the definition of multiple space use identifies the temporal dimension (Lagendijk and Wisserhof, 1999a), there is little to show for it in the Habiforum material. This is disappointing. For that reason I did not expect a further analysis to deliver on the research question at hand, and therefore, I have also not included it in this thesis. However, as a temporospatial planning concept it does deserve more attention, as does an exploration of situations where multiple space use has been treated in planning practice in terms of both time and space.

I would also suggest exploring further recent planning approaches that refer to the concept ‘daily urban system’. It would be of relevance then to also revisit urban agglomeration concepts of the 1970s and 1980s, an episode in Dutch planning that is known for its explicit attention to the ways in which temporospatial activity patterns


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of people could be responded to by urban and regional design and planning (see also Cammen and Klerk, 2003) (for examples see Klaasen and Radema, 1987; Radema and Klaasen, 1986; Klaasen, 2004). A closer look is called for to see in how far the tempo‐ral dimension is playing a role in planning and design strategies that nowadays use such concepts. The planning concept ‘daily urban system’ being used for planning policy for the Metropolitan Region of Amsterdam is such a recent example (Hoog and Vermeulen, 2009).

There is one last type of concept I want to draw attention to here: the 24‐hour city concept (Gwiazdzinski, 2003; Roberts and Turner, 2005; Tan and Klaasen, 2007) or the 7‐to‐7 concept and other daily schedule‐based concepts (e.g. Keuzenkamp et al., 2003). This type of concept is unique in its focus on temporospatial activity pat‐terns of people in terms of rhythms of use. It is a much more concrete, but less area‐based than the chronotope concept, and as such it deserves more attention as to how it is related to spatial structures of urban regions.

With such a range of available concepts, I imagine here a type of research on the effectiveness – in terms of putting timespace on the agenda of urban and regional design and planning – of temporospatial planning concepts. One could think of some‐thing along the lines of and extending on the work by Zonneveld (1989) and Zonne‐veld and Verwest (2005) or Graham and Healey (1999) who have studied the intro‐duction, use and development of spatial planning concepts over time.

Another way to approach getting onto the ladder of knowledge utilisation is to delve out a new theoretical line of inquiry – other than primarily reasoning from the border between geographical theory and planning theory as I did in this study. This may result in theoretical study on links between sociology of time (e.g. Gurvitch, 1964; Zerubavel, 1981; Zerubavel, 1982; Nowotny, 1994; cf. Urry, 2000) and time‐sensitive urban and regional design and planning. The work by Läpple et al. (2010) incorpo‐rates some of this line of inquiry, but this can and must be developed much further in light of the limited effectiveness of the times‐of‐the‐city approach. The gap between sociology and design and planning may be of a slightly different nature than that between geography and urban planning. The nature of this gap would require further study.

7.4.2 Learning lessons: getting from effort to influence

Although the chronotope concept helped, in Italy, to get onto the ladder of knowl‐edge utilisation, and maybe even some stages up the ladder, disappointingly, it did not make much of a difference in really influencing decisions of designers and plan‐ners outside the circle of those directly involved. Other factors proved more impor‐tant and provided major barriers. This is just one of several examples where this study has shown that, although it may be possible to climb the first stages of the ladder of knowledge utilisation, there is more needed to get higher up. It is necessary to search for ways to increase the credibility of knowledge of temporospatial activity patterns of people for urban and regional designers and planners. This is important,

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in particular to get beyond the ‘effort’ stage; where the approaches in this thesis seem to have been halted. One reflex would be to put much effort into fundamen‐tally improving that knowledge by doing more empirical studies and to search for ways to improve the models of activity behaviour. It is necessary to invest in that to be sure – to reach a reasonable level of plausibility that such a concept is valid to use. The possibility for using tracking technologies for ex‐post evaluation of physical inter‐ventions is one example to do so, contributing to strengthening urban theory. But the point of this thesis is also that that may not be the most important step to make.

How to translate that into future research which helps in getting from ‘effort’ to ‘influence’? Firstly, future research could focus on how to educate designers, plan‐ners and social geographers, both during formal years of education as well as in pro‐fessional learning. Learning processes would hence be the logical focus of analysis and development of learning methods. Secondly, future research could focus on the development of substantive knowledge from the point‐of‐view of nurturing an exten‐sive knowledge reservoir of principles of temporospatial organisation – or rather of mechanisms on timespace adaptation, for example, extending on the work by Klaasen (2004). Thirdly, research could focus on the complexity of knowledge use through case study research and/or action‐research. Such research is a counterpart to research that focuses on improving knowledge use by devising ‘better’ models of activity patterns of people; such in line with the suggestions by Brömmelstroet (2010) and Straatemeier, Bertolini, Brömmelstroet and Hoetjes (2010). Overseeing these suggested lines of inquiry, they have brought me back to the three major aspects of the applicability gap problem: structural, procedural and content‐based.

7.4.3 Building on strengths for application: sensitising, substance and plans

Future research has the largest chance of finding solutions for getting to the applica‐tion stage of knowledge utility when building on the accounts of knowledge utility strategies which I have identified as existing strengths in the analysed approaches This means that the effectiveness of approaches in sorting change in real‐life situa‐tions is central to such future research. Here, it is relevant to refer back to the defini‐tion of design given in Chapter 3: the process of mediating between knowledge and action by inventing possible future situations so as to change an existing situation into a preferred one.

This avenue of research may, in particular, have to focus on the latter part of the definition of design. I imagine extending the research of this study to doing evaluative research of the effect of particular approaches and/or planning instruments to en‐hance the use of knowledge of temporospatial activity patterns of people. However, it is important to note that, ironically, much of the knowledge utility literature on the gap between research and application of research concerns the lack of use of evalua‐tive research. In line with the lessons drawn from the two approaches in this thesis (see earlier in this chapter), one could think of future research along three lines: the effectiveness of sensitising strategies, the effect of certain substantive input, and the


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effectiveness of applying official plans for temporospatial planning extending on the instrument – i.e. the official form – of territorial time plans.

With regard to evaluating sensitising strategies I imagine particularly the following line of inquiry: The effectiveness of data visualisation via GIS in tackling applicability gap problems requires further study. It is necessary to connect into the domains of cartography and geographic information science; something that was beyond the scope of this thesis. Good starting points are offered by the work of Kraak and MacEachren (1994) and MacEachren (1995 (2004)), but also more recent, the work of Andrienko and Andrienko (2007; Keim et al., 2008). An important step forward from those studies is to shift from technology, cartography‐driven research towards appli‐cation‐driven research with, in this case, the domain of urban and regional design and planning as the context of application. Based on the use of tracking technologies in urban and regional design and planning, I have suggested in an earlier argument (Schaick, 2009) a particular avenue of research that may follow from this line of in‐quiry – or which could be developed on its own, that is to study the use and effec‐tiveness of single visualisations of temporospatial activity patterns in comparison to using sets of visualisations (see Schaick, 2009). Such study could lay bare the way in which designers use a range of information and visual ‘cues’ in the making of design decisions and subsequently how these may help in getting from the ‘effort stage’ to the ‘influence stage’ to the ‘application stage’ of knowledge utility.

With regard to evaluating the effectiveness of substantive input I imagine the fol‐lowing possible lines of inquiry, building on several of the concepts delivered by the approaches in this thesis. In the tension between an approach based on tracking technologies and the times‐of‐the‐city approach it is interesting to see in what way decisions informed by ‘directly’ measuring temporospatial behaviour differ from decisions based on analysing urban schedules and rhythms of opening hours. This reflects the tension between the viewpoint of the user and the viewpoint of con‐straints for users. One of the major problems in doing such research in real life is that experimenting is only possible to a very limited degree in the realisation of physical‐spatial, urban or regional interventions (Klaasen, 2005a). It may be possible to com‐pare similar real‐life situations in which measures based on one or the other view‐point have been realised. It will be difficult, however, to select cases to deliver results and in which the effects can be isolated from all other influential decisions on realisa‐tion. Key to any future research along this line of inquiry is the evaluation of physical‐spatial interventions.

The approaches based on tracking technologies in particular and, to a lesser de‐gree also the times‐of‐the‐city approach do offer the instruments to execute such evaluations. I have, however, signalled in the part of this study on tracking technolo‐gies that the long‐term commitment necessary to study situations both before and after an intervention is often not feasible. Ex‐ante and ex‐post evaluation methods should be able to help in this respect. Moreover, ex‐post evaluation studies using tracking technologies may help in substantiating theories about activity patterns of

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people being influenced by physical‐spatial interventions. The instruments of the times‐of‐the‐city approach may also suit ex‐ante analysis.

