hoffner 1980 history and historians of the ane - the hittites orns

8/12/2019 Hoffner 1980 History and Historians of the ANE - The Hittites OrNS

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ORIENTALIAVOL 49 F SC 4 198


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SUMM R UM

Commentationes

H. A. HOFFNER Jr. Histories and Historians of t he Ancient NearEas t: The Hitti.tes 283-332

Animadversiones

M. GALLERY Service Obligations of the kezertu Women 333 338W. G. LAMBERT Akka s Threat . . . . . . . . . . . 339-340A. LEMAIRB - P. VERNUS Les ostraca p a e o H ~ b r e u x de Qadesh-

Barnea Tab. LXXI-LXXIII) . . . . . . . . . 341 345

Nuntii

LECLANT Fouilles e t t ra vaux en Egypt e et au Soudan, 1978-1979 Tab. XXX-LXX) . . . . . . . 346-420

Conti t luatur in p gin II [ involucri

283

OMM ENT T IONES

Histories and Historians o f the Anc ientNear East: The Hittites

Harry A. HOFFNER Jr.

Part A1 1 This invest igat ion focusses upon th e Hittites. should therefore

be clearly stated how t hi s t erm is to be understood 1. We choose to restrict it here to th e immediate 2 subjects of that sequence of kings beginningwith Anit ta of Kussar (reigned c. 1750 B.C. an d concluding with Suppiluliuma II (reigned c. 1200 B.C. . We thus exclude from cons idera t ionth e subjects of th e Neo-Hittite kingdoms of Syria f rom th e twelf th throughthe e igh th centuries B.C.

1 2 The documentary ev idence which we shall t ak e i nt o accountderives principally from th e remains of t he anc ient c it y of Hattusa, whichat t he en d of th e 1973 season had yielded nearly 27,000 i nscribed claytablets o r f ragmen ts t he reof 3. Tablets from other s it es include a fewfrom Egypt (El Amarna) 4 and Alalakh 5, and a larger number from Ugari t 6. The majority of t he se document s exi st in versions composed inth e Hittite language. Bu t s ome were originally dra ft ed i n Hittite andthen t ra ns l at ed i n to Akkadian, th e diplomatic lingna franca of th e day.One impor ta n t t ex t , t he Hittite version of th e treaty between Hattusili IIIof Hatti and Ramesses II of Egypt, was composed i n H it ti te , d ra ft ed i nAkkadian, t ra nspo rt ed to Egyp t , t ra ns la te d i nt o Egyp ti an , a nd inscribedin hieroglyphs on th e walls of th e temple of th e god Amon at Karnak and

See r 49 1980 137.1 See H. G. Giiterbock, Toward a Def in it ion o f t he t erm Hittite ,

Qriens 10 1959 233ff.2 That is, no t t o t he i nd ir ec t subjects, citizens of vassal states.3 As of 1953 H. Otten estimated 15,000 k I e 85 [1953J 28 . From1953 through 1973 approximately 12,000 fraglIlents have been assigned inventory numbers.4 The so-called Arzawa let ters , numbers 31 and 32 in th e publishedcorpus of E1 Amarna letters .5 D. Wiseman, The Alalakh Tablets 1953 116ff.6 Published in Nongayro1, PRU II I 1955 , PRU IV 1956 , andUgaritica V 1968 .

rienl li 2


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284 H. A. Hoffner The Hittites 285of th e Ramesseum 7. The other version, which represents the Egypt ianpoint of view, was translated from the original Egyptian language versioninto Akkadian and t ranspo rted to the Hittite capital, where it was foundin several copies by Hugo Winckler in 1905/06 8.

3 One fourth of the total of 833 entries in E. Laroche s Cataloguedes textes hittites 21971 is historical in nature, bu t this proportion is somewhat misleading, since th e number of component t ab le ts and duplicatesin a historical composition is much smal ler than i n o th er genres such asrituals and festivals. Probably far less than a tenth of the to ta l numberof recovered tablets contain historical nar ra ti ve . The l it er ar y effort ofthe scribes was clear ly expended principally on texts other than what wewould call historical .

4 In this connection, however, one must keep in m ind that historicalnarrative is f ound in t ext s not classified by Laroche under textes historiques nos. 1-220 . As in th e treaties, so also in th e instructions oneoccasionally finds admonitory stories, such as th e Zuliya incident told inCTH 265. The so-called Gerichtsprotokolle records of testimony givenin trials) conta in many examples of personal histories of important as wellas minor civil servants 9. The royal prayers of ten offer lengthy sectionsof historical review. Fo r this reason th e roya l prayer of Arnuwanda andAsmunikal is a not-insignificant historical sourCe for the century precedingSuppiluliuma 1. No one c an p rope rl y r ec on st ru ct th e historical eventsof th e reigns of Suppiluliuma, if he ignores th e historical retrospect foundin Mursili II s plague prayers. Mursili II s personal l ife i s brilliantly illuminated by his r oyal p raye rs which r el at e th e t roubles he experiencedwith his father s last wife CTH 70 and 71, classified in CTH under texteshistoriques ,although i n f orm they are clearly royal prayers), a nd b y thehistorical introduction t o t he r it ua l designed to heal th e king from hysterical aphasia CTH 486 . Some o f the text s which record oracular inquiry CTH 561ff. dea l wi th histor ical matte rs , a l though they are clearlynot narrative.

5 In each literate society of th e ancient Near East those historicaltexts which focussed upon th e activities of the king tended to devote mostof their at tent ion to certain preferred occupations: war-making, hunting,worshipping, presiding at festivals, or the commissioning of buildingp ro je ct s. We sha ll seek to determine th e range of royal activities which

7 B. Pritchard, ncientNear Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament31969 199ff. with bibliography.8 Ibid. 201ff. translation by A. Goetze .9 Virtual ly a ll examples of such texts edited by R Werner, StBoT 41967 .

the H i tt i te historiographers saw fit to inc lude in their l i terary record d[3.8f.,J [4.1-3J, [5.1J, [6.2J, [12.3J, [12.6-7] .

