epp vol. 2

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MMPPFF EE--PPRROOCCEEEEDDIINNGG OOFF PPAAPPEERRSS VVooll.. 22 11

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PPuubblliisshheerr::

Macedonian Political Science Forum

EEddiittoorr iinn CChhiieeff::

Marjan Vuchkovikj, M.Sc,

President of MPF

– ј , , „Ј ј „ . ј – ј , ј .

Macedonian Political Science Forum - Skopje (MPF), was established in March 1997 by political science PЕВffeЖВЕЖ aБd ЖЗИdeБЗЖ fЕВА Зhe LaК facИlЗМ )ИЖЗiБiaБИЖ PЕiАИЖ aЗ Зhe Ss. Cyril and Methodius University in Skopje, Republic of Macedonia

e-

.

e-Proceeding of papers represents online journal of social and political science and is published once-tree

times a year.

а а а аа а а а ш . The views of the authors do not reflect the views of the Macedonian Political Science Forum.

ќ ј – . – ј

Multiple language texts - Footnotes - Bibliography

– ј , . 9 ј MPF - Skopje, Goce Delcev Blvd, 9-b 1000 Skopje

/ „Ј ј / /LaК facИlЗМ )ИsЗiБiaБИs PЕiАИs /

02/ 3181 571 +389 2 3181 571

[email protected]

e-Proceeding of Papers

mailto:[email protected]

mpfskopje.wix.com/e-zbornik

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аа ::

- ј ќ,

. -

. -

- ј

- ј

-

Џ , .

EEddiittoorriiaall bbooaarrdd::

Marjan Vuchkovikj, M.Sc, President

Ivanka Dodovska, PhD

Dragan Gocevski, PhD

Simona Trajkovska, M.Sc

Andrej Bozinovski, M.Sc

Ivana Atanasovska, M.Sc

Xhenur Iseni, BA

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, ј - , , ј . , ј ј . ј 8 – , ј , , ѓ ј , ѓ , , . ј ј - , ј . - ј , ј , ј ј . ,

- ј ќ

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PPRREEFFAACCEE

Respected,

Through the second volume of the e-Proceeding of papers, Macedonian Political Science

Forum dedicated our time and energy in development of political thought globaly.

Since the beguinings in 1997 till present, we have created successful institution through

wich political science ensures key aspects of the day life activities. In the past 18 years

we have dedicated to the enlargement of the political science in Republic of Macedonia,

through various activities such as two international scientific conferences, on which

many eminent national and international experts took part in creating conclusions on

development of the domestic political thought.

In this, second number of the e-Proceeding of papers we dedicated special attention on

the scientific papers from suprime domestic and abroad experts, elaborating all key

questions valuable for the political science thought.

This Journal contributes to the affirmation of the Macedonian Political Science Forum as

an organization which is a key factor in the development of the political science thought

in Republic of Macedonia and abroad as a member of the World electronic library

EBSCO.

Sincerelly,

Marjan Vuchkovikj, M.Sc.

President

MMAACCEEDDOONNIIAANN PPOOLLIITTIICCAALL SSCCIIEENNCCEE FFOORRUUMM

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рр фф.. --рр ии јјаа аа КК

Prof. D-r. Biljana POPOVSKA

DUALISM IN THE MEDIEVAL STATE AND LAW

11

PPrrooff.. DD--rr.. BBiissttrraa NNEETTKKOOVVAA

IINNTTEERRNNAATTIIOONNAALL LLEEGGAALL BBAASSIISS FFOORR NNAATTIIOONNAALL

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ц -р Ја а Ч К - Ќ

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55

цц.. --рр аа КК ЌЌ ЈЈ

Nenad MARKOVIKJ, PhD

JEWISH CONCEPT OF CIVIL SOCIETY

69

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цц.. --рр аашш КК КК ,, аарриијјаа КК КК

ЈЈ

Sasho DUKOVSKI, PhD. Marija DUKOVSKA

GEOPOLITICAL DOCTRINE OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION

98

--рр ии јјаа аа ЈЈ КК ЊЊ ЌЌ ЊЊ ЈЈ

Liljana JONOSKI, MA

IMPOSED V.S UDERSTOOD DEMOCRACY

108

--рр аајјаа тт јјаа вваа

ЊЊ ЈЈ

Maja STOJANOVA, MA

MITHOLOGYCAL BACKROUND OF THE COSTRUCTION

AND DEFINE OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION

132

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ANNOUNCEMENT FOR SUBMISSION OF PAPERS

161

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.. -- јјаа аа

„Ј ј , „ . ј , ј ,

ј

1.01 ј

. . „

AABBSSTTRRAACCTT

As a form of a state Hereditary Monarchy aroused in Europe in the period

between X and XV century, and it was founded by the patrimonial state during the

period between V and X century. The basic characteristics of a hereditary monarchy

were manifested by two basic assumptions: first, by the perception of the contractual

basis of the power of their ruler; and second by the thesis in classical feudal system

which has already relied on Roman Byzantine principle - princeps legibus non solutes,

or princeps legibus alligatus, in the sense that the ruler is bound by the laws.

KKEEYY WWOORRDDSS: classic feudalism, feudal particularism, nobility, estate monarchy.

ј X XV- ј V X- . ј : , ќ ; , ј ќ - –

princeps legibus non solutus, , ГЕiБceГЖ legibИЖ alligaЗИЖ, , .

:: , , , ј .

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, è ј ј ј . , - , , X- XV- , ѓ ј ѓ . , - ј ѓ , ј , , , ј . ѓ , – , . ќ ј , , , . ќ ќ : , ј , , ј . , ј ј ј 1.

, , ќ, ј , , , ј , ј ,

1 ј ј ј ј , .

-- јј IIII


ј ј ј . , , . ј , , ј ј ј . , Ј ј : „.cum lege regia quae de imperio eius lata est, populous ei et in cum omne

suum imperium et potestatem concessit , ј ј lex regia ј , ќ XIII- XIV- .2

, ќ , ј , јќ XIII- , , 3. ј Magna Carta

Libertatum, ј Ј ј ј . Ј ј ѓ ј ј , ѓ ; , , ј , , ј , , . , : , ,

;

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ќ

ј ќ

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. , ѓ , „ ј ј . , ј ј ј , ј , - Habeas Corpus Act - , ќ . ј ј: „ ,

;

-- јј IIII


, ј , . , ј , , ј , .

ј ј . :

ј II - , . ., . , , ј , , , , ќ, ќ .4 , , ј , I, ј IV – Majestas Carolina, . ј ѓ IV . : „ ... , ... ј ќ .... , ... ... ј ... ; ј ... ќ ј , ... , ј , ќ ј ... , ј ... , ј

ј , , ј ј . 5 ј , ѓ ,

4 . , . . 5 ј , ќ: „ ј , , , . .

-- јј IIII


, è . ќ : ј ќ , ј ј IV - ј – ; ќ ќ

- ј – princeps legibus non solutus, , princeps

legibus alligatus, , .6

ј , ѓ , ѓ ј ј . ј XIII XIV- , ј , . , ј , , ј XIV- XV- , . , ј , ј - , . , ј ѓ ѓ XIV- , : , ј , , ј . ј . ј , – ј , , ј ј . ј ј ј ј ј , ј ѓ . ј – , ј ј , ј

6 , , ј : „ ј , , , . -239.

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ј XV- . ј , ј , ј , ; ј , , ; .

ЈЈ

. : „ , , . ј , ќ: „ ј , , . , ј : „ ј , , . . . , . . , . . , Ј. . : „ ј , ј , , . I. . : „ ј ј , , . KИНВvić ŠefkВ: „OГća hiЖЗВЕija dЕžave i ГЕava , Zagreb, 1987.

AБ hiЖЗВЕical iБЗЕВdИcЗiВБ ЗВ КeЖЗeЕБ cВБЖЗiЗИЗiВБal laК , Cambridge, 1995.

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PPrrooff.. DDrr.. BBiissttrraa NNEETTKKOOVVAA

LaК facИlЗМ )ИsЗiБiaБИs PЕiАИs

Ss. CМЕil aБd MeЗhВdiИs UБiveЕsiЗМ SkВГje, Republic of Macedonia

1.01 Original scientific paper

UDC No. 343.341:341,232(100)

IINNTTEERRNNAATTIIOONNAALL LLEEGGAALL BBAASSIISS FFOORR NNAATTIIOONNAALL RREEPPOORRTTIINNGG

MMEECCHHAANNIISSMMSS AANNDD CCOOMMPPAARRAATTIIVVEE SSTTUUDDYY OOFF TTHHEE

RREEPPOORRTTIINNGG MMOODDEELLSS WWIITTHHIINN EEUURROOPPEE

AABBSSTTRRAACCTT

Human trafficking is not a static form of crime. A characteristic feature of the offence is

in fact the multiplicity of forms it can take, and the variety of its manifestations has been

growing in recent years. Furthermore, an increasing number of phenomena are being

linked with human trafficking; or perhaps one should say are being seen and ИБdeЕЖЗВВd iБ Зhe cВБЗeЛЗ Вf Зhe hИАaБ ЗЕaffickiБg fЕaАe . Taking into consideration the complex nature of trafficking in human beings, defining

the related phenomena and mapping the responses are still major problems that

underline the significant differences existing among states. Very few European

countries have adopted regular monitoring system of national trafficking policies,

trends and policies even though it has been provided as an international legal base in

international legal documents few binding and few non-binding. However, those

countries that have done so have instigated great media coverage and have served as an

inspiration and a model for comparative research for others to follow suit. Therefore

this article is depicts and analyses of the current situation in Europe regarding national

reporting mechanisms and institutions.

KKEEYY WWOORRDDSS:: Human trafficking, law, international, Europe.

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INTERNATIONAL LEGAL BASIS FOR NATIONAL REPORTING MECHANISMS AND

COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE REPORTING MODELS WITHIN EUROPE

I. Introduction

Human trafficking is not a static form of crime. A characteristic feature of the offence is

in fact the multiplicity of forms it can take, and the variety of its manifestations has been

growing in recent years. Furthermore, an increasing number of phenomena are being

linked with human trafficking; or perhaps one should say are being seen and ИБdeЕЖЗВВd iБ Зhe cВБЗeЛЗ Вf Зhe hИАaБ ЗЕaffickiБg fЕaАe . Taking into consideration the complex nature of trafficking in human beings, defining

the related phenomena and mapping the responses are still major problems that

underline the significant differences existing among states. Very few European

countries have adopted regular monitoring system of national trafficking policies,

trends and policies even though it has been provided as an international legal base in

international legal documents few binding and few non-binding. However, those

countries that have done so have instigated great media coverage and have served as an

inspiration and a model for comparative research for others to follow suit. Therefore

this article is depicts and analyses of the current situation in Europe regarding national

reporting mechanisms and institutions.

The purpose of the article is to identify the existing models of national reporting and the

reporting mechanism, to compare them and to analyze the process of national reporting

in European countries.

The selection of countries analyzed and compared in this report is based on their

successful publishing of more than one annual reports and the existence of the

institution of national Rappourteur.

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II. Current models of Monitoring and reporting

The purpose of creating and implementing monitoring and reporting mechanisms on

government policies, actions, and end-results of those policies and actions against

trafficking in human beings is to achieve an effective mechanism to ensure that

government duties steaming from international legal instruments (to which that

government is a party) materialize into action and that corresponding legal provisions

are implemented.

In order to measure this progress, in every country an adequate mechanism applied on

national level is needed. Different countries have adopted differed mechanism of

reporting and monitoring in respect to trafficking in human beings. Some countries

have entrusted the task of reporting on trafficking in human beings to an inter-

ministerial task force or a ministerial member of such a task force; whereas others have

appointed a more independent body, such as an office of a national rapporteur. There

are not yet many other countries with an independent national rapporteur on trafficking

in human beings. In practice, a growing number of countries have established an

equivalent mechanism, which is usually integrated in a ministry or the police force. A

number of countries have appointed a coordinator, in addition to a national rapporteur

or equivalent mechanism. In some cases, the same agency performs the role of

coordinator and of national rapporteur (or equivalent mechanism). For example

Finland has an independent rapporteur.7 In Belgium, a reporting mechanism very

similar to that of the Netherlands8 is the Centre for Equal Opportunities and Opposition

to Racism, which also reports annually on measures to combat human trafficking, and

Sweden has National Rappourteur that is a body that is a part of the police.9

National reporting on mechanisms for monitoring on trafficking in human beings is very

important tool in evaluating practices and effects in the respective country and it can be

seen and treated by governments as an effective tool for or self-assessment.

7The Finnish National Rapporteur on Trafficking in Human Beings –Ombudsman For Minorities Helsinki, Report 2012. ISBN (pdf): 978-952-491-805-3 L-ISSN (PDF): 1798-694X Kopijyvä Oy. 8 Dutch National Rapporteur on Trafficking in Human Beings and Sexual Violence against Children (2013). Trafficking in Human Beings. Ninth report of the Dutch National Rapporteur. The Hague. 9 Ibid.

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III. International development of the institution of national reporting

The final product of monitoring and reporting on government policies and actions

against trafficking in human beings is to create an effective mechanism to ensure that

government enacted policies and laws materialize into action and that corresponding

legal and administrative provisions are implemented.10

National reporting as an important part of the overall addressing of the issue of

trafficking in human beings was first officially recognized into the Hague Ministerial

Declaration on European Guidelines for Effective Measures to Prevent and Combat

Trafficking in Women for the Purpose of Sexual Exploitation in 1997.11The Declaration

proposes a set of actions to be taken regarding reporting on trafficking in human beings,

including the establishment of the institution of a National Rapporteur.12

Later this idea geЗЖ ЕeaffiЕАed iБ Зhe dВcИАeБЗ ГИbliЖhed bМ Зhe CВИБcil Вf EИЕВГe Ж Parliamentary Assembly in which the member states are encouraged to appoint a

National Rapporteur on trafficking in human beings in countries affected by this

problem. The function of the National Rappourteur was envisaged as elaborating and

implementing the national plan of action against trafficking taking into account the

specificities of the situation in each country.13

In 2000 the UN Beijing +5 Outcome Document calls for establishing the institution of

national reporting, including effective reporting mechanisms in a form of National

Rappourteurs. 14

Following this, in 2003 the European Council in its Resolution on Initiatives to Combat

Trafficking in Human Beings in Particular Women reaffirmed the importance of

member states to take into account the Hague Declaration of 1997, which invites

10Mohamen Y. Matter, Comparative Models of Reporting Mechanisms on the Status of Trafficking in Human Beings, 1394 VANDERBILT JOURNAL OF TRANSNATIONAL LAW [Vol. 41:1355, pg 3. 11EU Hague Ministerial Declaration (Dutch Presidency) 1997 Dutch Presidency of the European Union (1997), The Hague Ministerial Declaration on European Guidelines for Effective Measures to Prevent and Combat Trafficking in Women for the Purpose of Sexual Exploitation. 12 Ibid, III.1.4 National Rapporteurs

Provide or explore the possibilities for the appointment of national rapporteurs, who report to Governments on the scale, the prevention and combating of trafficking in women.

Develop criteria for reporting on the scale, nature and mechanisms of trafficking in women and the effectiveness of policies and measures concerning this phenomena.

Encourage the cooperation of national rapporteurs on a regular basis. 13 Doc. No. 1545 (2002). 14www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/followup/beijing+5.htm

http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/followup/beijing+5.htm

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Member States to provide or explore the possibilities for the appointment of National

Rapporteurs on trafficking in women. The 2003 Resolution further invited the European

Commission and the member states to promote measures to set up a monitoring system

on trafficking in human beings in order to provide updated data through the continuous

and regular collection of information from the competent National Authorities such as

National Bureau and National Rapporteurs.15

Next organization to follow up on the issue of national monitoring and reporting of

trafficking in human beings was OSCE. Namely, in its Action Plan it encourages

international states to adopt and start implementing the national reporting mechanisms

through the appointment of National Rappourteur.16 Furthermore, the Action Plan ЕecВААeБdЖ eЖЗabliЖhiБg a fВllВК-ИГ aБd cВВЕdiБaЗiБg АechaБiЖА, and recommends

that OSCE participating states consider appointing National Rapporteurs or other

mechanisms for monitoring the anti-trafficking activities of State institutions and the

implementation of national legislation requirements. The Action Plan gives an idea of

what national reporting should consist of such as: the character and scale of trafficking

in persons, the role of organized criminal groups, identification of the most vulnerable

segments of the population, and an analysis of the root causes of trafficking in persons,

etc. The Organization for Security and Co-ВГeЕaЗiВБ iБ EИЕВГe Ж CВВЕdiБaЗВЕ fВЕ Combating Trafficking in Human Beings recently recommended national and

international rapporteurs, beyond the scope of the EU.17

Also the UN General Assembly (in resolution A/RES/59/166 of 10 February 2005)

recommended the appointment of national rapporteurs. A report on the UK by Anti-

Slavery International stated thaЗ: AБ iБdeГeБdeБЗ NaЗiВБal RaГГВЕЗeИЕ ВБ TЕaffickiБg in Human Beings should be established in the UK, along the lines of the role of the Dutch

National Rapporteur.18

In 2005 The Council of Europe adopts the Convention on Action Against Trafficking in

Human Beings that provides that each party shall consider appointing a national

rapporteur or utilizing other mechanisms for monitoring the anti-trafficking activities of

15 Council of the European Union Resolution 2003/C 260/3. 16 Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe [OSCE], OSCE Action Plan to Combat Trafficking in Human Beings, Annex, 462nd Plenary Meeting, PC.DEC/557 (July 24, 2003).www.osce.org/pc/42708 17 OSCE, A Summary of Challenges Facing Legal Responses to Human Trafficking for Labour Exploitation in the OSCE Region, SEC.GAL/199/06, 14 November 2006, at p. 3, online: http://www.osce.org 18Anti-Slavery International, 2006, p.30.

http://www.osce.org/

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state institutions and the implementation of national legislation requirements.19 The

bases of this are to be found by looking at the Explanatory Report to the Council of

Europe Convention, which reflects on the Netherlands where the institution of a

National Rapporteur has been established as an independent institution.20

IV. Comparative approach to different mechanism and methodologies of reporting

In different European countries the monitoring and reporting on trafficking in human

beings has been organized differently. For example, Sweden has chosen a government

ministry to serve as a national rapporteur on trafficking in human beings. In 1998 the

Swedish government, appointed the National Criminal Investigation Department of the

National Police has been appointed as the Swedish national rapporteur against

trafficking in human beings with which it became the first country to implement the

1997 Hague Declaration.21The mandate of the National Rappourteur includes the

connection and analyses of data and information about the extent of trafficking in

human beings in and to Sweden, and also suggestions of how the problem can be

prevented and combated. The National Rappourter publishes an annual report on the

character scale and state of trafficking in human beings within, through and to Sweden.

In order to ensure reliability of data on trafficking, data is collected through 6 regional

Criminal Investigation Units. So far Sweden has published 11 national reports. The

annual report includes: Trafficking in human beings for sexual purposes, Crime trends;

Profiles: perpetrators, organised networks .The victims, Special details about victims from

Nigeria. Special details about victims from Thailand, Approach, Sale and purchase of

sexual services via the Internet; Sexual exploitation of children and via the Internet; Other

forms of trafficking in human beings; Forced work or other such coerced status; Specific

details of tarmacking and paving; Trafficking in minors; Examples of methods: children

exploited for committing; Child sex trade; Matters of special interest; support and

19 The Council of Europe Convention on Action Against Trafficking in Human Beings, May 16, 2005, C.E.T.S. No. 197. 20 Explanatory Report of The Council of Europe Convention on Action Against Trafficking in Human Beings, May 16, 2005, C.E.T.S. No. 197. 21 Summary of verbal submission to the Conference of EU, National Rappourteurs on trafficking in Human Beings by the National Rappourteur of Trafficking in Human Beings Detective Inspector Kaisa Vahleberg, Prague, Czech Republic may 30-31 2009.