With regard to evaluating the effectiveness of official temporospatial plans I imag‐ine that the first priority is to evaluate those plans and initiatives that have been and are being launched in Italy, France and Germany in light of the times‐of‐the‐city ap‐proach. The first steps towards such evaluation have been taken in Germany, but should be extended, be made more robust and be applied to other contexts. How‐ever, language barriers are a major problem here with most planning documents, for example, with Italy and France having no or little English documentation on particular cases. As soon as such evaluations are available in English I would favour meta‐level analysis with a large number of studies put together to see what interventions really seemed to have worked and which are ineffective.

One last dimension deserves its own line of inquiry. This is the manner in which and the degree to which physical‐spatial plans and time plans complement, enforce or counteract each other. Such studies can also be done in contexts where time plans do not exists as official local plans, such as in the Netherlands and Belgium. Remarka‐bly, no such studies on complementary plans exist of yet, as far as I know.

7.5 Reflecting on the methodology of the study

7.5.1 Critical reflection on the complexity of the methodology

Here, in this final section of this thesis, it is important to reflect on my operationalisa‐tion of knowledge use and knowledge utility as the basis for the methodology of the work. The choice of a protocol to describe and analyse the approaches has been based on the similarity of the study with a multiple case study. In terms of the ele‐ments of the protocol, it rests in my unravelling of the applicability gap problem in four aspects: structural aspects, procedural aspects, content‐based aspects and meta‐level, or knowledge management and utility aspects. To answer this apparent com‐plexity of the problem of knowledge use, I have assembled a methodological frame‐work compiled of three dimensions of knowledge use: (1) the paths of knowledge in particular contexts based on the models of knowledge utility developed by Weiss (1979); (2) strategies of enhancing knowledge utility based on an eclectic reading of knowledge utility literature and the chapter on the applicability gap; and (3) the lad‐der of knowledge utilisation based on the work by Landry et al. (2001a). Combining the first two dimensions, I have set up a conceptual matrix in which I could position the approaches I was analysing. The findings based on this matrix have later been confronted with the ladder of knowledge utilisation. The four aspects of the applica‐bility gap problem have provided structure to indicators of the applicability gap prob‐lem within the approaches as a base line to draw conclusions.

The conceptual matrix has proved helpful in identifying distinctions between the approaches and laid bare both omissions as well as possible ways forward. The basic


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idea of the ladder of knowledge utilisation has worked well to answer the research question on a theoretical level. However, the complexity of the methodological framework has made it difficult to draw definitive and specific conclusions. The framework of three dimensions of knowledge utility and the four aspects of the ap‐plicability gap have necessarily been handled in a looser manner than would have been desirable to start with. A contributing problem has been the wide definition of the ‘receiving end’ of knowledge use. For this I have used the domain of urban and regional design and planning. This wide view has been the result of the search proc‐ess followed, but at the end of the day has shown to hinder becoming specific about successful knowledge use.

7.5.2 Possibilities for further methodological research

To improve on the methodology I can picture two favourable avenues of further methodological research. Each reduces the complexity of the methodological frame‐work by focusing on one or a combination of two dimensions of knowledge utility that I used in this thesis, or by reducing the complexity of the context of the study. The challenge of a first line of methodological work would be to study, in a relatively controlled setting, the ways in which urban and regional designers deal with design‐ing future development perspectives for an urban region starting from a problem statement on changes in the timespace organisation of daily lives of people living or visiting the region. This would make such research fundamentally different from much of the knowledge utility studies that focused on the range of knowledge in practice‐based settings. The focus on design would help in simplifying the methodo‐logical framework by reducing the complexity of the ‘receiving’ side of knowledge use from the wider domain to only the group of designers. Such work may build on the design research methodology akin to work by Cross (2001). The innovation in meth‐odological work would then also lie in the translation and application of research methods to the domain of urban and regional design and planning. Despite attempts to apply it to the domain of architecture (e.g. Hamel, 1990), the much more complex setting of urban and regional design remains a great challenge.

A second avenue of methodological research could focus particularly on ‘paths of knowledge’ while extending on the idea of the ladder of knowledge utilisation of Landry et al. (2001a). This line of methodological work could aim at reducing the complexity of the methodological framework by trying to isolate structural, proce‐dural, content‐based and knowledge management aspects of the applicability gap problem for paths of particular knowledge. It should bring the aspects of the applica‐bility gap problem in full confluence with the models of knowledge use – paths of knowledge – by Weiss (1979). It would so respect that the major lesson of this thesis is that such paths of knowledge should be seen as a result of a complex interaction of the autonomic dynamics of and gaps to overcome in planning processes, the struc‐tural divides between networks of actors, in addition to the ‘(mis)match’ of substan‐tive concepts used in research, design and planning on that path of knowledge use.

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Such research should pay attention to the fact that designers and planners at times seem to be overloaded by knowledge from different disciplines which they are ex‐pected to incorporate into their design. The result would be to identify particular strategies of knowledge utilisation rather than that they be part of the methodologi‐cal framework.

From a fully different perspective, methodological work could focus on the elabo‐rate theoretical framework of Chapter 2 and the conclusion that the richness of the theory does not match with the more pragmatic application of theory of timespace in the approaches. It would be worthwhile to think up proper ways to explore the pos‐sible interventions on the mechanisms of timespace adaptation from within the do‐main of urban and regional design and planning. This would require a technical, prac‐tical‐science approach. This is where the substantive body of knowledge of urban and regional design and planning can be extended. How research‐by‐design such as de‐fined by Klaasen (2004) can help here is a methodological question in itself. It is nec‐essary to develop protocols for such research‐by‐design with the purpose of develop‐ing temporospatial organisation principles that provide answers to the question of how to intervene in mechanisms of timespace adaptation.

Summary

Timespace matters Exploring the gap between knowing about activity patterns of people and knowing how to design and plan urban areas and regions

Aim, problem and research strategy

The explorative work contained in this study is about the ways in which urban and regional designers or planners can ‘know’ about people’s possible and probable activ‐ity and mobility behaviour in time and space, and about how they can act upon that knowledge while their object of study is something different, namely the design of the built environment. The starting point of the work is that it is important to know about people’s temporospatial‐activity patterns when making urban and regional designs and plans. The central problem is that

A gap occurs between understanding how temporospatial activity patterns of people get constituted and change, and knowing how to design and plan urban systems. This gap hinders the making of designs and plans for urban areas and regions that can accommodate plausible and probable fu‐ture patterns of temporospatial behaviour in a sustainable manner. With‐out understanding the ordering of time in relation to the ordering of space, this gap cannot be bridged. Nor can this problem be resolved without un‐derstanding knowledge‐application processes when different knowledge domains have to be bridged.

The general aim of this study has been to explore new possibilities for embedding knowledge about temporospatial activity and mobility behaviour of people in the domain of urban and regional design and planning, and to so contribute to the scien‐tific body of knowledge of urban and regional design and planning as set out by Klaasen (2004). However, in this study I do not aim to develop substantive principles for the spatial design (ordering) of urban areas. The two main interrelated research questions are:


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and What is the potential of particular approaches to contribute to resolving the applicability gap problem; approaches that aim to provide an understanding of temporospatial activity patterns of people from a design and planning perspective?

Three key concepts at the basis of the work

The work’s first key concept is the notion of temporospatial activity patterns of peo‐ple. The basic concept of temporospatial activity patterns of people entails how an individual may combine a series of activities during a limited amount of time, and how one can measure and document the relation in time and space between those activities. This idea seems simple, but has large theoretical implications. The spatial reach of an activity pattern is subject to a range of so‐called constraints (Hägerstrand, 1970), although people themselves are also capable of seeking ways to increase or reorganise the span of their activity patterns (Giddens, 1984). Such influence – agency – must be seen in the context of powerful mechanisms by which both societal patterns as people’s individual patterns are continuously being adapted (e.g. Janelle, 1969). Temporospatial activity patterns of people are thus not static givens, but must be seen in relation to societal processes, in particular processes of what may be called ‘timespace adaptation’. In order to reflect upon how, in particular approaches, the notion of timespace is dealt with, I consider four such processes: timespace com‐pression, timespace convergence, timespace individualisation and timespace flexibili‐sation.

The second key concept entails the idea that there exists a so‐called ‘applicability gap’ between knowledge of temporospatial activity patterns of people and knowl‐edge of urban and regional design and planning. There are three major categories of explanations for the applicability gap problem: structural aspects, related to the gap between professional communities amongst themselves and/or in relation to aca‐demic communities; content‐based aspects, related to what is regarded relevant knowledge in different domains and disciplines; procedural aspects, related to gaps in processes of planning and design. In addition, there are so‐called meta‐level aspects, i.e. referring to methodological aspects of managing knowledge in order to increase the utility of knowledge.

