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Wesleyan University

Beyond the Roda: The Berimbau de Barriga in Brazilian Music and Culture

by

Eric A. Galm

Faculty Advisor: Dr. Eric Charry

A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Wesleyan University in partial fulfillment

of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

Department of Music

Middletown, Connecticut April 2004


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UMI Number: 3127555

Copyright 2004 by

Galm, Eric A.

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Abstract

The berimbau de barriga is an African-derived gourd-resonated musical bow

that is commonly perceived to be an inseparable component of capoeira, an Afro-

Brazilian martial art/dance/game. This study pursues the berimbau's historical and

cultural trajectory from vendors and beggars who played musical bows in colonial

Brazilian marketplaces, through rodas (circles) of capoeira, to prominence in

Brazilian popular and art music genres. During the course of the twentieth century,

the berimbau went from being an obscure musical instrument that some believed was

going into extinction, to a Brazilian national instrument. Since the mid-twentieth

century, the berimbau has become increasingly prominent in many facets of Brazilian

culture, including diverse genres of art and popular music, fine arts and literature.

While most previous studies of the berimbau have focused solely on the

berimbau within the context of capoeira, this dissertation pursues new aspects of the

berimbau's meaning and significance in Brazilian music and culture. When a

significant symbol such as the berimbau is appropriated for use in various contexts

and it is released from an original identity, it becomes a cultural icon that takes on a

new range of meanings. There has been resistance to this movement across genres

from both practitioners of the capoeira tradition, and representatives of the newly


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adopted genres. These debates include questions regarding the berimbau's validity

and practicality within orchestral contexts, as well as concerns about innovative

berirnbau techniques that some fear may disfigure the capoeira tradition.

I also address issues of how race and class affect the public perception of the

berimbau and berimbau musicians in Brazilian society. Throughout Brazil 's history,

the berimbau has represented enslaved Africans and lower-class marginalized

populations. More recently, it has become reinterpreted to become an icon of

contemporary black cultural expression and a symbol of resistance. The berimbau's

survival from the colonial Brazilian era to the present suggests a spiritual triumph in

light of adverse circumstances. Through this process, it has become an active agent

in the struggle against racism and oppression of marginalized Afro-Brazilian

populations that have been subjected to economic and cultural inequalities since the

abolition of slavery in 1888.


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1

Table of Contents

List of Figures (Photos, Illustrations and Lyrics) v

List of Musical Transcriptions vi

List of Accompanying CD Tracks vii

A Note Regarding Musical Transcriptions and CD Timing Marks viii

Acknowledgements xi

Introduction 1

Objectives of Dissertation

Fieldwork and Methodology

Musical Instruments and Ethnomusicology

Previous Studies of the Berimbau

Review of Brazilian Popular and Art Music Literature

Theoretical Approaches

Organization of Dissertation

Conclusion

Chapter One: Historical Perspectives of the Berimbau and Capoeira 30

The Berimbau

Brief History of the Berimbau in Brazil

Brief History of Capoeira

Transformations: The Berirnbau's Survival and Formal Associationwith Capoeira

The Berimbau and Capoeira in Relation to Brazilian Nationalism


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11

Black Movements in Brazil

The Banian Blocos Afro

The Berimbau and African-derived Religious Beliefs

The Berimbau, Capoeira and Gender

The Berimbau as a National Symbol

Conclusion

Chapter Two: The Berimbau in Bossa Nova and Popular Music Festivals 85

Bossa Nova and a Modernizing Brazil

Brazilian Popular Music Festivals

Baden Powell

Afro Sambas and "Berimbau"

From Bossa Nova to MPB: Berimbau and Capoeira Themes inBrazilian Music Festivals

"Lapinha"

Musical Discussion of "Lapinha"

"Lapinha" Epilogue

Gilberto Gil and "Domingo no Parque"

Olodum and "Berimbau"

Conclusion

Chapter Three: The Berimbau in New Genres and Electronic Dance Music 132

The Bailes da Pesada and Black Rio


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Il l

Samba Reggae and Reggae

New Genres: Berimbrown (Congopop)

The Berimbau and Electronic Dance Music

M4J: "Capoeira" (Sample of "Clementina")

Ram Science: "Berimbaus"

Conclusion

Chapter Four: Three Perspectives on the Berimbau's Development

as a Solo Instrument..... 170

Nana Vasconcelos

Dinho Nascimento

Ramiro Musotto

Conclusion

Chapter Five: The Berimbau in Brazilian Art Music 205

Brazilian Art Music

Mario Tavares: Ganguzama

Use of The Berimbau in Ganguzama

Development of Berimbau Notation

D' Anunciação's Two-Stick Technique

Percussion-Based Art Music in Brazil

Luiz Augusto (Tim) Rescala: "Peca para Berimbau e Fita Magnetica"

Conclusion


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IV

Chapter Six: Conclusion 252

Glossary 267

Appendix A: Song Lyrics 272

Appendix B: Complete Musical Examples 278

Bibliography 296

Discography 309

Videography 311

Interviews 312


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List of Figures (Photos, Illustrations and Lyrics)

Figure 1: Map of Brazil 6

Figure 2: A Game (Jogo) of Capoeira 31

Figure 3: The Berimbau 33Figure 4: Basic Berimbau Technique 35Figure 5: Verse Collected by Brandao 39Figure 6: Capoeira Logo Utilizing the Berimbau 71Figure 7; Berimbau Phone Booth in Bahia 72Figure 8: Berimbau Musician Outside of Church 74Figure 9: Tocador de Berimbau by Cravo, Jr., 1950 76Figure 10: Political Cartoon Depicting Banian Senator's Scandal 78Figure 11: Political Cartoon Depicting Bahian Senator's Resignation 78Figure 12: Illustration from Children's Story 79Figure 13: Luana and Her Magic Berimbau 80

Figure 14: "Urucungo" 81Figure 15: Newspaper Critic's Citing of Capoeira Lyrics 105Figure 16: Song about Besouro sung by mestre Traira 110Figure 17: "QuandoeuMorrer,disseBesouro" I l lFigure 18: "Fita Amarela" by Rosa 114Figure 19: Samba de Roda attributed to Mano Edgar 114Figure 20: "A Melhor Coisa do Mundo" 116Figure 21: Lyrics of "Berimbau" 128Figure 22: Berimbrown CD Cover 145Figure 23: Oba La Vim Ela CD Cover 145Figure 24: Berimbrown 146

Figure 25: Capoeira Ladainha "Beaba do Berimbau" 149Figure 26: "Melo do Berimbau" 151Figure 27: "Clementina" lyrics 157Figure 28: Dinho Nascimento in Performance 185Figure 29: Berimbau Blues CD Cover 192Figure 30: Gongolo CD Cover 194Figure 31: Scenario of Ganguzama 217Figure 32: Quilombola lyrics during berimbau intervention 218Figure 33: Choral response to Quilombola passage 219

Figure 34: Tavares Notation of Ganguzama Berimbau Passage 223Figure 35: D'Anunciacao Notation Scheme 228

Figure 36: Shaffer Berimbau Notation 229Figure 37: Revised D'Anunciacao Notation 233Figure 38: Excerpt from 4 Motivos Nordestinos 239


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VI

List of Musical Transcriptions

Transcribed by Eric A. Galm unless otherwise noted.Transcription 1: Key to Musical Notation ix

Transcription 2: Baden Powell's Adaptation of the Berimbau for the Guitar 96Transcription 3: Variation of Berimbau Motif 97Transcription 4: "Angola" for Three Berimbaus 98Transcriptions: Analysis of the Toque de Capoeira Angola 99Transcription 6: "Lapinha" by Powell and Pinheiro 108Transcription 7: Mestre Pastinha's version of "Lapinha" 109Transcription 8: "Quando euMorrer, Disse Besouro" I l lTranscription 9: "Fita Amarela"by Noel Rosa 113Transcription 10: Baiao Rhythm 120Transcription 11: "O L6 Le" capoeira song and "Domingo no Parque" 121Transcription 12: Introduction of "Domingo no Parque" 123

Transcription 13: Introduction of "Berimbau" 127Transcription 14: "Beabfi do Berimbau" 149Transcription 15: "Mel6 do Berimbau" 151Transcription 16: "Clementina" 156Transcription 17: "Capoeira" 158Transcription 18: "Berimbaus" 166Transcription 19: "Ai Ai Aide" capoeira song and Vasconcelos Variation 177Transcription 20: Nana Vasconcelos Rhythmic Ideas with the Berimbau 179Transcription 21: "Berimbau Blues" 190Transcription 22: "Hino das Aguas" berimbau excerpt 197Transcription 23: "Noite de Temporal" Excerpt 199

