Mariama Awumbila, Joseph Teye and Joseph Yaro

Centre for Migration StudiesUniversity of Ghana, Legon

Gendered Dynamics of Migrant Domestic Work in Accra, Ghana

Introduction• Recent studies indicate that many rural-urban migrants in Ghana are

engaged in low-paid and insecure occupations, such as construction work, street hawking, and domestic work (GSS, 2012; Awumbila et al, 2014).

• The domestic work sector is growing rapidly, due to greater female labour market participation and absence of social policies that would make it possible for women to combine formal work with reproductive roles.

• Although domestic work, in Ghana, tends to be performed by female migrants (Tsikata, 2009), men are also hired as domestic workers.

• While the roles and vulnerabilities of female and male domestic workers differ, there is little understanding of the gendered dynamics of migration for domestic work in Africa.

15/04/23 2

Introduction • As the dominant discourse on domestic work is largely influenced by

structurists’ and forced migration perspectives, the strategies adopted by domestic workers to deal with exploitation are not adequately explored.

• This paper examines the gendered experiences, livelihood strategies,

agency and wellbeing of migrants engaged in domestic work in Accra.

• It also analyses how this precarious economic activity (domestic work) has been used as a route out of poverty.

• The policy implications of our findings are also highlighted.

15/04/23 3

Conceptual issues and theoretical background

• As with other MOP studies, we define a migrant as anyone who has moved to stay in another town/village in the past 10 years, and with duration of absence, or intended absence, of at least 3 months (Bilsborrow 1984, p.146).

• Given the criticisms against definitions of domestic work by Ghana Statistical Services and LAWA Ghana ( see Tsikata, 2011), we used the ILO’s Domestic Worker Convention (2011), which defined domestic work “as work performed in or for a household or households”. Domestic worker is “ any person engaged in domestic work within an employment relationship”.

• The paper is based on the Structuration theory , which posits that actions of individuals are shaped by structures, but the individuals are also skilled agents who direct their own lives through actions (agency) (Giddens, 1984; Holt Jensen, 2001; Sibeon, 2004).

• Structures at the household and community levels (e.g. patriarchal traditions; economic structures) tend to push people into the vulnerable domestic work market, but these actors employ their own agency to resist exploitation and achieve some of their goals.

15/04/23 4

Research methods

• Data was extracted from a larger MOP qualitative study on migrants in domestic and construction sectors.

• 8 Focus group discussions at migrant sending regions (Volta and Northern Regions) .

• In-depth interviews with key informants (e.g village elders, leaders of migrant associations, recruitment agencies, state agencies, NGOs)

• In-depth interviews with one adult in 20 selected migrant sending households , where the migrant was engaged in domestic work.

• Informal conversational interviews with other members of migrant households

• At the destination (in Accra), 10 migrant domestic workers originating from the selected households were interviewed.

• 4 employers of domestic workers and 2 domestic workers recruitment agencies were recently interviewed in Accra.

15/04/23 5

15/04/23 6

Roles/Characteristics

Female Domestic workers Male Domestic Workers

Roles Multiple household tasks (cleaning, cooking, washing, shopping, and caring for children/aged

Gardening, driving, security

Skills No formal training, no certificate or licence on skills. Employers see it as continuation of female reproductive role.

Formal training ( licence)

Ages Some are very young (13-20 years). Single men prefer middle aged women (20-35 years); Older women as nannies. Preference for young girls because of desire to control them. Fears that that older ladies may ‘snatch husbands’.“This is the third one I am employing. The first one left us because she didn’t like the job. I asked the second one to leave because she was growing big and I was scared she would take my husband from me... I like girls who have just completed JSS. If they come at 14[years], it is good because I can stay with them till they get to 20 years then they go” [Employer of female domestic worker)

Mainly older than 25 years. Houseboys are younger (20 Years)Fears that younger men will connive with criminals to steal or develop sexual relationship with female daughters

Education Low, but some have completed SSS, case of Amulu with diploma Low, school drop-outs Migration Process

Majority, especially young ones have been brought to city by potential employers/ agents , though some came with friends

Many migrated to city on their own or with friends

Gendered roles and characteristics of migrant domestic workers

Gendered dynamics of residential arrangements of migrant domestic workers

• Female domestic workers who do daily household chores are more likely to live in with their employer in the same housing unit than males domestic workers.