Knowledge utility is the third key concept of the work. A difference can be made between the use of knowledge and the usefulness of knowledge. Knowledge utility refers to the latter. I distinguish three dimensions of knowledge utility: (a) how does knowledge ‘travel’ in certain contexts (Weiss, 1979), (b) which strategies are used to enhance knowledge utility, and (c) which stages of knowledge utility can be distin‐guished; the ladder of knowledge utilisation lists the following stages, in order of increasing utility of knowledge: transmission, cognition, reference, effort, influence,

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application (Landry et al., 2001a). These three dimensions constitute the basis of the methodological framework of the study; the other two key concepts are the basis for the theoretical framework of the study.

The analysis of two particular approaches

The work is based on extensive literature study centred on the analysis of two par‐ticular and novel approaches from the 1990s/2000s. The approaches represent two complementary views of how one might grasp the importance of temporospatial activity patterns of people in the domain of urban and regional design and planning. The first approach – the use of research based on tracking technologies such as GPS – focuses on knowledge about patterns of activities and emphasises the role of empiri‐cal knowledge (Schaick and Spek, 2008). The other approach – ‘times‐of‐the‐city’ – focuses on the constraints for those activities to unfold. It focuses in particular on the tension between collective urban rhythms and the rhythms of individuals. It empha‐sises the role of knowledge about design and planning (Läpple et al., 2010). The ap‐proaches are selected to cover two fundamental properties of the concept of tempo‐rospatial activity patterns of people: the temporospatial patterns themselves and the constraints in which those patterns get constituted. Moreover, these two viewpoints also enlighten the two sides of the applicability gap problem, each starting on ‘the other end’: empirical knowledge about activity behaviour on the one hand and design and planning on the other. The final choice of approaches has been the result of an iterative, explorative research process.

On the relevance of tracking technologies for urban and regional design and planning

The first of the two analysed approaches concerns the relevance of geo‐positioning or ‘tracking’ technologies for urban and regional design and planning. The first part of the analysis – looking at indicators of structural aspects of the applicability gap – shows how the ideas on the application of tracking technologies in urban and re‐gional design and planning from different disciplines have converged. The next part of the analysis identifies the problems and possibilities that emerge from actual ex‐perimentation with tracking technologies in design processes. To embed knowledge of activity and mobility patterns of people in the framing of design questions, teach‐ing novice urban designers and planners to use tracking technologies shows to help. Moreover, looking at the way in which novice designers deal with tracking technolo‐gies clarifies some of the fundamental chances and bottlenecks of tracking technolo‐gies in the context of urban and regional design and planning. The third part of the analysis – on content‐based aspects of the applicability gap problem – focuses on different ‘ways of knowing’ in tracking‐based studies. The epistemology of tracking studies shows to be dominated by transport sciences, but a new epistemology focus‐ing on visual analysis and learning processes provides new openings. The last part of

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the analysis of tracking‐based approaches, on indicators of meta‐level aspects, un‐ravels a series of possible scenarios for the further development of tracking tech‐nologies in the context of urban and regional design and planning. The scenarios differ in the degree to which they are possible, probable and desirable.

On the promises of the times‐of‐the‐city approach

At the basis of the analysis of the times‐of‐the‐city approach lies the claim, from sev‐eral authors, that it provides interesting examples for embedding knowledge of tem‐porospatial activity patterns of people in practices of urban design and planning (Drewe, 2005b; Nio and Reijndorp, 1997; Mey and Heide, 1997). I searched for the degree to which this potential has been realised.

The first part of the analysis – looking at indicators of structural aspects of the ap‐plicability gap – shows how a tight, but also inward looking network has developed from multiple disciplines around the basic ideas of the approach, creating its own niche in urban planning. The second part of the analysis focuses on the type of plan‐ning problem on which the approach is based indicating how it uses planning con‐cepts to mend the applicability gap in planning processes: area‐based focus on rhythms of the city, the reorganisation of planning processes and particularly the introduction of time planning as a dimension of physical, spatial planning. The third part of the analysis – on content‐based aspects of the applicability gap problem – shows how the underlying theory of the approach has shifted over time from a geo‐graphic rationale to a political science rationale. The last part of the analysis of the times‐of‐the‐city approach, on indicators of meta‐level aspects, identifies how the times‐of‐the‐city approach has been based on a transdisciplinary approach attempt‐ing to cross over from academia to practice and working from urban problems rather than disciplinary boundaries within urban policy.

Findings on how the approaches address timespace ordering

I suggested in the theoretical framework that the framing of intricate mechanisms of timespace adaptation would be important for answering the main research questions. These mechanisms concern the ordering of timespace as part of the material object of urban and regional design and planning.

The overall picture emerging from the two approaches is that it proves to be very difficult to address the intricate mechanisms of timespace adaptation in a way that knowledge about these mechanisms really helps in formulating planning and design tasks in urban and regional design and planning. Moreover, the relations between mechanisms have been drawn out poorly in the approaches, though the times‐of‐the‐city approach displays links between some mechanisms. There appears to be a true gap between the richness of the theory about the dynamics of temporospatial activ‐ity patterns of people and the pragmatic application of knowledge based on such

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theory in planning practices. I conclude that the approaches have been focused only marginally on the mechanisms of timespace adaptation, though the shared focus of both approaches on timespace flexibilisation and individualisation seems to open up new ways of thinking about how to intervene in urban areas as urban and regional designers and planners. As far as the approaches do address mechanisms of time‐space adaptation Table S.1 provides insight in the different foci of the two ap‐proaches.

Much effort, in both the tracking‐based approach and in the times‐of‐the‐city ap‐proach, goes into making patterns of use, in both time and space, visible. However, this only helps to set the minimal basic requirements for applying knowledge of activ‐ity patterns of people in urban and regional design and planning, i.e. to get onto the first stages of the ladder of knowledge utilisation (see further below). The applicabil‐ity gap problem knows more facets than can be overcome by visualisation.

Reflecting on the first main research question, concerning timespace, it is impor‐tant to develop a grasp on the mechanisms of timespace adaptation to act upon an understanding of timespace when making urban and regional designs and plans. Still, it seems necessary to choose an appropriate level of complexity in using timespace concepts in framing urban design and planning tasks: taking one mechanism of time‐space adaptation as a starting point seems to work in the context of particular pro‐jects. This may help in getting also more complex interactions between the mecha‐nisms of timespace adaptation in the picture.

timespace convergence

timespace flexibilisation

timespace individualisation

timespace compression

tracking approach

x X x x

times‐of‐the‐city approach

x X x

Table S.1 The foci of the two approaches with regard to mechanisms of timespace adaptation

Findings on knowledge use and knowledge utility

The analysis of tracking‐based approaches puts different types of learning processes forward as an important strength of the approach. It shows that sensitising novices as well as stakeholders in planning processes offers possibilities for tackling the applica‐bility gap problem. The times‐of‐the‐city approach showed to be coherent as an ap‐proach. In particular, it is coherent with regard to addressing empirical research, design and policy from a singular framework of thinking. That is an effect of the ad‐herence to a narrowly defined problem perception, shared within a relatively closed research and planning community: urban arrhythmia in which sovereignty over one’s own time schedules (Zeitsouveränität) is severely under pressure. Through an integral

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framing of temporospatial problems the application of the times‐of‐the‐city approach offers possibilities to go beyond the bottom line of knowledge utility in temporospa‐tial planning, but it fails, yet, to get beyond the difficulty of introducing temporospa‐tial concerns into spatial planning processes; at least as far as what can be observed from the available literature. With the recently more documented shift to ‘transdisci‐plinary practices’, it may indeed become possible to lift that approach to a next level.

The times‐of‐the‐city approach shows again that ‘sensitising’ is important for tack‐ling the applicability gap problem. In addition, with the territorial time plan, a com‐prehensive approach is put forward in the approach, although its effectiveness is not clear‐cut. The times‐of‐the‐city approach also demonstrates the importance of agenda setting, an important step in tackling the applicability gap problem. The ap‐proach demonstrates, on the one hand, the focus that is required in network building as well as the necessity for network building to influence the framing of the material object of urban and regional design and planning. On the other hand, the analysis has also shown that too much focus and too tight a network may also hinder the ‘landing’ in mainstream urban and regional design and planning.