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compensation for victims of trafficking, national police board initiatives against human

trafficking; reporting by police authorities; legislation in this area, judgments, reported

offences and number of suspected crimes in the respective year. 22

The Netherlands, appointed a National Rapporteur on Trafficking in Human Beings in

2001 in accordance with the 1997 Hague Declaration, which called for a specific and

distinct model of reporting on the problem of human trafficking.23The intention was

that they would provide governments with adequate and reliable information and with

objective advice. The rapporteur therefore had to be independent. In 1999 the

Netherlands had not yet acted on this recommendation, but the process of

implementing the recommendation really took off after the D66 political party had

submitted questions to the Minister of Justice.

Therefore, as opposed to the Swedish model for the national rapporteur, the Dutch

established an independent rapporteur ship office. Moreover, while the Hague

Declaration called for appointing a national rapporteur on trafficking in women, the

Dutch rapporЗeИЕЖhiГ eЛЗeБded Зhe ЕaГГВЕЗeИЕ Ж АaБdaЗe ЗВ iБclИde ЗЕaffickiБg iБ all persons, including women, men, and children.24The mandate was extended to include

these other forms of exploitation in accordance with amendments made to the Dutch

Penal Code referring to slavery, servitude, and forced labour. The Dutch National

Rapporteur is asked to report annually on the problem of trafficking in human beings.

The nature of the mandate requires that the National Rapporteur on Trafficking in

Human Beings must be independent. The Rapporteur submits annual reports to the

Minister of Justice. The government responds to the reports and informs parliament of

its conclusions. Through these reports, the Rapporteur plays an important role in

monitoring policies to combat human trafficking and the associated legislation. The

government generally publishes a reaction to substantive reports by the Rapporteur,

which is then the subject of a plenary debate in the Lower House of Parliament. The

fight against human trafficking is a topic that is also regularly addressed in the election

manifestos of many of the political parties. Since the Dutch National Rapporteur was

appointed in 2000, she has published ten annual reports, one each in 2002, 2003, 2004,

22 RPS ReГВЕЗ : , SiЗИaЗiВБ ReГВЕЗ MТББiЖkВhaБdel fчЕЖeЛИella Вch aБdЕa ТБdaАХl [TЕaffickiБg in humanbeings for sexual and other purposes] 23Trafficking in Human Beings-Ten years of independent monitoring, National Rapporteur on Trafficking in Human Beings (2010), The Hague BNRM. 24 Ibid.

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2005, and 2007. The Dutch National Report on Trafficking includes: Information on the

office of National Rapporteur; Recommendations and developments; Legislation;

International developments; Victims; Immigration law; Supervision, enforcement and

investigation in the sex industry; Training, awareness and identification; Prosecution

and trial; Data collection and statistical trends- Data collection; Victims; Suspects and

offenders.25

The National Rapporteur for Trafficking in Human Beings in the Czech Republic was

established in 2003. This came as a result of the first Czech policy paper on trafficking in

human beings: a National Strategy to Fight against Trafficking in Human Beings for

sexual exploitation.26 The National Strategy was approved by Governmental Resolution

No. 849 of 3 September 2003.27

The Government of the Czech Republic after conducting extensive consultation within

the its Agencies and independent external bodies, decided to appoint the Ministry of

Interior as the National Rapporteur. The Minister of the Interior has tasked the Analyses

and Strategies Unit within Security Policy Department with the actual role of reporting.

The National Rappourteur has the following main three tasks under its jurisdiction:

1. Information gathering, analysis and continuous monitoring;

2. Coordination of anti-trafficking policy; and

3. Submission of reports and policy papers.

The National Rappourteur of the Czech Republic is not an independed body. The

Ministry of Interior is the agency responsible for performing the role of a national

rapporteur; as such, the Czech model is similarto that of Sweden, whereby an existing

ministry serves as the national rapporteur. In implementing this mandate, a 2005

report documents government measures to combat human trafficking. The report has

several major components, including a review of the situation of human trafficking in

the Czech Republic and measures used to combat trafficking in human beings. This

report focuses mainly on sex trafficking. The introduction to the report explains that it

is an assessment of the Czech National Strategy Against Trafficking and that the

National Strategy addresses only trafficking for the purpose of sexual exploitation

25 Ibid 26 Ministry of Interior Policy Paper http://www.mvcr.cz/mvcren/article/czech-republic.aspx 27 ibid.

http://www.mvcr.cz/mvcren/article/czech-republic.aspx

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because the Czech penal code covered only this form of trafficking.28Already, the 2008

Report includes all forms of trafficking in human beings and it is one of the most

detailed reports as opposed to the previous reports.29

In Finland the Ombudsman for Minorities has acted as National Rapporteur on

Trafficking in Human beings since the beginning of 2009. The amendments to the Act on

the Ombudsman for Minorities and the National Discrimination Tribunal (660/2001 aБd Зhe ЕelevaБЗ aАeБdАeБЗ / cВБceЕБiБg Зhe OАbИdЖАaБ Ж ЕВle aЖ National Rapporteur on Trafficking in Human Beings are based on the Revised National

Plan of Action against Trafficking in Human Beings adopted by the Government in June

2008, in which the Government appoints the Ombudsman for Minorities as the National

Rapporteur on Trafficking in Human Beings.30The duty of the National Rappourteur of

Finland is to monitor trafficking in human beings and related phenomenon. The

National Rapporteur on Trafficking in Human Beings is an independent authority, which

aims for good cooperation with other authorities.31 The Rapporteur strives to bridge the

gap between the authorities and NGOs. The Rapporteur examines action against

trafficking in human beings from a victim-centred perspective, and evaluates the

implementation of victim Ж ЕighЗЖ aБd Зhe ВbЖЗacleЖ fВЕ ЗheiЕ iАГleАeБЗaЗiВБ Зhe FiББiЖh system may present.32 As standards in such evaluations, international conventions and

recommendations are used. This way, the Rapporteur attempts to improve the

identification of victims of human trafficking and the implementation of their rights, to

promote the fight against crime, and to prevent trafficking in human beings. At the same

time, the Rapporteur makes efforts to raise awareness in parties working with victims

of trafficking and the general public on trafficking in human beings and related

28 Ministry of Interior, Security Policy Department, Prague 2006, 2005 Status Report on Trafficking in Human Beings in Czech Republic. 29 Ministry of Interior, Security Policy Department, Prague 2009, 2008 Status Report on Trafficking in Human Beings in Czech Republic. 30See http://ec.europa.eu/anti-trafficking/showNIPsection.action?sectionId=1f76711e-d8ce-4dcc-8065-eaa078ed59a8#A5 31 The RaГГВЕЗeИЕ АИЖЗ be ЖЗЕicЗlМ iБdeГeБdeБЗ iБ ВЕdeЕ ЗВ ГeЕfВЕА heЕ dИЗieЖ.The NaЗiВБal RaГГВЕЗeИЕ on Trafficking in Human Beings must be acredible actor in her activities and an expert and reliable party whom bothauthorities and third-sector actors can easily contact when in need of advice,instructions, or assistance on issues relevant to human trafficking and actions to combat it in general, or questions associated with an individualvictim. The Rapporteur strives to be easily contactable in order to promotethe identification and guidance to the system for victim assistance and otheractions to combat hИАaБ ЗЕaffickiБg. See ReГВЕЗ , TЕaffickiБg iБ (ИАaБ BeiБgЖ, ГheБВАeБa ЕelaЗed ЗВ iЗ, aБd implementation of the rights of human trafficking victims in Finland, VähemmistövaltuutettuHelsinki 2010. 32Seehttp://ec.europa.eu/anti-trafficking/showNIPsection.action?sectionId=1f76711e-d8ce-4dcc-8065-eaa078ed59a8#A5.

http://ec.europa.eu/anti-trafficking/showNIPsection.action?sectionId=1f76711e-d8ce-4dcc-8065-eaa078ed59a8#A5




-- јј IIII


exploitation.33 In the first report of the Finish National Rappourteur the top priorities

were identified as system for victims assistance, procedures related to victims their

residence, removal from the country and criminal procedure and application of the

criminal code relating to human trafficking. The Rappourteur collects data from police

prosecution and courts mainly, however, in addition to this material obtained from the

authorities, the Rapporteur asked certain NGOs to reply to a few individual questions,

by means of which the Rapporteur wished to elicit more detailed information on such as

the accessibility of the system for victim assistance and identification of victims of

human trafficking at turning points represented, for example, by a refusal of entry based

on suspicions of selling sexual services. In her report the National Rapporteur on

Trafficking in Human Beings issues several recommendations to promote the

identification of victims Вf hИАaБ ЗЕaffickiБg aБd iАГleАeБЗaЗiВБ Вf Зhe vicЗiАЖ ЕighЗЖ and to intensify crime combating and prevention of trafficking in human beings.34

The recommendations that are the most important and are the foundation of the report

are related to the developing of the system for victim assistance. The Rapporteur

recommends that the threshold for inclusion in the system for victim assistance be

consciously and methodically lowered; the purpose and goals of the assistance system

and its relationship with pre-trial investigation and the criminal procedure be clarified

and the legal protection of victims and guarantees for appropriate administrative

procedure be reinforced. The Rapporteur also recommends amendments in the

Criminal Code and the Aliens Act, as well as the development of official practices in

order to improve victim identification and make crime combating more effective.

Also a National Rappourteur has been appointed in Hungary. However, the National

Coordinator, established in 2008, acts as equivalent mechanism to a National

Rapporteur.35 The position of the Rappourteur position is held by the State Secretary of

the Ministry of Justice and Law Enforcement. One of the main responsibilities of the

National Coordinator includes the annual reporting to the Government on the steps

taken during the year and on remaining challenges.

33 Report 2010, Trafficking in Human Beings, phenomena related to it, and implementation of the rights of human trafficking victims in Finland, VähemmistövaltuutettuHelsinki 2010. 34 Ibid. 35 See http://ec.europa.eu/anti-trafficking/section.action?sectionId=ab3fd52e-f9c0-4cbe-9f6e-ca194f0c5914&sectionType=LIST_ENTITIES_WITH_ATT .

http://ec.europa.eu/anti-trafficking/section.action?sectionId=ab3fd52e-f9c0-4cbe-9f6e-ca194f0c5914&sectionType=LIST_ENTITIES_WITH_ATT

http://ec.europa.eu/anti-trafficking/section.action?sectionId=ab3fd52e-f9c0-4cbe-9f6e-ca194f0c5914&sectionType=LIST_ENTITIES_WITH_ATT

-- јј IIII


The main tasks and responsibilities of the National Rapporteur in Hungary are:

monitoring situation of trafficking in human beings, coordination of anti-trafficking

efforts, monitoring and evaluation of implementation of these efforts, preparing annual

state report on human trafficking, represent anti-trafficking efforts, and preparation

and evaluation of the National Action Plans.36 However, since 2010 the National

Rappourteur has done very little in implementing the drafted strategy. Furthermore,

neither a National Action Plan against trafficking in human beings nor evaluation or

monitoring systems have been established so far.37

V. Comparative analyses on different methodologies of reporting

Analyzing the role of the National Rappourteur on trafficking in human beings it is

important to stress for extensive knowledge in the area of trafficking in human beings.

In order to safeguard the human rights of victims, it is essential that everyone involved

has relevant knowledge and necessary competence in this field.38

In that line is the following conclusion that )Б ВЕdeЕ ЗВ ИГdaЗe kБВКledge Вf hИАaБ trafficking and of national and international developments in this field, evaluations of

the measures that have been implemented to combat human trafficking will be cВААiЖЖiВБed. NeК ЕeЖeaЕch Кill be eБcВИЕaged. 39 Conducting the work of a National

Rappourteur demands information gathering, interviews with victims, interviews with

representatives of government organizations and interviews with NGOs working within

the country to carry out anti-trafficking initiatives. The National Rappourteur cannot

solely rely on reporting various data on trafficking in human beings in the country even

though that is certainly part of the process, but has to also conduct serious and

extensive analyses of the information gathered and reported, with identification of

weaknesses into the system, suggestions of improvement and making recommendations

which implementation will better the national response to trafficking in human beings.

36ibid. 37 EИЕВГeaБ NGO Ж ВbЖeЕvatory on human trafficking, found on: http://www.e-notes-observatory.org. 38 Norwegian Action Plan 2006-2009. 39 Ibid.

http://www.e-notes-observatory.org/

-- јј IIII


Regarding the use of methodology three models of National Reporting could be

identified: national reporting that follows chronological line of analyses (chronological

approach); national reporting that generally follows major crime trends and

concentrates on wider categories with recommendations of improvement (summary

recommendation approach); and detailed year to year analyses of all issues in the

country regarding trafficking in human beings (descriptive approach). Certainly, these

approaches as named here are no clear cut, and could be often combined.

The first model includes, assessment, and evaluation through measuring chronological

progress—comparing current reports to previous reports and focusing on previous

recommendations to ensure they were implemented and to generate ideas for

improved. The Dutch National Rappourteur has used this model. As concluded by the DИЗch RaГГВЕЗeИЕ: BЕВadlМ ЖГeakiБg, Зhe report covers the same subjects as those diЖcИЖЖed iБ Зhe ГЕeviВИЖ ЕeГВЕЗЖ. 40 The ЖecВБd АВdel iБclИdeЖ bЕВadeЕ caЗegВЕieЖ ЕeflecЗed iБЗВ Зhe cВИБЗЕМ Ж ЖГecific ЗЕaiЗЖ in human trafficking. This is then used to identify the current problems through

identification and analyses and to suggest and recommend possible solutions and

amendments. This is the case with the Finish and Swedish approach.

And finally, the third model involves very extensive analyses of details within the

system regulating trafficking rather than concentrating on the broader picture. This

could be seen in the case of the Czech national reporting.

40 Dutch National Report 2012 see footnote 2.

-- јј IIII


VI. Conclusion

In order to establish a good reporting mechanisms, an national rapporteur model has

proven to uphold the victim centered approach. Thus five components are required for

a National Rapporteur to make an effective contribution to combating human

trafficking, as opposed to simply writing reports that are not productive, the National

Rapporteur must be independent from government; The National Rapporteur must

have unlimited and direct access to all relevant information; The National Rapporteur АИЖЗ have ЖИГГВЕЗ ЖЗaff aБd fИБdiБg; The NaЗiВБal RaГГВЕЗeИЕ Ж ЕeГВЕЗ АИЖЗ be Аade public, on an annual basis; and A body within the government must exist that is

equipped to coordinate the implementation of Зhe NaЗiВБal RaГГВЕЗeИЕ Ж recommendations that are approved by the government.

-- јј IIII


BBIIBBLLIIOOGGRRAAPPHHYY

The Finnish National Rapporteur on Trafficking in Human Beings –Ombudsman

For Minorities Helsinki, Report 2012. ISBN (pdf): 978-952-491-805-3 L-ISSN

(PDF): 1798-694X Kopijyvä Oy.

Dutch National Rapporteur on Trafficking in Human Beings and Sexual Violence

against Children (2013). Trafficking in Human Beings. Ninth report of the Dutch

National Rapporteur. The Hague.

Mohamen Y. Matter, Comparative Models of Reporting Mechanisms on the Status

of Trafficking in Human Beings, 1394 VANDERBILT JOURNAL OF TRANSNATIONAL

LAW [Vol. 41:1355, pg 3.

EU Hague Ministerial Declaration (Dutch Presidency) 1997

Dutch Presidency of the European Union (1997), The Hague Ministerial

Declaration on European Guidelines for Effective Measures to Prevent and

Combat Trafficking in Women for the Purpose of Sexual Exploitation.

Doc. No. 1545 (2002).

Council of the European Union Resolution 2003/C 260/3.

Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe [OSCE], OSCE Action Plan

to Combat Trafficking in Human Beings, Annex, 462nd Plenary Meeting,

PC.DEC/557 (July 24, 2003).www.osce.org/pc/42708

Anti-Slavery International, Report 2006, p.30

The Council of Europe Convention on Action Against Trafficking in

HumanBeings, May 16, 2005, C.E.T.S. No. 197.

Explanatory Report of The Council of Europe Convention on Action Against

Trafficking in Human Beings, May 16, 2005, C.E.T.S. No. 197.

Summary of verbal submission to the Conference of EU, National Rappourteurs

on trafficking in Human Beings by the National Rappourteur of Trafficking in

Human Beings Detective Inspector Kaisa Vahleberg, Prague, Czech Republic may

30-31 2009.

RPS ReГВЕЗ : , SiЗИaЗiВБ ReГВЕЗ MТББiЖkВhaБdel fчЕЖeЛИella Вch aБdЕa ТБdaАХl [TЕaffickiБg iБ hИАaБbeiБgЖ fВЕ ЖeЛИal aБd ВЗheЕ ГИЕГВЖeЖ]

Trafficking in Human Beings-Ten years of independent monitoring, National

Rapporteur on Trafficking in Human Beings (2010), The Hague BNRM.

Ministry of Interior, Security Policy Department, Prague 2006, 2005 Status

Report on Trafficking in Human Beings in Czech Republic.

Ministry of Interior, Security Policy Department, Prague 2009, 2008 Status

Report on Trafficking in Human Beings in Czech Republic.

-- јј IIII


Websites:

www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/followup/beijing+5.htm

OSCE, A Summary of Challenges Facing Legal Responses to Human Trafficking for

Labour Exploitation in the OSCE Region, SEC.GAL/199/06, 14 November 2006, at

p. 3, online: http://www.osce.org

Ministry of Interior Policy Paper http://www.mvcr.cz/mvcren/article/czech-

republic.aspxhttp://ec.europa.eu/anti-

trafficking/showNIPsection.action?sectionId=1f76711e-d8ce-4dcc-8065

eaa078ed59a8#A5

http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/followup/beijing+5.htm

http://www.osce.org/






-- јј IIII


-- јј IIII


MMiiššoo DDOOKKMMAANNOOVVIIĆĆ,, PPhhDD



1.01 Original scientific paper

UDC No. 327/(497:495)

WWHHAATT’’SS IINN AA NNAAMMEE??::

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AAFFTTEERR TTHHEE FFAALLLL OOFF YYUUGGOOSSLLAAVVIIAA

AABBSSTTRRAACCTT

This paper examines the development of the Macedonian – Greek relations in the

last two decades. It is methodologically structured to identify, analyze and explain the

key – phases of the bilateral relations. A special emphasis of the paper will be put on the

specific approaches of the different administrations in respect to the relations to

Macedonia and the name dispute.

Besides that, the paper analyses the current issues at the negotiation table and

makes an attempt to define the framework for a final solution of the dispute between

the two neighboring countries.

The author concludes that the name is not the only issue at stake in the

mediation process and raises the need for change in the format of the negotiations with

the sole purpose of achieving an expeditious and feasible solution.

KKEEYY WWOORRDDSS:: Greece, Macedonia, name-dispute, negotiations, diplomacy.