6 The pictorial record of th e king s activities i.e., monumental art)supplements the writ ten record 10. seems that in th e pictorial p r e s e n ~t at ion the emphasis is slightly different from that i n t he literary. In thel i terary record we see th e k ing making war, worshiping, presiding atfestivals, adjudicating, and mak ing p ro cl am at io ns . On r oc k reliefs andon seal impressions th e king is occasionally shown in ba tt l e dress, albeitno t in the ac t of striking a foe d for example Tudhaliya on the rock reliefi n K emal P a ~ a More often he is depicted in th e dress and pose of worship, standing before an a lt a r (Hattusili II I at Fraktln, Muwatalli at Sirkeli,unnamed k ing on relief f rom c it y wal ls of Hiiyiik in Alarya , or standingupon two deified mounta ins (Tudhaliya on wall relief at Yazlhkaya), orstanding i n t he embrace o f h is patron deity (Muwatalli on his seal, Tudhaliya IV on h is s ea l and at Yazlllkaya). Never in the pictorial record isthe k ing shown as judge , e it he r issuing th e l aw o r enforcing it.

7 The documentation informs us that written records were k ep t b ythe H it ti te s both on clay t ab le ts and on wax-covered wooden tablets 11. appears that there existed a degree of occupational specialization suchthat one who was a scribe of the wood tablets would no t normally alsobe a scribe of th e clay ta bl et s. T he existence of th e wood-tablet literature,unfortunately lost to us insofar as it was not subsequently transferred toc lay table ts , raises the question of th e function of these tablets . Whatkind of material would be recorded b y t he wood-tablet scribes, as opposedto the clay-tablet s cr ibes ? Doe s th e answer to the preceding questioninform us what kind of records in th e estimation of the Hitt i tes were moreimportant for preservation than o th ers ? Was r aw d at a for subsequenthistoriographic usage originally inscribed on th e wood tablets?

8 Of course, many questions about t he hieroglyphic wood-tablettexts c anno t now be answered. I give here bu t th e briefest of summariesof what is known. F rom the texts, in which such tablets a re knownb y t he syllabically written gulzat f)ar (ablat. gulzat f)anaz) , the Sumerogram GIS.{j:URITE (complement implies Akkad. u urtu) and AkkadogramGISLI-Us, it is reasonably clear that they served as th e ordinary recordsfor ever-changing statistics (inventories of i tems in s tock in th e r oyal magazines, etc. . Bu t in addition they were used, and especially i n K iz zu-

10 See E. Akurgal, The rt of the Hittites (New york, no date ; K. Bittel,Die Hethiter: die Kunst natoliensvom Ende des 3. bzs zum nfang des ,. ]ahr-tausends vor Chris tus Miinchen 1976 .11 See H. Otten, Bibliotheken im Alten Orient , Das ltertum 1 195579ff.


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286 H A. Hoffner The Hit ti tes 287watna, to record th e traditional rites accorded t o t he gods in festivals andri tu al s. T he re ar e a few passages which might indicate also that thesewere used to record sales. But t o d at e I know of no evidence that theywere employed to record historical narrative.

1 9 Rarely t he H it t it e s wrote on stone. The longest HieroglyphicLuwian inscription f rom th e Empire Period is th e i ~ n t a ~ inscriptionof Suppiluliyama II l B ec au se o f i ts b ad ly weathered condition thisinscription is intelligible only in it s opening words, whic h identify its royalautho r. Forme rl y it was ascribed to Suppiluliuma and dated almosttwo centuries earlier. Now it must be regarded as one of th e very latestinscriptions which fall within th e chronological limits of our de finit ion ofHittites Le., c. 12 00 B.C.) u. Giiterbock has pointed ou t that KBo XI I38 i 1 through ii 10 contain a Hittite version on a clay tablet of a h ie ro glyphic Luwian inscription on a statue of Tudhaliya IV, which h is s uc cessor Suppiluliyama made and h ad inscribed f or h is Everlasting Peak 15.Since Suppiluliuma s inscription recorded his predecessor s manly deedsand is clearly historical, it furnishes u s w it h th e only c lear example of ahistorical inscription on stone in hieroglyphic Luwian during th e empireperiod. Giiterbock also suggested that th e continuation of KBo XII 38 ii 22:ff.), contains a translation of another hieroglyphic Luwian inscriptionof Suppiluliyama which is comparable to the i ~ n t ~ inscription andwhich deals with a building on a mountain peak comparable to i ~ a n t e p eThe se cond hieroglyphic inscription, t rans la ted in KBo XII 38 ii 22:ff.,was also dealing with historical matters, principally a Hittite invasionof th e island o f C yp ru s. Thus bo th examples would prove that, at leasttoward the end of th e Empire Period Hittite kings wrote his torica l inscriptions o n s to ne i n h ie ro gl yp hs . S ee a ls o [17.9] and [17.10].

1 1 Certain texts of t he u tmos t historical import (state treaties)were conserved in th e magazine rooms of th e Great Temple of th e StormGod in the Lower City 16. From th e w or d in g o f t he tex t s themselves welearn that their place of conservation was chosen to allow th e deity toexercise close supervision over them 17. Bu t other texts which were nottreaties were recovered by th e excavators in th e Great Temple. By what

12 K Bittel and H. G. Giiterbock, ogazkOy 1935) plate 25; see H. Bossert, fD 9 1 93 5) 1 72 ft .13 So A. Kammenhuber, Saeculum 9 1958) 146, note 46.U H. G. Giiterbock, JNES 26 1967) 81 with note 18 H. Otten Die he-thitischen historischen Quellen 1968) 7; H. G. Giiterbock, j S 29 (i970) 74.15 JNES 26 1 96 7) 8 1 .16 The selection of texts numbered 35 through 97 in Keilschrifttexte ausBoghazkoi . hen