A general picture emerges where the key strength of any approach to tackling the applicability gap problem may be formed by instruments for sensitising designers and planners to knowledge on temporospatial activity patterns of people, in particular using data visualisation. The differences between the tracking‐based approach and the times‐of‐the‐city approach, viewed against the theoretical framework, show that there are different types of knowledge for which designers and planners could be sensitised. The times‐of‐the‐city approach offers instruments for indirectly collecting data on temporospatial activity patterns of people by analysing and proposing urban schedules in terms of opening hours. With tracking technologies as an empirical re‐search instrument it becomes possible to ‘measure’ the rhythm of the city directly. As such, theoretically, it fills a void left by the times‐of‐the‐city approach. Tracking may help evaluate if measures taken through the times‐of‐the‐city approach make a dif‐ference.

If measured against the final stage of the ladder of knowledge utilisation – appli‐cation – the findings with regard to resolving the applicability gap problem are disap‐pointing. But it seems unfair to measure approaches only and fully against the ‘appli‐cation’ stage of the ladder. This has to do with ‘approaches’ as the unit of analysis in this thesis. Only situated practices may be fully analysed against that measure as those ‘fully’ carry knowledge from its inception to its application. The approaches should be viewed as a means to get to a next stage, or to get up a particular number of stages on the ladder of knowledge utilisation; not as comprehensive approaches solving the applicability gap problem. This is also in line with conclusions by Landry et al. (2001a) on a theory of knowledge utility. As for generalising those findings to a general approach it is in a combination of framing, sensitising, visualising and reflect‐ing in concrete design and planning practices where solutions can be found to the applicability gap problem.

Samenvatting Een kwestie van tijdruimte. Verkenning van de kloof tussen kennis over activiteitenpa‐tronen van mensen en stedebouwkundig ontwerpen.

Doel, probleem en onderzoekstrategie

Het verkennende werk van deze studie gaat over de wijzen waarop stedebouwkundi‐gen de mogelijke en waarschijnlijke tijdruimtelijke patronen van activiteit en mobili‐teit van mensen kunnen ‘kennen’. En over hoe zij deze kennis kunnen gebruiken terwijl hun object van studie een andere is, namelijk het ontwerp van de gebouwde omgeving. Het startpunt van de studie is het belang van kennis over tijdruimtelijk activiteitenpatronen van mensen in het maken van stedebouwkundige ontwerpen en plannen. Het centrale probleem is:

Er bestaat een kloof tussen kennis over hoe tijdruimtelijke activiteiten‐patronen van mensen tot stand komen en de kennis en vaardigheid die nodig is om stedebouwkundige ontwerpen te maken. Deze kloof be‐lemmert het maken van ontwerpen en plannen voor stedelijke gebie‐den en regio’s die toekomstige, aannemelijke en waarschijnlijke, pa‐tronen van tijdruimtelijke gedragingen van mensen op een duurzame wijze kunnen accommoderen. Zonder begrip van de ordening van tijd in relatie tot de ordening van ruimte kan deze kloof niet worden ge‐slecht. Ook lukt dat niet zonder begrip het proces van kennistoepassing bij het verbinden van verschillende kennisdomeinen.

Het algemene doel van deze studie is om nieuwe mogelijkheden te verkennen om kennis over tijdruimtelijke activiteitenpatronen van mensen in te bedden in de ste‐debouwkunde. En om zo bij te dragen aan het kennislichaam van stedebouwkunde zoals uiteengezet door Klaasen (2004). In deze studie heb ik mij echter niet tot doel gesteld om inhoudelijke principes voor het ruimtelijk ontwerpen (ordenen) van ste‐delijke gebieden te ontwikkelen. De twee aan elkaar gerelateerde centrale onder‐zoeksvragen zijn:

Op welke wijze kan de tijdruimtelijke ordening van stedelijke systemen – met name van tijdruimtelijke activiteitenpatronen van mensen –

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begrepen worden zodat op basis daarvan binnen het domein van de stedebouwkunde gehandeld kan worden?

en

Wat is het potentieel van specifieke benaderingen ‐ benaderingen die erop gericht zijn inzicht te bieden in tijdruimtelijke activiteitenpatronen van mensen vanuit het perspectief van ontwerpen en plannen ‐ om bij te dragen aan het slechten van het toepassingskloofprobleem?

Drie sleutelconcepten die aan de basis van de studie liggen

Het eerste sleutelconcept dat centraal staat in deze studie is het begrip tijdruimtelijke activiteitenpatronen van mensen. Het fundamentele concept van tijdruimtelijke acti‐viteitenpatronen van mensen omvat hoe een individu een serie activiteiten aaneen zou kunnen rijgen gedurende een beperkte hoeveelheid tijd, en hoe de relatie in tijd en ruimte tussen deze activiteiten gemeten en gedocumenteerd kan worden. Dit op het eerste oog simpele idee heeft enkele grote theoretische implicaties.

Het ruimtelijk bereik van een activiteitenpatroon is onderhevig aan restricties (constraints) (Hägerstrand, 1970). Mensen zijn echter ook zelf in staat om manieren te zoeken om het bereik van hun activiteitenpatroon te vergroten of te herordenen (Giddens, 1984). Dergelijke eigen invloed – agency – dient gezien te worden in de context van krachtige mechanismen waardoor zowel maatschappelijke patronen als individuele patronen continu worden aangepast (e.g. Janelle, 1969). Het tijdruimtelij‐ke activiteitenpatroon van mensen is dan ook geen statisch gegeven, maar moet gezien worden in relatie tot maatschappelijke processen, met name processen van ‘tijdruimtelijke adaptatie’. Om te kunnen reflecteren op specifieke benaderingen wat betreft de wijze waarop daarbinnen wordt omgaan met het begrip ‘tijdruimte’, be‐schouw ik vier verschillende processen: tijdruimtelijke compressie, tijdruimtelijke convergentie, tijdruimtelijke individualisering en tijdruimtelijke flexibilisering.

Het tweede sleutelconcept omvat het idee dat er een zogeheten ‘toepassings‐kloof’ bestaat tussen kennis over tijdruimtelijke activiteitenpatronen van mensen en kennis van stedebouwkunde. Er zijn drie hoofdcategorieën van verklaringen voor het toepassingskloofprobleem: structurele aspecten, die gerelateerd zijn aan de kloof tussen vakgemeenschappen onderling en/of in hun relatie tot academische gemeen‐schappen; inhoudgerelateerde aspecten, die gerelateerd zijn aan wat wordt veron‐dersteld relevante kennis te zijn binnen verschillende domeinen en disciplines; pro‐cedurele aspecten, die gerelateerd zijn aan ‘gaten’ in planning‐ en ontwerpprocessen. In aanvulling hierop zijn er ook aspecten op een zogeheten metaniveau, d.w.z. verwij‐zend naar methodologische aspecten van het managen van kennis om het nuttig gebruik van kennis te vergroten.

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Kennisnut – het nut of nuttig gebruik van kennis – is het derde sleutelconcept van deze studie. Er kan onderscheid gemaakt worden tussen het gebruik van kennis en de bruikbaarheid van kennis. Kennisnut verwijst naar het laatste. Ik onderscheid drie dimensies van kennisnut: (a) hoe beweegt kennis zich in en door specifieke omgevin‐gen (Weiss, 1979), (b) welke strategieën worden gebruikt om kennisnut te vergroten, en (c) welke stadia van kennisnut kunnen onderscheiden worden. Voor de stadia van kennisnut zet de ‘ladder van nuttig kennisgebruik’ de volgende stadia op een rij, in volgorde van steeds groter nut: overbrengen, cognitie, verwijzing, inspanning, invloed en toepassing (Landry et al., 2001a). Deze drie dimensies vormen de basis van het methodologisch raamwerk van de studie; de andere twee sleutelconcepten vormen de basis van het theoretische raamwerk van de studie.

De analyse van twee specifieke benaderingen

De studie is gebaseerd op een uitgebreide literatuurstudie die zich concentreert op de analyse van twee specifieke en oorspronkelijke benaderingen uit de jaren ‘90/’00 . De twee benaderingen vertegenwoordigen twee verschillende, elkaar aanvullende denkbeelden, over hoe het belang van tijdruimtelijke activiteitenpatronen inzichtelijk gemaakt kan worden binnen het domein van de stedebouwkunde. De eerste benade‐ring – het gebruik van onderzoek op basis van tracking technologieën zoals GPS – richt zich op kennis over patronen van activiteiten en benadrukt de rol van empiri‐sche kennis (Schaick and Spek, 2008). De andere benadering – tijden‐van‐de‐stad – richt zich op restricties die het ontplooien van die activiteiten beperken, met name op de spanning tussen collectieve stedelijke ritmes en het ritme van individuen. Deze benadering benadrukt de rol van kennis over ontwerpen en plannen (Läpple et al., 2010). De benaderingen zijn zo gekozen dat zij twee fundamentele kenmerken van het concept van tijdruimtelijke activiteitenpatronen omvatten: de tijdruimtelijke patronen zelf en de restricties waarbinnen die patronen tot stand komen. Bovendien werpen zij ook licht op de beide kanten van het toepassingskloofprobleem, elk star‐tend aan ‘de andere zijde’: empirische kennis over activiteitengedrag aan de ene kant en ontwerp en planning aan de andere kant. De definitieve keus voor specifiek deze twee benaderingen is het resultaat van een iteratief, verkennend zoekproces geweest.