-- јј IIII


WHAT’S IN A NAME?: ANALYZING MACEDONIAN – GREEK RELATIONS AFTER THE FALL OF YUGOSLAVIA

Introduction

The relations to Greece ЕeГЕeЖeБЗed Зhe АВЖЗ challeБgiБg aЖГecЗ Вf MacedВБia Ж foreign policy to its neighbors after gaining independence. The first officially manifested

interest of Greece for the situation in the emerging independent Macedonia occurred on

13 May 1991 when the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Andonis Samaras, concluded that Зhe diЖЖВlИЗiВБ Вf YИgВЖlavia Кill ГЕВvide Зhe SkВГiaБЖ Зhe ВГГВЕЗИБiЗМ ЗВ ЕaiЖe Зhe MacedВБiaБ ДИeЖЗiВБ TИБЗev, . Basically, the development of the Greek policy towards the independence of

Macedonia and the relations to the new country could be divided in four phases: (1) the

first phase, from 1991 to April 1993, (2) the second phase, April 1993 – September

1995; (3) the third phase that began in October 1995 with the signing of the Interim

agreement that regulated some aspects of bilateral relations and (4) the fourth phase

which commenced with the Greek veto for Macedonian admission to NATO at the

Bucharest summit in 2008. At the same time, the issue of the name of Macedonia

remained at the core of the bilateral relations and represented the key – obstacle for

their further improvement.

Having that in mind, the paper examines the development of the bilateral

relations between Athens and Skopje and defines their main phases, specifics and

trends. Given the fact that the bilateral relations have been conditioned by the name

issue, the paper tackles this outstanding issue and makes an attempt to define the

elements of the framework for its solution.

-- јј IIII


First phase: from Yugoslav dissolution to Macedonian admission to the UN

The first phase in the bilateral relations between Athens and Skopje has begun with the

process of dissolution of Yugoslavia. The Republic of Macedonia has declared

independence on September 8, 1991 and requested recognition from the European

community (EC) in December 1991 within the framework set by the Guidelines for the

Recognition of New States in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union and the Declaration

Concerning the Condition for Recognition of New States (European community, 1991a).

Under the strong influence of Greece, the following paragraph was included in the

declaration:

The Community and its member States also require a Yugoslav republic to commit

itself, prior to recognition, to adopt constitutional and political guarantees that it has no

territorial claims towards a neighboring community State and that it will conduct no

hostile propaganda activities versus a neighboring community state, including the use of

denomination which implies territorial claims (European community, 1991b).

The newly-set Arbitration commission was expected to evaluate the applications

of the former Yugoslav republic for recognition and accordingly, the Commission has

concluded that the Republic of Macedonia satisfied the criteria. (Arbitration

commission, 1992a). Even though Macedonia has fulfilled the clear and precise

recognition criteria, on 15 January 1992 the EC has reached a political decision to

recognize Slovenia and Croatia only. With regards to the other two Republics which have eЛГЕeЖЖed Зhe Кill ЗВ becВАe iБdeГeБdeБЗ, Зhe EC aББВИБced ЗhaЗ ЗheЕe КeЕe ЖЗill important matters to be addressed before a similar step by the Community and its АeАbeЕ SЗaЗeЖ Кill be ЗakeБ European Community, 1992a). The political decision of

EC to delay the recognition of Macedonia has opened a long-lasting process in which the

EC, under strong pressure of Greece, would attempt to recognize the Republic without ИЖiБg Зhe ЗeЕА MacedВБia Ramcharan, 1997:1274). After this decision has been made, Зhe SeЕbiaБ БeКЖГaГeЕ PВliЗika haЖ ЕeГВЕЗed vividlМ ЗhaЗ EИЕВГe haЖ failed Зhe ЖЗИdeБЗ КiЗh Зhe beЖЗ aБЖКeЕЖ PВliЗika, . At this point in time, Greece had three main terms for recognition of the new

state: (1) ЗhaЗ iЗ ЖhВИld БВЗ iБЖiЖЗ ВБ Зhe aГГellaЗiВБ The ReГИblic Вf MacedВБia ; iЗ should renounce the territorial claims and (3) should withdraw its allegation that

Macedonian ethnic minority existed in Greece (Koliopoulos and Veremis, 2009: 177).

-- јј IIII


Consequently, the position of EC regarding the recognition of Macedonia did not

change in 1992 even though several initiatives for solution of the new challenge were

operational. The most extreme position regarding the recognition issue by the EC was

adopted during the Lisbon summit held in June 1992. The Greek pressure resulted in Зhe LiЖbВБ DeclaЕaЗiВБ Кhich cВБdiЗiВБed Зhe ЕecВgБiЗiВБ Вf Зhe cВИБЗЕМ ИБdeЕ a БaАe Кhich dВeЖ БВЗ iБclИde Зhe ЗeЕА MacedВБia EИЕВГeaБ CВААИБiЗМ, d . )З КaЖ obvious that this EU position was formulated under a strong influence of Greece and at

the same time represented the strongest diplomatic strike on the Macedonian

diplomacy in the process of international recognition of the country. Furthermore, EC

did not make any significant progress on the issue in 1992 and as a result the solution of

the issues was handed over to the UN.

Besides that, it should be emphasized that the bilateral relation in the period

1991-1993 were characterized by the rise of nationalism in both countries. Political

parties in both countries organized frequent political rallies. For instance, VMRO-

DPMNE, a conservative party and the winner of the first free multiparty elections in

Macedonia, has called for independence and unification of Macedonia and launched the

idea to organize the next party congress in Thesaloniki. On the other hand, the Greek

nationalist organized many public protests aimed against the new independent state.

Moreover, a number of blockades of the border have been organized from both sides of

the border.

Another important feature of the first phase of the bilateral relations represents

the lack of any direct and official relations between Athens and Skopje. Although ЖИГГВЕЗive Вf Зhe cВИБЗЕМ Ж iБdeГeБdeБce, GЕeek aИЗhВЕiЗieЖ ЖЗВВd still on the position

that the country should not be allowed to use the term Macedonia. This phase

represents the lowest level in the relations between the two countries.

-- јј IIII


Second phase – From embargo to first agreement

Following the initiative of the United Kingdom, France and Spain and after a long

period of discussions and negotiations, in April 1993 Macedonia was admitted for UN АeАbeЕЖhiГ ИБdeЕ Зhe ГЕВviЖiВБal ЕefeЕeБce Зhe fВЕАeЕ YИgВЖlav ReГИblic Вf MacedВБia . AЖ a ЕeЖИlЗ Вf Зhe consent of Greece, the UN Security Council adopted the

Resolution 817/93 which recommended the General assembly to accept the admission ЗВ UN Вf Зhe ЖЗaЗe beiБg ГЕВviЖiВБallМ ЕefeЕЕed ЗВ fВЕ all ГИЕГВЖeЖ КiЗhiБ Зhe UN aЖ Зhe former Yugoslav Republic of MacedВБia ГeБdiБg ЖeЗЗleАeБЗ Вf Зhe diffeЕeБce ЗhaЗ haЖ aЕiЖeБ ВveЕ Зhe БaАe Вf Зhe SЗaЗe UБiЗed NaЗiВБЖ, a . OБ Зhe baЖiЖ Вf Зhe SecИЕiЗМ Council recommendation, on 8 April 1993 the General Assembly has adopted the

Resolution 47/225 for admission of the country as the 181st member of the UN (United

Nations, 1993b).

Greece accepted the provisional name proposed in the draft resolution for

admission in UN membership and demanded continuation of talks regarding the

difference over the name as well as adoption of appropriate confidence-building

measures (legal and political gИaЕaБЗeeЖ ЗhaЗ Зhe БeК ЖЗaЗe haЕbВЕЖ БВ ЗeЕЕiЗВЕial claims against Greece, cessation of hostile propaganda and termination of the use of

Greek symbols – such as the star of Vergina (Kutles) – as symbols of the republic. The

star of Vergina (Kutles) was the symbol on the Macedonian flag from 1992-1995 and as

a result of this Greek demand Macedonia was not allowed to raise its flag in front of the

UN building in New York even though it became a member of the UN (United Nations,

1993c).

The admission of Macedonia to UN membership did not resolve the outstanding

issues that existed with Greece. The negotiations under the auspices of the UN

mediators, Cyrus Vance and Lord Owen continued in 1993. However, the US recognition

of Macedonia under the provisional reference in February 1994 has disturbed Greece

(The White House, 1994). As a result of that, Greece has imposed unilateral trade

measures (embargo) towards Macedonia which threatened to destabilize the country.

The intention of the embargo was to block the most important corridor for Macedonia – NВЕЗh-SВИЗh 41 in order to devastate Macedonian economy and to force the landlocked

41 At the same time, the northern Macedonian border was also blocked as a result of the UN economic sanctions imposed to the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.

-- јј IIII


country to make cessions concerning the dispute. According to the calculations, the

monthly damage of the embargo for the country was estimated at 58 million dollars

(Danchev et al., 1996).

It should be emphasized that one month after the trade embargo was imposed,

on 18 March 1994, the United States have decided actively to involve in the negotiations

process through appointment of Matthew Nimetz as a special envoy of the President CliБЗВБ ВБ Зhe MacedВБiaБ ДИeЖЗiВБ . AЖ a ЕeЖИlЗ Вf Зhe iБЗeБЖive AАeЕicaБ iБiЗiaЗive carried out by Richard Holbrooke, after long negotiations and intensive round of shuttle

diplomacy, on 13 September 1995, Greece and Macedonia have signed the Interim

Accord (United Nations, 1995; Holbrooke, 1998: 121-127)42.43

The main advantage of the Interim Accord was the fact that it contained

provisions for recognition of Macedonia by Greece, establishment of diplomatic

relations and ending of the trade embargo. Both countries recognized their mutual

border for permanent and inviolable and obliged to respect the sovereignty, territorial

integrity and political independence of the other country. Once again, Macedonia has

stated that it has no territorial aspirations and obliged to refrain from using the symbol

on the flag of the Republic, the star of Vergina (Kutles) in all its forms44. On the other

hand, Greece has obliged not to object the applications of Macedonia for membership in

the international multilateral and regional organizations. Finally, the Interim accord

contained provisions concerning human and cultural rights and economic, commercial

and legal relations. Both governments once again have expressed their willingness to

continue the negotiations regarding differences over the name (Interim Accord, 1995). The ЖigБiБg Вf Зhe agЕeeАeБЗ КaЖ deГicЗed aЖ aБ eЛЗЕeАelМ iАГВЕЗaБЗ ЖЗeГ ЗhaЗ Кill ЖИГГВЕЗ cИЕЕeБЗ effВЕЗЖ ЗВ bЕiБg Гeace aБd ЖЗabiliЗМ ЗВ Зhe BalkaБЖ (The White

House, 1995). The relations between the two countries were normalized. Undoubtedly,

the signing of the Interim agreement has introduced a new impulse in the bilateral

relations between Greece and Macedonia. This new impulse was manifested in the

economic cooperation and trade, the level of the Greek foreign direct investments in

Macedonia, the regional and cross – border cooperation, cooperation in the area of

42 In the text of the Interim Accord the official names of the countries were not used. The formulation FiЕЖЗ ГaЕЗ КaЖ ИЖed fВЕ GЕeece aБd Зhe fВЕАИlaЗiВБ SecВБd ГaЕЗ КaЖ ИЖed fВЕ MacedВБia. 43 The Interim Accord was never ratified in the Greek parliament. 44 On 5 October 1995, the Parliament of the Republic of Macedonia has adopted the new Law on the State flag with 110 votes in favor and 4 abstained (Cowan, 2000).

-- јј IIII


defense, home affairs and security, environment and development of tourism etc.

However, there are still parts of the agreement which are not implemented such as the

part regarding the human and cultural rights45.

Phase 3 – New chapter in bilateral relations

The signing of the Interim Accord opened a new chapter in the Greek –

Macedonian relations. Apart from the framework provisions on the political relations,

the agreement made it possible for individuals, companies and local authorities from

both countries to interact.

The economic cooperation between the two countries had a tremendous

development especially in the first decade. The analysis of the basic parameters of the

foreign direct investments (FDI) from Greece to Macedonia demonstrates a rapid

increase. Firstly, if we take the years 1997, 1998 and 1999, the total figure of the Greek

FDI in Macedonia was just around $ 11, 7 million. In contrast, the amount of FDI in the

next three years (2001, 2002 and 2003) reached almost $ 215 million which was an

increase of almost 920% (National Bank of the Republic of Macedonia, 2005).

After the signing of the agreement, trade between Greece and Macedonia literally

skyrocketed. As far as the bilateral trade is concerned, in 2002 Greece became third

largest trade partner of Macedonia, following Germany and Serbia and Montenegro.

According to the statistical data, the import from Greece to Macedonia from $ 28, 89

million in 1995 increased to $300, 58 million in 2003 which represented an increase

1071%. The import reached the amount of $803,71 million in 2012 (National Bank of

Macedonia, 2012).

As far as the economic assistance to Macedonia is concerned, both governments

have signed an Agreement on a five year development program 2002 – 2006 which Еeached € АilliВБ iБ a five МeaЕ ГeЕiВd MiБiЖЗЕМ Вf fВЕeigБ affaiЕЖ Вf GЕeece, . Intensified bilateral cooperation has included tourism, education, culture,

transportation and infrastructure as well as establishment of neighboring regions.

45 In 2005 the Greek Foundation on European and Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP) has published a study focusing on the Greek views on the development of the bilateral relations and the effects of the Interim Accord (Kofos et al, 2005).

-- јј IIII


The variety of fields in the bilateral cooperation clearly demonstrates a couple of

points. Firstly, it is clear that the politics and political agreements have an immense

power to influence the level of cooperation between two countries. It is clear that the

political agreements represent a spiritus movens for development of other fields of

cooperation, especially in the sphere of economy. Although, it took same time, energy

and resources for the both countries to sign this agreement, its effects help the

cooperation to flourish. That brings us to the second point. The intensified cooperation

promoted new values in the relations between people from both sides of the border. The valИeЖ Вf Зhe begiББiБg Вf Зhe Ж, БaЗiВБaliЖА, feaЕ aБd haЗe, КeЕe ЕeГlaced with the ideals of the new century, trade, investments and tourism. These new contacts

have led to БВЕАaliНaЗiВБ Вf Зhe ЕelaЗiВБЖ aБd cВБЖeДИeБЗlМ, lifЗed Зhe ГЕeЖЖИЕe fЕВА the public opinion. The public opinion was now preoccupied with the things that really

matter like new jobs, good infrastructure and fast transit on the borders. This

atmosphere in the public opinion led to a relaxation in the relations between the people aБd ЗhИЖ ГЕВvided Зhe БeceЖЖaЕМ bЕeaЗhiБg ЖГace fВЕ Зhe diГlВАaЗЖ ЗВ fiБiЖh Зhe jВb .

Phase 4 – Back to square one

However, it seems that both countries did not take advantage of the

improvement of the relations in order to resolve the outstanding issue regarding the

name of the Republic of Macedonia. As it was already mentioned, the fourth phase in the

bilateral relations has commenced after the 2008 NATO Summit in Bucharest. An

evident twist occurred in the Greek foreign policy during the summit and strongly

affected bilateral relations ever since.

There have been several news reports prior to the summit that suggested that

Greece might transform its approach concerning the unconditional support for MacedВБia Ж АeАbeЕЖhiГ iБ EИЕВ-Atlantic structures after the US recognition of the

Macedonian official name in February 2004. According to Canadian Press report, in May

2004 the Greek government emphasized that it would block neighboring Macedonia

from joining NATO or the EU unless a name dispute with the Balkan republic is resolved

(Canadian Press, 2004). Besides that, according to Washington Times the potential veto

-- јј IIII


for NATO enlargement enjoyed wide public and partisan support in Greece just couple

of days before the Bucharest summit (Washington Times, 2008).

Furthermore, there were several indicators that Greece was discussing how to

approach the new reality in respect to the name - the growing number of countries that have ЕecВgБiНed MacedВБia ИБdeЕ Зhe cВБЖЗiЗИЗiВБal БaАe ReГИblic Вf MacedВБia including the recognition by the US. As it was already mentioned, since the Macedonian

admission to the UN, the number of countries that recognized the constitutional name of

the country continuously grew.

At the same time, starting from 2006, the Greek side has frequently been

criticizing the nationalistic platform of the newly elected Prime Minister Nikola

Gruevski. He has undertaken a series of actions that were considered to be provocative

for Greek public. Furthermore, he has initiated a process of renaming airports,

stadiums, city streets and even main highways with names of figures that Greece

considered to belong to ancient Greek heritage. Moreover, a controversial project called SkВГje КaЖ ЖИГported by the Government with the sole purpose of building

public buildings at the main square in Skopje in classical style. This project was rejected

by the public and several public protests were organized. However, the construction has

continued. In Greek view, this was considered to be a violation of Art. 7 of the Interim

Accord (obligation to take effective measures to prohibit hostile activities or

propaganda).

Having in mind these developments, NATO enlargement with Albania, Croatia

and Macedonia was strongly supported by the US and was placed very high on PЕeЖideБЗ BИЖh Ж ageБda. )Б ЗhaЗ diЕecЗiВБ, ВБe daМ befВЕe Зhe hiЖЗВЕic ЖИААiЗ US PЕeЖideБЗ BИЖh aББВИБced ЗhaЗ hiЖЗВЕic deciЖiВБ fВЕ Зhe NATO eБlaЕgeАeБЗ КiЗh ЗhЕee new countries - Macedonia, Albania and Croatia - will be adopted at the NATO Summit iБ BИchaЕeЖЗ . AЗ Зhe BИchaЕeЖЗ ЖИААiЗ, Зhe АeАbeЕЖ Вf NATO ackБВКledged Зhe haЕd work and the commitment demonstrated by the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia

to NATO values and Alliance operations. However, NATO member countries emphasized ЗhaЗ aБ iБviЗaЗiВБ ЗВ Зhe fВЕАeЕ YИgВЖlav ReГИblic Вf MacedВБia Кill be eЛЗeБded aЖ ЖВВБ aЖ a АИЗИallМ acceГЗable ЖВlИЗiВБ ЗВ Зhe БaАe iЖЖИe haЖ beeБ Еeached NATO, 2008).

There were several indicators that Macedonia was not invited due to the Greek

position not to support Macedonian admission to NATO. Having in mind that the final

-- јј IIII


solution of the name issue was never officially mentioned as a precondition for MacedВБia Ж АeАbeЕЖhiГ, iЗ cВИld be cВБclИded ЗhaЗ Зhe Greek position to a large extent

has influenced the final conclusion of the Bucharest Summit. According to the

Declaration of Summit, an additional condition was imposed for Macedonia – a mutually

acceptable solution to the name issue. This approach was later applied by the Greek gВveЕБАeБЗ iБ ЕeЖГecЗ ЗВ Зhe cВИБЗЕМ Ж EU acceЖЖiВБ. The ReГИblic Вf MacedВБia obtained EU candidate status in 2005, but still has not started negotiations even though

a beginning of negotiations was recommended by the European commission.

As a result of these developments, Macedonia has retaliated. On 17 November

2008 Macedonia has decided to prosecute Greece in front of the International Court of

Justice (ICJ) (ICJ, 2008). In particular, the Macedonian authorities sought from ICJ to eЖЗabliЖh viВlaЗiВБ Вf GЕeece Ж legal ВbligaЗiВБ ИБdeЕ AЕЗ. , ГaЕagЕaГh Вf Зhe )БЗeЕiА Accord. According to the provisions of the article, Greece was obliged not to object to

the application by or the membership of Macedonia in international, multilateral and

regional organizations and institutions of which Greece was a member. However,

Greece reserved the right to object to any membership if Macedonia was to be referred ЗВ iБ ЖИch ВЕgaБiНaЗiВБ ВЕ iБЖЗiЗИЗiВБ ИБdeЕ Зhe ГЕВviЖiВБal ЕefeЕeБce Зhe former YИgВЖlav ЕeГИblic Вf MacedВБia )БЗeЕiА AccВЕd, . )CJ deliveЕed iЗЖ jИdgАeБЗ iБ December 2011 and concluded that Greece has violated the provisions of the

aforementioned articles.

The developments following the NATO summit in Bucharest have had a

tremendous effect on the bilateral relations. Although the mediation process continued,

no visible result was achieved. It seems that the window of opportunities for the final

solution of the name dispute has been closed. Bilateral relations reached the lowest

level after the signing of the interim accord.