Transcription 24: Musotto Berimbau Solo with Electronic Sequencer 201Transcription 25: Comparison of 1979 and 1999 Ganguzama Berimbau Passage.. 225


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Vll

List of Accompanying CD Tracks

Track 1: "Berimbau" (Powell 1963-disc)Track 2: "Berimbau" (Various Artists 2001-disc)

Track 3; "Angola" (Grupo de Capoeira Angola Pelourinho 1996-disc)Track 4: "Lapinha" (Various Artists 1968-disc)Track 5: "Lapinha" (Pastinha 1969-disc)Track 6: "Quando Eu Morrer, Disse Besouro" (Suassuna and Dirceu 1975-disc)Track 7: "Fita Amarela" (Reis 1932-disc)Track 8: "Domingo no Parque" (Gil 1968-disc)Track 9: "Domingo no Parque" (Gil 2000-disc)

Track 10: "Berimbau" introduction (Olodum 1992-disc)Track 11: "Berimbau" (Olodum 1999-disc)Track 12: "Beaba do Berimbau" (Pastinha 1969-disc)Track 13: "Mel6 do Berimbau" (Berimbrown 2000-disc)

Track 14: "Clementina" (Vasconcelos 1995-disc)Track 15: "Capoeira" (M4J 1998-disc)Track 16: "Berimbaus" (Ram Science 1999-disc)Track 17: "Ai Ai Aide (Grupo de Capoeira Angola Pelourinho 1996-disc)Track 18: "Ai Ai Aide" as sung by Vasconcelos (Talbot 1971-vid)Track 19: "O Berimbau" (Vasconcelos 1980-disc)

Track 20: "Berimbau Blues" (D Nascimento 2001a-disc)Track 21: "Hino das Aguas" (Menezes 1989-disc)Track 22: "Noite de Temporal" (Rodrigues 1997-disc)Track 23: "La Danza del Tezcatlipoca Rojo" (Santos n.d.-disc)Track 24: Berimbau Excerpt from Ganguzama in 1979 (Tavares 1979-disc)

Track 25: Berimbau Excerpt from Ganguzama in 1999 (Tavares 1999-disc)Track 26: "Capoeira" from 4 Motivos Nordestinos (Escola Brasileira de Musica

1996-disc)

Track 27: "Divertimento para Berimbau" (Escola Brasileira de Musica 1996-disc)Track 28: "Peca para Berimbau e Fita Magnetica" (Rescala n.d.-disc)


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VU1

A Note Regarding Musical Transcriptions and CD Timing Marks

The graphic representation of musical sounds produced by the berimbau has

been a challenge posed to musicians and scholars for decades. In 1958,

ethnomusicologist Charles Seeger distinguished between "prescriptive" and

"descriptive" musical notation schemes (Seeger in Ellingson 1992:142). In this

sense, a musical transcription could function either as a prescription for accurately

reproducing all of the sounds, or as a description the overall effect. While many

notation options exist for the berimbau, I believe Luiz D'Anunciagao (1990a)

introduced one of the most comprehensive berimbau notation systems for performers

and composers (see fig 36).

Although this notation provides a means to comprehensively and

systematically depict all of the sounds produced by the berimbau, it requires the

ability to simultaneously read three separate staff systems. Since my goal for the

musical notation in this study is to provide a brief snapshot for easy comprehension, I

have modified D' Anunciacao's notational scheme in order to capture fundamental

aspects of the berimbau's music, similar in concept to a piano reduction of a complete

orchestral score. As a result of this modification, I am omitting the separate functions

of the left and right hands. This notation has been designed to supplement the

recorded musical examples, and provide a basic schematic outline of the berimbau

music.


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IX

In this dissertation, the berimbau notation is depicted on a one-line staff. The

note below the line represents the freely vibrating string, or unaltered fundamental

pitch of the berimbau. The note above the line represents a distinct altered

fundamental pitch produced by pressing the coin firmly against the string. The note

that appears on the line represents an indeterminate buzz sound. In special cases, I

include a second line that depicts overtly exaggerated sounds produced by the gourd

movement against and away from the body (such as Ramiro Musotto) (see trans 1).

Open Fundamental "Repique" indeterminate buzz effect Raised Fundamental

(freely vibrating string/ (light coin contact against string) (strong coin contact)no coin contact)

Berimbau

GourdMovement

Gourd against G o i m J a w a y f t o mmusician's body musician's body(closed) ( o p e n )

Transcription 1: Key to Musical Notation

I have also had to make special accommodations for new techniques, such as

in the case of Dinho Nascimento, where I depict the berimbau on a conventional five-

line staff, with a separate one-line staff for the caxixi (small basket rattle). I have

maintained a separate single-line caxixi staff for Ramiro Musotto's solo of "La Danza

del Tezcatlipoca Rojo." In this case, the caxixi has been moved to the electronic

sequencer, and functions as a modified audible click track.

There are two versions of recorded examples for this dissertation. A set of

complete recordings has been deposited with the archive copy, and a single-disc

edited recording has been prepared for general distribution. CD timing marks


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X

corresponding to the original recordings will be provided at the beginning of all

musical transcriptions that do not start at the beginning of the track. In special cases

where this timing may have been altered due to the edited version of the recording,

alternate timings will appear in parentheses directly below the timing mark of the

original. For example if a musical passage occurs at the eight-minute mark, the CD

timing marks will appear as follows:

8:00

(0:00)

If this same example features a transcription that begins 30 seconds after the recorded

passage, the CD timing marks will display:

8:30

(0:30)

In special cases where there are interruptions in the middle of transcriptions, or to

illustrate an example referenced in the text, timing marks are provided at the

beginning of each section.


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XI

Acknowledgements

I dedicate this work to my grandfather, Kenneth, J. Galm. His support of my

studies in Brazil in the late 1980s and early 1990s enabled me to explore and build

upon my knowledge of Brazilian percussion music and culture. I sincerely thank him

for his continuing encouragement in my personal and professional career.

Through the process of researching, writing and revising this dissertation, I

have depended upon the generous assistance of many individuals and organizations.

It is clear that this project would not have been possible without the motivation and

support that I have received along the way. My dissertation research received

financial assistance from the United States Fulbright Program and the Comissdo

Fulbright in Brazil, as well as a Dissertation Write-Up Award from Wesleyan

University upon my return from Brazil.

I would like to express my sincere thanks to my dissertation committee, Eric

Charry, Mark Slobin, Samuel Araujo and Claudia Tatinge Nascimento, who have all

provided clear insight and direction for the shaping of the current work, and vision for

future publication. Claudia also worked extensively with me on issues regarding

Portuguese translation, general organization and terminology. Thank you all for the

extra work you devoted towards this project. I would like to give a big thanks to Su

Zheng for her continued support over the years, as well as her participation on my

qualifying exam committee. It is with great regret that I must thank Lise Waxer

posthumously for her moral, academic and professional support over the years. In


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XII

addition to serving on my qualifying exam committee, she eagerly solicited drafts,

and helped me to produce material during the early stages in this writing process.

Also thanks to K. David Jackson, Lynn Frederiksen, Sarah Malinoski, Nick Zebb and

John Galm for reading early drafts and offering valuable suggestions that helped me

to clarify my overall narrative.

In Brazil, I thank the Comissdo Fulbright Brasil staff: Marco Antonio da

Rocha, Anderson Lima, Jeferson Goncalves in Brasilia, and Nilza Waldeck, Rita

Moriconi, Marisa Leal and Charles Souza in Rio de Janeiro. Thanks to all of the US

Fulbright scholars who provided a week of exciting academic interdisciplinary

exchange in Brasilia, and especially Rhonda Collier for her help in Sao Paulo and

Brendan Flannery for his help in Salvador. Extra special thanks to Rita and Luca

Moriconi and their daughter, Maria Rita, as well as Rosa and Pedro Zanker and their

family for helping my family to feel at home in Rio.

Thanks to Samuel Araujo, who sponsored my Fulbright research and assisted

with my appointment as Visiting Scholar at the University Federal do Rio de Janeiro.

And thanks to his wife, Ligia Bahia, who helped my family to locate excellent

medical resources. Also at UFRJ, I thank graduate studies director Fa'tima

Tacuchian, professor Leonardo Fuks, graduate students Vincenzo Cambria, Francisca

Marques, and all of the other ethnomusicology students for their lively exchanges,

Portuguese translation assistance, and feedback about my research. I also thank

Elizabeth Travassos, professor at UniRio for her support, as well as the entire staff at

the Biblioteca Amadeu Amaral, especially Luciana de Noronha Versiani who allowed


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xm

me to work at her computer for weeks on end. Thanks to, Marcelo Rodolfo, Antdnio

Adolfo, Livio Sansone, Carlos Sandroni, Jos6 Jorge de Carvalho, Raimundo Batista,

Isaura de Asis, Kelly Sabini, Phil Malinoski, Mark Overmyer-Velazquez, Zinho

Brown, David Locke, Kai Fikentscher, and many other people who have supported

this project over the past several years.