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290 H. A Hoffner The Hitt i tes 29struction of the highly important beginning of th e narrative. Of greatinterest is th e fact that the text commences with a narrative containingmuch l egenda ry or mytho logi ca l mat er ia l, whi ch is no t without para l le lin th e quasi-historical writings of th e Old Kingdom. The narrative relateshow once a queen of the city of Kanesh = NeSa = modern si te of Kii ltepe) 28 bore thirty sons in the cou rs e o f a s ingl e year. She refers to hero ff sp ri ng a s a gang walkuwan , a term likewise used disparagingly ofan invad ing horde of Hurrian t roops in the Old Hittite text KBo II I 40 BoTU 14a) obv 15 17 Deciding to rid herself of this unwanted broodth e queen has baske ts caulked with dung, sets th e children therein, andputs them into the Ha1ys River = KIzl1 Irmak) to float downstream toth e (Black) Sea. Bordering on th e river no t f ar f rom its opening on tothe Black Sea was the land of Za1pajZa1puwa (the two spellings are usedi nt er changeab ly in thi s t ex t) . The re the gods ( in what form we are nottold) rescue the infants from th e river and raise t hem to manhood. Meanwhile the Queen of Kanesh has bor ne thirty daughters , aga in in one year.Bu t these she ha s decided to keep. When the boys have grown up, theyse t ou t in th e direction of Kanesh/Nesha. At a stop-over in Tamarmarathey learn of t he t hi rt y daughters of th e Queen of Nesha and concludethat she may be their own mother. They continue to Nesha, bu t whenthey arrive, th e gods cause their mother not t o recognize them. She offersto them he r thirty daugh te rs i n marriage. The older brothers do no tdetect that these are their sisters, bu t th e youngest boy does, and warnshis siblings against incest 18. Here t he t ab le t becomes illegible and welose t he t ra in of th e narrative for awhile. When t he s to ry resumes, itquickly progresses f rom legendary pre-his tory to the period of Labarna,Hattusi l i and Mursili.

2 3 H . O tt en assumes that in th e l os t middl e por ti on of t he s to ryth e brother -s iste r mar riages took place, and that t he H it ti te historianused this tale of incest comlnitted b y t he early citizens of Za1puwa t o l aya basis for th e subsequent destruction of th e c i ty during the reign of Hattusili Another Hittite historian used a diffe rent basis d. [5.4]). I thas also been suggested that th e river voyage of the thirty sons from Neshato Za1puwa reflects th e old historical tradition of the settlement of Za1-

H. G Giiterbock, Eretz-Israel 5 (1958) 46*-50* and H Otten StBoT 7 (1973) 57. . ,.17 The Hitt i te word walkuwan is der iv ed fr om a shorter stem walgu-and IS probably f rom a proto-IE walgu-. Cognate is Latin valgus (masc andneut.) multitude, people . .

. 18 On the . attitude toward incest among the Hit t ites s ee H. A Hoffner,Onent and Occtdent: Essays Presented C H. Gordon (AOAT 22 [1973J 81-90).Note also R Haase, W 9 (1977) 72-76.

puwa by colonists from Nesha. Such a legendary ta le is, of o ~ r s e afruitful field for speculations, and it is impossible at present to dIscountany of them.

4 Of central importance is th e indisputable fact that th e authorhas used a semi-legendary account to introduce and explain th e non-legendary his torica l narra tive which followed. In essence t hi s f orma t is th esame a s we find i n l at er historiography (Te1epinu Proclamation, historicalprologues t o t he st at e vassal treaties; d [5.0], [9.2]). What distinguishesit from historiographic works of t he l at te r half of the 16th cen tu ry andlater is the legendary cast of th e prologue narrative, which it shares withother historiographic works at tributable to the first Hittite kings (c. 1650-1550).

2 5 Also shared with th e Old Hitt ite Palace Chronicle , which datesfrom the reign of Mursili I, is th e manne r i n whi ch i n th e Za1pa text thesuccessive Hittite kings are designated. In th e Za1pa text three consecutive generations of anonymous Hittite kings having dealings in Za1paare referred to as grandfather of th e king , father of th e k ing , a ndt he king 29 d [6.1]). I t is thought that the grandfather is th e immediate predecessor of Hattusi l i I , whom we elsewhere know only by thedynastic t i tl e Labarna 30. The father would be Hattusili I h imse lf ,and t he king Mursili 1. In the Palace Chronicle t he f ather of th e kingis Hattusi1i and t he king is Mursili. Therefore both texts were composedduring the reign of MurSi1i I (c. 1620-1595).

2 6 The historical inscription of Anitta, son of Pithana, king of Kussar,was first edited in transliteration by E. Forrer in 1922 31 . Since then itsthree exemplars have been publ ished in cunei form copies, and it ha s beentranslated and studied many times. Both Anitta and his father Pithanaare mentioned in documents from the Old Assyrian trading colony at Kiiltepe. I t is thought that Anitta s rule coincided with th e period represented by kiirum Kan iS I b, which is contemporary wi th the reigns ofSamsi-Adad I and ISme-Dagan of Assyria (middle chronology, c. 18141742) - first half of th e 1 8t h c en tu ry . Th e Hittite composition whichconcerns Anitta was long bel ieved to be a late copy from th e 13th century.In 1951 Otten showed that th e orthography and grammar of th e text wereOld Hittite 31, a nd i n the 1960s and 1970s it ha s become clear that the signforms of copy A are typical Old Hittite (reign of Hattusili I or Mursili I).

19 H. G Giiterbock, 44 (1938) 101-104; H. Otten, StBoT 7 (1973)8-9, 62.30 S. R Bin-Nun, RHA 30 (1972) 54-80.31 Die Baghazkoi-Texte in Umschrift WVDOG 4 and 42; Berlin 1922and 1926).3 MDOG 83, 39ff.


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292 H. A. Hoffner The Hittites 293Since Pithana and Anitta, though clearly Anatolian natives a nd n ot Assyrians, were never men ti oned a s ances to rs by the Old Hittite kings, itwas assumed that they were n ot Hi tt it es. T he t ex t, it was supposed,must have been composed i n a no th er language and was subsequent lyt ra ns la te d i nt o H it ti te . The prime candidate for th is other language wasHat ti c, the language of many of th e non-Hittite Anatolian rulers of th eperiod. In 1974 E. Neu produced a new edition of th e text, utilizing th elatest insights into the Old Hittite language. Neu pointed out that translations into Hittite from Hattic are always marked by a certain awkwardness Holprigkeit) , which betrays them as translations. The Ani tt a t ext ,on the other hand, s hows non e of this translational syntax, bu t appearsto be a f res h composition in Old Hittite 33 Neu is right, there is nocogent reason to exclude this text from the corpus of Hittite historicaltexts. What remains to be investigated is whether i n it s historiographiccharacteristics it resembles other known Hittite examples from th e OldKingdom 34.