-- јј IIII


The Core issues at the Negotiations Table

Having in mind the aforementioned trends and tendencies in the bilateral

relations in the last two decades, we come to the core issues at the negotiation table.

Being the central part of the discussions, the issue of the name of the country, was

further supplemented with some other relevant aspects which began to emerge. As a

result of that, in this part of the paper we will examine the key issues related to the achieveАeБЗ Вf a fiБal agЕeeАeБЗ beЗКeeБ SkВГje aБd AЗheБЖ cВБceЕБiБg Зhe cВИБЗЕМ Ж name. It should be mentioned that the negotiations were often surrounded by secrecy

and rumors and the information available is not always accurate nor complete.

1. Name itself. In order to discuss any potential ideas for final solution of the

dispute, it is necessary to define the red lines of both parties in the negotiations.

According to the influential analyst Evangelos Kofos, the Greek red line could be defined

along the following positions: none of the parties could have an exclusive right for the ИЖe Вf Зhe ЗeЕА MacedВБia , Зhe fiБal name should include geographic determinant

(preferably Vardar Macedonia) and a specific solution for the adjective deriving from

the name46 (Kofos, 2009). This position is also reaffirmed by the current Greek gВveЕБАeБЗ Кhich ЖЗaБdЖ fВЕ a cВАГВИБd БaАe КiЗh a geВgЕaГhical ДИalifieЕ fВЕ ИЖe iБ relations to everyone (erga omnes) (Ministry of foreign affairs of Greece, 2013).

On the other hand it is very difficult to sublimate the key elements of the

Macedonian red line. It seems that a solution that could include a geographic deЗeЕАiБaБЗ ЖИch aЖ VaЕdaЕ ВЕ NВЕЗheЕБ cВИld be acceГЗable hВКeveЕ iБ fВЕА Вf a suffix or prefix of the official name.47 Although Nikola Gruevski has been creating the

aura of uncompromising nationalist, it seems that he was willing to accept some

changes in the name of the country. According to the former Minister of Defense,

Elenovski, Prime Minister Gruevski has accepted change of the name during the

Bucharest summit. It seems that he has agreed for at least two solutions: the name ReГИblic Вf MacedВБia SkВГje aБd Зhe ГЕВviЖiВБal ЕefeЕeБce Зhe fВЕАeЕ YИgВЖlav

46 Usage of a respective Macedonian versions with an appropriate prefix: Slav-Macedonian/s and Greek-Macedonian/s or application in international languages the derivates of the various Macedonian versions in the original form of the respective local languages ( Makedonci -noun and Makedonski -adjective). 47 For instance: Northern Republic of Macedonia, Vardar Republic of Macedonia or Republic of Macedonia (Northern).

-- јј IIII


ReГИblic Вf MacedВБia aЖ a ГeЕАaБeБЗ БaАe KaБal , . Unfortunately, the two

offered solutions were not acceptable for the other side. ThiЖ ГВЖiЗiВБ cВАbiБed КiЗh Зhe acceГЗaБce Вf Зhe ЕefeЕeБce Зhe fВЕАeЕ YИgВЖlav ЕeГИblic Вf MacedВБia aЖ a ГЕВviЖiВБal БaАe iБ deАВБЖЗЕaЗeЖ Зhe willingness of the Macedonian authorities to accept certain modification of the name. At

the same time, in the mid 1990s the Greek authorities have altered their position of cВИБЗЕМ Ж ЕecВgБiЗiВБ ИБdeЕ БaАe ЗhaЗ dВeЖ БВЗ iБclИde Зhe ЗeЕА MacedВБia . Consequently, it should be expected that a solution along the lines of a geographic

determinate within the official name of the country would be reached. At the same time,

it should not be forgotten that over 240 solutions have been put on the table by the

mediators in the last 15 years (Tuntev, 2005: 297).

2. Range of use of the mutually accepted name. During the last twenty years

various aspects of the range of the use of the name have been discussed. In that

direction, following the admission to the UN, Macedonia has undertaken an intensive iБiЗiaЗive ЗВ Еeceive ЕecВgБiЗiВБ ИБdeЕ Зhe Вfficial БaАe ReГИblic Вf MacedВБia iБ Зhe bilateral relations with other countries. By March 2013, over 136 countries in the world

have recognized Macedonia under its official name including three UN Security Council

permanent members (China, Russia and US). However, these recognitions remained on

bilateral level only while in multilateral organizations the country was admitted under

the provisional reference.48

Both sides have confronting positions regarding the range of use of the final

name. As it was already stated, the Greek red line regarding the range of use demanded

erga omnes solution (i.e. the new name should be applied towards all the countries

including the countries that recognized the БaАe ReГИblic Вf MacedВБia . Furthermore, the final name should be applied on all official documents (Kofos, 2009).

On the other hand, the Macedonian position called for the use of the mutually

acceptable name on bilateral level (maximalist approach) and/or in the multilateral

organization only (minimalist approach). In other words, the Macedonian side is in

favor of the position that usage of the final name should be limited to bilateral level with

Greece and under certain conditions in the international organizations (such as NATO

and EU). This position is defended by the fact that Macedonia was recognized by over

48 There just a few examples of contries that explicitly demand the use of the official name in multirarteral organizations (for instance, Turkey in NATO).

-- јј IIII


130 countries under the official name as well as the actual wording of the UN Resolution

817 – ЖЗaЗe beiБg ГЕВviЖiВБallМ ЕefeЕЕed ЗВ fВЕ all ГИЕГВЖeЖ КiЗhiБ Зhe UN . MВЕeВveЕ, the position that the negotiations are only about the international name was also

supported by a statement of the US Ambassador to Macedonia (Kanal 5, 2010).

3. Time of implementation. Another significant issue that remains is the actual

time- framework for the implementation of the compromise. Having in mind the

challenges that occurred in the ratification and the implementation of the Interim

accord (in particular, in reference to Article 11, paragraph 1),49 it could be expected that

Macedonia would insist that the final solution should be enforced after the admission to

NATO and/or EU, an idea already suggested by the European Stability Initiative.

At the same time, given the fact that ICJ has concluded that it was clear that

Greece objected Macedonian admission to NATO because of the failure to reach a final

agreement of the difference over the name and failed to comply with its obligation

under the Article 11, paragraph 1 of the Interim Accord, the overall mediation process,

should dedicate special attention to this issue. Furthermore, the Macedonian side has

legitimate position to request guarantees and appropriate timeline for implementation

of the solution. In that direction, in a case that no additional credible guarantees are

provided, the final name should become operational following Macedonian admission to

NATO/EU.

Although there is no official position concerning the issue, it seems that the time

of implementation could represent a potential challenge for the final agreement.

Moreover, the experience from the Slovenian-Croatian dispute that culminated during

Croatia Ж acceЖЖiВБ БegВЗiaЗiВБЖ cВИld ЖeЕve aЖ a ГВЗeБЗial fЕaАeКВЕk ВБ Зhe iЖЖИe Вf Зhe implementation of the final

4. Form of the change. At the same time, it appears that the issue of the form of

the change would represent a challenge in the negotiations as well. On a number of

occasions Greek officials have requested that the final name should be incorporated in

49 Upon entry into force of this Interim Accord, The Party of the First Part agrees not to object to the application by or the membership of the Party of the Second Part in international, multilateral and regional organizations and institutions of which the Party of the First Part is a member; however, the Party of the First Part reserves the right to object to any membership referred to above if and to the extent of the Party of the Second Part is to be referred to in such organization or institution differently than in paragraph 2 of UN Resoulitio.

-- јј IIII


Зhe cВИБЗЕМ Ж cВБЖЗiЗИЗiВБ.50 At the same time, previous legal arrangements

(international or bilateral agreement) followed by a ratification seem to be more

acceptable for the Macedonian side. It is becoming apparent that the form of the change

would also play an important role in the finalization of the agreement.

5. Language and identity. To the extent the dispute is about the name of the

country, it is also about the adjective of the name. There have been a number of

conflicting reports that these issues have been put on the negotiations table. In that

sense, there is a strong inclination especially from the Greek side for making difference

between the Macedonian identity in Greece and the Republic of Macedonia. On a

number of occasions, including the 2013 UN general assembly address, the Macedonian

Prime Minister Gruevski has emphasized that Macedonian identity is at stake in the

negotiations. However, in September 2013 a representative of the Macedonian

government coalition partner Ali Ahmeti has stated that the identity issue is not

included in the negotiations (24 vesti, 2013).

Therefore, several issues should be taken into consideration. Firstly, the

existence of languages could not be determined by international or bilateral

agreements. Secondly, the issue of identity and language is not a part of the framework

of the negotiations. It would be extremely dangerous to define the name of a widely-

recognized and established language in a bilateral agreement between two countries.

On the other hand, the Greek side insists on making difference between the Macedonian

identity in Greece and the Republic of Macedonia. It could be concluded that this will be

the core issue of the final solution of the name dispute. Both sides seem to be getting

closer regarding the name with geographic determinant. Thus, the issue of the adjective

deriving from the final name will remain a challenge. Any solution concerning this issue

should be reached within that the mandate of the negotiations. It seems that some

instruments for specification of the identity issues might be utilized in particular Serbia – Kosovo mechanism for dispute resolution.

50 Consequently, if this was the case, it is unclear whether the application of the final name on Macedonian passport would be acceptable to the Macedonian authorities.

-- јј IIII


Conclusion: Is a solution feasible in the near future?

The solution of the name dispute represented and still represents the key-issue

in the bilateral relations between Greece and Macedonia. It seems that in the last few

years the bilateral relations reached the lowest level after the signing of the 1995

Interim Accord. Undoubtedly, both parties are responsible for this outcome. In that

direction, recent developments in particular after the 2008 NATO Bucharest Summit led

us to the conclusion that final solution is out of reach for the time being.

Macedonia does not have an alternative to the negotiations. The bilateral

relations with Greece in particular regarding the unresolved issue of the name are

blocking Macedonian membership in NATO and EU. Although a number of analysts in

the country have suggested drastic approaches such as cessation of negotiations or

resolution of the dispute in UN General Assembly through vote of its members, it

appears that these proposals do not address the main challenge for Macedonia.

Macedonia is participating in the negotiations in order to become NATO/EU member

and consequently, admission to these organizations would not be possible without the

consent of Greece.

Furthermore, given the fact that the negotiations process lasted for over two

decades without any tangible results, both parties should consider the possibility of

changing the format of negotiations. Potential ideas might include involvement of the

EU or its member – state (for instance, Germany or France) or engagement of other

partner- country that has experience with the dispute (such as US) in the negotiation

process. The transformation of the format of negotiations combined with a limited time-

framework to reach the solution would serve as accelerator for both governments.

It is always the right time to settle down such an important dispute. Moreover,

we should take into consideration the fact that the right wing parties are in power in

both countries. As a result of that, the potential solution in the current political

environment should more likely receive acceptance from the general public if right

wing parties are in power. Moreover, one of the creators of the hard-line approach on Зhe MacedВБiaБ iЖЖИe iБ Зhe begiББiБg Вf Зhe Ж КaЖ Зhe cИЕЕeБЗ GЕeek PЕiАe Minister Andonis Samaras.

The quest for a mutually acceptable solution should be reached to satisfy all the

parties involved. However, unmistakable evidence in the last years has established the

-- јј IIII


fact that the name is not the only issue at stake in the negotiations process. In that

direction, it is not only the name which is a stake - other issues such as its range, usage

as well as the issues related to identity and language are being raised. Nevertheless, it is

evident that the issue that could not be a part of the final agreement is the issue of

Macedonian identity in particular the Macedonian language.

Given the current dynamics of the region (Croatian membership in the EU,

independence of Kosovo and general integration perspective of the region, the number

of resolved bilateral issues, beginning of accession negotiations), it is of vital importance

this issue to be resolved as soon as possible. Macedonia has remained blocked in the

integration process too long.

-- јј IIII


RREEFFEERREENNCCEESS:: 1. 24 Vesti, There is Progress in the Negotiations: the Identity is not on the

Negotiations table. Available at: http://24vesti.mk/dui-postoi-napredok-vo-

pregovorite-za-imeto-identitetot-ne-e-vekje-na-masa. [Accessed on 15 November

2013].

2. Application of the Interim Accord of 13 September 1995 (the Former Yugoslav

Republic of Macedonia vs. Greece).[online].Available from:

http://www.icjij.org/docket/index.php?p1=3&p2=1&code=aci&case=142&k=.

[Accessed 21 October 2013].

3. Arbitration Commission. (1992a). Conference on Yugoslavia - Opinion No. 6 in

International Legal Materials, Vol. 31 (1992) p.1507.

4. Arbitration Commission. (1992b). Opinions No. 4,5 and 7 on International

Recognition of the Republic of Slovenia, Republic of Croatia and Republic of Bosnia

and Herzegovina by the European Community and its members. Paris, 11 January

1992 (International Legal Materials Vol. 31 (1992).

5. Cowan, J.K. (2000). Macedonia: The Politics of Identity and Difference. London: Pluto

Press.

6. Danchev, A. and Halverson, T. (eds). (1996). International Perspectives on the

Yugoslav Conflict. London: Macmillan Press.

7. European Community. (1991). Declaration on Yugoslavia adopted at the EPC

Extraordinary Ministerial Meeting, The Hague, 27 August 1991. (EC Press Release

P.82/91).

8. European Community. (1991a). Guidelines for the Recognition of New States in

Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union. (UN Doc. S/23293, Annex II).

9. European Community. (1991b). EC Declaration Concerning the Conditions for

Recognition of New States adopted at the Extraordinary EPC Ministerial Meeting,

Brussels, 16 December 1991. (UN. Doc. S/23293 Annex I).

10. European Community. (1992a). Statement by the Presidency of the European

Community on the Recognition of Yugoslav Republics, Brussels, 15 January 1992.

(EPC Press Release, P.9/92).

11. European Community. (1992b). Declaration on the former Yugoslav Republic of

Macedonia, Guimaraes, 2 May 1992, (UN Doc. S/23880, Annex).

12. European Community. (1992c). Declaration on the Former Yugoslavia, Lisbon. (UN

Doc. S/24200, Annex).

13. Holbrooke, R. (1998). To End a War. New York: Random House.

14. International court of Justice, Press release, 5 December 2011. Available at:

http://www.icj-cij.org/docket/files/142/16841.pdf. [Accessed on 17 November

2013].

15. ICJ Application of the Interim Accord of 13 September 1995 (the Former Yugoslav

Republic of Macedonia vs. Greece).[online].Available from:

http://www.icjij.org/docket/index.php?p1=3&p2=1&code=aci&case=142&k=.

[Accessed 21 October 2010] .

http://24vesti.mk/dui-postoi-napredok-vo-pregovorite-za-imeto-identitetot-ne-e-vekje-na-masa

http://24vesti.mk/dui-postoi-napredok-vo-pregovorite-za-imeto-identitetot-ne-e-vekje-na-masa

http://www.icj-cij.org/docket/files/142/16841.pdf

-- јј IIII


16. Interim Accord between Greece and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia

[online]. Available from:

(http://treaties.un.org/doc/Publication/UNTS/Volume%201891/v1891.pdf).

[Accessed 21 October 2010].

17. Kofos, E. (2009). The Current Macedonian Issue between Athens and Skopje: Is there

an Option for a Breakthrough? In: ELIAMEP Thesis 3/2009.

18. Kofos, E. and Vlasidis, V. (2005). Athens – Skopje an Uneasy Symbiosis. Athens:

Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP).

19. Koliopoulos, J., Veremis, T., (2009) Modern Greece: A History Since 1821. Wiley-

Blackwell.

20. Memorandum Reflecting the View and Position of the Government of Greece

Concerning the Application of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia for

Admission to the UN, New York, 25 January 1992; UN Security Council Resolution

817/93.

21. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Hellenic Republic. (2005) Agreement on a five year

development program Between the Government of the Party of the first part to the

Interim Accord September 13, 1995 and the Government of the Party of the second

part to the Interim accord September 13, 1995. Available from:

(www.mfa.gr/english/foreign_policy/hiperb/bilateral/fyrom.html).

22. Ministry of foreign affairs of the Hellenic Republic, The FYROM name issue. Available

at: http://www.mfa.gr/en/fyrom-name-issue/. [Accessed on 20 November 2013].

23. National Bank of Macedonia 2012 Foreign trade exchange

http://nbrm.mk/WBStorage/Files/Statistika_NTR_zemji_G_2012_defin2011.xls[Acc

essed on 15 October 2013].

24. National Bank of the Republic of Macedonia. (2005) Foreign direct investments in

Macedonia. Available from: www.nbrm.org.mk.

25. NATO Bucharest Summit Declaration [online]. Available from:

http://www.nato.int/cps/en/natolive/official_texts_8443.htm. [Accessed 12

September 2013].

26. Newspaper Politika, 21 January 1992.

27. Ramcharan, B.G. (1997). The International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia –

official papers. Vol. 2, Kluwer Law International.

28. Reeker Agree about the International Name. TV Kanal 5 News, 15 January 2010.

29. Sekerinska has Accused Gruevski for Accepting Change of Name. TV Kanal 5 News,

30 May 2008.

30. The Macedonian Name Dispute. The Washington Times, 30 March 2008.

31. The White House. Statement by the Press Secretary: US Recognition of the Former

Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. 9 February 1994.

32. Tuntev, A. (2005). Republic of Macedonia: First Decade (1990 - 1999). Skopje, p.

297-333.

33. United Nations. (1993a). UN Security Council Resolution 817/93.

34. United Nations. (1993b). UN General Assembly Resolution 47/225.

http://www.mfa.gr/english/foreign_policy/hiperb/bilateral/fyrom.html

http://www.mfa.gr/en/fyrom-name-issue/

http://nbrm.mk/WBStorage/Files/Statistika_NTR_zemji_G_2012_defin2011.xls

http://www.nbrm.org.mk/

-- јј IIII


35. United Nations. (1993c). Memorandum Reflecting the View and Position of the

Government of Greece Concerning the Application of the former Yugoslav Republic

of Macedonia for Admission to the United Nations, New York, 25 January 1992.

36. United Nations. (1995). Interim Accord, 13 September 1995 (UN Doc. S/1995/794,

Annexes I-IX). New York.

37. White House, (1995) Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents, 1995 Vol. 31

Issue 36, p1491, 1/2p.

38. White House. (1994) Statement by the Press Secretary on Yugoslav Republic of

Macedonia: US recognition of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, February

9, 1994 [online]. Available from:

(www.clintonpresidentialcenter.org/legacy/020994-statement-by-press-secretary-

on ...) [Accessed 21 September 2005]

39. White House. (1995) Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents, Vol. 31 Issue

36, p1491, 1/2p.

http://www.clintonpresidentialcenter.org/legacy/020994-statement-by-press-secretary-on

http://www.clintonpresidentialcenter.org/legacy/020994-statement-by-press-secretary-on

-- јј IIII


-- јј IIII


JJaassnnaa BBAACCOOVVSSKKAA NNEEDDIIKKJJ,, PPhhDD



1.01 Original Scientific paper

UDC No. 342.727:17

EEUURROOPPEEAANN LLEEGGAALL MMEECCHHAANNIISSMMSS OOFF

FFRREEEEDDOOMM OOFF EEXXPPRREESSSSIIOONN AANNDD HHAATTEE SSPPEEEECCHH

AABBSSTTRRAACCTT

The freedom of expression, regarded as a civilization gain and constitutional

category, is very often widely interpreted and misused. Can the expression of various

attitudes be interpreted as freedom of expression or those expressions can often mean

libel and defamation, humiliation and marginalizing of certain groups (ethnic, religious,

cultural, gender groups)?! Not always can this type of attitude and opinion expression

be accepted as elements of freedom of speech.