• Females live with employers because they required to work for longer and unscheduled hours.

• Men perform specific tasks within scheduled periods and so are not required to live on compound, except some security men.

• When males live in the same house with the employer, they are more likely to live in a separate structure on the compound of their employer.

15/04/23 7

15/04/23 8

Structures for male domestic workers living on employers compound

Implications of type of living arrangement• Living arrangement has implications for the number of hours worked a day;

ability to work for other people; freedom to move about ; frequency and type of abuse.

• Young female domestic workers who live with only male employers may be sexually harassed

“ Right from the beginning, the agent told me that this man [expatriate] likes women. .. the agent told me that any person he finds for the man complains that the man sexually harasses her. In fact, for my own experience, the same thing happened, the man kept on knocking at my door almost every night. One day when I was cleaning the visitor’s room, he said to me “ooo Janet I’m interested in you”. So I called to complain to the agent and the agent said, I should agree to his proposal and give him what he wants so that he pays me for it. But I refused the agent’s advice and called my mother” ( 22 year old female domestic worker)

• Unpleasant situations of quarrels and romantic activities of employers“ The man was always beating his wife [cohabitating]. I had to always follow them to the police station

to write ‘a statement’ anytime they fought.... The man sometimes had sex with her before us, even when we were all together watching TV. After four months, I felt I could not continue with the everyday fighting and the daily routine at the police station. Although the lady persuaded me not to leave, my mother rather advised me to quit that job, so I left”15/04/23 9

Recruitment and contracts –gendered dimensions

• Informal recruitment (relatives, friends, churches, teachers) - social networks • While employment relationships between male domestic workers and their

employers are quite clear, young female domestic workers may be extended family relatives of the employer, who are brought to her as part of fostering.

• More formal recruitment agencies are emerging. Agents go to villages to recruit young ladies, fix wages, solve problems etc.

• The agents receive their payments from the employers. Hence, they may encourage young female domestic workers to accept low wages or agree to sexual demands by some male employers just to get the job.

• Emergency of agents could be seen as facilitating, but there are exploitative tendencies (see Dias and Jayasundere. 2004; Deshingkar and Aheeyar, 2006).

• No formal contracts, but the nature of duties to be performed are clearer for males. So they are able to demand extra payment for extra work.

• Women work for long hours without extra pay. “They want me to work like a machine. I wake up before 4 and do so many

things. I sleep only when they are all sleeping”.15/04/23 10

Recruitment and contracts• Some young women perform multiple tasks in different homes.

The case of Dari. She works in two homes for just GHC 40. Wage negotiated by grandfather in the village.

• Some employers may also be exploited by domestic workers and their families:

• “Most of the time, people only think of one side. They think of the different tasks the girls are doing for us but my sister, we also spend more money on them. As she is here with us, we give her food, buy clothes for her, buy her medicine if she is sick. Ask her, when she came here last year, she was very tiny because they didn’t have food in the village. Now we have fed her and so you see she is looking good... Sometimes, we also spend money on her extended family who see my husband as a rich person and therefore bring all their family troubles to us to solve. …. I tell you my sister, it is we the employers who are rather exploited” ( An employer story)

• Some female domestic workers said their work is flexible. “ Yes, but my boss is very good. My work is very flexible”(Briduwa)15/04/23 11

Gendered differentials in income and remittances

• Wages are lower than minimum daily wage of GHC5.24 ($1.63) but higher than earnings at origin.

• Though wages depend on benevolence of employer and agency of domestic worker, men receive higher wages than female domestic workers. Females receive between GHC 40 to GHC 200 a month. Some male domestic workers earn as high as GHC 5000.

• Some younger female domestic workers are not paid at all, as there are arrangements for their employers to feed them and purchase sewing machines for them.

Reasons for wage differentials between males and Females ---Male domestic workers are seen as more highly skilled--- Rural parents negotiate salary for some young girls---Young girls tend to live-in so employers will want to deduct accommodation

and food costs etc• Wage differentials among women: Age, possession of skills such as being a

nanny, and experience determine wages of women. 15/04/23 12

Remittances • Both males and females send money and goods home.

• Informal channels of remitting and ‘mobile money’ mainly used.

• Consistent with findings of Abdul Korah (2011), older female domestic workers tend to send more money home and do so more regularly.