I send another big thank you to all of my informants and colleagues in Rio:

Luiz D'Anunciagao, Carlos Negreiros, Tim Rescala, Nelson MacSdo, Ramiro

Musotto, Marcos Suzano, and Tandi Gebara; Dinho Nascimento, Manoel Vanni,

Franco Junior, Mestre Negativo, John Boudler, Carlos Stasi, and Eduardo Gianasera

in Sao Paulo; and, Frederico Abreu, Cicero AntSnio, Ivanzinho, Ricardo Souza, and

Angela Liiehning in Salvador. Thanks also to percussionist Di Lutgardes for helping

to locate some key information about art music in Rio de Janeiro.

I am especially grateful to Luiz D' Anunciacao for his mentorship of Brazilian

percussion performance techniques, and his patience and continued encouragement

over the years, which has led to my understanding of many aspects of Brazilian music

and culture. Also thanks to his family for inviting me into their home for an extended

stay during my research trip in 1990-1991.

Finally, this project would not have come to fruition without the support of

my immediate family. Extra special thanks to my wife Amy, my children Kenneth

and Isabella, as well as the entire Galm and Yarbrough families, who have all made

personal sacrifices to accommodate the research and writing process of this

dissertation. Thank you all for your motivation and support!


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Introduction

The berimbau de barriga1 is an African-derived gourd-resonated musical bow

that is commonly perceived to be an inseparable component of capoeira, an Afro-

Brazilian martial art/dance/game.2 This study pursues the berimbau's historical and

cultural trajectory from vendors and beggars who played musical bows in colonial

Brazilian public marketplaces through the rodas (circles) of capoeira, to prominence

in Brazilian popular music and on stage with European instruments of symphony

orchestras. During the course of the twentieth century, the berimbau went from being

an obscure musical instrument that some believed was going into extinction, to a

Brazilian national instrument. Since the mid-twentieth century, the berimbau has

become mcreasingly prominent in many facets of Brazilian culture, including diverse

genres of art and popular music,3 fine arts and literature.

While most previous studies of the berimbau have focused solely on the

berimbau within the context of capoeira, this dissertation pursues new aspects of the

berimbau's meaning and significance in Brazilian music and culture. Some

1 I use "berimbau" for brevity. Exceptions will be noted.2 The term "Afro-Brazilian" took on political connotations in the early 1970s. I primarily use this

term in relation to capoeira, African derived religions. See chapter three for a discussion of contemporary uses of the term "Afro Brasileiro." 3 Neves (1981:15) notes that in Brazil, popular music is "a music of the people, which moves towardsnationalization of its constitutive elements and forms." He continues that erudite music (art music) isproduced by and for the country's elite and was based on European models in association with theCatholic church. Appleby (1983:95) notes that the terms "m&skafolcldrica (folkioric music), nuisica

popular, (popular music) and miisica erudita or miisica de escola (art music) are generally acceptedterms implying specific musical styles and social functions. However, there is considerably less than ageneral agreement as to the meaning of these terms."


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fundamental questions to be addressed include the following. Through this

movement across diverse genres, how has the berimbau's meaning and significance

changed? In these various contexts, is the utilization of the berimbau limited directly

to capoeira references, or does it acquire new values? How does the berimbau's

symbolism change when people from different societal strata utilize it? This study

investigates examples of the berimbau's role in many areas of contemporary Brazilian

music, and documents its development from solo to ensemble and return to solo

instrument. This new solo context features an enhanced virtuosic element.

When a significant symbol such as the berimbau is appropriated for use in

various contexts and it is released from an original identity, it becomes a cultural icon

that takes on a new range of meanings. There has been resistance to this movement

across genres from both practitioners of the capoeira tradition, and representatives of

the newly adopted genres. These debates include questions regarding the benmbau's

validity and practicality within orchestral contexts, as well as concerns about

innovative berimbau techniques that some fear may disfigure the capoeira tradition.

I also address issues of how race and class affect the public perception of the

berimbau and berimbau musicians in Brazilian society. Throughout Brazil 's history,

the berimbau has represented enslaved Africans and lower-class marginalized

populations. More recently, it has become reinterpreted to become an icon of

contemporary black cultural expression and a symbol of resistance. The berimbau's

survival from the colonial Brazilian era to the present suggests a spiritual triumph in

light of adverse circumstances. Through this process, it has become an active agent


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in the struggle against racism and oppression of marginalized Afro-Brazilian

populations that have been subjected to economic and cultural inequalities since the

abolition of slavery in 1888.

Objectives of Dissertation

This project is a continuation of work that I began with my Master's thesis,

"The Berimbau de Barriga within the World of Capoeira" (E Galm 1997), which

analyzed the berimbau's prominence, function and performance practice within the

context of capoeira. My primary objective for this dissertation has been to discover

the breadth of the berimbau's presence in Brazilian music and culture beyond the

context of capoeira. Through this process, I have obtained far more leads than I

imagined possible, and as a result, it has been necessary to draw upon selected data

from my research in order to construct a concise narrative. I pursued the berimbau's

presence in colonial Brazilian society as a means to establish connections between the

berimbau and dance in Afro-Brazilian music and culture prior to its formal alignment

with capoeira in the twentieth century.

As many references of the berimbau in contemporary Brazilian music relate

directly to capoeira, I have pursued changes in berimbau musical aesthetics as it has

moved beyond the capoeira tradition. I have also focused on national issues of race,

class and Brazilian nationalism and how they relate to commoditization and

commercialization in the musical genres of Brazilian popular and art music. Rio de


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Janeiro emerged as an ideal central location for pursuing the berimbau's presence in

Brazilian art and popular music.

Since the berimbau has become a visible instrument in musical practices

throughout the world, I limit the focus of this investigation to the practice of

berimbau music that is produced within Brazil. As an exception to this focus, I look

in detail at the music and career of Nana" Vasconcelos, who has recorded extensively

both in Brazil and throughout the world. He is the most prominent individual who

introduced the berimbau into global musical markets, and his work has inspired many

musicians throughout the world. It is principally through Vasconcelos's work and

international folklore shows featuring berimbau solos that the berimbau has

developed a strong global identity. Argentine-born percussionist Ramiro Musotto,

discussed in chapter four, demonstrates how Vasconcelos's influence has stretched

beyond Brazil's borders. Consequently, Musotto has established a performance

career in Brazil, and has in turn created new directions for the berimbau in Brazilian

popular music.

Fieldwork and Methodology

Primary fieldwork for this project was conducted at multi-sited research points

in Brazil between August 2000 and July 2001, supported by a Fulbright fellowship.

Initial study and research took place in Brazil during 1989 (five weeks) and 1990-

1991 (six months).


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In 2000-2001,1 conducted formal interviews with Brazilian musicians and

composers in Rio de Janeiro, Salvador, and Sao Paulo (see fig 1). Through my

experience as a visiting scholar at the music school of the Universidade Federal do

Rio de Janeiro under the supervision of ethnomusicologist Samuel Araujo, I

participated in intense discussions on a broad spectrum of ideas with faculty and

students who directed me towards new leads for ray project. I presented findings from

my research at the 2° Coldquio de Pesquisa da Pos-Graduagdo at UFRJ, and the

Conference of the International Council for Traditional Music, held in Rio de Janeiro.

I also attended Brazilian ethnomusicology conferences in Rio de Janeiro and Belo

Horizonte, and Brazilian political and cultural seminars in Brasilia and Recife,

sponsored by the Brazilian Fulbright Commission.

I took private lessons with Brazilian percussionist Luiz D'Anunciacao from

March to July 2001. This became a forum for extended interviews regarding his

personal history and ideas about the berimbau in Brazilian music and culture. This

exchange supplemented formal lessons that I took with D'Anunciacao at the Escola

Brasileira de Musica in 1990-1991 and ongoing informal conversations about

Brazilian music and culture that have spanned the years in-between. I also studied

from March to May 2001 with percussionist Carlos Negreiros, whose perspective

about Afro-Brazilian rhythmic ideas utilized in Brazilian popular music was very

informative. These lessons also provided an opportunity to explore in-depth

connections between Brazilian music and culture in more detail.