After the political changes in the late Ж, Зhe fЕeedВА Вf eЛГЕeЖЖiВБ aЖ a ЕighЗ was radicalized in all its aspects, especially in the countries of South-eastern Europe. At

that same historical moment, a technological progress took place which especially came

forward in the sphere of the communications and media: appearance of new media -

internet, globalization of the media space.

After the Fall of the Berlin wall, the major expectations were supplying freedom

of informing, speech, competition, pluralism, market economy, human rights,

individuality etc. The direct political speeches, the demonstrations, pamphlets, free

interviews and analytical columns have occupied the media, while the free

communication between the government and the citizens was set up as a basic principle

of the democratic equality.

-- јј IIII


From those reasons, the freedom of speech was most often understood as

freedom to inform, media pluralism, absence of censure etc.

Twenty years later, even in the countries of South-eastern Europe, the factors

which bring the western democracy in crisis are present. Namely, the media are

misused and the following is present: aggressive political marketing, propaganda,

defamation, libel, hate speech. The media become synonyms for these states. These

tendencies bring into light the topic about the freedom of speech, its restrictions and the

misuse of this freedom.

KKEEYY WWOORRDDSS:: freedom of speech, hate speech, media, Europe.

, ј ј .

, ј –

, , , .

- ,

, ј В Ј . ,

: ј - , ј . , ј , , .

-- јј IIII


EUROPEAN LEGAL MECHANISMS OF

FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION AND HATE SPEECH

1.1 Legal and political definition of the freedom of expression

The affirmation and the dramatic importance of the freedom of expression are

especially highlighted after major social traumas (the period between the two world

wars, the Holocaust, the Cold War, the Fall of the Berlin Wall). In the majority of the

texts dedicated to this right the thought of John Steward Mill is quoted which says: the

freedom of expression protects us from the government corruption and tyranny. This

freedom is one of the basic guarantees for open and pluralistic society.

The freedom of expression contains several elements such as: the freedom of

informing, the freedom of printing and media in general. The right is mainly based on

the freedom of opinion and mutual exchange of opinions. It moves from individual

expression of the ideas up to the institutional freedom of the media. That is why this

right is mostly qualified as framework right.

There is a certain duality in this right which is:

1. to send opinions and ideas of any kind and

2. freedom to search for and receive information of any kind, whether in an oral

or written form, different types of art, through other media, including the

new technologies which all compose the integral part of the right to

communicate.

The freedom of thinking is not an absolute human right, which may be a subject

of certain restrictions. Nevertheless, it is very important to point out that this right is not

superior or primary in terms of other rights.

-- јј IIII


1.2 Legitimacy of restrictions on freedom of expression

It can be concluded that no other right has so many reasons for exceptions.

Even when article 10 from the European Convention on Human Rights

Protection and the basic freedoms of the Council of Europe is visually seen, which is the

most referred article in the analyses, it is noticed that the second paragraph which

states the restrictions is greater in scope.

Article 10: Freedom of expression

Everyone has the right to freedom of expression. This right shall include freedom to hold

opinions and to receive and impart information and ideas without interference by public

authority and regardless of frontiers. This article shall not prevent States from requiring

the licensing of broadcasting, television or cinema enterprises.

The exercise of these freedoms, since it carries with it duties and responsibilities, may be

subject to such formalities, conditions, restrictions or penalties as are prescribed by law

and are necessary in a democratic society, in the interests of national security, territorial

integrity or public safety, for the prevention of disorder or crime, for the protection of

health or morals, for the protection of the reputation or rights of others, for preventing the

disclosure of information received in confidence, or for maintaining the authority and

impartiality of the judiciary.

According to Article 19 from the International Covenant on Human and Citizen

Rights, there are three possible restrictions, which are secured by law and are seen as

necessary: for obeying the rights and reputation of other people; for protecting the

national security and public order and for protecting the public health and ethics. There

is a variety of instruments and procedures which have to implement the freedom of

expression as a human right ,along with all its accompanying rights.

According to Article 29 of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights, the

implementation of the rights and freedoms is a subject of the national laws (right).

To be foreseen in the law means the restriction to be an act of the legislature

(parliament), and not an act of the government i.e. the execution power. The ДИalificaЗiВБ БeceЖЖiЗМ iБ Зhe deАВcЕaЗic ЖВcieЗМ iЖ Вf eЖЖeБЗial iАГВЕЗaБce. ThiЖ liБkЖ

-- јј IIII


the freedom of expression and the media for the concept of open and pluralistic society,

governed by the democratic principles. The European Court of Human Rights

(Strasbourg) is very strict regarding the issue which can be seen in the so-called Lingens

case. The practice or use of this right should not jeopardize the principles of equality

and non-discrimination.

According to the legal interpretation, the restrictions of the right should be

interpreted restrictively, which means the major right should not be underestimated

and the restriction must not be greater than the use for the protection of the rights and

the basic public goods.

The attitude of the United Nations is that a freedom cannot exist without a

responsibility and that a freedom without restrictions can cause violation of other

human rights, such as the right to privacy. The restrictions should be elaborated from

the states with legally sustained reasons, which can be a subject of a public debate and

approved by the court institutions with an aim to be processed further on.

1.3 Legal mechanisms for preventing the hate speech

The position of the freedom of expression outcomes from the international legal acЗЖ. FiЕЖЗ Вf all, iЗ iЖ ЖЗaЗeЖ ВbligaЗiВБ ЗВ iБcВЕГВЕaЗe Зhe fЕeedВАЖ aБd ЕighЗЖ iБ Зhe domestic legislation and in case of their violation to enable legal remedies. According to

that, the right can be found in the majority of constitutions as a part of the basic rights

and freedoms. The minimal standards outcome from the international obligatory acts

on general international level and if existing, on religious level.

1.3.1 International legal standards

United Nations Organization - International Covenant on Civil and Political

Rights from 196651 - the article 19 from the Covenant which guarantees the freedom of

expression, contains its restrictions as well. It implies the restrictions to be determined

by law and to be necessary for respecting the rights or the reputation of others, or for

protecting the state security, public order, public health or ethics. The Article 20 of the

Covenant foresees legal restriction for every call based on national, racial or religious

hatred, which presents incitement of discrimination, hostility or violence.

51International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights 1966;

-- јј IIII


The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination of the

UN from 196552 – Article 4 from the Convention demands all member states to appoint

as a criminal act every spread of ideas based on superiority or racial hate. The

Convention as well prohibits incitement of ethnic or racial discrimination, hatred or

violence.

Council of Europe –The European convention on Protection of Human Rights and

Basic Freedoms of the Council of Europe from 195053 – Article 10 guarantees the right

of free expression , but foresees its restriction (by law), which is necessary in a

democratic society for protecting the order and prevention of riots and crimes,

protection of the reputation and rights of others. The Article 14 provides discrimination

protection – based on race, religion, national origin, affiliation to a national minority etc.

in having the rights and freedoms which are recognized, as well as every right imposed

further on in the domestic legislations of the states (Protocol nr. 12, Article 1). The

Article 17 foresees that no provision from the Convention shall be interpreted in a way

that implicates the right of a state, group or person, to be included in a certain activity

or to perform a certain act with the aim to destroy one of the rights and freedoms

determined by the Convention or their limitation in greater scope from the one foreseen

in the Convention.

The additional Protocol from 2003 as part of the Convention for prosecuting acts

of racist and xenophobic nature done through computer systems (Convention on cyber-

criminal) from 200154 foresees an obligation for punishing the spread of racist and

xenophobic insults done through a computer system (Article 5). The article 6 foresees

punishing the denial, serious minimization, approval or justification of genocide or

crimes against humanity.

European Union – the Framework decision for racist and xenophobic criminal

acts of the European Union from 28th November 200855 aims to establish a mutual

criminal and legal approach in all member states of the Union and demands from the

states to examine whether their existing legislation is in accordance with the

52 Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, UN 1965; 53European convention on Protection of Human Rights and Basic Freedoms of the Council of

Europe, 1950; 54Additional Protocol from 2003 as part of the Convention for prosecuting acts of racist and

xenophobic nature done through computer systems (Convention on cyber-criminal) 2001; 55Framework decision for racist and xenophobic criminal acts of the European Union, 28th

November 2008;

-- јј IIII


Framework Decision. More specifically, racist and xenophobic behaviour must constitute a

criminal act in all member states. The forms of behaviour which are covered include public

incitement for violence and hatred; public spread or distribution of pamphlets, photos or other

material that contain racist and xenophobic expressions; public denial or trivialization of the

genocide crimes, crimes against humanity and crimes of war when that behaviour is most likely

to arouse violence or hatred against group of people or a member of that kind of group defined

on the basis of the race, colour, ancestors, religion or believe or the national or ethnic origin.

1.3..2 European Court for Human Rights

During the years, especially after 1990, the Court has established significant legal cВЕГИЖ ЕegaЕdiБg Зhe AЕЗicle fЕВА EC(R. The cВИЕЗ Ж veЕdicЗЖ iБЗeЕГЕeЗ Зhe conformity of the national administrative measures, laws and decisions with Article 10 Вf Зhe CВБveБЗiВБ ВБ (ИАaБ RighЗЖ aБd BaЖic FЕeedВАЖ. The cВИЕЗ Ж veЕdicЗЖ aЕe analyzed by the laws and regulations for media and communication in the national

states in case when they violate the human rights of the submitter of the application.

The court decides with the help of the well known tests for the legitimacy of the aims,

the validity and the principles of the democratic society.

1.3.3National provisions on Hate Speech

Article 13756 fЕВА Зhe CЕiАiБal CВde viВlaЗiВБ Вf Зhe ciЗiНeБЖ eДИaliЗМ fВЕeЖeeЖ criminal act of restricting the human rights based on the race, ethnicity etc. Article 417

(racial and other discrimination) in paragraph 3 foresees punishing the spread of ideas

for superiority of one race over another; propaganda of racial hatred or inciting racial

discrimination. Article 173, paragraph 2 foresees the public exposure of one person to

mocking through a computer system as a criminal act because of his affiliation to a

group that differs according to the race, colour, national or ethnic origin or exposure to

mocking of a certain group which has one of these characteristics. The article 394 g

prohibits the spread of racist and xenophobic material through a computer system. The

Article 319 foresees the incitement of national, racial or religious hatred, discord and

intolerance as a criminal act, while the Article 179 the act of mocking the Macedonian

56Criminal Code, article 137;

-- јј IIII


people and the members of different communities that live in the Republic of Macedonia

as a criminal act.

The Law on Prevention and Protection of Discrimination from 201057 prohibits

harassment and humiliating action which presents violation of the dignity of a person or

of a group of people which outcomes from a discriminatory basis and which has

violation of the dignity of a certain person as a goal or result or creation of threatening

environment, approach or practice (Article 7); call for and incitement for discrimination

(Article 9).

The Law on Broadcasting Activity from 200558 prohibits programme contents aimed at

the violent overthrow of the constitutional order of the Republic of Macedonia,

programmes which encourage or invite to military aggression or incite national, racial

or religious hatred and intolerance shall be prohibited from the programmes of

broadcasters and in programmes retransmitted via public commercial networks

(Article 69).

2.1 Media and hate speech

Observed on a social level, the hate speech and the media become synonyms in a

certain way. We cannot qualify the media as creators of hate speech, but they are an

instrument, channel and means for spreading it. They can also create context, situations,

favourable climate for spreading the hatred or its aesthetics.

The autonomous and powerful position of the media, as a unique and absolute

institutional channel for social communication, leaves the media as a priority subject

when it comes to hate speech.

The media system becomes one of the criteria for democracy of one society, the

use and the protection of human rights. The professional standards and conditions for

acting of the media depend on the position how the medium system is set up in one

state. The important media culture depends on it as well and it is in a direct dependence

on the political culture.

57The Law on Prevention and Protection of Discrimination from 2010( , . . . ; 58Law on Broadcasting Activity, 2005( . . ј . . . ;

-- јј IIII


The socio - political analyses approve the double role of the media on one hand,

as instruments or users of freedom of expression, while on the other hand as violators

of this same freedom.

2.1.1 Media systems

The theoreticians of the democracy are particularly interested in the

concentration of the media which takes place on a global and local level. The Regulation

of the European Union is with a continuous tendency against concentration in the media

systems.

The analyses and the debates around the democracy of the media systems are

directed in two ways:

1. The structure of the media systems and

2. The misuse of the communications through means and techniques which

shape and create the public opinion and understanding of the citizens

with the aim to gain and sustain the government authority.

The strategic goals of the European type of media systems are:

the medium system based on a quality public broadcasting centre;

media pluralism;

guarantee for media independence;

introducing standards in the journalistic profession i.e.

professionalization and intellectualization of the journalist.

2.2.2. International regulation

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1948 (Article 29) defines the

freedom of expression in the following manner: freedom to send and receive information

and ideas through all media for all audience, the right of the individual to seek and

receive information of any kind, including those which are of critical nature for the

ruling power or structures. The frightening of the journalists and the control on the

media is one of the major threats for the human security and these are aspects of the

concept of human security.

-- јј IIII


The International Covenant on Human and Civil Rights (ICCPR59) Article 19 reminds that

the rights impose special tasks and responsibilities. The freedom of expression and the media

are treated as a very sensitive issue which requires special attention. The typical tasks and

responsibilities can be connected to:

objective information i.e. finding the truth and

supplying diversity of opinions.

The rights and their restrictions in everyday life are explained with the

international acts and national constitutional rights. The laws can foresee national

bodies for monitoring, such as Press or Media Councils, which shall regulate the media

issues and which are usually composed of experts and/or representatives from the civil

society. In order the media system to be regulated, certain quality standards must be

appointed, while the competition must be supported and stimulated. The state can

demand certain licenses which have to be issued on non-discrimination bases. The

monitoring conducted by the state has to be conducted with more monitoring and

different mechanisms. For example, according to the International Covenant on Civil

and Political Rights, the states have obligation to issue a report every fifth year which is

examined by the Committee for Civil and Political Rights. According to the

interpretation of Article 19 from the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,

the Committee can also communicate i.e. to receive pleas from individuals if that state

has ratified the first Protocol of ICCPR from 1966 (104 to 149 by the end of 2002).

The regional monitoring mechanisms, such as the Inter-American and the

African system, enable the individuals to communicate with the Commission which

issues conclusions and recommendations. When it comes to the European and the Inter-

American system, the court can give decisions which oblige the states to judge in cases

of paying compensation. Further on, there is a monitoring procedure of the Committee

of Ministers which inter alia covers the freedom of expression of the member states. All

Conventions foresee the possibility for pleas in the states, but they are rarely used.

The professional associations and non-governmental organizations

The professional organizations such as the International Federation of

Journalists, the International Press Institute, the International Publishers Association

59The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights – ICCPR, 1976

-- јј IIII


have complete information about the situation with media freedom in different

countries and regions in the world and support their members against restrictions.

They also pay attention to situations where these freedoms are neglected, restrictions

are cancelled, to launch campaigns or urgent plea actions and to prepare reports for

certain problems such as media concentration, state secrets and transparency according

to the freedom of information regulations and corruption. They are supported by the

non-governmental organizations which are specialized for press and media freedom, as

in Article 19 for Reporters without Borders or for non-governmental organizations

which are interested in the general human rights: Amnesty International, International

Council on Human Rights Policy.

2.2.3 Responsibility of the journalists

The hate speech and the expressions that contain its elements have more

destructive influence if being spread through the media and this additionally increases Зhe jВИЕБaliЖЗЖ ЕeЖГВБЖibiliЗМ. The journalists constantly write about the diversities, the differences which are

based on religion, race, gender, sexual orientation, social origin, culture. This is

especially sensitive issue in our state because we are part of a post conflict region,

which in the last twenty years have experienced many political, valuable, ideological

changes. The dominant patriarchal and conservative values influence the journalistic

job. As a general perception, it can be pointed out that the journalists are careful about

the division on religious and ethnic basis, where expressional discriminatory tendencies

are noticed on the bases of gender or sexual orientation.

In this direction, there are international attempts for eliminating the

unprofessionalism of the journalists. The International Journalists Federation60 obliges

the journalists to humanity and protection of human rights in ethic codex. The journalist

is expected to be aware for the responsibility of his/her job. The analysis of the ethic

codices in the Republic of Macedonia shows as well that the ban on hate speech is

stressed out on a declarative level, as well as the decency and the respect of human

rights and freedoms.

60http:// www.ifj.org/en/pages/journalism-ethics

-- јј IIII


Through the media, the journalism gives the huge number of information to the

public and in that way it directly influences the public and the realistic decision which

every individual as a consumer or political subject has to make. Certain situations are

exposed and the problems are made actual.

The high intellectual level of the public, the educated and active journalists and

the development of the public journalism put under pressure the created and subjective

informing and they are major factors which determine the need for quality and

interpretative information, which contain the facts and arguments in its basis. This

information quality can only be a result of a new journalism which occurs in the end of

the 20thcentury which contains the educated and research oriented journalist.

These states reflect over the status and the evaluation of this profession within ЖВcial fЕaАeЖ. DИЕiБg Зhe laЖЗ decadeЖ, iБ cВБdiЗiВБЖ Вf ЕiЖiБg cВАГeЗiЗiВБ, Зhe professionalism of the journalism has also risen, although when it comes to this ГЕВfeЖЖiВБ Кe caББВЗ Зalk abВИЗ ЖЗЕicЗ ЕИleЖ Вf ГЕВfeЖЖiВБaliНaЗiВБ 61.

The journalist must have ethical standards, but he/she also has to be able to acceГЗ eЗhicЖ iБ ceЕЗaiБ ciЕcИАЖЗaБceЖ . (e/Жhe АИЖЗ be АВЗivaЗed to serve the readers,

listeners, viewers and the democracy, to be patient enough in following the story until

the end and to be persistent with the information sources. He/she must possess good

information and contact sources which can help in the analyses and to possess research

abilities on Internet. He/she may show respect towards the politicians, but he/she must

not favour any of them and he/she must understand the personality of the politician62

61Glotz/Langenbucher 1993, 142 , ŠЗefaБ RИЖ MВl, AБa JИgВЖlava ZagВЕac KeЕšeЕ, NВviБaЕЖЗvВ, CliВ, , . 62http://www.nuns.org.yu/

-- јј IIII


BBIIBBLLIIOOGGRRAAPPHHYY::

1. International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights 1966;

2. Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, UN

1965;

3. European convention on Protection of Human Rights and Basic Freedoms of

the Council of Europe from 1950;

4. Additional Protocol from 2003 as part of the Convention for prosecuting acts

of racist and xenophobic nature done through computer systems (Convention

on cyber-criminal) 2001;

5. Framework decision for racist and xenophobic criminal acts of the European

Union, 28th November 2008;

Criminal Code,article 137;

6. The Law on Prevention and Protection of Discrimination from 2010

( , . . . ;

7. Law on Broadcasting Activity, 2005 ( . . ј . . . ;

8. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights – ICCPR, 1976

9. Glotz/Langenbucher 1993, 142 , ŠЗefaБ RИЖ MВl, AБa JИgВЖlava ZagВЕac KeЕšeЕ, Novinarstvo, Clio, 2005

-- јј IIII


-- јј IIII


.. -- аа ЌЌ

„Ј ј , „ . ј , ј ,

ј

1.01 ј

. 316.323.6/.7(=411.16)

ЈЈ

AABBSSTTRRAACCTT

Judaism is the oldest of the three Abrahamic religions. With its specific moral system it

endorses a very specific relation to the phenomenon of civil society. This system derives

from the historical context in which the very philosophical and religious system of the

global Jewish community has developed. Namely, the circumstances in which the Jewish

community both blossomed and underwent historical and political hardships and

turmoil, directly implied a more inward, closed system of belonging where civil society

was (and still is) perceived as a phenomenon limited by the belonging to the Jewish

community and its regulatory standards. This implies a very specific relation to three

important phenomena connected to civil society – forms of civil society in this historical

context, the legal system and the state. In all three aspects, the Jewish tradition has

created idiosyncratic qualities, not abandoning its primary system of belonging and

believing.