2 7 A. Goetze long ago pointed out that th e royal activities describedi n t he Ani tt a t ex t, in particular the building activities and the royal hun t,are somewhat atypical d [17.l2J) 35 The inclusion of events from th ereign of th e author s immediate predecessor 1-2) fits well into th e practice of retrospect in Hittite historiography. The use of curses pronouncedon those who would resettle a sacked enemy city 6, 12), or on one whoalters th e king s inscription 9 cannot be documented in th e same formin Hittite historical texts. Bu t whi le we cannot cite cur se wordi ng forabandoned cities, we can show that in th e annals of Hattusili I 6 th eKing sowed th e ruins of t he c it y of Ullama with za Jl.Jeli-weeds, just asAnitta did to Hat tusa (Anitta text, 11). The curse upon him who changes(Hittite Julli-/ Julla- seems to be a near synonym of wa Jnu- change,alter ) 36 th e wording of Anitta s inscription can be para l le led f rom h is torical fragments and treaties, both in general 37 and in th e specific wordingwi th t he verb Julli-/ Julla- 38 Neu pointed ou t that Anitta s subjectsin Kanesh/Nesa, for whom t he g at e inscription was prepared, would have

33 E. Neu, StBoT 18 (1974) 132ff.34 A modest beginning was made by Otten, MDOG 83 (1951) 39, 44, andA. K ~ m e n h u b e r Saeculum 9 (1958) 148. See also H. Cancik, Mythischeund hzstonsche Wahrheit (1970) 47-48.35 Kleinasien 21957 92.36 For Hit.t. lJullaji-:- I f avor the b ~ i c meaning turn, reverse, change .The verb. descnbes turmng ba.ck: repulsmg or defeating an enemy, contestingor c ~ a n g m g an agreement (Hit tI te raw no. 29) , and changing or a lter ing thewording of a text.37 Examples cited by E. Neu, StBoT 18, 76. kuiSat lJullizz[i tuppiyafJ INIM.MES nas AN A DINGIR.MES LU.KUR UNU

e ~ d u nan parlJiSkandu Whoever alters them, the words [of the tablet], leth Im be an enemy of the gods KUB XL 54 rev. 2-5; compare IBoT II I 131 :5.

spoken Nesite (= Hittite), so that there is no l inguistic or historical reasonto doubt that lhe text was originally composed in Hitt i te .

2 8 The manner of designating years i n t he A ni tt a text is quite diff er en t f rom Hittite annals. In Anitta the word year occurs twice:in 3 i n t he expression a f t er my fathe r Pithana (died), i n t he same yearsaniya witti); and in 17 in th e expression i n the following year wettan

danniessima). The latter might be compa red with MU.IM.MA-annima ofthe annals of Hattusili I and t he MU .KAM)-annima of th e annals of Mursili I I, b ut th e correspondence is incomplete d [3.4J).

2 9 Otten (1951) and Cancik (1976) 39 have claimed that the Ani tt atext was organized around the theme of th e r ise of th e dynasty of Kussar.Cancik admits 40 that th is theme i s onl y implicit in t he t ext and mus t bededuced. Bu t if, as he earlier states, works organized about a thememust be integrated by every literary means at th e disposal of th e author,why do we see so little evidence of th e employment of literary devices tosubordinate each component of th e inscription to th e single theme?

2 1 Certainly Old Hittite possessed sufficient syntactic means toorder the presentation in the same degree that Cancik has shown was doneby Mursili II . Was t hi s i n fact even attempted in the Anitta text? Toa limited degree it was. Historical retrospect was supplied in th e courseof the narrative by using the adverbs karu [appJezziyana previously bu t later (lines 39-42, 11 u. Bu t there is no trace of th etechniques developed later for portraying simultaneous action in differentlocations, or for showing contemplated strategy which was never actuallycarried ou t through th e use of th e grammatical irrealis mode. Indeedit appears that th e employment of th e linguistic and li terary devices forpurposes of historiographic technique which Cancik has demonstrated forMursili II and later was no t developed until after th e Old Kingdom. And,given th e capac it ie s of Old Hittite syntax for subtle distinctions, it is unlikely that this undeveloped historiographic s ty le may be attributed tolinguistic inadequacy. Rather the historiographic technique required centuries of practice before it could become th e articulated science whichflourished under Mursili.

3 After t he Ani tt a t ex t t he oldest Hittite text in annal is t ic styled [18 .l J, I ) i s th e text known as t he manly deeds of Hattusili 4 The

89 H. Otten, MDOG 83 (1951) 44, c ited by H: Cancik, Grundzuge der he-thitischen und alttestamentlichen Geschichtsschreibung (1976) 36, 81, note 110.40 Grundzuge 36. . 21f41 Use in the Mursili armals is discussed by H. CancIk, Grundzuge . H. Otten, MDOG 91 (1958) 73ff.; A. Goetze, 16 (1962) 24ff .; H. G Giiterbock, JC S 18 (1964) Iff.; edItion by F. Imparati and Cl. Saporettl, StudzClassici e Oriental i 14 (1965) 40-85.


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294 H. A. Hoffner The Hitt i te s 295principal exemplars of this text 43 were found m 1957 in th e remains ofBuilding K on the acropolis. Although, like several other historical worksof the Old Kingdom d [5.0J, [9.0J) this composition was pas sed on in bothAkkadian and Hittite versions, it s two versions are no t contained on th esame tablet in parallel col umns , a s one f inds in th e Political Testamentof Hattusili d [5.0J).

3.1 No known copy of Hattusili's annal s i n th e old handwriting hasbeen found. One cannot prove therefore whether or no t both versionsexis ted a l ready in the Old Kingdom.

3.2 Priority has been claimed for th e Akkadian version by Ottenand Kammenhuber, an d for th e Hit ti te by Goetze . Whereas parts ofat least four exemplars of th e Hittite version exist , only one copy of th eAkkadian has been identified. This might suggest that, while t he H it tite version had a long history of transmission, th e Akkadian translationwas recently made and never re-copied. But even the Akkadian versionshows s igns o f copyist errors, which proves t ha t i t too had a history oftransmission, even if a shorter one. And since Akkadian was not thenative language in Hatti, one expects more copies in Hittite.

3.3 In their present copies both versions are characterized by grammar and vocabulary which appear in Akkadian and Hittite texts composedin the late (Empire) period. Bu t it s houl d b e not ed that both containlinguistic features which can only be r egar ded as surviva ls f rom Old Hittite prototypes 45. t is therefore probably the wisest course to give upany attempt to show absolute priority of either version. Even if th e textwas first drawn up in Akkadian, unless th e composer was a native speakerof that language, it was t hought out in Hi tt i te and t rans la ted men ta llyinto Akkadian. The text is clearly a Hittite composition in th e fundamental sense.