Over de relevantie van tracking technologieën voor stedebouwkunde

De analyse van de eerste van de twee bestudeerde benaderingen betreft de relevan‐tie van geo‐positionering of tracking technologieën voor stedebouwkunde. Het eerste deel van de analyse – aan de hand van structurele aspecten van de toepassingskloof – laat zien hoe ideeën over toepassing van tracking technologieën in stedebouwkunde uit verschillende disciplines samen zijn gaan vallen. Het daaropvolgende deel van de analyse identificeert de problemen en mogelijkheden die voortkomen uit concrete experimenten met tracking technologieën in ontwerpprocessen. Om kennis over

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activiteiten‐ en mobiliteitspatronen in te bedden in het proces van het inkaderen van ontwerpvragen, blijkt het aanleren van het gebruik van tracking technologieën aan beginnende stedebouwkundigen te helpen. Door bovendien te kijken naar hoe be‐ginnende ontwerpers omgaan met tracking technologieën is inzicht verkregen in enkele fundamentele kansen en knelpunten van tracking technologieën in de context van stedebouwkunde. Het derde deel van de analyse – aan de hand van inhoudgere‐lateerde aspecten van het toepassingskloofprobleem – richt zich op verschillende ‘manieren van kennen’ in op tracking gebaseerde studies. De epistemologie van trac‐king studies blijkt gedomineerd te worden door verkeerswetenschappen, maar een nieuwe epistemologie die zich richt op visuele analyse en leerprocessen biedt nieuwe openingen. Het laatste deel van de analyse van de op tracking gebaseerde benade‐ring, over metaniveau‐aspecten, legt een serie van mogelijke scenario’s bloot over de mogelijke verdere ontwikkeling van tracking technologieën in de context van stede‐bouwkunde. De scenario’s verschillen in de mate waarin ze mogelijk, waarschijnlijk en wenselijk zijn.

Over de beloftes van de tijden‐van‐de‐stad benadering

Aan de basis van de analyse van de tijden‐van‐de‐stad benadering ligt de claim van verschillende auteurs dat de benadering middels interessante voorbeelden veel po‐tentie biedt voor het inbedden van kennis over tijdruimtelijke activiteitenpatronen van mensen in stedebouwkundige praktijken (Drewe, 2005b; Nio and Reijndorp, 1997; Mey and Heide, 1997). Ik heb gezocht naar de mate waarin dit potentieel is gereali‐seerd.

Het eerste deel van de analyse – aan de hand van indicatoren van structurele as‐pecten van de toepassingskloof – laat zien hoe zich vanuit verschillende disciplines een hecht, maar ook naar binnen gericht netwerk heeft ontwikkeld rondom de basis‐ideeën van de benadering, een eigen niche creërend in stedelijke planning. Het twee‐de deel van de analyse richt zich op het soort planningsprobleem waarop de benade‐ring is gebaseerd. Hiermee wordt zichtbaar gemaakt hoe in de benadering plannings‐concepten worden ingezet om de toepassingskloof te dichten in planprocessen: een gebiedsgerichte benadering met een focus op het ritme van de stad, de reorganisatie van het planproces en met name de introductie van de planning van tijd als dimensie van fysiekruimtelijke planning. Het derde deel van de analyse – over inhoudgerela‐teerde aspecten van het toepassingskloofprobleem – laat zien hoe de onderliggende theorie binnen de benadering in verloop van tijd is verschoven van een geografische insteek naar een politiekwetenschappelijke insteek. Het laatste deel van de analyse van de tijden‐van‐de‐stad benadering, over metaniveau aspecten, laat zien hoe de tijden‐van‐de‐stad benadering gebaseerd is op een transdisciplinaire benadering. En hoe daarmee geprobeerd wordt een brug te slaan van de academische wereld naar de praktijk, werkend vanuit stedelijke problemen in plaats van vanuit verkokerde beleidssectoren.

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Bevindingen over hoe de benaderingen omgaan met tijdruimtelijke ordening

Ik heb in het theoretisch raamwerk gesuggereerd dat het beschouwen van de com‐plexiteit van tijdruimtelijke adaptatiemechanismen belangrijk zou zijn voor het be‐antwoorden van de hoofdonderzoeksvragen. Deze mechanismen betreffen het orde‐nen van tijdruimte en maken onderdeel uit van het materieel object van de stede‐bouwkunde.

Een algemeen beeld dat naar voren komt uit de twee benaderingen is dat het zeer moeilijk blijkt te zijn om de complexiteit van de mechanismen van tijdruimtelijke adaptatie op een zodanige manier te bevatten dat kennis over deze mechanismen ook werkelijk helpt bij het formuleren van plannings‐ en ontwerpvragen in de stede‐bouwkunde. Bovendien wordt binnen de benaderingen nauwelijks aandacht besteed aan de relaties tussen de mechanismen. Er lijkt een werkelijke kloof te bestaan tussen de rijkdom aan theorie over de dynamiek van tijdruimtelijke activiteitenpatronen van mensen en de meer pragmatische toepassing van kennis gebaseerd op zulke theorie in planningspraktijken. Ik concludeer dat de benaderingen zich slechts marginaal richten op de mechanismen van tijdruimtelijke adaptatie. Wel lijkt de gedeelde focus van beide benaderingen op tijdruimtelijke flexibilisering en tijdruimtelijke individuali‐sering nieuwe manieren van denken te bieden over hoe, als stedebouwkundigen, in te grijpen in stedelijke gebieden. Voor zover de benaderingen de mechanismen van tijdruimtelijke adaptatie beschouwen biedt Tabel S(NL).1 inzicht in de verschillen in focus van de beide benaderingen.

In zowel de tracking‐gebaseerde benadering als in de tijden‐van‐de‐stad benade‐ring kost het zichtbaar maken van patronen in zowel tijd als ruimte veel inspanning. Dit helpt echter alleen om te voldoen aan de minimale, basale voorwaarden om ken‐nis over activiteitenpatronen toe te passen in stedebouwkunde, d.w.z. om de eerste treden van de ladder van nuttig kennisgebruik te beklimmen (zie ook hieronder). Het toepassingskloofprobleem kent meer facetten dan kunnen worden overwonnen middels visualisatie.

tijdruimtelijke convergentie

tijdruimtelijke flexibilisering

tijdruimtelijke individualisering

tijdruimtelijke compressie

tracking benade‐ring

x X x x

tijden‐van‐de‐stad benadering

x X x

Tabel S(NL).1 De verschillende focus van de twee benaderingen met betrekking tot mechanis‐men van tijdruimtelijke adaptatie

Reflecterend op de eerste hoofdonderzoeksvraag, betreffende tijdruimte, lijkt het begrijpen van de mechanismen van tijdruimtelijke adaptatie belangrijk om bij het maken van stedebouwkundige ontwerpen en plannen te handelen vanuit een begrip van tijdruimte. Het lijkt, echter, noodzakelijk om een toepasselijk niveau van com‐

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plexiteit te kiezen bij het gebruik van tijdruimtelijke concepten voor het inkaderen van ontwerp‐ en planningsopgaven: een enkel mechanisme van tijdruimtelijke adap‐tatie als uitgangspunt nemen lijkt te werken in de context van specifieke projecten om ook de meer complexe interacties tussen mechanismen van tijdruimtelijke adap‐tatie in beeld te krijgen.

Bevindingen over kennisgebruik en kennisnut

De analyse van tracking‐gebaseerde benaderingen plaatst verschillende soorten leer‐processen op de voorgrond. De analyse laat zien dat het ontvankelijk maken voor kennis van activiteitenpatronen van zowel beginnende ontwerpers als van belang‐hebbenden in planprocessen, mogelijkheden biedt om het toepassings‐kloofprobleem aan te pakken. De tijden‐van‐de‐stad benadering blijkt een samen‐hangende benadering. Het is, met name, samenhangend in de wijze waarop de bena‐dering empirisch onderzoek, ontwerp en beleidsvorming binnen één denkkader brengt. Dat is een effect van het aanhangen van een nauw gedefinieerd en binnen een relatief gesloten onderzoeks‐ en planningsgemeenschap gedeelde probleemper‐ceptie: stedelijke ‘aritmie’ binnen welke de zelfbeschikking over een eigen, individue‐le tijdsplanning (Zeitsouveränität) voor mensen onder druk staat. Door tijdruimtelijke problemen integraal te framen schept deze benadering mogelijkheden om de eerste drempel voor nuttig kennisgebruik te slechten. De benadering slaagt er echter nog niet in om voorbij het probleem te komen van het introduceren van tijdruimtelijke afwegingen in ruimtelijke planningsprocessen; in ieder geval voor zover dit kan wor‐den geconcludeerd op basis van de beschikbare literatuur. Met de recente, goed gedocumenteerde verschuiving naar een ‘transdisciplinaire’ benadering, lijken nu mogelijkheden geschapen om de benadering naar een volgend niveau te tillen.