KKEEYY WWOORRDDSS:: civil society, Judaism, Abrahamic religion, Jewish community.

-- јј IIII


Ј

ј ј , ј , ј ј , ј ј ј ј : ј ; ј ј ; . , , ј ј ј ј . ќ , , , ј . ј ј . ј ј ј ј ј ј . ј , ј ј . 63 ј ј . - ј ј ѓ ј , ј ј . . ј . 64

63 Armstrong, Karen. A history of God. NeК YВЕk: BalaБЗiБe BВВkЖ, . . . 64 Ibid.

-- јј IIII


ј , ј , ј . ј , ј ј ј ј . : , Ј . ќ ѓ , ј ј ј . 65 ќ Ј – ќ ќ ј ј ј Ј ; ќ ј ј / ј ј . , , ј ј , ј ј ќ ј - . ј Ј ј ј : . ј , Ј ј . 66 ј ј ј ј ј , ј , . .

65 )bid. . . 66 )bid. . .

-- јј IIII


/ ј Ј . ј ј Ј ј . ј , . 67 ј ј ј Ј ј ј , ќ ј . ј ј , ј . ј ј , ј, , ѓ . ј . ј ј , . 68 ј ѓ ј ј ј ј . , ј ј ј ќ ѓ ... ј . ... ј ѓ ј . , . . ј ј . 69 - ј јќ

67 )bid. . . 68 68 Novak, David. "Jews, Christians, and Civil Society." First Things: A Monthly Journal of Religion & Public

Life (February 2002): 26. Academic Search Premier, EBSCOhost (accessed July 22, 2009). 69 AЕАЖЗЕВБg, KaЕeБ. . . .

-- јј IIII


ј . ј ј - . ј

: ј Ј ј : . 70 : ; , ј ќ ј . , ј , ј . ј ќ , ќ ј ј . Ј , , ј ј . , ј ј ; . 71 ј ј ј . , , : , ј ј . ,

70 )bid. . . 71 )bid. . .

-- јј IIII


ј ј . ј џ . ј ќ ќ ј ј . 72 ј , ј ќ ј ќ ј , , Ј a ј ј – . Ј ј ј Џ ј , . . ј ѓ ј . 73 ј , јќ ј ј . ј ќ , , , Џ ј ј ј Ј : ќ ... , – ј јa ќ ј ј . 74 Џ ј , ј , . ј ј, , ќ . , ( ќ ј ј . ј ќ ј ј ј ќ , ј . ј ќ ј јќ ј ј – ,

72 )bid. . . 73 )bid. . . 74 )bid. . .

-- јј IIII


ј – ј ј . Ј ... ј . 75 , ј ј ј , ј . : .. . ј ј ј ј ... ј . ... : , , . ќ 76 ј ј . - , - ј ј , ќ . 77 , , ѓ ј . ј ј , . ѓ ј ј ;

75 Satlow, Michael L. "A History of the Jews or Judaism?." Jewish Quarterly Review 95, no. 1 (Winter2005 2005): 151. Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost (accessed July 21, 2009). 76 Ibid. 77 Ibid.

-- јј IIII


ј ј ќ ј 78 ј , ј , ј , , ќ . ќ ј , јќ ј ј ј ј ѓ , јќ ј ј . ј : , . , ј . ... ... 79 . ... ј , ј ј . ... ј , јќ . 80 - ј / ј , – ј .

78 Ibid. 79 AЕАЖЗЕВБg, KaЕeБ. . . . 80 )bid. . .

-- јј IIII


ј – . ј ј . . , ј . ј , ј Ј ј . ј ј ј . ѓ , ј :

ј : ј ј , јќ ј ѓ . . ј ; ja ј . 81 , , ј , , . .. ј ј ј . 82 , , ј : ј ј . . , . ј ј

81 Ibid. 82 Aronowicz, Annette. "The State and the Jews: Reflections on Difficult Freedom." Journal of Jewish

Thought & Philosophy (1053699X) 14, no. 1/2 (March 2006): 109-130. Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost (accessed July 22, 2009).

-- јј IIII


. ј . , ј . 83 ѓ , ј ј ј ј ѓ ј . ј ... ј 84 ј ј , . ј , , . ј , ѓ ј , . ј ј o . ј ј ј , ј ј , . imitatio dei: ј . јќ , : ј: јќ

83 SЗВБe, LaЖЗ SИНaББe. The JeКiЖh ЗЕadiЗiВБ aБd civil ЖВcieЗМ . Chambers, Simone and Kymlicka, Willl (ed.). Alternative conceptions of civil society. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2002. . . 84 Ibid. . .

-- јј IIII


. 85 ј : ј ј ј . (...) ј . , Ј , јќ , ќ . ... goyim- , : ј , Ј . ј ј , ј ј . 86 јќ ј ј ј . ... , , , ... . 87 88 . . :

1) ј , 2) ј , 3) , 4)

5)

6) ј 7) . . ј ј ј ј ј ј – .

85 AЕАЖЗЕВБg, KaЕeБ. . . . 86 )bid. . . 87 Stone, Last Suzanne. 2002. . . 88 Ibid.

-- јј IIII


ј . , , . 89 ј , ј , . ј : ќ , , , , ќ ј ј ј . 90 ј ј ј ј ј јќ ќ . , . 91 - 92 ј ј . ј ј ѓ , , ј . 93 , . ј ј ј ј

89 Ibid. 90 Ibid . . 91 AЕАЖЗЕВБg, KaЕeБ. . . . 92 - י ו ג gВМ . - ј י נכר (БВkhЕi ј geБЗile Ж . - , . 93 Stone, Last Suzanne. 2002. . .

-- јј IIII


ј ј ј , ј . 94 ј , ј ј - ј ј . , ј ј , јќ ј . ј ј ј . ј . ... . 95 Ј ј . ј, ј , ј .

94 Ibid. . . 95 AЕАЖЗЕВБg, KaЕeБ. . . .

-- јј IIII


ѓ ј . ј , , ј . ќ ѓ ѓ , ј . ј , Ј ј ќ , , ѓ . 96 ј ѓ ј . . ј , . . , , . 97 , ј , ј . ј ј ј ќ ј : ј ј . ; , , . ј ј . ј ,

96 ZВhaЕ, NВaА. Civil ЖВcieЗМ aБd gВveЕБАeБЗ: ЖeekiБg JИdaic iБЖighЗЖ RВЖeБblИА, NaБcМ L. & PВЖЗ, Robert C. Civil society and government. NeК JeЕЖeМ: PЕiБceЗВБ UБiveЕЖiЗМ PЕeЖЖ, . . . 97 Stone, Last Suzanne. 2002. . .

-- јј IIII


; , ј . 98 ќ ј ќ ѓ : , ѓ , . , ј ј ѓ . ј ј ј ѓ ј , Ј ј . 99 ј ќ , ј ј ј – . јќ ј ј , ј ј . ј . ј ј ... ј , ѓ . 100 ј ј , , ј ј ј ј . ј , ј ј . . .

98 Ibid. . . 99 Ibid 100 )bid . .

-- јј IIII


, . . ј ѓ – ќ , , ј . 101 ј . ќ ј ј . 102 ј ј ј ј : , ... , , . ј , . kehillot / ј , . ј ј ј (...) ј ј ј 103 ј ј , . .

- . ј ј , , , , - ј ј . ј јќ “ ј ѓ bevra kaddisha –

101 )bid . . 102 Ibid 103 )bid . .

-- јј IIII


. . 104 ј ј , , ј . 105 ј ј ј , ј . ј ј ќ ј ј ј ѓ ј , јќ ј ј , , . 106 , ј ј . 107 ѓ , ј ј ј ј . ј ќ ј . ј

104 ZВhaЕ, NВaА. . . . 105 Ibid 106 Stone, Last Suzanne. 2002. . . 107 Ibid.

-- јј IIII


ј јќ ј ј ј : ј ј ј јќ ј - . 108 109 ј ѓ , ј ј . 110 ј ј . ј - , ѓ ј ј . ј ј ќ .

ј ѓ ј ј ј ј . ѓ ј - ј . ј . ј ј ј ј ј , ј ј ј . ј

108 )bid . . 109 Ibid. 110 Ibid.

-- јј IIII


ј ј . . ј ј ѓ . ј , ѓ ј ... јќ ј ... . 111 - ј ј , ј . ј . 112 ј , - ј . ј ј : ј – , ј , – . , јќ , ј , . ј ќ ј . . ј ј ј , . 113 ј ј . ј ј ј ј ј ј

111 Ibid. . -153 112 ZВhaЕ, NВaА. . . . 113 Stone, Last Suzanne. 2002. . .

-- јј IIII


ј . . 114 . ј . 115 , ј , ј . ј ј ѓ ј - . - ј ј , . ѓ - 116 ј

- , ј ѓ ј - . 117 јќ ј ј ј ј ѓ ѓ ј ј . 118 , ј ѓ ј ѓ . ј ј , ј , , ј ѓ ј

114 Ibid . . 115 Ibid 116 Ibid . . 117 Ibid 118 ZВhaЕ, NВaА. . . .

-- јј IIII


- . ј , ј , – – . . . 119 ј , ј . , ј – ј .

ј ј ј , ќ , ј ј – . ќ ј , ќ ј ј . ј , ј , , ј ј ќ ј 120:

1) ќ , ќ , .

119 Novak, David 2002. . 26. 120 ZВhaЕ, NВaА. . . .

-- јј IIII


ј . 2) ќ , ќ , ј ј . ј . ѓ ѓ – ѓ – ќ . ќ ќ . ј . ј , ј ј ј : ј . , ј ј , ј . 121 ј , , ј . . 122 ј ѓ , ј . ј ј . ј ј , ... 123 ѓ ј ј : ѓ ; ј ѓ aА МisЕa el).

121 Biale, David. ReЖГВБЖe ЗВ NВaА ZВhaЕ RВЖeБblИА, NaБcМ L. & PВЖЗ, RВbeЕЗ C. Civil society and

government. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2002. . . 122 ZВhaЕ, NВaА. . . . 123 )bid. . .

-- јј IIII


ј : ј . ј ј ѓ / јќ ј ј . 124

ј , , kahal ј , kneset Yisrael ( ј . 125 ј berem) ј . … 126

, ј , ј ј ј ј . ј , ј ј . ј ј ј , , ј

: . – , . ј . , , , ј . 127 , ј , ј , ј - ј , ј ј , , ќ ,

124 )bid. . . 125 )bid. . . 126 Ibid. 127 Aronowicz, Annette. " March 2006Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost (accessed July 22, 2009).

-- јј IIII


ј ќ . ќ ј ј . 128 ј . ј ј ј ј , ѓ . ј ј , . ј ј . . , , ј ѓ . 129 ј ј ј ј . . . , ј ј ј . 130 ј ј ј ј ј ј – , , . 131 132 , јќ :

128 Ibid. 129 Ibid. 130 Ibid. 131 ZВhaЕ, NВaА. . . . 132 ј ј , ј . , . ј ј http://www.jewfaq.org/halakhah.htm.

http://www.jewfaq.org/halakhah.htm

-- јј IIII


, ј ј ќ , … , , . ј – ј , , - ј . 133 ј ј ј ј ј ј . ј . : ј . 134 ј ј , . 135 ј ј . ѓ , ј . , ј . ... , , , . . 136

133 ZВhaЕ, NВaА. . . . 134 Stone, Last Suzanne. 2002. . . 135 Ibid. 136 Aronowicz, AnnetteMarch 2006. Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost (accessed July 22, 2009).

-- јј IIII


ј ј : - ј , ј . 137 ј ј , ј ј . , . ј , ќ - ,

- ј , - ј ј ј - . ј , ј kahal, ј . 138 ј ѓ . : ј ј ј . ќ ј – ј ј, , . ј . ј ј ј – . ... ј , . 139 ј ј . ј , ќ ј

137 Biale, David. . . . 138 ZВhaЕ, NВaА. . . . 139 Novak, David. February 2002) Academic Search Premier, EBSCOhost (accessed July 22, 2009).

-- јј IIII


ј . ј , , , ѓ ј ј – . ј ј ј .

-- јј IIII


ЈЈ

Armstrong, Karen. A history of God. New York: Balantine Books, 1993.

Aronowicz, Annette. "The State and the Jews: Reflections on Difficult

Freedom." Journal of Jewish Thought & Philosophy (1053699X) 14, no. 1/2 (March

2006): 109-130. Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost.

Biale, David. ReЖГВБЖe ЗВ NВaА ZВhaЕ RВЖeБblИА, NaБcМ L. & PВЖЗ, RВbeЕЗ C. Civil society and government. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2002.

http://www.jewfaq.org/halakhah.htm.

Novak, David. "Jews, Christians, and Civil Society." First Things: A Monthly Journal

of Religion & Public Life (February 2002): 26. Academic Search Premier,

EBSCOhost.

Satlow, Michael L. "A History of the Jews or Judaism?." Jewish Quarterly

Review 95, no. 1 (Winter2005 2005): 151. Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost.

SЗВБe, LaЖЗ SИНaББe. The JeКiЖh ЗЕadiЗiВБ aБd civil ЖВcieЗМ . Chambers,

Simone and Kymlicka, Willl (eds.). Alternative conceptions of civil society. New

Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2002.

ZВhaЕ, NВaА. Civil ЖВcieЗМ aБd gВveЕБАeБЗ: ЖeekiБg JИdaic iБЖighЗЖ Rosenblum, Nancy L. & Post, Robert C. Civil society and government. New Jersey:

Princeton University Press, 2002.

http://www.jewfaq.org/halakhah.htm

-- јј IIII


-- јј IIII


.. -- аашшаа

– „

ј

аа јјаа

„Ј ј „ ј ј

ј

1.01 ј

. 311.3:32(470)

ЈЈ

AABBSSTTRRAACCTT::

Analyzing the current geopolitical situation in the Russian Federation can freely come to the

conclusion that despite all the turmoil and loss that followed during the XX century she

continues to takes a pretty strong position in the geopolitical map of the world. The Russian

Federation has all the necessary prerequisites and realistic positioning as a developed

democratic state, which actively influence the nature and direction of the global: political,

economic, social and cultural processes.

Confronting unipolar globalization, advocating a multipolar form is the imperative of its foreign

policy. The creation of a multipolar world is only possible through a system of strategic

alliances, which success largely depends on the activity and the adequacy of its foreign policy.

KKEEYY WWOORRDDSS:: Russian Federation, Eurasia, Brix, multipolarity, geostrategy

:: јќ ј ј ј ј ј ј XX ., ј ј . ј , ј ќ ј : , , ј . ј , ј . ј , ј .

:: ј , ј , , , ј .

-- јј IIII


Ј

ј ј

, , ѓ ј . „ - . ј , ј ј , ѓ , ј ѓ .140 ј : ј ј , . , ј , ј .141 ј , , , ј. ј , , ѓ ј ј . ј , ј , , ј , ѓ , ј ј .142

140Taylor, P. J. (1993), Political Geography, Longman Scientific & Technical, Essex , p. 64. 141 Cox, R. (1981.), Social Forces, States and World Orders: beyond International Relations Theory, Millenium, X, str. 126 142 Sparke, M. (1998.), From Geopolitics to Geoeconomics: Transnational State Effects in the Borderlands,

-- јј IIII


ј ј , ј ј 143, ј . , ј ѓ , ј , , ј .144 ј ѓ ј . , ј . ј ќ : ј ј . ј ј . ј ј . , ј ј ќ ќ ј . ј ј . ј ј ј „ , ј . ј 145 , , ќ. ј , „ , – . , ј ј

Geopolitics, vol. III, br. 2, p.p. 62-98 143 - ) : , , . 144 . . . . . . . 145 ј ј , , .

-- јј IIII


, јќ , , .146 ј ј ј , ѓ ј . ј ј ќ ѓ . ј ј , јќ ј , , , . ј ј ќ ј . ј , ј , . ј ј ј ј , ј .147 ј ј ѓ ј . ј , . ј ј .148 ѓ јќ ј ј ј ј ,

146 ., . . . . 147 „ , . NВ , 148 LaЕiЖЖa KИНАiЗcheva, RИЖЖia aБd EИЕВГeaБ SecИЕiЗМ aБd DefeБce PВlicМ: PЕВbleАaЗic Strategic PaЕЗБeЕЖhiГ? , ВГ. ciЗ.

-- јј IIII


ј - ј ј ј ѓ .149 ј ј . ѓ - ј , ј , . ј ј „ ј ј , . - . , , , , , , ј . .150 ј ј ј . ј , ј ј . ј ј , , ѓ ј ј ј , , ј . ј , , ј ј , ј - - , -ј .

149 Э. . . . . —26. 150 , . ,

-- јј IIII


-

– ј ј ј : , ј , ј , Ј 151. ј ј ј : , ќ ј ј ј ј ј , : , , ј ј ј . ј ј ј , ѓ . ј ј . , ј ј Џ , ј Goldman Sachs, ,,DЕeaАiБg WiЗh BR)CЖ The PaЗhЗВ ј .152 ј ј ј ј ј ј . ј ј ј , , ј , ј , Ј , ј ќ . ј ј : , , , ј , ќ ј . ј

151 Ј ј ј , . 152 . . . .„

-- јј IIII


. ј ј , ј . ј ј ј - , -Ј ѓ ј ј. ј ј ј ј ј , ј , .153 % ј ј % 154. ј - ј ј ј , ј , .155 ј ј ј 156 ј -20 ј 157, „ , ј ј ј . ј ј ј ј , ј ј , ј . , ј ј , јќ ј ќ

153 ј ј ј . 154 GВldАaБ SachЖ ј ќ % . 155 GВldАaБ SachЖ BR)Ch aБd BeМВБd 156 – Ј

157 ј .

-- јј IIII


, ј . , ј ќ . ј , ќ ј ј , . ј . ќ , ј ќ . 158 , ј ј ќ ќ ј ѓ ј 159 , ј ј .160 ќ , . ј ј ј ѓ .

158 JiА O Neill, GlВbal EcВБВАicЖ PaГeЕ ,, BИildiБg BeЗЗeЕ GlВbal EcВБВАic BR)CЖ GВldАaБ SachЖ, . 159 ј ј , ј . 160 ј -7

-- јј IIII


1. Agnew, J., Corbridge, S. (1995), Mastering Space, London: Routledge;

2. Avijucki, V. (2009) Kontinentalne geopolitike – Svet u XXI veku. Beograd: CLIO;

3. , .: ј , ј , , . 4. . . . . . . . 5. Cohen, S. B. (1994), Geopolitics in the New World Era: A New Perspective on an Old

Discipline,

6. JiА O Neill, GlВbal EcВБВАicЖ PaГeЕ ,, BИildiБg BeЗЗeЕ GlВbal EcВБВАic BR)CЖ Goldman Sachs, 2001.

7. . – . . . 8. LaЕiЖЖa KИНАiЗcheva, RИЖЖia aБd EИЕВГeaБ SecИЕiЗМ aБd DefeБce PВlicМ: PЕВbleАaЗic SЗЕaЗegic PaЕЗБeЕЖhiГ? , 9. Nopens, P.: A New Security Architecture for Europe? Russian Proposal and Western

Reactions, Security Policy Brief, Egmont – Royal Institute for International Relations, Brussels, 2009.

10. . . .

11. . . ? . . 12. , Ј.: ј , » «, , . LВ, BВbВ: Medvedev and the New Euoropean Security Architecture,

Policy Brief, Centre for European Reform, London, 2009.