3.4 Of what does the Hi tt i te annalistic style consist? The developedstyle of Mursil i II will be considered later under [12.0J and following. Theembryonic s tyle evident already in the Hattusi l i I text c. 1650) may bedescribed as follows.

H. Cancik '8 has classified t he t ex t as a Tatenber icht . Henotest ha t i t lacks causal clauses, hypothetical and concessive constructions Ubwhich characterize th e historical compositions of Mursi li II and h is suc cessors. Never the less he believes that it does contain many elements

43 H. Otten, MDOG 91 (1958) 73ff. Otten, ibid. ; Kammenhuber, Saeculum 9 (1958) 154 note 101; Goetze,]C S 16 (1962) 24f. H. C. Melchert, ] S 37 (1978) 1-22.US H. Cancik, Mythische und historische Wahrheit 49f.Ub But the irrealis is employed in Hattusill's Political Testament: 16,17 and 21; d. [5.1-3J, [16.25].

of th e later historiography in germ form: political and historical excursesin which the author seeks to defend his c la im to be the first king to crossthe Euphrates River uc , and t he scheme of military a ct ion in whi ch th eopponent is not just a passive object of th e king's action, bu t an equalparticipant with h is own i ni ti at ive. The deeds of th e king are organizedaccording to the king's regnal years, of which only the first five are includedon this tablet. Because th e colophon is broken where the notation complete or incomplete once stood, we do not know if originally therewas a s econd tablet containing events f rom later years. To be sure, th eyears a re not actually numbered in the text. No new sec tion commenceswith the words in my .. -t h year . Bu t then neither is this practiceattested for the much more developed annals texts of Mursi li II . Theintroductory formula for each new year in the Hittite version is MU.IM.MAan-ni-ma in the following year 7. In his Ten-Year Annals Mursili II c. 1330) employs Mu-an-ni-ma and Mu.KAM-an-ni-ma regularly to markthe transition to the narration of a new year's events. In th e DetailedAnnals of Mursi li II , on the o th er h an d, t he formula is quite different:ma J Jan-ma lJameslJanza kisat but when it became spring, . . . 8.

3 .5 T he narration of th e king's exploits is carried ou t in the first personin th e Hittite version, th e same usage as is observed in t he lat er annalsof Tudhaliya, Arnuwanda, Mursili II and Hattusi l i III, as wel l as by th eearlier Anitta text, th e Ammuna text, an d t he Telepinu Proclamation.In contrast to this the Akkadian version is phrased in the third person,as is th e Siege of Ursu text [4.0J composed in Akkadian.

3.6 Within the framework of the regnal years the narrative assumesth e form of a military i t ine ra ry, including in proper sequence the foreigncities and lands visited by th e king and his army dur ing e ach yea r. Iwent on to the city of Zalpa an d sacked it . .. The n ex t y ea r [IJ wentto the city of Alalba and s acked i t. A ft erwa rds I went t o t he city of Warsuwa (= Ursu). From Warsuwa I went t o Ikakalis. From Ikaka liS Iwen t to Tasbiniya 2-4). The Hittite vocabulary employed in theitinerary is quite simple and prosaic paun Iwent ; lJarninkun Isacked )and is shared by almost all known Hittite military narratives.

Uc H. Cancik, ibid. 79-80.'7 A. Goetze in ]C S 16 (1962) 24ff. has suggested that this may representa Hittite scribe s misunderstanding of Sumerian MU.IM.MA (= Akkadian saddaqda theprevious year, last year ), thinking it to be equivalent to Akkadianana haIti in the following year , the formula employed in the Akkadian version of Hattusili's annals. so, the same mistake was not made in all copiesof the Hittite version, for KBo X 3 i 15 ( D ) has Mu-an-n[i-maJ just as Mursill II in his Ten-Year Annals. KBo IV 4 iv 42 A. Goetze, Die Annalen s Mursilis [MVAeG 38,1933J,henceforward AM 138-140); H. A. Hoffner, AlimentaHethaeorum (1974) 12.


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296 H. A. Hoffner The Hitt i tes 2973 .7 T he phraseology of the Hattusi l i I annals is by no means so ster

eotyped as the greater part of the Ten-Year Annals of Mursil i , bu t it resembles i n i ts greater variety of phraseology the lat ter s Detailed Annalsand of col. IV of KUB 26,71 d [8.2J). The author does not, forinstance, find it necessary in enumerating each victory to credit thedivine assistance in some s tock l ine such as t he gods ran before me andI smote th e e nemy . Rat he r, divine assistance i s descr ibed in severalways and rarely in th e same way twice. The Akkadian version at 5speaks of th e goddess placing the k ing o n h er lap 49. The Hittite versionis broken at t hi s p oi nt . T he g es tu re is protective, as can be seen from theAkkadian references cited by von Soden 60. t is known from only oneother Hi tt it e t ex t, the mythological tale of th e Fisherman and the Foundling CTH 363) 61, where its significance is also protective, if no t legitimizing 62. Hattusili s description of the deity running before him in battlei.e., aiding him) in 5 is shared by virtual ly a l l subsequent combat descriptions in Hittite. In 7 and 14 the Hit ti te version contains the phrasei n the midst of the lands the sun god dess) s tood (and aided me) . Bu tin th e one place where th e corresponding expression in th e Akkadian version is intact i t read s (the sun god stood) for the protection of th e lands 63or t o the rear of th e mountains 64. However it is resolved in detail,the expression is striking and apparently was no t subsequently employedby o ther wri te rs of military annals.

3.8 S ince a prime function of t he H i tt i te roya l anna ls was the commemoration of th e manly exploits, wisdom, and achievements of the kingon whi ch see further in [12.lJ), it is clearly important to not e how e ac hof th e various annalistic compositions presents th e royal person.