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State capital

- ftailtoad

— Road

Figure 1: Map of Brazil4

4 Map accessed via internet on June 29, 2003.(http://www.lib.utexas.edu/maps/americas/brazil_rel94.jpg)


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Library and archival research was conducted principally in Rio de Janeiro at

the Biblioteca Amadeu Amoral at the Museu do Folclore, and the Bihlioteca

National, the Museu da Imdgem e do Som (as well as in Sao Paulo), the UFRJ music

library, and the library at the Centro dos Estudos Afro-Asidticos at the Universidade

do Cdndido Mendes, where I met informally with anthropologist Livio Sansone on

several occasions. I also obtained valuable information from the archives of the

Fundagao Pierre Verger and the Instituto Maud, both in Salvador, and a broad range

of important materials were loaned to me from private collections. Additional

research was conducted through full-text archival resources on the Brazilian

newspaper websites of A Tarde (Salvador), O Globo (Rio de Janeiro), Jornal do

Brasil (Rio de Janeiro), Folha de Sao Paulo (Sao Paulo), and O Estado de Sao Paulo

(Sao Paulo) where I obtained many leads for recordings that prominently featured the

berimbau. Through these resources, I pinpointed geographical locations of

musicians, which enabled me to arrange interviews with many berimbau musicians

and composers.

During the research process, I remained cognizant of issues regarding the

blurring of lines between researchers and informants, and I often observed that I was

engaged in a cyclical interchange of influencing and being affected by various

ideological perspectives. For example, members of one Brazilian family shared with

me that as a result of our conversations they felt an increased sense of pride and

cultural value in their perception of Brazilian music.


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8

Two occasions illustrated some of the prejudices that surround the berimbau.

In one instance, a Brazilian educator became completely speechless when I explained

that I had received governmental support to conduct research on something that she

considered to be so "common" in Brazilian society as the berimbau. She claimed that

since it was such a "simple" instrument, I most likely would not be able to find

anything unique and scholarly to pursue. On another occasion, when I was preparing

to deliver a lecture about the berimbau at the Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro

(UFRJ), I was walking through the halls with a berimbau in my hand, and a middle-

aged woman began to verbally berate me (and my berimbau) by ultimately

exclaiming: "I detest folkloric things." These experiences reinforced my

assumptions that the berimbau continues to be associated with the lower classes

within Brazilian society.

Technological problems occasionally affected my access to data. During my

interview with Tim Rescala, who wrote a piece for berimbau and magnetic tape in

1980,1 learned that his original and master performance tape recordings had

disintegrated, thus making it impossible to compare and contrast the original sound

sources with the electronically processed results. In another instance, Sao Paulo-

based DJ and electronic music composer Ramilson Maia conveyed to me that he still

has copies of his original computer files, but he is unable to open them, since they

only run on previous versions of his music sequencing computer programs. The lack

of a professional archive for repository of audio recordings and computer files poses

serious research challenges since access to original data for relatively recent


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compositions may be as inaccessible as the original data for pieces that have been

composed in previous decades.5

Musical Instruments and Ethnomusicology

The study of musical instruments has changed dramatically over the course of

the twentieth century. The scope and definition of the field of organology has been

defined and reinterpreted to adapt to the change in scholars' research goals.6 In the

early 1900s, musical instruments were studied from an object-oriented perspective,

whereas more recently, scholars have utilized musical instruments as central focal

points for the investigation of cultural structures and relationships.

Erich Von Hornbostel and Curt Sachs developed one of the most prominent

classification systems in the field of ethnomusicology in their 1914 treatise on the

classification of musical instruments.7 The Hornbostel-Sachs musical instrument

classification system (hereafter H-S) was based on a system devised for cataloging

instruments in a Brussels museum collection by Victor Mahillon in 1888. Mahillon's

system was based on the physical characteristics of sound-production as the most

5 This dilemma is not unique to Brazil, as many professional archives in the United States arestruggling to preserve primary source material on a long-term basis.6 An anonymous entry in The New Grove Dictionary of Music (Anonymous 1984:916) definesorganology as "the descriptive and analytical study of musical instruments," specifying that anessential aspect of study should include their historical development and use in cross-cultural contexts

in similar or different eras, Ethnomusicologist Klaus Wachsmann (1984:237) considers the study of instruments as objects as well as components of biological and social musical activity. He believesthat the term "musical instrument" is problematic in itself, since notions of music and sound vary fromculture to culture. As a result, he questions the use of the term "organology" since it takes "thereference to sound or music for granted." More recently, ethnomusicologist Sue deVale (1990:4) hasdefined organology as "the science of sound instruments," focusing on a primary distinction between"sound" and "music," which encompasses a broader spectrum of material to be incorporated into thestudy of the discipline.7 An entire version in Myers (1992:444-461).


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important principle of division. His classification scheme was initially modeled after

the traditional European classifications of modern orchestral instruments—strings,

winds and percussion. When large numbers of non-western musical instruments were

introduced into the collection, "he juxtaposed categories and imposed uneven

classificatory criterion in order to preserve the prominent status of European musical

instruments" (Dournon 1992:446).8 The H-S scheme was solely interested in the

musical instrument-as-object, by focusing "only on those features which can be

identified from the visible form of the instruments, avoiding subjective preferences

and leaving the instrument itself unmeddled with" (Hornbostel and Sachs 1992:448).

Since the 1960s, a significant trend in organology has been to move away

from the study of a musical instrument as an object, and focus on the meaning and

function of the musical instrument in a societal context. This trend also follows a

general ideological shift in the field of ethnomusicology, from viewing music within

a cultural context, to viewing music as an aspect of culture.9

Mantle Hood (1971)

introduced the organogram, a symbolic classification system based on the H-S

scheme, as a means to visually depict concise taxonomic description. Inspired by

Labanotation, a graphic dance language, Hood aimed to incorporate aspects of

specific performance techniques, ornamentation and decoration, and musical function

8 Questions have been raised concerning whether Mahillon actually devised this four-partclassification system, or adopted it from similar schemes developed in India. Nevertheless, "hecontinues to receive credit for it to this day" (Jairazbhoy 1990:82). The H-S system is based on thedivision of musical instruments into four main groups by means of sound production: aerophones(air), chordophones (vibrating string), membranophones (vibrating membrane), and idiophones (entireinstrument itself produces sound).9 For a comprehensive debate on this discussion, see Nettl (1983).


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within social contexts. He also added a fifth "genus" to the H-S framework, the

"electrophone."

In the past three decades, ethnomusicological studies have moved deeper into

socio-cultural explorations of musical instruments. As the breadth of musical

instrument studies diversified into distinct areas, Sue deVale (1990) proposed a model

for analysis of these trends. She suggested that organological studies could be

categorized into an interdisciplinary systematic network featuring three principal and

interlinking branches that could stand alone or work together. These branches

include: "classificatory," which would continue with the development of

classification systems; "analytic," which investigates specific questions about musical

instruments; and "applied," which includes studies related to museum collections,

technological innovation, as it relates to craftsmen, composers and performers. If

these branches work in tandem, they can become: "classificatory/analytic," which

evaluates existing systems and develops new research models; and "analytic/applied,"

which analyzes contributions of museum curators, craftsmen, composers and

performers.10

10 Some examples of recent studies of musical instruments as applied to these categories are asfollows. "Classificatory:" GAMES (Generators And Modifiers of Electronic Sound) (Michael Bakan

et al. 1990:40), which proposed incorporation of electronic sequencers and sound processors into theH-S scheme. "Analytic:" Paul Berliner (1981), John Schechter (1992) and Laurence Kaptain (1992)."Applied:" Christina Niles (1978) and Chris Goertzen (1997) both employ the concept of revivals andnew uses for old instruments. "Classificatory/Analytic:" includes the presentation of culture-emergingmusical classification concepts and schemes (Hugo Zemp 1978), new ways to view the life span of amusical instrument (DeVale 1988), and a comparative study of Brazilian berimbau performancepractice (Kay Shaffer 1982, discussed in next section). "Analytic/Applied:" includes an analysis of musical instruments through the lens of African American musical aesthetics (Ernest Brown 1990) andan analysis through organological development (Richard Graham 1991, discussed in next section).


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The following section features a summary of musical instrument studies from

the late 1950s to the present that relate directly to the berimbau. These studies have

generally been derived from the disciplines of folklore, anthropology and

ethnomusicology.

Previous Studies of the Berimbau

Albano Marinho de Oliveira (1958) published the first detailed study that

investigates the berimbau within a cultural context, specifically capoeira, and includes

related mythological legends and musical transcriptions of berimbau toques (melodic-

rhythmic patterns). The transcriptions convey only the basic rhythmic aspects of the

berimbau performance, neglecting to demonstrate the melodic-rhythmic qualities of

berimbau music.