13. Э. . .

14. Sparke, M. (1998.), From Geopolitics to Geoeconomics: Transnational State Effects in

the Borderlands, Geopolitics, vol. III, br. 2;

15. . . . .„

16. . , Э ,

17. Taylor, P. J. (1993.), Political Geography, Longman Scientific & Technical, Essex.

18. ČehИlić VИkadiБВvić, L.: EИЕВaЗlaБЗiНaА i sИvЕeАeБi АeđИБaЕВdБi ВdБВsi, CID,

Podgorica – PВliЗička kИlЗИЕa, ZagЕeb, . 19. , .: ј , , ,

2010.

20. Huntington, S. P. (1996), The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order,

New York: Simon & Schuster,;

21. BR)CЖ aБd BeМВИБd NВveАbeЕ //GВldАaБ SachЖ BR)Ch aБd BeМВБd

22. Dreaming with BRICs: the parth to 2050 October 2003? The Goldman Sachs Group.

23. International Monetary Fund, World Economic Outlook Database, 2008

24. World Trade Organization , international trade statistics 2008.

-- јј IIII


-- јј IIII


-- јјаа аа ЈЈ

-

. -

ј

1.01 ј

. . 321.7 – 027.22(4) 321.7 – 027.21

ЊЊ ЌЌ ЊЊ

ЈЈ

ABSTRACT

When it comes to understanding the definition of democracy for decades is

clearly known and studied - government of the people. From the time of its introduction

in the Greek city-states democracy becomes enforceable concept that is the basic

premise of the foundation of modern states. However, the more the values of democracy

are seeking to be inserted into every segment of the society, it becomes more difficult to

implement in the daily functioning of the political and social system of the country. It is

considered that in Europe nowadays democracy is represented like never before, but

from the other side there is a state of dissatisfaction with the way of her understanding

and practice. This state is put on the same level with the situation that occurred after

the Second World War. What are the facts that generate this situation and whether it is

a "crisis of democracy" from the aspect of understanding and practicing the rights of the

citizens is the main question which is elaborated in this paper.

KKEEYY WWOORRDDSS:: democracy, government of the people, crisis of democracy

ј ј ј - . ј , ј ќ ј ј ј . ј , ј ј ѓ . . .

:: ј , , ј

-- јј IIII


Њ Ќ Њ Ј

. ќ ј

ј „ ќ ј .161 ѓ , . ј ? ј , ј . ј , ј ? ј . , , ј .162

ј ќ ј , ј ј ј ј . ј . ѓ , , ј ј , ј , - , ј ј , ј ј ј ј XX , . ќ ѓ , ј ј , ј - .163

161 , ј , , , 162 Ibid, 23 163 , The Balkans: Democracy without Choices, in: Journal of Democracy, Vol. 13, No 3, July 2002, 39-53

-- јј IIII


ј , , ј . ј . , , ј .164

, ј ј . ј , ј . , è . „ ј ј . ј „deАВcЕaНia ГЕВЗeЗЗa , ј ј ј ј .165 è ј ј „ . „ , , . è , , „ . ј , , ј ј . ј ? ѓ è ј ј ? ј : „ .166

ќ - , ј ј XX , ј ј . ќ ,

164 Jean Grugel, Democratization: A Critical Introduction, 1. publ. (2002) Basingstoke: Palgrave. 165 Leonardo Morlino, Good and Bad Democracies: How to Conduct Research into the Quality of Democracy, in: Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics, (2004) Vol. 20, No. 1, 5-27. 166 Ibid,

-- јј IIII


ј . ј , ј .167

, ? , , ј ј ј . . ј , ѓ ѓ . ј ќ ј ќ . . ј , ј , , ј ј - .

. . ј

ј ј ќ ј ѓ ј - ѓ ј ј , , , ј ј ѓ . ѓ ј ј ќ . ј ј , , ѓ ѓ ј , јќ . јќ ј ,

167 Ј , , ј ; Der Tagesspiegel, No. 3, 25

-- јј IIII


, ј .168 ј . ј : ј . ј . . ј ј . , ј . ј ј , ј ѓ , . , ј , ј . ѓ : , ѓ , ј . ѓ , ѓ ј , ј .

168 - , , ј vЖ. , <http://www.dadalos.org/mzd/Demokratie/demokratie/grundkurs3/rechtsstaat/grundrechte.htm>, accessed 20 october 2014

http://www.dadalos.org/mzd/Demokratie/demokratie/grundkurs3/rechtsstaat/grundrechte.htm

-- јј IIII


. . ј

ј ќ , ј ј , .169 ј , ѓ ј , ј . ј ѓ ј . , ј ј .

. . ј

. , , , . ј , - : , ј , , , , . , ѓ ј . , .

169 Ibid,

-- јј IIII


. . ј

ј ј , ј ј . ј . ќ ј ѓ , , , јќ - , - . ѓ ѓ , . . ј ј

ј ј . - , ј Ј - . ј , ј ј , . ј ѓ ј . ј ? ј , ј ? , , ј ?

-- јј IIII


. , Ј ј . . E ќ ј , ј ј Ј ј . . , . .170 ј ј ј - , Ј , ќ ќ ј ј .171 Ј ј , „ ј ќ ј ј , ј . , , ј . - - , .172 ; ѓ ј , , , ј ј , . , , Ј ј , ќ .

170 Frederic L. Pryor, Are Muslim Countries less democratic?, Fall 2012, Vol.24, No. 10 pp. 53-58 171 Ibid, 172 ?, , , <http://www.vest.mk/?ItemID=9388D29355F30441A21E2718B3232DC0>, accessed 25 october 2014

http://www.vest.mk/?ItemID=9388D29355F30441A21E2718B3232DC0

-- јј IIII


, ј , , , . , ј , . ѓ , ј ј ј , , , , . ѓ . , ј , ѓ ј ј ј , ј ј . , ќ . . ќ , ј . , . ѓ ѕ , , , ; ј , ј ј . ќ ѓ - ј .

-- јј IIII


. ј - , ѓ : ј : ј ѓ , ј . ј - ј , , . ј , ј " ј ".173 , ј . ј ј ј . ј . - - . ј ѓ ј ј . , , ј . , ј , . ј ѓ ќ , ј ј ј .

ѓ

ќ ј ?

. . , ј ј . , ѓ ,

173 . , ј ј , ј , , .

-- јј IIII


ѓ ј , . . - - . :174

; , , ј ј ј . ѓ ѓ ; ј . - -Ј ј ,

; . ј , . , ј .

ј ѓ ј , , ј . ј ј . ј , јќ ќ , . , ј , , , , . ј . ј . ,

174 , , ј , CreateSpace Independent Publishing PlaЗfВЕА, , .

-- јј IIII


. ј . ѓ , .175 ј , ј ѓ . , ј . " ј " , ј ј ј ј . ј

ј ќ ј

ј ј ?

, ј . , , ќ ј . , Ј ј ј , ј ј , ј ќ ј ј .176 ј ј , ј , , ј ј .

175 Ibid, pp. 89 176 , ј ј , , ј , .

-- јј IIII


јќ ј ј , јќ - ј , ј , , ј ј , ј . ј ј . , јќ . , ј , ј . , , , јќ . . - . , ј , ј , јќ - - " ".177

, , јќ , ј ј , ј . , ј ј ј , - , ј ј ј ј backЖlideЕ- ј , ј , ј ј . ј , ј ј , ј , ѓ . : ,

177 Ibid,

-- јј IIII


, Ј ; ј , ј ; , ј ; , ј , , . ј ј ј , јќ . , ј ј , ј ј, ј ј . ј ј , , , Ј , ј , ј .178 , , ј . , ј ј - , . , ј , , iБfЕiБgeАeБЗ ГЕВcedИЕe , . , ј ј ѝ ќ . , è џ , ј ј . 179

, .180 . -

178 Laslo, Bito, Hungary democracy in danger < https://www.opendemocracy.net/can-europe-make-it/hungary-democracy-in-danger>, accessed 28 october 2014 179 Ibid, 180 Ibid,

https://www.opendemocracy.net/can-europe-make-it/hungary-democracy-in-danger


-- јј IIII


, , ќ . , ј ј ѓ , ј . ѓ ќ ќ ј , ѓ ќ : јќ - , ќ . ј ќ - , ј ј . ј , јќ ј ј , ј , , ј . , , ј , , ј , , јќ , јќ ј . ј ј - , ј ј ј . ј . , ќ ј , , , ј

-- јј IIII


, ѓ , ј . ј . ј , ј , ј . ј , , ј ј , ј , . ј , ј ј ј ј , , . ј ј ј , ј ,

а ањ а а ја, .181 ј ј ј , , ј , ј ј ј ј ј , ј ј ј . ј ј , ј ј

181 Wrong direction on Rights: Assesing the Impact of Hungary's New Constitution and Laws; Human Rights Watch, ISBN: 978-1-62313-0107, <http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/hungary0513_ForUpload.pdf>

http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/hungary0513_ForUpload.pdf

-- јј IIII


, . , ј , јќ – ј . ј ќ ј , ј - . , ј ј ј . ј : . , , ј ј ќ , „ . ј . , ј e , / - ј . ј ј - , . , ј ќ ј ј , ј ѝ ј . ќ . , - - ј . , , ј ј ѝ , јќ . , , , ј ј , ј .

-- јј IIII


. . „ ј ѓ ј . , , ј ј , ј ј , ј . , , ј ј - . , ј ќ .

. ј

ј . ј ј ј ј . ј . , ј - ј ј , ј ? ј , " " ẻ ѓ . - ј , ј ј . ј ј ј : ј , : ? ј , " ј " . . , ј ќ

-- јј IIII


ј ? - ј ? ѓ - , ј ј , ?

. . ј ?

ј - - , . ј ј . , ј , . , . , ј . " ј " 182 ѕ - ј „ ј . ј , ј ј " ј ј ", јќ ј ј . ј , , .183

ѓ ј . ј . ј ј : ј

182 , ј , : ј / - (ЕЖg. , Weltpolitik im neuen Jahrhundert (Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung 364) Bonn 2000, 233-242 ј 183 Ibid,

-- јј IIII


, ј . . . ј ?

ј ј ј , , . ј . , ќ ј ј . ј ј . , , ј ј ј . ѓ , ẻ, : ј ј ќ ?

ј ј , ј , ј ј , ѓ ; ѓ ќ , , ј ј ј , , , , Ј ј ј ?

-- јј IIII


. . ј

ј , , ј . ј , ẻ, ј ј ј ј . ј ѓ ѓ ј , ј ј ј , ј , ј ќ ј . ј ј . , ј :184

ј ѓ ј , , ј ј ?

, , ј , ?

. , , , . ј . ј ќ , ј ј . ј ј ќ , ј . , ј ј , ј

184 ј , <http://www.dadalos.org/mzd/Demokratie/demokratie/grundkurs5/perspektiven.htm>, accessed 15 october 2014

http://www.dadalos.org/mzd/Demokratie/demokratie/grundkurs5/perspektiven.htm

-- јј IIII


ј , . ќ . ј ќ , ј ј ј .

ј ј ј , ј , , ј . ќ ј , ј . ѓ , ј ј , ј , ј , , , . ј ј , ј ѓ ј , ј . ј , ѓ ќ ќ - ј ј .

-- јј IIII


1) , ј ј , , ј

2) ј - , ј ,

3) ?, , , <http://www.vest.mk/?ItemID=9388D29355F30441A21E2718B3232DC0>,

accessed 25 october 2014

4) ј , <http://www.dadalos.org/mzd/Demokratie/demokratie/grundkurs5/perspekti

ven.htm>, accessed 15 october 2014

5) , The Balkans: Democracy without Choices, in: Journal of Democracy,

Vol. 13, No 3, July 2002

6) , , ј , CreateSpace

Independent Publishing Platform, 2012

7) Frederic L. Pryor, Are Muslim Countries less democratic?, Fall 2012, Vol.24, No. 10

8) Ј , , ј ; (2013) Der

Tagesspiegel, No. 3

9) Jean Grugel, Democratization: A Critical Introduction, 1. publ. (2002) Basingstoke:

Palgrave

10) Leonardo Morlino, Good and Bad Democracies: How to Conduct Research into the

Quality of Democracy, in: Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics,

(2004) Vol. 20, No. 1,

11) Laslo, Bito, Hungary democracy in danger <

https://www.opendemocracy.net/can-europe-make-it/hungary-democracy-in-

danger>, accessed 28 october 2014

12) , ј , : ј / - (ЕЖg. , WelЗГВliЗik iА БeИeБ JahЕhИБdeЕЗ BИБdeЖНeБЗЕale f“Е politische Bildung 364) Bonn 2000, 233- ј

13) , ј , , , 14) - , , ј vs. ,

<http://www.dadalos.org/mzd/Demokratie/demokratie/grundkurs3/rechtssta

at/grundrechte.htm>, accessed 20 october 2014

15) . , ј ј , ј ,

16) Wrong direction on Rights: Assesing the Impact of Hungary's New Constitution and

Laws; Human Rights Watch, ISBN: 978-1-62313-0107,

<http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/hungary0513_ForUpload.pdf

>

http://www.vest.mk/?ItemID=9388D29355F30441A21E2718B3232DC0









-- јј IIII


-- јј IIII


-- аајјаа ЈЈ

„Ј ј , „ . ј , ј ,

ј

1.02 ј

. 323.1(470) 342.1/.2(470)

ЊЊ ЈЈ

AABBSSTTRRAACCTT

National myths have always played an important role in Russian national- building

process. The ГЕide ЗhaЗ aЕiЖeЖ fЕВА Зhe Еich hiЖЗВЕical ГaЖЗ dВeЖ БВЗ aАБeЖЗМ eveБ Зhe Russian nationalists from the recognition that the Russian nation building cannot be

liberated from imperial myths and complexes deeply entrenched in the Russian psyche.

The post- communist development of Russia starts first with promoting the myth of the

primordial Slavic- Orthodox Unity and eternal Russian- Ukrainian- Belarusian

brotherhood. Those myths are crucial for the entire Russian (imperial) identity.

These mythological perceptions about the modernization of the country could very

easily come off the rails of development of Russian national identity- something that

never happened because Russians carefully adopted the mythological beliefs within

their political agenda. Formed by specific imperial discussions and practices, but in АВdified fВЕА ЗВdaМ Ж RИЖЖia iЖ АВdeЕБ ЖЗaЗe baЖed ВБ civic values and paternalism.

Besides the previously mentioned there are also myths abВИЗ: KМivaБ RИЖ , MВЖcВК aЖ 3rd RВАe , aБd legeБdЖ fВЕ BВlЖhevikЖ ГВКeЕ iБ SaiБЗ PeЗeЕЖbИЕg, Зhe cИlЗ Вf LeБiБ aБd iБ Зhe eБd iЖ Зhe PИЗiБ cВБceГЗ Вf ЖЗaЗehВВd. As we shall see, the nation- building of Russia

is preceded by cultural mythology.

Key words: nation-building, imperial АМЗhs, KМvaБ RИs, Slavic-OЕЗhВdВЛ ИБiЗМ Slavia

Orthodoxa), Crimea.

-- јј IIII


Њ Ј

ј ј ј ј . ј ј , ј . ј ј ќ , . ј ѝ ј ј ј , - - . ј . ј ј , ј ќ ѓ ј ј , ј , . ј ј ј ј . ј ј ќ ќ , ќ ј ј . ј .

ј ќ ѓ ј ј

-- јј IIII


- . ѓ ј ј - , ѓ ј ј - ј . јќ , ј ѓ ј ј - ј ј , јќ ј ј ќ ? . , , ј ј ј , . , ј ј ј .

ј ј ј

ќ ј ј ј , ј ј . ј ј ј ј ј ј ј . - ј ј . ј ј , ј ѓ ј

-- јј IIII


ј .185 ќ ј , ј , ќ .186 ) , ј )) ј ј ј ј . ј ј ј . ј ) ј ј , ј , ј , , . ј ј . ј џ . јќ , ј ј ј ќ ј , : , , , ј . , ј .187 ј . јќ ј , ќ , ј 185 Andreas Kappeler, Rußland als Vielvölkrreich: Entstehung- Geschichte- Zerfall (Deutschland: C.H. Beck 2001) 342 186 Mark von Hagen, Does Ukraine have a history? ( Slavic Review, Vol. 54, 3, 1995) 665 187 Paul Bushkovitch, Peter the Great ( Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. 2001) 150-151

-- јј IIII


ј ј . ј , , ј . ј ј . ј . 188

ј ) ј ќ , ј , ј ј ј . ј é ј ј , јќ ј ј ѓ ј ј ќ . - ј . ј - ј , , ј ј . ј ј ј . ј . јќ , ј ј . ј „ ј - - ќ ј ? 189 ј ј ј ј ј ј ј ј , 188 Anderson M.S, Peter the Great (3rd edition, Routledge 2014) 98 189 Alexei Miller, The Nation as a Framework for Political life, (Russian Politics and Law, 47, 2 (March-April 2009): 8-29) 15

-- јј IIII


, : ј , ј ќ ј ; - ; ј ј ; 190 ј ј . ј ј ј ј ј ј ј . , ј ј ј ј ј - ј - , ит т. , ќ ј , . ј ј ј .191

ј . ј , ј . ј ј ј ј ј ј 190 Vera Tolz ј њ ј

. Vera Tolz, Forgin the Nation: National Identity and nation building in Post- Communist Russia (Europe- Asia Studies, Vol. 50, No. 6, 1998) 995-996 191 Alexei Miller, The Ukraian question: The Russian Empire and nationalism in the 19

th century ( Budapest-

NY: CEU Press 2003) 17

-- јј IIII


ј ј , ј - ј ј .192 ј ј ј , ј , - ј . , , ѓ . , ј ј . ѓ ј ј ј ј , ѓ ј - . , ќ - . ј ј ј ) ј . ј , , , . ј , ј ќ . ) ј ј ќ ј ј . ј - , é . 192 Richard S. Wortman, Scenarios of Power: Myth and Ceremony in Russian Monarchy from Peter the Great

to the Abdication of Nicholas II ( USA: Princeton University Press 2006) 4

-- јј IIII


- ј ќ , ј ) . ќ ј ј , ј ј ј . ј ј , ј , ј - .193

ј ј ј ј - ј . ј , ј ј ј ј .