3.9 Foremost is the t i tu lary , which begins the inscription H gives :[Thus says) th e tabarJna, Hattusili , Great King, [king of th e land of HatJti,man of Kussar the brother s son of the tawananna , whi le A offer sonly the str ictly abbreviated: t he Great King, the tabarna [the brother s sonJ of the tawa[nanna] The tabarna is a dynastic title, probably of Hattic linguistic origin. Great King expresses the king s c la im

49 ana sunisu iskunsu, KBo X 1 obv. 13.60 AH w 1059, righthand col., near top, sub 1,c.61 KUB XXIV 7 iv 40; d H A. Hoffner, ]NES 27 1968) 201 with note 27.63 The phrase: (the deity) took me/him by the hand also occurs in 5 and 9. Mursi li II s Det ai le d Annal s KBo V 8 iii 41-42) has: numu dU

NIR.GAr, EN-IA SU-an Jarzi nasmu p iran Juyanza T he mighty s to rm god,my lord, holds my hand a nd runs before me , and the Apology of Hattusili,121: numu dISTAR GASAN-IA Su-za ISBAT Ishtar mv 1advy held me bythe hand . 63 ana ki


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298 H. A. Hoffner The Hittites 299claim to priority against a charg e of factual inaccuracy 58. The additionSargon indeed crossed it, bu t I a ls o) defeated the troops of Hahha wasin tended to rescue the king s boast. shows that even the e a rliest kingssought to affirm and defend the veracity of their s tatements in historicaltexts.

3 13 The Hattusi l i annals portray the king not o nl y a s f er oc io us andcourageous, bu t a ls o a s the saviour of the oppressed. Thu s i n 17 theking claims: I took the hands of the enemy k in g s ) s l av e g ir ls f r omth,= handmills, I took the hands o f h is s la ve men from the sickles. I exempted them from t axes and corvee. I unharnessed them. I bestowedthem on the temple of th e S un-goddess of Arinna, my lady . Annalsof other kings may present them as showing mercy on a foe who submits(Anitta 2), bu t no other casts i ts protagonist in the r ol e o f d el iv er er o foppressed subjects. That Hattusili I c on si de re d pity a n ec es sa ry r oy alcapacity i s s ee n in his Political Testament, 1 -2 , 1 6; d. [5.1J.

3 14 The c it ie s o f recalcitrant foes could expect only the direst offates. The c ity would be burned 19 with the smoke ascending to thestorm god, and/or the entire terrain surrounding the c it y, w he re c ro pswould normally be cultivated, would be sown with salt and/or cress Akkad.sa Jlu , d 6. In 6 no curse is mentioned accompanying the sowingof c re ss, although such s ow in g i s combined with a c ur se in Anitta text 11-12 d [2.7]). The w o rd in g o f the Akkadian ve rsion is obsc ure , bu tit probably indicates that t he land mus t never again be cultivated. Laterkings burned crops, bu t d id n ot sow th e landscape w it h s al t a nd cress.

3 15 The k in g as a p iou s servant of h is go ds is depicted as dedicatingth e more impressive items of booty t o t he temples of th e state deities soin 2-3, 6-7, 12-13, 17-18), who i n thi s text are the sun godde ss of Arinna,the storm g od of heaven, and the goddess Mezzulla.

3 16 Common in later annals are the de porte es S um. NAM.RA, Hitt.arnuwalas , which t he H it ti te king carries back to Hat tusa . They areconspicuously lacking i n t ex ts from this ear ly da te . A ls o m is si ng f r omth is text, bu t found commonly in later one s, is the permanent subjectionof foe s, the imposition of regular t r ibute , and troop levies.3 17 In sum t hi s t ex t, e nt it le d in i ts colophon t he manly d ee ds o fHattusi l i , a t tempts to glorify the Hi tt ite king by the recitation of histitles, the recounting of hi s military exploits, and the listing of h is manyg if ts of booty to the temples of the principal state deities. is veryboastful i n tone and more pre oc c upied with rhetoric t ha n t he better preserved examples of later annals. Credit is g iv en to th e g od s f or their as-

58 H. Candk, Mythische und historische Wahrheit 79-80.

sistance, bu t in the actual w o rd i ng o f th e description of batt les much lessprominence i s g iv en to the gods than, for e xample , in Mursili II or Hat-tusili II I texts. The king is no t quite so h el pl es s a p awn i n the handsof th e almighty gods; he is robust, active, and ready always to seize theinitiative. In Old Hittite ideology th e king s possession of moral integrity,wisdom, c oura ge , c ompa ssion, an d strength are primary. In th e Empireperiod divine e lec tion, patronage and a ssista nce a ssume d much mor e importance. The difference in outlook is particularly marked between thepolitical apologies of Telepinu and Hattusili III. See [9.0 ff.] and [13.0 ff.].On the other hand, s om e o f the differences between Hattusili I texts andlater o ne s a re more than likely due t o t he peculiar personality of Hattu-s il i I h im se lf , a man who left a d e ep i mp r es si o n on bo th his contemporariesand subsequent generations of his countrymen.

4 Another text dating from the r ei gn o f Hattusili which stre sse svividly the overwhelming superiority of the king to his lieutenants in wisdom, courage and strength, is th e account of the S ie ge o f Ursu 59. Thistext is classified in [18.1] under II . Preserved only i n an Akkad ian t rans -lation, it is narrated in the third person d 3.12) an d has a thoroughlysecular outlook. The storm god s name is invoked only in a c ur se . In nop la ce do the gods influence the c ou rs e o f e ve nt s .4 1 In this text too it is the batt le sc ene which se rve s to convey th eremarkable qualities of k in gl y leadership possessed by Hattusili. B utwhereas in the Hattusili annals the chronological scheme is very prominent,in th e Ursu text time seems t o s tand stock still. One can almost under-stand how the first sc holars t o s tu dy t hi s text confused its obverse withit s reverse. Fo r i n t erms of content alone one could almost interchangethem a t will with n o l os s in comprehension. The geographical and historical setting is ge nuine , and the s ie ge i ts el f i s no t fictitious. The king slieutenants bear names w hi ch a re known to us from other historical documen ts datab le to the r ei gn o f Hattusili I, so that they may be the sameindividuals 80. But we cannot know if prec ise ly these incidents and conversations took place during the c ou rs e o f the s ie ge o f U r su . appearsto be a ficti tious narrative e mb el li sh in g a r ea l event, intended to painta portrait of the wise, courageous, an d forc eful king, impatient with hisincompetent subordinates 81.

4 2 Since this text w as c om po s ed in the Akkadian language, onecannot compare it s phraseology with the language of the Hi tt i te historical

59 Edi ted by H G. Giiterbock, Z 44 1938) 113ff.80 S ee H . G. Giiterbock, ibid., and A. Ka=enhuber , Saeculum 9 1958139.81 One thinks of the Konigsnovelle genre, to which th e Sargonicnarrative T 310 a lso belongs.