De tijden‐van‐de‐stad benadering laat opnieuw zien dat ‘ontvankelijk maken’ van belang is om het toepassingskloofprobleem aan te pakken. Ook schuift de benadering, met de introductie van het ‘territoriale tijdsplan’, een allesomvattende benadering naar voren. De effectiviteit van die planvorm spreekt echter niet voor zich. De tijden‐van‐de‐stad demonstreert ook het belang van het bepalen van ‘de agenda’, een be‐langrijke stap in de aanpak van het toepassingskloofprobleem. De benadering illu‐streert, aan de ene kant, de gerichtheid op en noodzaak tot het opbouwen van een netwerk dat nodig is om het framen van het materieel object van de stedebouwkun‐de te beïnvloeden. Aan de andere kant laat de analyse ook zien dat een te sterke focus en te hecht georganiseerd netwerk mogelijk ook het ‘landen’ van een benade‐ring in de mainstream van stedebouwkunde kan hinderen.

Een algemeen beeld komt naar voren: één van de belangrijkste kwaliteiten van een benadering om het toepassingskloof probleem aan te pakken, is de manier waar‐op het instrumenten biedt om ontwerpers en planners ontvankelijk te maken voor kennis over tijdruimtelijke activiteitenpatronen van mensen, met name door visuali‐saties te gebruiken. De verschillen tussen de op tracking‐gebaseerde benadering en de tijden‐van‐de‐stad benadering, bekeken tegen het licht van het theoretisch raam‐

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werk, laten zien dat er verschillende typen kennis zijn waarvoor ontwerpers en plan‐ners ontvankelijk kunnen worden gemaakt. De tijden‐van‐de‐stad benadering biedt instrumenten om op indirecte wijze kennis over tijdruimtelijke activiteitenpatronen van mensen te verzamelen door stedelijke ‘roosters’ in termen van openingstijden te analyseren. Door tracking technologieën te gebruiken wordt het mogelijk het ritme van de stad direct te ‘meten’. Op deze wijze vult het een leemte die open is gelaten door de tijden‐van‐de‐stad benadering. Tracking zou kunnen helpen om de effectivi‐teit van maatregelen die genomen zijn op basis van de tijden‐van‐de‐stad benadering te evalueren

Als dit wordt afgemeten aan de laatste sport van de ladder van nuttig gebruik van kennis – toepassing – zijn de bevindingen ten aanzien van de antwoorden op het toepassingskloofprobleem teleurstellend. Maar het lijkt niet redelijk te zijn om bena‐deringen volledig en alleen af te meten aan deze ‘toepassing’‐sport van de ladder. De benaderingen zouden beschouwd moeten worden als manieren om naar een volgend niveau, of een specifiek aantal niveaus op de ladder van nuttig kennisgebruik te stij‐gen; niet als allesomvattende benaderingen om het toepassingskloofprobleem op te lossen. Dit komt ook overeen met conclusies zoals getrokken door Landry et al. (2001a) over een theorie van kennisnut. Wat betreft het generaliseren van de bevin‐dingen naar een algemene benadering, dan ligt een combinatie van framen, ontvan‐kelijk maken en reflecteren in concrete ontwerp‐ planningspraktijken voor de hand om oplossingen voor het toepassingskloofprobleem te vinden.

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Index

action research, 24, 95, 98, 101, 150, 151, 154, 162, 165, 169, 194, 195, 199, 200, 202, 211, 216

activity systems, 24, 34, 37‐ 40, 44, 66 adaptation, 4, 5, 8, 13, 17, 52, 61, 62, 65,

66, 85, 140, 146‐148, 175, 195, 196, 206, 208, 210, 216, 224, 225, 231

agency, 12, 51‐54, 127, 222 area‐based approach, 176, 196 authority constraints, 41, 53, 54, 59, 66 behavioural mapping, 105, 107, 108, 127,

128, 133 capability constraints, 41, 51, 59 chronotope, 19, 154‐156, 160, 179, 182,

190, 214, 215 communication, 6, 8, 9, 42, 45, 57, 60, 62,

65, 79, 85, 87, 103, 127, 131, 141, 142, 164, 172, 175, 194

community of practice, 26, 78, 110, 111 conflicts, 47, 155, 162, 163, 178, 180, 184 constraints, 12, 29, 40‐43, 46, 53, 62, 65,

66, 77, 178‐184, 210, 217, 222 coupling constraints, 41, 53, 54, 55, 182,

204 culture of design, 2 cybernetics, 27, 72‐74, 84, 88, 93, 145 cycling, 42, 43, 137 daily life, 7, 8, 9, 55, 56, 127, 128, 131, 139,

150, 165, 169, 171 data collection, 38, 105, 107, 109, 115,

117, 122, 124, 125, 126, 136, 143, 151, 207

data processing, 114, 119, 126, 128 design research, 26, 27, 219 designerly, 73, 83 discourse, 16, 46, 136, 163, 188, 198 disembedding, 53, 64 distance, 8, 9, 12, 52, 57, 62, 119, 120, 136,

137, 177 distanciation, 53‐59 ecological constraints, 46, 53, 66 education, 3, 78, 112, 114, 118, 119, 124,

149, 164, 169, 171, 197, 200, 216

emotional mapping, 135 empirical research, 20, 26, 69, 75, 97, 99,

119, 146, 148, 151, 195, 201, 208, 212, 225, 226

empowerment, 142‐144, 165, 197 environment‐behaviour studies, 13, 79,

152 episteme, 56 epistemic community, 25, 26, 30, 169, 170,

197 epistemological, 76, 83, 86, 99, 211 event, 29, 47, 70 everyday / alledaagse, 6, 16, 49, 74, 177,

188 expert, 25, 77, 78, 89, 95, 96, 110, 111,

131, 136‐144, 148, 197 explicit knowledge, 14, 73, 79, 83 feminism, 9, 49, 50, 65, 67, 179, 188, 189 frame, 5, 21, 22, 25, 30, 51, 56, 86‐89, 98,

104, 112, 115, 118, 133, 137, 138, 146, 147, 165, 176‐182, 195, 198, 203, 207, 209, 213, 214, 223, 226

free time, 9 geo‐positioning, 103, 104, 107, 145, 223 GIS, 87, 105, 106, 111, 113, 119, 124, 125,

128, 131, 143, 148‐150, 173, 181, 217 institutionalisation, 19, 98, 178, 182, 191‐

194 isochrone, 181, 191, 214 knowledge integrator, 150, 210 land use, 6, 16, 38, 39, 72, 73, 99, 115, 156,

166 language, 20, 25, 30, 51, 89, 179, 189, 192,

197, 198, 218 LBS, 103, 134 learning, 78, 86, 87, 110, 124, 135, 136,

142, 149‐152, 169, 208, 216, 225 leisure, 15, 65, 169, 189 lifeworld, 163, 179 mainstream, 6, 16, 19, 20, 143, 144, 152,

160, 162, 173 mobility pact, 25, 156, 157, 161, 162, 180,

181, 200

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modelling, 40, 73, 74, 99, 125, 127, 137, 141

multidisciplinary, 25, 78, 86, 111, 132, 143, 167

multiple space use, 214 network cities, 193 network society, 6, 18, 61, 67, 170, 193 night, 9, 16, 179, 185, 187 on/off map, 160, 182, 183, 184, 191 packing constraints, 62, 67 pedestrians, 112‐117, 191 phronetics, 86 political, 4, 25, 55, 60, 81, 85, 91, 94, 150,

156, 162, 177, 179, 180, 188, 193, 197, 199

praxis, 73 problem‐solving, 93, 115, 150, 211 psychogeography, 137 real‐time, 61, 127, 129, 130, 131, 142, 144,

145, 146 reflection‐in‐action, 86, 136, 211 regionalisation, 51, 53, 54 representation, 39, 55‐61, 66, 79, 89, 118,