193 Andreas Kappeler, The Roman Empire and its nationalities in post-Soviet Historiographues. (Tadayuki Hayashi ed, The Slavic Research Center of Hokaido University) 35-51

-- јј IIII


ј

ј ј ј , ј ј )X . ј , ј ј .194 , ј ј , ј ј .195 ј ј јќ ј ќ . ј ј , ј ј ќ . 196 ј ј ј , ј ј K“i , ev . ј ј ј .197 ј , ј ј ѓ VaЕaБgiaБ АМЗh . 198 ј ј , ј , ѝ ј ј 194 Gregory L. Freeze, Russia: A history (3rd edition, Oxford University Press 2009) 1-2 195 Michael F. Hamm, Kiev: A Portrait: 1800- 1917 (Princeton University Press 1993) 3 196 И ., .3. 197 Dorothy Atkinson; Alexander Dallin; Gail Warshofsky Lapidus. Women in Russia (Stanford University Press 1977) 10

198 Olga Maiorova, From the Shadow of Empire: Defining the Russian Nation through Cultural Mythology,

1855–1870 (University of Wisconsin Press 2010) 53- 93

-- јј IIII


, ќ ј , ј . ј ј , ј ќ . . ј , ј ј ј )X X) ј . ј ј , , .199 ј ј , - ј .200 ј ј , ј . ј - , ј ј . ј ј ј ј ќ ) ј , ChЕiЖЗeБdВА 201 ј ј ј . ј ј ј 199 Tracey Ann Schofield, Vikings (Lorenz Educational Press 2002) 7 200 Thomas S. Noonan , The flourishing of Kiev’s International and domestic trade, ca. 1100- ca.1240 , in

Ukrainian Economic History: Interpretative Essays , ( I.S. Koropeckyj ed, Mass 1991)144 201 ј ќ , ј ,

ј ј ј . (http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/christendom)

http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/christendom

-- јј IIII


. ј ј RИЖ , ј ќ ј ќ . 202 ј ј ј GeЕhaЕdЗ FЕiedЕich M“lleЕ ј ј ј ј ј ј . ј ј ј ј , é ј ј . ј , ј , ј ј ј OЕigiБeЖ RВЖЖicae . ј јќ ј - ј , ќ ј , јќ ј ѓ . ј ј , ќ , , , . ј ј . 203

202 RaПaОlО D’Amato, The Varangian Guard 988- 1453 (Osprey Publishing 2010) 3 203 Michael F. Hamm, Kiev: A Portrait: 1800- 1917 ( Princeton University Press 1993) 5

-- јј IIII


, ј ј ) ј X)) ј ј ј . ј . ќ ј . ј , , . , , ј ј , ј ј ј . 204 ј ќ ј ј ј ј . ј , ј ј , , ќ .205 ј ј . ј ѓ ј , ј ј ј , ј , . . ј ј . ќ ј , ј ј . ј , ј ј é ј , ј , . ј ј ѓ 204 Serhii Plokhy , Ukraine and Russia: representations of the past (University of Toronto Press 2008) 66 205 Stella Rock, Popular Religion in Russia: 'Double Belief' and the Making of an Academic Myth (Routledge, 2007) 118

-- јј IIII


ј ј ј ј ј ј ј . , ј ј . , ј , , ј ј ј . ј ј ј é . ј ј ќ ј , ј . ј ј ј , ј , .206 ј . ј , ј , é ќ ј .207 ј ј , - ј ј , ј ј ј .

206 Nicolas Zernov, Moscow the Third Rome (Eastern Eagle Editions 2007) 36 207 Tatiana Smorodinskaya; Karen Evans Romaine; Helen Goscilo. Encyclopedia of contemporary Russian culture (Routledge 2007) 535

-- јј IIII


ј ј , . ј ј ј ј ј ј . 208 ј , . ј .209 ј , ј ј . ј ј , ј . ј ј ј . - , ј , ј , ј ј . ј - . , ј . , ј ј ј , ќ , ј , .210

ј ј , ј ј ј ј . ј ј ј ќ ј ќ ѓ . 208 Michael Cherniavsky , Holly Russia: A study in the history of an idea ( The American historical Review 63 (3), 1958) 623 209 Kåre Johan Mjør, Reformulating Russia:The cultural and intellectual historiography of Russian 1st wave

émigré writers (Netherlands: Brill 2011) 117 210 И В ј Valdai Club (19.09.2013) ( http://valdaiclub.com/valdai_club/62642.html )

http://valdaiclub.com/valdai_club/62642.html

-- јј IIII


ј , ј ј ј . , ј )) ј . ј ј ѓ , ј , ј ј . ј ј ќ , , ј , ј . ќ ј . ј ј ј , , ј ј . , ј ј ј ј .

-- јј IIII


- - ј

- , , ѓ . ј , , ј ј ј - . ј ј , ј ј . ј . ј ј - . ј ј ј ј ј ј . 211 , ј ј , ќ ј .212

ј ѓ , ј ј ј . ј , ќ , ј ј ј ј 211 Myroslav Shkandrij, Russia and Ukraine: Literature and the Discourse of Empire from Napoleonic to

Postcolonial times (McGill- QuООn’s UnivОrsitв PrОss 2001) 67

212 И , . 68.

-- јј IIII


, ј .213 ј ј , , ј . ј ј , ј ј . ј ј . ј ј ј . , јќ ј ј

ј ? ј ј , ј ј ј . ј ј ј ј ј .214 , ѓ ј . - : ј ј ј ј ѓ , ѓ ѓ . ј , ј ј ќ ѓ . - ј ј , X))) , ј ј

213 Д У Sherii Plokhy, The origins of the Slavic Nations: Premodern Identities in Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus (Cambridge University Press) 302 214 А ј ј У ќ ј ,

ј

-- јј IIII


ј ј ќ - . ј ќ ј ј , ќ ј ј . ѓ ј . ќ , . ј . , - . ј , Ј ј , ј . ј ј ј ј ј ј . ѓ ј ј ј . ѓ ј , ј . ј ј ј . ј ј ј , ј ќ ќ ќ ,

-- јј IIII


- ј ј ј , , - ѝ , ѝ ј ј .

-- јј IIII


ј , ј , ј – ј ј ќ . ј ј . ј ј , . , - ј , ј ј ј ќ ј ќ ќ , é . , ј ј ј ј - ј , јќ , . , ј , ј ј . - , - - ј ј , ј .

-- јј IIII


ј ќ ј ќ ѓ ј ј . ј ј ј - , ѓ ј ј ќ é ј ј ј .

Alexei Miller, The Ukraian question: The Russian Empire and nationalism in the

19th century (Budapest- NY: CEU Press 2003)

Andreas Kappeler, Rußland als Vielvölkrreich: Entstehung- Geschichte- Zerfall

(C.H. Beck 2001)

Andreas Kappeler, The Roman Empire and its nationalities in post-Soviet

Historiographues (Hayashi, Tadayuki ed, The Slavic Research Center of Hokaido

University)

Dorothy Atkinson; Alexander Dallin;Gail Lapidus Warshofsky, Women in Russia

(Stanford University Press 1977)

Gregory L. Freeze, Russia: A history (3rd edition, Oxford University Press 2009)

Kåre Johan Mjør, Reformulating Russia:The cultural and intellectual

historiography of Russian 1st wave émigré writers ( Brill 2011)

M.S. Anderson, Peter the Great (3rd edition, Routledge 2014)

Michael F. Hamm, Kiev: A Portrait: 1800- 1917 (Princeton University Press 1993)

Myroslav Shkandrij, Russia and Ukraine: Literature and the Discourse of Empire

from Napoleonic to Postcolonial times (McGill- QИeeБ Ж UБiveЕЖiЗМ PЕeЖs 2001)

Nicolas Zernov, Moscow the Third Rome (Eastern Eagle Editions 2007)

Olga Maiorova, From the Shadow of Empire: Defining the Russian Nation through

Cultural Mythology, 1855–1870 (University of Wisconsin Press 2010)

Paul Bushkovitch, Peter the Great (Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. 2001)

Rafaele D AАaЗВ, The Varangian Guard 988- 1453 (Osprey Publishing 2010)

-- јј IIII


Richard S. Wortman, Scenarios of Power: Myth and Ceremony in Russian

Monarchy from Peter the Great to the Abdication of Nicholas II (Princeton

University Press 2006)

Sherii Plokhy, The origins of the Slavic Nations: Premodern Identities in Russia,

Ukraine, and Belarus (Cambridge University Press).

Serhii Plokhy, Ukraine and Russia: representations of the past (University of

Toronto Press 2008)

Stella Rock, Popular Religion in Russia: 'Double Belief' and the Making of an

Academic Myth (Routledge, 2007)

Tatiana Smorodinskaya; Karen Evans Romaine;Helen Goscilo. Encyclopedia of

contemporary Russian culture ( Routledge 2007)

Thomas S. Noonan, The flВИЕishiБg Вf Kiev s )БЗeЕБaЗiВБal aБd dВАesЗic ЗЕade, ca. 1100- ca.1240 ( in Ukrainian Economic History: Interpretative Essays, I.S.

Koropeckyj ed, Mass 1991)

Tracey Ann Schofield, Vikings (Lorenz Educational Press 2002)

и и и ации:

Alexei Miller, The Nation as a Framework for Political life (Russian Politics and

Law, 47, 2 (March-April 2009))

Mark von Hagen , Does Ukraine have a history? (Slavic Review, Vol. 54, 3, 1995)

Michael Cherniavsky, Holly Russia: A study in the history of an idea (The American

historical Review 63 (3), 1958)

Vera Tolz, Forgin the Nation: National Identity and nation building in Post-

Communist Russia (Europe- Asia Studies, Vol. 50, No. 6, 1998)

р и и в ри:

ј Valdai Club (19.09.2013) ( http://valdaiclub.com/valdai_club/62642.html )

ј C(R)STENDOM


http://valdaiclub.com/valdai_club/62642.html


-- јј IIII


-- јј IIII


RRooddrriiggoo VVAAZZ

School of Oriental and African Studies,

University of London,

United Kingdom

1.03 Short scientific review

UDC No. 321.72/.74-027.21

SSTTAANNDDIINNGG AATT AA CCRROOSSSSRROOAADD:: HHAAYYEEKK,,

NNEEOOLLIIBBEERRAALLIISSMM AANNDD SSOOCCIIAALL DDEEMMOOCCRRAACCYY

AABBSSTTRRAACCTT

On this short essay, we will question whether there is any practical difference today

between a Social Democratic government and (aМek Ж БeВlibeЕal vieК Вf Зhe ЖЗaЗe. FВЕ ЗhaЗ, Кe Кill gВ ЗhЕВИgh a ЕevieК Вf (aМek Ж ЗhВИghЗ ВБ ceЕЗaiБ aЖГecЗЖ Вf Зhe fИБcЗiВБЖ of the state. After, we will take shortly on Keynesian doctrine and, taking into account

the current European financial crisis, we would analyse what proposal both chains of

thought propose.

KKEEYY WWOORRDDSS:: government, social democracy, neoliberals, Hayek, Keynes.

-- јј IIII


STANDING AT A CROSSROAD: HAYEK, NEOLIBERALISM AND SOCIAL DEMOCRACY

(aМek Ж ЗhВИghЗ (aМek Ж Road to Serfdom is widely seen as a manifest against central economic planning.

However, it is not correct to state Hayek as being a truly laissez-faire economist. Hayek,

as Walter Block mentions, in the attempt of producing the best possible alternative to

socialism, makes several compromises. In fact, not in Road to Serfdom but on Law,

Legislation and Liberty, (aМek affiЕАЖ: OБ Зhe ВЗheЕ haБd, iЗ iЖ АeЕelМ cВААВБ ЖeБЖe that government, as the biggest spender and investor whose activities cannot be guided

wholly by profitability, and which for finance is in a great measure independent of the

state of the capital market, should so far as practicable distribute its expenditure over

time in such a manner that it will step in when private investment flags, and thereby

employ resources for public investment at the least cost and with the greatest benefit to ЖВcieЗМ. 215

Hayek and Keynes represented theories in antagonism with each other; however their ЗhВИghЗ ЖeeАЖ ЗВ be clВЖeЕ aЗ ЗiАeЖ. WheБ KeМБeЖ ЖЗaЗeЖ ЗhaЗ ... bМ Зhe АeЗhod of trial

and error in such a way that those individuals who move in the right direction will

destroy by competition those who move on the wrong direction. This implies that there

must be no mercy or protection for those who embark their capital or their labour in the КЕВБg diЕecЗiВБ , iЗ iЖ aЕgИable ЗhaЗ ЗhiЖ iЖ Зhe ЖaАe caИЖe ЗhaЗ lieЖ beБeaЗh (aМek Ж safety net – alЗhВИgh (aМek Ж veЕЖiВБ Вf ЖВcial aЖЖiЖЗaБce iЖ aЗ beЖЗ a КaЗeЕed-down of KeМБeЖ . AЖ SheaЕАИЕ ГИЗЖ iЗ, The caЖe Вf (aМek iЖ faiЕlМ ЖiАГle. He wishes to argue,

first of all, that the central direction of the economy – so-called ecВБВАic ГlaББiБg – is

a disaster. (...) He also wishes to argue, however, that if one has a market-based society,

then there are some things which one cannot at the same time achieve; for example,

outcomes of market-baЖed ecВБВАic ЕelaЗiВБЖ ЗhaЗ alЖВ fiЗ ЖВАe ГaЗЗeЕБ Вf ЖВcial jИЖЗice . AБd SheaЕАИЕ ЖhaЕeЖ Зhe ЖaАe ВГiБiВБ Вf BlВck ВБ (aМek Ж Road to Serfdom: )Бdeed, (aМek haЖ, iБ Road to Serfdom, what could be described as a fairly full agenda fВЕ gВveЕБАeБЗal acЗiВБ ... (aМek favВИЕЖ КelfaЕe АeaЖИЕeЖ Вf vaЕiВИЖ kiБdЖ . TheЖe КelfaЕe АeaЖИЕeЖ iБclИde aЖЖiЖЗaБce iБ ЖickБeЖЖ aБd ВЗheЕ КelfaЕe beБefiЗЖ aЖ ЗakiБg Вf actions to handle the welfare consequences of fluctuations of economic activity and

215 Hayek 1979: 59

-- јј IIII


eАГlВМАeБЗ . The АaiБ ГВiБЗ Вf Road to Serfdom is avoiding central planning. The state iЖ hВКeveЕ ГeЕАiЗЗed acЗiВБ iБ Зhe ecВБВАМ iБ ВЕdeЕ ЗВ АiБiАiНe БegaЗive effecЗЖ Вf the market. That is the core principle that leadЖ (aМek ЗВ defeБd a ЖГВБЗaБeВИЖ ВЕdeЕ cВБЗЕaЕilМ ЗВ a Аade ВЕdeЕ , aБd Зhe ЕeЖИlЗЖ Вf hИАaБ acЗiВБ bИЗ БВЗ Вf hИАaБ deЖigБ .

Social democracy since post-II World War

Let us now move to the second point of this essay. We will take a short analysis on what

social democracy is and especially what it means today. Starting from the post-war

period, social democratic governments were elected and popular throughout Europe

and played a major role in shaping welfare states. While social democracy and

democratic socialism distance and condemned communism in the Frankfurt Declaration

that founded Socialist International in 1951, the Social Democratic governments had a

program of high intervention of government on economic life. In the UK, the

government led by LabВИЕ Ж CleАeБЗ AЗЗlee iБЗЕВdИced a leБgЗhМ ГЕВgЕaА Вf nationalizations, which included civil aviation, the Bank of England and electricity

(among many other economic sectors), complemented by a universal National Health

System. The German SPD had still in aЖ АИch АaЕkeЗ aЖ ГВЖЖible, aЖ АИch ЖЗaЗe aЖ БeceЖЖaЕМ . ThiЖ ЖhВКЖ a ГЕediЖГВЖiЗiВБ ЗВ iБЗeЕveБe iБ АaЕkeЗЖ bМ Зhe ЖЗaЗeЖ ЗhaЗ iЖ most contrary to the one proposed by Hayek. This type of policies of the state actively

engaging in the economy are visibly Keynesian rather than Hayekian, who defends

government intervention as a last resort scenario and only in response to market

failures, in order to minimize.

-- јј IIII


Criticism of social democracy and the rise of the Third Way

However, the years of Thatcher and Reagan in respectively the UK and the US

governments during the 1980s, together with the fall of the Soviet bloc as the world

entered the 1990s decade put the social democratic policies in question – in fact,

welfare expansionist policies were beginning to suffer major public criticism since the

second half of the 1970s.

In the 1990s, and firstly from the UK, a new theoretic approach to Social Democracy was

presented by authors such as Anthony Giddens and is widely known as the Third Way,

for it tries to conciliate right-wing market policies with left-wing social policies. As GiddeБЖ ЖaМЖ, The ВБlМ cВААВБ chaЕacЗeЕiЖЗic Вf ЖВcialiЖЗ dВcЗЕiБeЖ iЖ ЗheiЕ eЗhical content. Socialism is the pursuit of ideas of social cooperation, universal welfare, and

equality - ideas brought together by a condemnation of the evils and injustices of

capitalism. It is based on the critique of individualism and depends on a 'belief in group acЗiВБ aБd "ГaЕЗiciГaЗiВБ", aБd cВllecЗive ЕeЖГВБЖibiliЗМ fВЕ ЖВcial КelfaЕe 216

Social democratic governments elected during the 1990s mainly were in line with the

Third Way. In consonance, they introduced a number of reforms including the

liberalization of many sectors of the economy and the re- privatization of several assets.

The core spirit of the Third Way is summarized by Tony Blair, in a 1998 intervention: The ThiЕd WaМ ЖЗaБdЖ fВЕ a АВdeЕБiНed ЖВcial deАВcЕacМ, ГaЖЖiВБaЗe iБ iЗЖ commitment to social justice and the goals of the centre-left...But it is a third way

because it moves decisively beyond an Old Left preoccupied by state control, high

taxation and producer interests; and a New Right treating public investment, and often Зhe veЕМ БВЗiВБЖ Вf ЖВcieЗМ aБd cВllecЗive eБdeavВИЕ, aЖ evilЖ ЗВ be ИБdВБe.

216 Giddens 1999: 71

-- јј IIII


Social deАВcЕacМ aБd (aМek Ж БeВ-liberal views: hand-in-hand?

As a response to the current European financial crisis, most particularly the banking

crisis, all European states, regardless of being social democratic, Christian democrats or

any other ideology opted for rescuing the banks that faced the threat of bankruptcy. The

way they financed it was also similar: through the so-called aИЖЗeЕiЗМ cВБЖiЖЗiБg Вf reforms on social policies – diminishing their scope and cost – and raise of taxes as a

major form of state income.

That is however not the only similarity between social democratic states and a neo-libeЕal ЖЗaЗe iБflИeБced bМ (aМek Ж ЗhВИghЗ. (aМek Ж cВБceГЗiВБ Вf Зhe ЖЗaЗe iЖ БeВ-

liberal as neo-liberals defend a nomocratic version of the state, the nomocracy being the

kind of society without any collective higher goal. Simply, individuals live to purse their ВКБ eБdЖ aЖ lВБg aЖ БВbВdМ elЖe Ж ЕighЗЖ aЕe iБjИЕed. ThiЖ cВБceГЗ hВldЖ aБВЗheЕ ВБe, negative freedom, very close as they are strictly correlated. Although social democracy

in its current third way approach still holds some values as social justice; even neo-

liberals agree to some extent of cohesion in a society, needed to make it work as a

whole.

Now this is a vision that Hayek would be a lot less reluctant to accept compared to the

social democracies of the post-КaЕ. (aМek defiБeЖ, ЕecВveЕiБg SheaЕАИЕ Ж eЛГЕeЖЖiВБ, КelfaЕe АeaЖИЕeЖ Вf vaЕiВИЖ kiБdЖ . The АaiБ ГВiБЗ Вf Road to Serfdom is avoiding

central planning and the Third Way is the furthest Social Democracy ever got from that. EveБ if (aМek aБd SВcial DeАВcЕacМ dВБ З ВveЕlaГ cВАГleЗelМ, ЗheМ КeЕe БeveЕ aЖ clВЖe as they are now.

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BBIIBBLLIIOOGGRRAAPPHHYY

BlВck, WalЗeЕ. (aМek s Road to Serfdom .Journal of Libertarian Studies, volume 12,

no. 2 (1996): 339-365

Giddens, Anthony.The Third Way: The renewal of social democracy. Malden,

Massachussets: Polity Press, 1999

Hayek, F. A.O Caminho para a Servidão. Lisbon: Edições 70, 2009

Hayek, F. A.Law, Legislation and Liberty: A New Statement of the Liberal Principles of

Justice and Political Economy (vol. 3). Chicago:University of Chicago Press, 1979

Plant, Raymond, The Neo-liberal State. London: Oxford University Press, 2010

Shearmur, Jeremy. Hayek and after. London: Routledge, 1996

Keynes, J. M. The End of Laissez-faire: The Economic Consequences of the Peace. BN

Pubishing, 2009 (1926)

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