Qrietalia - 21


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300 H. A. Hoffner The Hittites 301texts. Nevertheless, one can see that despite th e different language ofcomposition th e Ursu text is a real literary text with a style appropriateto such a tex t. Here there are no i tinerar ies , l is tings of boo ty , o r thelike. I ns tea d, as i n mos t l it era ry t ex ts , th er e is a superabundance ofdialogue. The language is calculated to express the intense emotions ofth e speakers. is very vivid 6S.

4 3 Attention has been drawn t o t he motif of failures or mistakesin this composition, a theme which it shares w it h o ther historical textsf rom this early period 63. While it is undeniable that this motif is present,one may properly ask if th e focus here is upon th e persons guilty of failureo r upon the king who detects and punishes th e failures. Surely it is th elatter (cf. [5.lJ). The culpr it s be ar names ( and they may be a ut he nt icones) , as in the Palace Chronicle, bu t they serve only as living evidenceof the exacting standards of loyalty, honesty, and obedience imposed bythe king upon his s er va nt s. T he s ame l es son s taught in the PoliticalTestament cf. [5.lJ) and the Palace Chronicle cf. [6.2J) where howevera uni fi ed historical setting such as th e Ursu siege is absent, leaving a loosecollection of anecdotes bound toge ther only by th e dating of the personsand events to th e lifetimes of Hattusili I and Mursili 1. So whereas inthe Manly Deeds of Hattusili the historical narrative was d rawn up w it hth e single purpose of glorifying the king, th e Siege of Ursu serves bo th theglorification of th e king and th e admonition of his servants. Neither textshows any t ra ce of a disinterested pursuit of knowledge about the past.

5 The Poli t ical Testament of Hattusili CTH 6 6 employs thetechnique of recounting events of t he p as t involving th e king i n o rder tojustify a royal decree, which will effect important changes i n t he government and t he society. s such it is th e prototype of the so-called historical prologues to t he H it ti te s ta te treaties of th e 14th and 13th centuries. Bu t i n f ac t we have seen (cf. [3.5J) that t he H it ti te s very earlyhad learned to employ no t only historical bu t legendary narrative to introduce and provide a rationale for th e main subject matter of t he tex t .This text, however, represents the ear lies t known example of an edi ct o rdec re e s o introduced. Lat er t he same t echn ique was app li ed w ith mo-

6S An example of this vivid style from the Siege of Ursu is when the kingangrily questions his officers: Why have you not launched the attack? Areyou standing on chariots of water? Did you also turn into water? Youacted very effeminately Last year Tudhaliya acted effeminately, and nowyou t oo have acted effeminately (KBo I 11 rev 10ff.).63 See H. G. Giiterbock, 44 (1938) 100, 104, 113; A. Kammenhuber,

Saeculum 9 (1958) 139. Ed it io n by F . Sommer and A. Falkenstein, Die hethitisch akkadischeBilingue des ljattuSili I (1938), henceforward H B

difications by Telepinu (cf. [9.2J) 66. This composit ion could be classifiedunder II I in the scheme of [18.1].

5 1 Bu t like th e Manly Deeds and the Siege of Ursu it too is inevitablyconcerned with the royal image. too is at pains to portray th e sovereignas wise, just, and even compassionate. In fact, th e royal ideal is as muchpor trayed in i t s rejec tion by t he unworthy sons and daughter 1-6, 12-18)as it is i n i ts exemplification by Hat tu si l i and his commands to Mursili 1.The events of t he p as t - th e conspiracies and rebellions - are no t arranged chronologically. The author is thus unconcerned with reconstructing temporal sequence. Nor does he (as a modern historian might)seek o ut t he causes for these revolts in external factors 66. The factorsand causes a re a ll inte rna l, r es ident in th e character of th e individual.The inte rna l characte r traits of th e individual actually resist the at temptsto foster r ight behaviour: I continued to give him instructions and caredfor him continually. Bu t he showed himself a youth not fit to be seen.Tea rs he did no t shed. Mercy he did no t show. He was cold; h e washeartless. This warning of th e k in g h e did no t take. The advice ofhis mother - that snake - he cont inua lly took 1-2 = 4-10) 87.In all three cases where persons were le d into misconduct by b ad advice(the young Labarna in 1-2, Huzzia in 12-13, the un-named daughterin 13-17, even th e woman Hes ti ar a i n 23) it was no t because bettercounsel was unavailable. In each case th e person chose to ignore th ewisdom of th e king in favor of th e foolish and evil advice of others 66. is f or this reason that th e king stresses to his servants that they raise theyoung king Mursili in th e wisdom of his royal prececessor 10).

5 2 Thus, while it is th e good and wise counsel of th e old ki ng o nwhich b ot h t he young crown prince a nd t he other government officialscan grow and develop into successful individuals, there is a certa in preinclination either to accep t o r r ej ec t th e king's word, which shows itselfin th e use of such t erms as snake to describe th e mother of Labarna 4 and l ion to describe the young Mursili 7; cf. [3.10J). Hence th efuture behaviour of Labarna was utterly predictable 4-5). And Hattusilicould say to Mursili: My son, what is i n you r heart - always do 22).5 3 The Political Testament of Hattusili a lso offers an a rt ic ul at ephilosophy of history and of state which resembles in all essentials that

66 A. Kammenhuber, Saeculum 9 (1958) l4lff.66 is true that in 12 the people of the town of TappaSsanda intimidatedthe young Huzziya and encouraged him to rebel against h is father, as it is truethat in 11 the elderly king issues a warning against allowing the town eldersof various locales to seek special favors f rom the young MurSili.67 F. Sommer and A. Falkenstein, H B 2 3.66 Thus are the passages cited i n not e 66 to be understood.


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302 H. A. Hoffner The Hitt i te s 303of th e Telepinu Proclamation cf. [9.0-6]). The conditions for a flourishingan d successful Hitt i te s tate an d monarchy are a thoroughly unified royalfamily ( le t your clan be united like that of a wetnas-animal an d 8-9in general compared with Tel. Procl. 1, 5, 8, 29), rejection of individualambitions con tr ary to the inter es ts of th e royal family as a whole 1112), conscientious following of th e wise counsel of th e king an d unswervingobedience to his decrees 19-21), and prompt punishment through properlegally established instruments such as th e pankus 69 of all misdeeds,especially bloodshed in th e roya l fami ly 22, with which compare Tel.Procl. 30-33).