The next in-depth study of the berimbau appeared two decades later (Kay

Shaffer 1982 [1976]) and presented a combination of historical and contemporary

ethnographic information. Shaffer's main hypothesis attempts to compare and

contrast berimbau performance practice within the capoeira tradition. His

comparative project was inspired by a list of capoeira toque names presented by

Waldeloir Rego (1968). Shaffer wanted to document, name and record the melodic-

rhythmic motifs for each capoeira toque and compare and contrast them among

capoeira masters. He discovered that some masters could not recall what they had

shown Rego, and others stated that they purposely misled Rego by claiming to


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include certain toques within their repertoire that they did not know how to play

(Shaffer 1982:41-42).

Richard Graham (1991) traced the organological development of the

berimbau, explaining that it is an instrument that evolved in Brazil from African

prototypes. Graham studied the development of the berimbau in colonial Brazil

through a historical survey, personal experiments, and by pursuing questions posed

by Gerhard Kubik (1975,1979).11 Tiago de Olivera Pinto (1991) presents a

comprehensive discussion of the berimbau including various organological

classification schemes, and attempts to bridge conventional and TUBS (Time Unit

Box System) notational systems.12 Comparative transcriptions of berimbau

performances by capoeira masters are presented in Shaffer (1982), while

transcriptions and recordings of berimbau performances appear in Pinto (1988-disc

and 1990-disc) and E Galm (1997).

The first work to present a comprehensive overview of berimbau performance

practice within and beyond capoeira was published by Luiz D'Anunciacao (1990a).

He introduced an innovative notational scheme (the first to specifically notate the

placement of the resonance gourd against or away from the body), codified musical

techniques and performance practices in relation to capoeira, presented suggestions

11 Other aspects of Kubik's hypotheses were pursued by Pinto (1994) and Mukuna (1998). Graham'spersonal experiments include comparisons of berimbau resonance against a bare chest and a sweater.He presents plausible hypotheses, which would be strengthened with ethnographic information fromBrazilian berimbau musicians.12 See Koetting (1970). In my Masters Thesis (E Galm 1997) I present a summary of musical bowclassification schemes, and discuss concepts suggested by the authors above. 1 also discuss theberimbau in conjunction with Afro-Brazilian cultural values and ideologies drawn from capoeirapractice.


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for contemporary composers, included definitions and descriptions of extended

performance techniques, and composed a brief didactic work for berimbau and guitar,

thus affording a practical example of theoretical concepts.

Recent interdisciplinary capoeira studies have introduced new ways with

which to pursue the berimbau's function within capoeira. Anthropologist Greg

Downey has analyzed how the berimbau and capoeira can create a total sensory-based

approach to capoeira apprenticeship. He explores beyond the physical aspects of

merely listening to the musical bow, and expands his focus to incorporate a

comprehensive kinesthetic relationship of "feeling" (moving in time), "hearing"

(responding to musical cues for insights of when to attack an opponent), and

"dancing" (restricted movement styles) according to the berimbau's melodic rhythms

(Downey 1998:141-161,2002).13

Review of Brazilian Popular and Art Music Literature

European chroniclers and missionaries provided many descriptions of musical

activity in the Brazilian colonial era. Foreign travelers in the early to mid nineteenth

century provided descriptions of the berimbau's presence in colonial era marketplaces

and slave plantations.14 Although many of these accounts embody superficial

13 Although Downey (1998:141) incorporates a broad interdisciplinary analysis of the berimbau withinthe context of capoeira, he does not recognize its pervasiveness in Brazilian society. He states that theberimbau is now "rarely used outside of capoeira practice., .a few jazz musicians, especially thoseexperimenting with traditional Bahian sounds, are noteworthy exceptions."14 For overviews of these accounts in relation to the berimbau, see E Galm (1997), Graham (1991)Kubik (1979) and Shaffer (1982). For overviews of Latin American art music and art music in Brazil,see Appleby (1983), Be"hague (1979), Neves (1981) and Mariz (1997).


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descriptions from an exoticized foreign gaze, they do provide a valuable perspective

of the berimbau's strong presence in Brazil's colonial era.

In the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries some Brazilian

intellectuals undertook scientific cultural studies within the framework of social

evolutionism inspired by French positivism.15 An example of this in relation to music

is Guilherme de Melo's A Miisica no Brasil (The Music of Brazil) (1994), originally

published in 1908. This is the first book on the history of Brazilian music. This work

demonstrates two prominent trends that influenced Brazilian literature and culture.

First is a concept that indigenous, Portuguese and African "races" formed Brazil's

national character. This has come to be known as the myth of Brazil's racial

democracy, in which "Portuguese influence is highlighted as transforming and

reorganizing the other two influences" (Araujo 2000:118), Although emphasis was

placed on cultural mixing, urban popular musics such as tangos, waltzes, polkas and

maxixes, and their composers were excluded from being representative of a national

music. Composers such as Chiquinha Gonzaga and Ernesto Nazareth pioneered

musical syntheses between "sounds of the streets and those of the concert halls"

(Araujo 2000:118) well before recognized art music composers. It appears that

Melo's criterion for recognizing national Brazilian music was based on a composer's

ability to connect Brazilian literary themes with "a vague, equally national 'musical

subject.'" (Araujo 2000:118). In this context, Brazil 's most well known composer,

15 This refers to positive associations as they deal with natural phenomena. In Brazil, this began withAugusto Conde, a 19* century modernist sociologist who followed the trend to scientifically proveevolutionism. This ideology was later followed by folklorist Silvio Romero, who pursued folklore as away to understand the identity and characteristics of the Brazilian people (Araujo 2004-int).


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Heitor Villa-Lobos was hailed for his incorporation of urban popular music into art

music compositions. Nevertheless, he had been preceded by a generation of popular

music composers who received no recognition from Melo for their contributions

towards the development of Brazilian nationalistic music. As a result of the close

proximity between art and popular music, studies of these two musical genres have

often overlapped. For example, musical genres such as the modinha and choro have

received attention from both popular and art music scholars, since these musical

traditions were well represented in both popular and elite contexts.

In the early 1920s, Brazilian music and culture underwent a modernist

movement that advocated for the creation of a unique Brazilian cultural expression.

This was achieved by incorporating techniques adopted from the masters of European

fine arts with Brazil 's diverse range of folkloric expression. Spearheaded by poet

Oswald de Andrade, this process became known as antropofagia (cultural

cannibalism).16

A later important advocate of Brazil's modernist movement was

Mario de Andrade (1972 [1928]) who conducted broad-based studies of musical

expression throughout the country. He presented some of the first musical studies

that incorporated detailed musical notation with song texts in a broad spectrum of

genres including children's songs, drinking songs, and folkloric songs. Nationalist

policies were formally adopted in the 1930s by the populist dictatorship of Getulio

Vargas's Estado Novo (New State), and Afro-Brazilian cultural expressions, such as

This is discussed in more detail in chapters one and five.


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the samba became nationally promoted as models of Brazilian racial harmony.17 As a

result, Brazilian folk music studies became a tool for the mining of the country's

folkloric manifestations in order to provide "raw materials for the high arts" (Reily

2000:5).

Nationally promoted concepts of music have been shaped by urban middle-

class aesthetics as defined by Rio de Janeiro-emergent musical traditions. As a result

of the focus on Rio de Janeiro's musical traditions, popular music studies have been

principally focused on the musical genres of samba, bossa nova, and MPB~Mmica

Popular Brasileira (Popular Brazilian Music) since the late 1950s.

Recent studies have focused on the deconstruction of Brazil's racial myth

(cultural mixing of the Portuguese, indigenous and African heritages) discussed

above. Some of these recent studies reflect on how music has helped to construct

national identity in relation to this tripartite paradigm.18 Other studies pursue how

musical expression functions within a dynamic national culture, and explore revised

notions of Brazilian aesthetic systems.19

Theoretical Approaches

For my analysis of the berimbau in many musical genres and cultural strata, I

draw on concepts presented by various scholars in recent years. In Brazilian

academia, the term "recorte teorico" (theoretical cut) (Seeger 2002:187) represents an

17 Brazilian nationalism in relation to the berimbau will be explored in Chapter one.18 See Reily (1994) and H Vianna (1999).19 See Armstrong (2002), Davies (1999) and Sansone (2002)


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analytical process in which an object is dissected through the use of various

theoretical perspectives, and then later reconstituted to present a comprehensive view

of the object that is being studied. No matter how many ways it is theoretically

deconstructed, the dissected parts are still part of the original source. For example,

Anthony Seeger (2002:187-192) demonstrates how a banana can signify a tropical

metaphor for a single comprehensive music structure. He explains that this "banana"

can be dissected into various slices, with the angle of each cut determined by a

different theoretical approach or question. The results yield multiple perspectives that

can be derived from a single source. I adapt this concept by viewing individual

"bananas" as representative of single traditional, popular and art genres, which can

then be grouped into bunches within a larger superstructure known as "Brazilian

music." The various theoretical cuts that are being performed here are all directed

from the focal viewpoint of the berimbau and related social perspectives. This

approach enables me to explore a broad range of musical genres from various eras.