• The relatives of the migrants also occasionally send them food stuffs but this is to ensure that the migrants do not spend all their money on food.

“Ah, because of the situation in Accra, we have told him to be sending

money every month so that we save it for him. In return, we will also send him food so that all his wages do not end up in food” ( Benjamin, Mother)

15/04/23 13

Agency of migrant domestic workers• While, literature portrays migrant domestic workers as having no control

over their employment conditions (Anderson, 2007; Islam, 2014), some of them are able to minimize exploitation.

• Males, generally, have stronger agency because they possess skills that employers need.

Strategies adopted by domestic workers to minimise exploitation. • Pretending to be sick : This can affect quantity of food one can consume “ I don’t have any rest in the house. Sometimes I work from morning till

evening, from the shop to the house and she keeps on adding the things [tasks] I must do. The only way I can rest is to tell her I am very sick. So hmm there were days I tell her I am sick. Even that she will only believe me when she knows I cannot eat. So in the days that I told her I was sick, I made sure I ate little although I was hungry”

• Friendship ties with their employers or the spouses of their employers. • Not cleaning well or overusing of cleaning materials

15/04/23 14

Agency of migrant domestic workers• Not smiling with anybody in the house , Nannies tend to use this to

frighten employers that children will be harmed in their absence. “Hmm although I brought her here, I am careful with her because she can

harm the children if she is not happy.. Sometimes she misbehaves and I try to correct her but if she is angry with me, I can see from her face. Sometimes you can see that she is not smiling at the children. Once I see this, I try to cool her before I leave the house. There are times I give her extra money after insulting her just to make her happy so that she doesn’t beat them [children] when I am at work.

• Security has a higher level of agency because of fears that they can connive with criminals to rob their masters, if they are not happy.

• Some men pretend that other employers want them to work for them but they don’t want to leave.

• Drivers also have a level of agency if they are so good that their bosses do not want them to leave their job.

15/04/23 15

Wellbeing of migrant domestic workers• Despite facing several challenges, majority of domestic workers reported that

life as a domestic worker in Accra is better than life in the village . • Effects are more positive for some professional men ( e.g. drivers, gardeners).EG. Kato the gardener: “I can say I have achieved a lot because I have built a five

room apartment for my mother and other siblings to lay their heads. I have also registered a plot of land at Amasaman [suburb of Accra] and paying bit by bit”

Kato’s mother who was interviewed separately at origin stated “Yes, he sends us money to buy food and for farming activities. He sends me

cloths and other materials. It is through his efforts that we have roofed some of our rooms in our house with zinc.....Life would have been very difficult if [Kato ]had not gone to Accra. He is currently our backbone.

• However, most of the women and their families also think migration has improved wellbeing of family.

• “Since Bridget migrated, she has been able to support the family financially... People generally hold you in high esteem because you have a relation in Accra. Even last year when our grandmother died, she came and helped us during the funeral.’ (Bridget sister)

16

Conclusions and policy implications

• As Sabates-Wheeler et al. (2007) argues that no category of migrants are undifferentiated, we conclude that there are differences in the circumstances, experiences and agency of migrant domestic workers.

• While all domestic workers are exploited (see Hansen, 1990; Tsikata, 2009), male domestic workers are generally economically better off than female domestic workers.

• Female domestic workers receive lower salaries for working for longer hours because their work is undervalued. This is because patriarchal gendered norms are transferred to the domestic work market.

• The plight of female domestic workers can be attributed to economic and political structures in Ghana, namely the informality of domestic work market and lack of effective legal systems to protect vulnerable groups.

17

Conclusions and policy implications • Given that domestic workers have agency to harm children and members

of their employers’ family, employers must be educated to understand that it is in their own interests to treat domestic workers with respect.

• As good employers can also be exploited by domestic workers, legal instruments must also be developed to protect employers.

• Relevant state agencies must scale up public education on the rights of domestic workers.

• Legal instruments should evolve in Ghana to regulate wages in the informal sector , including young female domestic workers .

• Since employers are also sometimes exploited, legal instruments must evolve to protect both domestic workers and their employers.

18

Acknowledgements • Study was sponsored by DFID under the

Migration out of Poverty Project, which is coordinated by University of Sussex.

• Special thanks to Priya and Benji for comments during the research design.

15/04/23 19