146, 182, 195, 196, 207 research‐by‐design, 26, 27 rhythm, 9, 46, 47, 61, 62, 67, 133, 142,

147, 155, 157, 161, 162, 176‐184, 192, 196‐202, 212, 215, 217, 226

social space, 38, 46, 47, 48, 55, 56, 57 social time, 36, 37, 47, 160, 189

sociology, 17, 38, 44‐46, 51, 52, 54, 69, 77, 83, 109, 167‐170, 178, 188, 189, 193, 199, 215

spacing time, 47, 190 spatial order, 12, 20, 35‐38, 39, 44, 54, 60,

62, 64, 66, 198 stalking, 106 stedebouwkunde, 1, 3‐6, 17, 69, 70, 74 structuration, 50, 51, 53, 55, 62, 65‐67,

181, 192, 193 survey, 40, 69, 70‐72, 106, 109, 122‐126,

164 tacit knowledge, 73, 79, 91 Taktgeber, 164, 180 techne, 56, 83 temporal order, 33, 35‐40, 44, 56, 60, 61,

66, 198, 201 time geography, 1, 19, 30, 33, 40, 45‐62,

66, 67, 141, 190, 198 time policies, 19, 154, 156, 157, 165‐167,

171‐ 177, 189, 190, 191, 192, 194, 195 timeless time, 60, 61 timing space, 47, 162, 190 transdisciplinary, 86, 143, 153, 162, 175,

193‐202, 207, 226 transport planning, 73, 109, 125, 128, 137,

176, 202, 214 unity of town planning, 71 urbanism, 1, 6, 7, 18, 111, 140, 156 value chain, 143 walking, 42, 43, 122 Zeitgeber, 9, 47, 64, 179, 205

Lists of Tables Table 2.1 A ‘grid’ of spatial practices inspired by Henri Lefebvre’s conceptualisation of social space. Source: Harvey (1990: 220‐221)............................................................. 57 Table 2.2 The suggested relation between timespace constraints and mechanisms of timespace adaptation.................................................................................................. 65 Table 3.1 The distinction between empirical science and practical science according to Klaasen (2004: 32)................................................................................................... 84 Table 3.2 Distinguishing characteristics of the unitary and adaptive approaches to metropolitan planning (Foley, 1964: 59)..................................................................... 85 Table 3.3 (previous page) Knowledge schemes providing a framework for ‘mapping knowledge’. Source: adapted substantially from Heide and Horrevoets (1996); ....... 90 Table 4.1 The many meanings of research utilisation. Source: derived from Weiss (1979) .......................................................................................................................... 94 Table 4.2 Relations between strategies for tackling the applicability gap problem and three major aspects of the applicability gap problem................................................. 95 Table 4.3 Stages of the ladder of knowledge utilisation. Adapted from Landry et al. (2001a: 399). ............................................................................................................. 100 Table 4.4 Conceptual matrix containing knowledge utility models as well as strategies for bettering knowledge use ..................................................................................... 101 Table 5.1 The performance of different tracking technology systems for capturing mobility patterns in travel surveys. Source: Girardin et al. (2007)............................ 109 Table 5.2 Design proposals within the Tracking Delft student project. Page numbers refer to Baltus et al. (2010) ....................................................................................... 116 Table 5.3 (continues next page) Overview of how students in the Assisted Living project have dealt with GPS in their project reports................................................. 122 Table 5.4 GPS and travel behaviour analysis technical details and research objectives of some of the earliest tracking studies. Source: adapted from Schönfelder, Axhausen, Antille and Bierlaire (2002)........................................................................................ 126 Table 5.5 (continues 3 pages) Scenarios for the future of tracking technologies (TTs) in urban design and planning. Derived from discussions and debate during the expert meeting Urbanism On Track January 18, 2007.......................................................... 140 Table 5.6 Scoring of the scenarios for probability, possibility and desirability ......... 144 Table 5.7 Typical problem‐solution sets for tackling the applicability gap problem in the use of tracking technologies in the context of urban and regional design and planning (marked X). Dark grey cluster and outlined cluster of such sets indicate

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possible strategies for tackling the applicability gap by applying tracking technologies.....................................................................................................................................151 Table 6.1 The scope of Italian planning practices during the 1990s that are associated with the times‐of‐the‐city approach. Derived from Mareggi (2002)..........................155 Table 6.2 Schematic division of labour for the three VERA‐teams. Source: adapted from Timpf (2005); additional information on normative goal setting from Läpple et al. (2010) (translation JvS)...............................................................................................163 Table 6.3 Aims, instruments and themes of research and action in the three VERA‐projects. (Läpple et al., 2010: 187; translation JvS)....................................................164 Table 6.4 An overview of episodes in the development of the times‐of‐the‐city approach ....................................................................................................................168 Table 6.5 The shift in focus away from urban planning of the French network of bureaux des temps Tempo Territorial from 2005 to 2009. Sources: (Tempo Territorial, 2005; Tempo Territorial, 2006; Tempo Territorial, 2007a; Tempo Territorial, 2007b; Tempo Territorial, 2008; Tempo Territorial, 2009a; Tempo Territorial, 2009b); .......172 Table 6.6 Theoretical types of interventions for ‘planning with time’ (Planung mit Zeit) (adaptation and extension of Henckel et al. (1989: 252); According to Henckel et al. (1989) ‘time’ is here seen both as a (problematic) resource and as a planning instrument. Emphasised in black are those interventions that are integrally temporospatial in nature. ..........................................................................................175 Table 6.7 The normative framework for the times‐of the‐city approach as developed in the Eurofound study. Source: derived from Boulin and Mückenberger (1999).....177 Table 6.8 A glossary of time policy (Zeitpolitische Glossar) (Heitkotter, 2004b; translation by JvS; terms on ‘political time’ omitted) ................................................180 Table 6.9 Typical problem‐solution sets for tackling the applicability gap problem in the times‐of‐the‐city approach. Grey clusters indicate likely ways forward..............200 Table 7.1 The foci of the two approaches with regard to the framing of mechanisms of timespace adaptation ............................................................................................206 Table 7.2 Gaps in the knowledge utility scheme. Black: underreported; dark grey: less so, but still underreported; grey: weak base for strategies for and models of knowledge utility ........................................................................................................211 Table S.1 The foci of the two approaches with regard to mechanisms of timespace adaptation ..................................................................................................................225 Tabel S(NL).1 De verschillende focus van de twee benaderingen met betrekking tot mechanismen van tijdruimtelijke adaptatie...............................................................231

Lists of Figures Figure 1.1 The reciprocal relation between the physical urban system and urban society, according to Klaasen (2004: 22) ....................................................................... 5 Figure 1.2 The composition of physical patterns in the urban ground plan, public space and built‐up space central to the domain of urban and regional design and planning. Source: Heeling et al. (2001); Heeling et al. (2002) ....................................... 7 Figure 1.3 Three levels of network operators. Source: Dupuy et al. (2008).................. 8 Figure 1.4 A web concept for quantification of the ordering characteristics of activity patterns. Source: Vidakovic (1988: 122) as adapted by Klaasen (2004: 70) ............... 13 Figure 1.5 Hägerstrand’s timespace cube concept provides an annotation system to visualise the complex relation between temporospatial behaviour of people and the physical environment. Source: Parkes, Thrift and Carlstein (1978) ............................ 18 Figure 1.6 Structure of argumentation and outline of the thesis................................ 32 Figure 2.1 The environment of a system: four types of relations between system and environment. Adapted from Klaasen (2004: 12)......................................................... 34 Figure 2.2 Relations between cyclical and linear temporal phenomena, based on the principle that in cyclical processes with a linear component the grain of perception determines the perception of a process as linear or cyclical: (a) shifting down in level of scale from a cyclical to a linear perception (Figure by Schaick, 2004: 72); (b) shifting up in scale from a cyclical to a linear perception (Figure by Klaasen, 2004: 14).For the line of reasoning see Klaasen (2004). .......................................................................... 35 Figure 2.3 Trajectories during one year of a young girl of the 16th arrondissement. The central triangle has at its corners: the home, piano lessons and political science lessons. Source: Chombart De Lauwe (1952: 106) ...................................................... 39 Figure 2.4 Input and output in urban systems. ‘Interaction in processing activities. The Figure to the left presents linkages in terms of output relations. Clearly the input of one plant may be the output of another plant in the metropolitan area. As shown here, the to‐from representation of “within” interaction involves approximately the same areas. The dotted pattern suggest that these areas may be treated as one class of land use in land use planning.’ (Chapin, 1965: 233)................................................ 39 Figure 2.5 Routinised behaviour. ‘Illustrative household activity patterns from pilot study. These diagrams show spatial patterns of two types of activities as determined from interviews with a simple random sample of households in a census tract flanking downtown Durham, North Carolina. … The [left] Figure shows recreation patterns, and the [right] Figure shows visiting patterns. The activity places are indicated by black dots, and places of residence are designated by plus signs. Locations are plotted to the centroid of the grid cell. The dotted line delimits the CBD.’ (Chapin, 1965: 249)..................................................................................................................................... 40