By selecting a cross-section of musical examples for discussion, I present a

comprehensive analysis of the berimbau's presence in musical genres that span across

multiple levels of social and economic strata within Brazilian society.

Perhaps one of the most important methods for analysis of the berimbau in

Brazilian music and culture is through observation of the development of berimbau

notation schemes. Notational schemes presented by Luiz D'Anunciac,ao (1971a, b,

1990a) and Tiago de Oliveira Pinto (1988-disc, 1990-disc, 1991) have dramatically

enhanced the berimbau's musical value, by calling attention (and assigning value) to


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the broad range of timbres produced by this musical bow. As a result, these

notational schemes have successfully countered elitist assumptions that the berimbau

was an instrument of limited musical potential.

As a means of pursuing detailed aspects of the berimbau's presence in

Brazilian music cultures, I also draw upon a set of methodological guidelines that

have been proposed by ethnomusicologists Kazadi wa Mukuna and Tiago de Olivera

Pinto (1990-1991) and developed by Mukuna (1997) for comparative analysis of

African musical and cultural expression in the Americas. Mukuna and Pinto (in

Mukuna 2003:25) view music as a total cultural product that incorporates social and

economic aspects as well as "languages, dances, movements, games and special

behaviors pertaining to a dynamic society."

Their model draws upon Fernando Ortiz's notion of "transculturation," but

dismisses the aspect of "acculturation" as proposed by Melville Herskovits (1943) in

a Latin American context.20 Ethnomusicologist Gerhard Kubik (1979:9) has

suggested that African elements in Brazilian society could be viewed as "extensions"

of African cultures as opposed to African survivals or retentions. In contrast,

Mukuna (1997:245) argues that these elements have undergone a transformative

process that ensures their relevance over time. Following this notion, he believes that

ethnomusicological studies should look beyond mere identification and description of

African musical elements. He suggests that scholars should strive to understand

20 Drawing on Melville Herskovits' theories of "acculturation," Ortiz viewed transculturation as a termto describe "intra-social processes of change." Ortiz expanded Herskovits's notions of Africanretentions to distinguish between "authentic" and "modified" cultural forms (Moore 1994:44).


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"various processes of transculturation, retention, resilience [andj extension" within a

social and historical context.

Through analysis of the cultural convergence of indigenous, African and

European heritages, Mukuna views assimilation as a multi-layered exchange in which

elements may be accepted or rejected by the receiving society. He lists three

principal phases of this process as: an "inventory of cultural materials" in which

people of contrasting backgrounds discover common denominators; the "evaluation"

of these common denominators; and the "reinterpretation of compatible common

denominators" that are transformed and acquire new functions and eventually reach

the process of assimilation. In this respect, Mukuna believes that the berimbau is still

being used in Brazilian culture, because it has been reinterpreted to function in other

cultural contexts beyond its origins (Mukuna 1997:244-245).

I adapt this approach to examine various aspects of the berimbau's presence in

diverse realms of Brazilian music and culture. As capoeira is believed to have been

developed by enslaved Africans in Brazil, these concepts will help with analysis of

the berimbau's movement away from the traditional capoeira context and view how it

has been assimilated into other musical genres. By looking at the berimbau within a

social and historical perspective, I look at questions concerning why the berimbau has

developed as a symbol of national, collective and individual identity that spans a

broad range of social classes.

Anthropologist Livio Sansone (1999) questions which particular elements of

Brazilian culture can be considered African, since many of these associations have


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been and continue to be derived from superficial observations as opposed to detailed

research. Through a process of commodifying objects that have come to be identified

as icons of "black culture," Sansone demonstrates how such symbols, created by

lower-class populations, have been initially rejected by the broader society.

Following a process of re-packaging and reinterpretation, these symbols then become

fashionable cultural components embraced by people of various racial backgrounds

and social strata. As an example, the exhibition of capoeira has transformed from an

illegal combative fight to being "diversified into an important tourist attraction...as a

site for the redefinition of black identity" (Sansone 1999:28). Other objects that have

become representative of "black" Brazilian culture include dendi (palm oil)

prominent not only in Bahian cooking but also used in dishes prepared in ceremonial

offerings to the orixds (deities) in the pantheon of candomble (a Yoruba-derived

religion); beads and other symbols related to candomble that were once hidden from

plain view are now prominently displayed, sold and traded as commodities; and

fashion styles including the consumption of international and domestic hair products

that accompany each trend. As Sansone summarizes:

Traditional Afro-Brazilian culture drew inspiration from the local context andfrom a mythical Africa; the new version of Afro-Brazilian culture... drawsfrom a larger variety of sources, from traditional Afro-Brazilian culture aswell as international black youth culture. For the young, Africa isrediscovered through the African-American route. The symbol bank upon

which the new black culture is constructed is larger and more varied than ever(Sansone 1999:38-39).

In this context, the berimbau and capoeira have thus become Brazilian symbols of

pan-African cultural expression in the Americas that take their place alongside


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popular globalized regional forms of musical expression such as Jamaican reggae.

These are symbolically used as active agents in struggles against marginalization,

which will be discussed in chapters one and four.

I address these issues through three fundamental questions that can help to

refine these broad discourses on Brazilian music into a manageable framework. The

first concerns questions regarding theoretical orientation of source materials,

including what ideologies and social perspectives (including who speaks and from

what particular point of view) are being utilized, and how and why these have

changed over time. A second aspect questions the function of African-derived

musical instruments in the Americas as icons of marginality or icons of resistance.

This includes elitist misperceptions of "limited" musical instruments as well as

politically correct views of their "proper" uses. A third aspect for consideration

within this framework relates to global pressures versus local responses in music

making practices.

Another important issue that must be addressed is the notion of traditional

music. Record companies used the term "traditional" as a means to categorize

musical performers and performance styles in order to efficiently sell musical

material to specifically targeted markets. In recent years, an alternative term,

"heritage music" (Slobin 2000:12-13) has emerged as a way to describe music that is

representative of a contemporary way of life, as opposed to a fixed folkloric

manifestation of the past. Ethnomusicologist Mark Slobin (2000:12-20) explains that

heritage music is comprised of multiple organizational layers that are constructed


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from concepts of nationalism, exoticism and diasporic displacement. African-derived

musical and cultural expression in the Americas cannot only be considered diasporic,

which would imply a migratory group of people away from their homeland. Through

centuries of traumatic conditions, African descendants have undergone a process of

invention, which has become symbolically linked to an African homeland, which

Slobin terms "post-diasporic" or "rediasporic." These forms of expression have

multiple local bases throughout the Americas. Returning to the notion of traditional

music, musical expression is occurring in a contemporary transnational context, in

which local genres are being disseminated globally. As a result of the popularity of

international trends, local heritage musics are then reconfigured to accommodate

images that help with the promotion of tourism. As we will see, these cultural ebbs

and flows are present in today's international expansion of the berimbau and capoeira

into global marketplaces. These processes will also be seen in the circular movement

of musical material within Brazil's borders from the 1930s to the 1960s in the genres

of samba and capoeira.

All of these issues are repeatedly revisited in the case study examples that

follow in this dissertation. Although the berimbau has persevered and become

utilized in musical expression of all social classes in Brazil, its legitimacy is

constantly questioned. Issues that need to be considered must focus upon who is

defining the limits for the berimbau's inclusion or exclusion in broader aspects of

Brazilian music and culture, as well as address why these are being defined as points

of contention.


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Organization of Dissertation

In chapter one, I discuss the berimbau's presence in a historical perspective. I

begin with an overview of the use of the berimbau in Brazilian colonial society, and

pursue issues regarding how it may have become associated with capoeira, and how it

became a Brazilian national symbol in the twentieth century. I conclude this chapter

with an array of examples that demonstrate national interpretations of this musical

bow in Brazilian visual and literary art forms beyond the genre of music.

In chapter two, I trace the emergence of berimbau and capoeira thematic

material in Miisica Popular Brasileira (MPB--Brazilian popular music). During the

initial phase of the bossa nova era in the 1960s, the berimbau (and capoeira motifs)

moved from traditional contexts into mainstream popular music through the song

"Berimbau," composed by guitarist Baden Powell and lyricist Vinicius de Moraes,

who adopted its melodic rhythms for use on the guitar. In the second half of the

chapter, I pursue how MPB composers have utilized themes of the berimbau and

capoeira in nationally televised public song festivals, which became contested

proving grounds for developing notions of "authentic" Brazilian cultural musical

expressions. These festivals flourished and faded under a military dictatorship, which

ruled Brazil from 1964 to 1985. In this discussion, I focus on three compositions:

"Lapinha," "Domingo no Parque," and "Berimbau" (by Olodum). In "Lapinha," also

by Powell, I analyze how composers have been challenged by the use of material

from the capoeira tradition, and I investigate problems of authorship and authenticity.

"Domingo no Parque" by Gilberto Gil, employed the berimbau as a means to


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incorporate electronic musical instruments and non-Brazilian musical styles into a

song festival format that had previously featured only acoustic instruments. In the

late 1960s, electronic musical instruments and rock and roll were seen as extensions

of North American cultural imperialism in Brazil, and were therefore vigorously

contested within the context of national song festivals. I conclude this chapter with

discussion of a more recent song that was a part of a regional song festival in the

early 1990s, organized by the socially progressive Bahian carnival-parading

ensemble, Olodum. Their 1992 festival included their composition entitled

"Berimbau," which demonstrates how the motif of the berimbau continues to be a

strong element in defining Brazilian musical expression.

In chapter three, I pursue how the berimbau has been utilized in conjunction

with Brazilian musical genres from the mid-1990s to the present. Topics in this

chapter explore how the berimbau has been used to assist with the process of identity

construction for individuals, groups and new musical genres. Popular music

ensembles discussed include Berimbrown, a popular fusion group that blends imagery

from North American and Brazilian musical styles. I also explore electronic music

compositions that have sampled, filtered and sequenced sounds of the berimbau. For

example, the Sao Paulo group M4J incorporated a sample of previously recorded

berimbau material by Nana Vasconcelos, which transformed this music when it was

incorporated into a new context. In contrast, Ramilson Maia also sampled berimbau

recordings, and through a similar process of electronic filtering and sequencing, he

obtained remarkably different results.


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In chapter four, I present three prominent berimbau musicians who have each

made distinct contributions to Brazilian popular music: Nana Vasconcelos, Dinho

Nascimento and Ramiro Musotto. I first pursue how the berimbau was

internationally popularized through the work of Brazilian percussionist Nan&

Vasconcelos.21 Vasconcelos is frequently mentioned in Brazil and the United States

as being one of the principal percussionists who successfully moved the berimbau

from a local Brazilian context towards a more contemporary global one. As a result

of his percussive endeavors in American and European jazz networks, he promoted

the berimbau as a featured Brazilian musical instrument within his multi-textural

array of sound sources.22

Following Vasconcelos, I introduce Brazilian berimbau musician Dinho

Nascimento, who has incorporated innovative techniques into his music. Nascimento

is a capoeira practitioner who has encountered resistance from various individuals,

ranging from other capoeira practitioners to people associated with the recording

industry, with regards to his concepts of berimbau performance practice and album

imagery.

21 The berim bau is associated with Brazilian percuss ionists, since it has been used within the contextof capoeira as a rhythmic instrument alongside other percussion instrum ents. Although it is technicallya chordophone that produces melodic rhythms, the berimbau has been incorporated into mu sicalensemb les as a com ponent of the rhythm section22 Airto M oreira was one of the first Brazilian percussionists who moved to the U nited States (in thelate 1960s), recorded with prominent fusion jazz artists including M iles Davis, Weather Report, andChick Corea/Return to Forever. He was also a professor in the ethnom usicology department at theUniversity of California at Los Angeles (http://www,airto.com accessed 2 M arch 2004). AlthoughAirt o's pioneering efforts included the berimbau, Vasconcelos is perceived as the individual w ho hasdeveloped an innov ative approach of berimbau performance practice that contrasts with the capoeiratradition. Brazilian percus sionists initially arrived in the United States as mem bers of CarmenM irand a's ensem ble, and in the early 1960s, percussionist Ruben B assini performed regularly withSergio Mendes in California (Araujo 2004-int).


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The final berimbau specialist that I present in this chapter is Rarniro Musotto,

a musician who has effectively blended elements of traditional capoeira berimbau

practice with electronic sequencing and studio recording technologies. Nana"

Vasconcelos's international berimbau recordings influenced Musotto, who was born

and raised in Argentina. This case demonstrates a circular movement of global

musics that are being recycled back into the local Brazilian context.

In chapter five, I present the berimbau's use in Brazilian art music and discuss

issues regarding the development of a comprehensive berimbau notation. Central to

this chapter is how the berimbau has been used in symphonic and other art music

contexts. I focus the orchestral work, Ganguzama composed by Mario Tavares in

1958. I also discuss "Peca para Berimbau e Fita Magnetica" (Piece for Berimbau and

Magnetic Tape) by Tim Rescala in 1980, and Brazilian percussionist, scholar and

teacher, Luiz D'Anunciacao, who has performed the works by both Tavares and

Rescala, and also has created his own art music compositions for berimbau.

Following my conclusion in chapter six is an appendix containing complete

song lyrics and another containing complete transcriptions that complement brief

examples referenced within the text.

This dissertation proceeds in the following chronological manner: chapters

one through three trace the berimbau from colonial Brazil to the present in genres of

popular music. Chapter four investigates three individual berimbau musicians from

the late 1960s to the present. Chapter five presents a parallel timeline to that of

chapters two and three, but the discussion is limited to art music. Although some of


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these sections overlap chronologically, each narrative warrants separate treatment in

order to fully appreciate the material at hand.

Conclusion

This dissertation is the first in-depth study of the berimbau in Brazilian music

and culture beyond the genre of capoeira, perhaps its principal contribution to the

field. By devoting a comprehensive analytical study of the berimbau within Brazilian

music and culture, I demonstrate that this is an extremely important icon that traverses

a broad range of social hierarchies, class and racial boundaries in both national and

global contexts. Although some aspects of the berimbau's historical presence in

colonial Brazil and its performance practices within the context of capoeira have

received scholarly attention, the use of the berimbau in Brazilian popular and art music

has not been extensively studied.23

Through analysis of diverse Brazilian musical genres combined with

ethnographic data, I explore how this uniquely Brazilian instrument has been utilized

in contrasting musical situations. I present a comprehensive portrait of the use and

meaning of the berimbau in Brazilian music and culture by investigating what it has

symbolized in traditional contexts, such as its significance within capoeira, and

observing what it represents today as a metaphor for traditional Brazilian music

prominently featured in many Brazilian music genres. I also explore how the

berimbau has become a marketable symbol of black Brazilian culture, and is one of

23 Graham and Robinson (2003) have begun preliminary work on the spread of the berimbau in aglobal context.


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many icons that are informally exchanged as commodities in the global cultural

marketplace that reinforce notions of African heritage in Brazilian society. These

icons then become important foundations upon which new musical and cultural

expressions are created.


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Chapter One

Historical Perspectives of the Berimhau and Capoeira

The berimbau represents a unique cultural lens with which to view a historical

trajectory from colonial Brazil to the present. Locating the berimbau within a

Brazilian historical context allows for an expansive exploration of intersections

among race, class, identity construction and symbolic meaning. The berimbau is

encountered in an unusually broad spectrum of deeply embedded social practices

within Brazilian culture. While some African-derived musical instruments have

become extinct in Brazil (such as the marimba)?4 the berimbau has come to represent

one of the most prominent symbols of individual, collective, and national Brazilian

identity.

An example of its emergence in the mid twentieth century can be seen in the

work of folklore scholars Artur Ramos and Edison Cameiro. In 1935, Ramos

cautioned that the berimbau had "almost disappeared in Brazil" (Ramos in Carneiro

1975:16). In 1936, Carneiro (1981) provided a description and photo of the

berimbau, since he believed the musical bow was virtually unknown beyond the city

of Salvador. In the ensuing four decades, the berimbau became so pervasive in

Brazilian society, that Carneiro (1975:15) exclaimed, "who, in this country, at this

point of the century, has still not seen a berimbau?" This impressive shift in status

24 See Elizabeth Travassos (2000) and later in this chapter.


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raises questions concerning how this musical instrument was able to move from near

extinction in the 1930s to omnipresence in the 1970s.

The contemporary prestige of the berimbau is directly associated with

capoeira, an Afro-Brazilian martial art/dance/game. The berimbau is the predominant

instrument, often played by the capoeira mestre (master). Capoeira takes place within

a roda (circle), where two participants launch into an array of movements,

representing attacks and defenses. While simultaneously dictating the style and pace

of each game, the toques (melodic-rhythmic motifs) performed on the berimbau

convey non-verbal cultural values and codes essential to capoeira practitioners (see fig

2).