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Figure 2.6 The timespace prism. Source: Wu and Miller (2001: 4) ..............................42 Figure 2.7 The difference in reach between a person walking and a person cycling. Source: Lenntorp (1978); reproduced by Parkes and Thrift (1980: 252) .....................43 Figure 2.8 Bundles of timespace trajectories and a rudimentary visualisation of the extensibility‐concept. Source: Hägerstrand (1970)......................................................44 Figure 2.9 The nesting of several domains Source: Hägerstrand (1970)......................44 Figure 2.10 Social space, physical space and time in the ecology of the city. The comprehensive treatment of time, as it relates to physical space and social space, makes losing much of the clarity and simplicity which makes Hägerstrand’s framework so graspable and elegant. Source: Parkes and Thrift (1980: 361) .............48 Figure 2.11 The differences in timespace trajectories emerging from the mapping of multiple timespace trajectories of groups of women from Asian Americans and from African Americans. Source: Kwan and Lee (2003) (original in colour) .........................49 Figure 2.12 A process of spatial reorganisation in which timespace convergence and adaptation are key concepts (Janelle, 1969)................................................................52 Figure 2.13 The acceleration of travelling in France over a period of 200 years as depicted by Emile Cheysson in 1889 (Cheysson, 1889; depicted in Bretagnolle, 2003)......................................................................................................................................58 Figure 2.14 The shift over a period of 24 hours in spatial distribution of activity patterns by type of activity (Janelle et al., 1998: 130) (original in colour) ...................63 Figure 2.15 Temporal ordering of urban space showing tracts of time use in particular places (Janelle et al., 1998: 126) ..................................................................................64 Figure 3.1 A model of combining, internalising, socialising and externalising knowledge. Source: Nonaka and Takeuchi (1995) cited by Brömmelstroet (2010).....80 Figure 3.2 The user‐client problem. In the context of urban and regional design and planning the ‘paying client’ may also be read as ‘political client’. Source: Zeisel (1981)......................................................................................................................................81 Figure 3.3 Occasions for research‐design cooperation in the design‐process cycle. Note that ‘evaluation’, ‘programming’ and ‘design and design review’ may directly contribute to basic E‐B knowledge (Zeisel, 1981) ........................................................81 Figure 4.1 Relationships between information, knowledge, research evidence, and practice in instrumental and conceptual uses of knowledge. The ‘filter’ for applicability is a concept akin to the applicability gap. Krizek et al. (2009) also distinguish a theoretical filter and a review filter. I have added the generalisability filter. Source: adapted from Krizek et al. (2009: 467) ..................................................92 Figure 4.2 Overview of possible distribution of roles in project groups. Source: after Heide and Wijnbelt (1994: 95) .....................................................................................96 Figure 4.3 Mechanisms through which research produces influence. Source: Henry and Mark (2003: 298)...................................................................................................97

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Figure 5.1 Overview of the Argos data collection system (Fancy et al., 1988).......... 107 Figure 5.2 From antennas to trajectories: map of antennas (A), Voronoi plot (B), possible handover transitions (C), and user path from handovers (D). Source: Reades (2010) ........................................................................................................................ 108 Figure 5.3 Superimposition of one week of data collection from deployment locations in Koblenz. All track points are logged at 5 seconds frequency on devices carried by pedestrians deployed from car parks. Source: Spek et al. (2009) ............................. 117 Figure 5.4 Compilation of tracking data visualisations and students’ design proposals for strategic spatial interventions in Delft’s historical centre. Source: Baltus et al. (2010) ........................................................................................................................ 118 Figure 5.5 The Veldacademie‐maps of density analysis (top of this page); distance analysis combined with an analysis of trip mode (pedestrian, electric scooter, public transport etc.) (bottom of this page); destination analysis (next page, top), and an analysis of the duration of the trip (next page, bottom). Source: Spoutzi, Lee, Yu, Jeller and Kang (2009)(original in colour).................................................................. 120 Figure 5.6 Screenshots from dynamically built‐up map through individual traces in the Amsterdam Real Time project. Source: CD‐ROM (Waag‐Society, 2000); courtesy of artist Esther Polak...................................................................................................... 130 Figure 5.7 Data flow for the purpose of visualisation of mobile phone tracking data. Visualisation of tracking data from 10 October 2005 during the Graz Real Time project by means of map (right of the Figure): (top) cell phone traffic intensity; (middle) traffic migration (handovers); (bottom) traces of registered users. The data visualisations were projected in real‐time during the exhibition. Source: Ratti et al. (2005) ........................................................................................................................ 131 Figure 5.8 (left) In ‘emotional mapping’ projects the social learning dimension is very important: social workshop in the Greenwich Biomapping project (Source: Nold, 2009b: 12); (right) another project mapping air quality Source: Nold (2009a); courtesy of Christian Nold........................................................................................................ 135 Figure 5.9 Promotional material for the San Francisco emotional mapping project using the biomapping device in March‐April 2007. Note that data visualisation is as relevant for these projects as the social workshop setting. Source: www.sf.biomapping.net; accessed 16 May 2010; courtesy of Christian Nold .......... 135 Figure 5.10 The conceptual relations between possible, probable and desirable scenarios. Source: Jong (1992: 9) ............................................................................. 138 Figure 6.1 (next two pages) The chronotopic map of Pesaro and its detailed legend (Bonfiglioli et al., 1999) (original in colour) ............................................................... 157 Figure 6.2 The rhythm of major functions around the Daimler‐Chrysler plant as part of the mobility pact for Bremen Osten. Source: Warsewa (2004) ................................ 161 Figure 6.3 The relationships between different plan forms in the development of an overall territorial vision for the city of Bergamo. The TGP – or PGT in Italian – is a

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planning instrument introduced in Lombardia in 2005. The instrument consists of three major building blocks: framework, service plan and land use plan. The link with the time plan and with time policy and pilot projects (in grey) is particular for Bergamo (Bonfiglioli, 2008) (Catalan version); (Comune di Bergamo, 2006: Part III, p.21). ..........................................................................................................................166 Figure 6.4 Example of on/off maps using the third dimension; Pesaro‐case (Bonfiglioli et al., 1999) (original in colour) ..................................................................................183 Figure 6.5 Example of on/off maps using the third dimension; Pesaro‐case (Bonfiglioli et al., 1999).................................................................................................................184 Figure 6.6 Using colour coding; the background gets darker during evening and night hours while light colours pop‐up on the map for available amenities (Bonfiglioli et al., 1999) (original in colour) ............................................................................................185 Figure 6.7 Example of the legend of a chronotopic map on a neighbourhood level (SURE‐consortium, 2006) ...........................................................................................186 Figure 6.8 Time ‘envelopes’ of Seattle, USA. Source: Lynch (1976) ...........................187 Figure 6.9 Cycles of use in central Boston. ‘Evacuation’: empty at night; ‘Invasion’: active at night especially; ‘Displacement’: shifting from day to night activity. Source: Lynch (1976) ...............................................................................................................187

Biography Jeroen van Schaick (4 April 1978, Amsterdam) graduated from the Faculty of Architec‐ture at Delft University of Technology, having previously studied at the Faculties of Architecture at Eindhoven University of Technology (1996‐1997) and Delft University of Technology (1997‐2004). He specialised in urban and regional design and planning with electives in housing studies, sociology and social geography, most at Delft Uni‐versity of Technology, and some at University of Amsterdam. In the subsequent years he worked at the faculty of Architecture at Delft University of Technology as a PhD‐researcher on his thesis and on other research projects. During these years he taught BSc‐level and MSc‐level courses on urban and regional design and planning. As an editor he published two books: Urbanism on Track (IOS Press, 2008; co‐editor Stefan van der Spek) and Urban Networks – Network Urbanism (Techne Press, 2008; au‐thored by Prof.dr. Gabriel Dupuy; introduced, compiled and edited together with Ina Klaasen). Since 2010 he has worked in planning practice as a strategic spatial planner at the Province of South‐Holland. In his capacity as a coordinator of spatial affairs for the provincial involvement in the national multi‐year investment program for infra‐structure, his work has focused on bridging the gap between spatial planning and infrastructure planning. He has combined that job with a guest position at Delft Uni‐versity of Technology to finish his PhD and work on scientific articles.

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