V £ H I—

Figure 2: A Game (Jogo) of Capoeira (Richter n.d.:19)


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Both the berimbau and capoeira represent distinct independent traditions that

have developed over a period of several hundred years, yet both are representative of

Afro-Brazilian resistance to slavery, oppression and marginalization. The berimbau

was most likely integrated into capoeira near the beginning of the twentieth century,

and its use continues to move into other areas of Brazilian society and culture. In the

past fifty years, the berimbau has been used to symbolize Afro-Brazilian elements

within Brazilian musical culture, appearing in diverse genres such as bossa nova,

"national" rap ,25 hip-hop, Brazilian funk, and Brazilian art music, thus affirming its

importance in musical and social contexts beyond the genre of capoeira.

This chapter begins with an introduction to the berimbau, including its

development in Brazil. Following this section is a brief presentation of capoeira and

how the berimbau came to be formally associated with the discipline. I also question

why the berimbau has survived in Brazil, while other musical instruments of African

origin have disappeared. I then discuss the berimbau's presence in Brazilian society

beyond the immediate context of capoeira, including its development from an

African-derived musical bow into a national symbol. I also consider how the

berimbau is perceived in relation to Afro-Brazilian religious beliefs, as well as how

the berimbau and capoeira correspond to gender issues. I conclude this section with

selected examples of the berimbau's presence in other Brazilian art mediums.

25 Many Brazilian adaptations of musical genres from the United States are labeled national, as in "rapnational," "rock national," etc.


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The Berimbau

The berimbau de barriga (belly bow) is an African-derived gourd-resonated

musical bow, in which the gourd is held against the musician's stomach (see fig 3).

U t -:-&\' (•

Figure 3: The Berimbau (Ohtake 1988:52)

The berimbau consists of an arco (wooden bow) with a taut corda (steel string)

attached in various ways at each end. A hollowed-out cabaca (calabash resonance

gourd) is secured by a small cotton twine-tuning loop that passes through two holes in

the gourd and encircles the wood and metal string at the lower-end of the bow. This


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tuning loop creates a fixed point of tension that establishes a fundamental tone.

Maximum resonance and harmonic range of the instrument can be obtained by

placing the tuning loop at a few specific locations where discernible harmonics can be

heard between the tuning loop and lower end of the bow. This is based on the

harmonic nodes on the string, similar to a monochord. The bow is held by placing the

little finger of the left hand under the tuning loop between the bow and the wire, and

the ring and middle fingers of the same hand are wrapped around the wood of the

bow. The thumb and index finger secure a large dobrao (metal coin),26 which can

raise or alter the timbre of the fundamental pitch. In the right hand, a baqueta (thin

long wooden stick) is held between the thumb, index and middle fingers, and a caxixi

(basket rattle often filled with seeds or beans) is placed around the middle and ring

(or ring and little) fingers of the right hand (see fig 4). This performance style is

similar to an Angolan musical bow technique. However, in Angola the string is

altered by pinching it between the thumb and index finger of the left hand, without

the use of an external object, such as a stone or coin (Kubik 1979).

Enslaved Africans in Brazil, who recreated songs, dances, and musical

instruments from their collective memories, developed the berimbau. Shaffer

(1982:9) has found that musical bows have been "used exclusively by black slaves

(Africans and descendants of Africans)," and that there is no evidence of indigenous

musical bows in Brazil. Prototypes of the Brazilian berimbau are of central African

26 The coin is also referred to as moeda. A pedra (stone) can also be used in place of the coin (Shaffer1982:26).


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origin, and according to Kubik (1979), the most closely related musical bows are the

mbulumhumba and the hungu from Angola.27

Figure 4: Basic Berimbau Technique (Ohtake 1988:53)

Shaffer (1982:14) believes the term "berimbau" is of Portuguese origin.

Kubik (1979:33) notes that in Portugal the term berimbau refers to the guimbarde

(Jew's harp; see Wright 2001), but does not believe that it is a Portuguese word. In

colonial-era Brazil, African bows existed under an array of names, the most common

of which included urucungo and gunga. Perhaps it is due to the variety of names for

musical bows that the term berimbau became used as a generic label.28 Kubik posits

27 Also see M ukuna (2000) for Central African influences in Afro-Brazilian music and culture, and

related connections with capoeira and the berimbau.28

Shaffer (1982:14) states: "The capoeira masters say that the name gunga is an African name,howev er, the name berimbau is a Portuguese nam e." Nam es associated with the berimbau in Brazilinclude "berimbau, berimhau-de-barriga, urucungo, rucumbo, uucungo (Cascudo 1972:157-158);


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that white Brazilians perceived similar sound qualities between the guimbarde and

the African bows since "these instruments create melodies by reinforcing harmonics"

(1979:33). As a result, he believes that the African mouth bow was classified as a

kind of "guimbarde of the mouth" (berimbau de boca); and many gourd-resonated

musical bows were generically labeled "guimbarde of the belly" (berimbau de

barriga). This is a familiar pattern of reinterpretation, the same that made colonial

Europeans in Africa call African lamellophones "thumb-pianos." (Kubik 1979:33)

Consequently, Kubik suggests the name berimbau was "eventually adopted by the

Afro-Brazilians themselves at the expense of the original Angolan names" (1979:33).

Richard Graham (1991) indicates that the first use of the term berimbau to

describe a gourd-resonated musical bow was recorded in 1817. However, Shaffer

states that many Brazilian music scholars believe that this specific citation refers to a

mouth bow (L.F. Tollenare in Shaffer 1982:12).29 The use of a metal (instead of

fiber) string was first recorded in the 1820s (Graham 1991:11); the caxixi was

observed in conjunction with the berimbau in 1856 (Wetherell in Fryer 2000:37); and

although the use of a dobrdo is believed to have been incorporated in the mid-

nineteenth century, it was not documented until 1916 by Manuel Querino (Graham

1991:15).

orucungo, oricungo, uricungo, ricungo, marimhau, gobo, bucurnhumba, gunga, macungo, matungo,

mutungo, marimba (Cascudo 1972:895); humbo, rucumbo, viol&tn, hungo, m'holumbumba, berimbaude barriga, marimba, rucumbo, urucungo, gobo, bucumbunga, bucumbumba, uricungo, viola de

arame, lucungo (Shaffer 1982: 14); viola, midio (Lewis 1992:137); beira boi, contra-gunga (Lewis1992:231); and bubumbumha, rukungu, birimbau (Schneider 1991:40).29 Graham's statement is somewhat confusing, since he cites Tollenare's reference from Shaffer'swork, yet he omits Shaffer's conclusion,


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Graham suggests that the berimbau has evolved through a process of

distillation from many types of African-derived musical bows. As a result of

"organological homogeneity" (Graham 1991:6), the berimbau has been able to

emerge as a Brazilian national instrument and obtain a higher social status than its

predecessors that maintained African identities. Although the berimbau in Brazil has

been historically connected to people of African descent, many of whom occupy the

lower social strata, this musical bow has undergone transformations that extend to a

broader societal base, and is now "embraced by peoples from divergent ethnic and

socioeconomic groups" (Graham 1991:17).

Brief History of the Berimbau in Brazil

Descriptions of the berimbau de barriga in colonial Brazilian life were a

favorite subject of foreign travelers to Brazil, beginning in the early 1800s.30 Musical

bows appeared in marketplaces and were played exclusively by black street vendors

and beggars until the abolition of slavery 1888. Unique African-derived musical

instruments were employed with the intention to increase sales, and as a result,

instruments such as musical bows had an exotic appeal at a relatively early stage in

Brazilian history.

European chroniclers who traveled to Brazil were frequently enchanted by the

sounds that emerged from the berimbau. They often captured its various physical

30 For historical surveys of the berimbau in Brazilian culture, see Cameiro (1981), Fryer (2000), EGalrn (1997), Graham (1991), and Shaffer (1982).


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components and performance techniques in paintings and travel journals. One such

account attempts to equate the berimbau with a violin and Orpheus's lyre:

We note, above all, a black porter who, without having learned the fable andwithout knowing the origin of the lyre, would know how to make a violinwith a tortoise shell. Equipped with a very fine single string made from whale;he took from this instrument singular low sounds, with some analogy with thehuman voice; his melodies were monotonous .. .but not even those of Orpheusproduced a better effect. (Denis [1816-1819] in Scheinowitz 1993:328)

Nineteenth-century colonial attitudes towards berimbau musicians can be

observed in the following example cited b

berimbau practices

Documents