5 .4 Ver y s imil ar in style a nd c ont en t t o t he Political Testament isa fragment of another Hattusili I edict CTH 5 = KBo I II 27 = BoTU

70. Several specific sentences i n t hi s fragment echo parts of th ePolitical Testament: 1 th e condemnation of th e seditious behaviour ofth e queen ( the Tawananna; lines 1 '- 12 ', t o b e compared with Pol . Test . 1-4), 2 th e rejection of th e former he ir apparent, th e young Labarna lines 13'-14', to be compared with Pol. Test . 3), 3 th e proclamationof Mursili as th e new heir apparent and crown prince designate lines 13'14' , compare Pol. Test. 7), (4) th e command t o mai nt ai n u ni ty in th eroyal clan lines 15'-16', compare Pol . Test . 8, where an animal otherthan th e wolf i s employed in t he simile), 5 swift punishment of t hosewho do no t obey th e royal de cre es l ines 8'-12', 16'-21', compare Pol.Test. 22). To be sure, however, there are certain marked differencesin phraseology. Both texts show th e vivid, bold imagery so characteristicof Hattusili I cf. [3.24] an d [4. 2]) - le t t hem cut his throat and hangh im in his gate lines 9'-12'), le t th e c la n o f y ou , my servants, be one- like that of a wolf lines 15'-16 ' ), (when) ye violate my word, thenin the fireplace ye will notfan th e f ir e, a nd ) a serpent shall coil itself aroundth e c it y o f Hattusa lines 24'-27'). The s ame l inking of obedience toth e king's wise words to th e prosperity of th e k ingdom which one findsin Pol . Test . 21 is found here lines 22' ff.). The admonitory examplesf rom history, which in Pol . T es t. a re l ar ge ly i nd iv idual membe rs of th eroyal family, here include c it ies as well: Zalpa an d Hassu lines 28'-31'),on which also cf. [2.3].

6.0 At least one exempla r (KUB XXXVI 104 D) of th e so-called Palace Chronicle CTH 8) ha s th e o ld h andw ri ti ng . T he l an gu ag e o f

19 On th e p n u ~ see A. Goetze G. Walser editor), Neuere Hethiter-forschung 1964) 25ff. with citation of earlier literature.70 See H. G. Giiterbock, ZA 44 1938) 99; F. Sommer HAB 211ff.;H. G. Giiterbock, Journal of World History 2 1954) 3 84 ; and M. Vieyra R. Labat editor), Religions du Proche Orient 1970) 471.

th e composition throughout is Old Hittite, so that a date for th e originalwriting around t he e nd of th e 17th century B.C. using th e Middle Chronology adopted for th e Cambridge Ancient History c an no t b e challenged.The find spots of only th e more recent ly excavated tablets a re known .A ll o f them come from th e dumps of ear l ie r excavat ions at th e House onth e Slope (quadrant Lj18). Two other pieces, which may belong to thiscomposition (KBo VIII 41 an d 42) were found in 1954 on th e acropolis.Found i n secondary locations, both pieces undoubtedly came originallyf rom Building A.

6.1 The Palace Chronicle is really no t a c hronic le, since it doesno t seek to arrange a l l events rela ted there in strictly chronologically. is a l oo se ly organized col lect ion of anecdotes concerning officials of th eHittite king see [18.1], III). Most of th e stories take place in th e reignof t he f at he r of th e king , probably Hattusili I cf. [2.5]), which fixesth e time of composition i n t he reign of Mursili 1. The dating is determinedb y t he occurrence i n t he text of names of officials known f rom other documents relating t o t he reigns of Hattusili I an d Mursili II : Sanda, Nunnu,KuliaitjKulet, Zidi, an d Histaiar(a).

6.2 Some o f th e anecdotes (grouped together toward th e end of th ecomposition) are quite uncomplimentary to th e officials involved and showhow th e king punished dishonesty an d incompetence among his underlings.This is, of course, th e same manner of portraying the roya l person whichwe saw in th e narrative of th e Siege of Ursu cf. [4.3]) and less pronouncedin the Political Testament of Hattusili cf. [5.1] and [5.2]). The samekind of anecdote is employed i n t he New Kingdom occasionally in vassalt rea ties . Preserving th e feature of th e roya l fury seen so clearly in th eSiege of Ursu is a story found in an instructions text about a water-carrierwhose negligence resulted in a hair getting into th e royal drinking water 71.There is a certa in grim humor i n t he coincidence that th e culprit, provenguilty by a r iver ordeal, bears th e name of a w el l known Hittite river an dit s god - Zuliya

6 .3 L ike th e Siege o f U rs u th e Palace C hr on ic le i s a purely seculardocument, which no t once betrays a genuine religiosity or a ny h in t thatth e gods might opera te as forces behind events cf. [4.0]). The narrativeis couched in a detached language w it h t he n ar ra to r i n no way involved(third person narrative throughout).

7.0 Certain f ragments rela tive to Mursili s expedition against Babylon CTH 10), which Kammenhuber classes as Old Hittite chronicle

71 H. G. Giiterbock, ZA 44 1938) 1OOff.; A. Kammenhuber, Saeculum9 1958) 1 39 .71 KUB XIII 3 21ff., translated by Friedrich, MAOG 4 1928) 46ff.,and A. Goetze, ANET 207


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304 H. A. HoHner The Hittites 305literature , have been known for quite a while:. In 1969 a duplicate toone of these pieces TH 10.2) was recovered from th e dumps of earlierexcavations i n t he Big Temple (quadrant Kjl9 of the Lower City) 78. Noneof the fragments which comprise this composition is i n t he old writing;each gives every indication of being a late copy.

7 1 TH 10.1 and TH 11 are quite similar in content. They relatei n t he t hir d person the more important military exploits of Mursili andthen proceed to tell of his assassination. They praise Mursili and considerhim the equal of h is i llust rious predecessor : H e too was a f ir st -ra nk[kingJ 74. TH 11.A (KBo II I 57) may have been a Sammeltalel containing in col. II I a f ir st person narrative of th e reign of Hanti li , and inthe first two columns, accounts of the reigns of his predecessors 7fi. Notto be excluded, however, is the possibility t ha t i t was one continuous newcomposition which, like the Tel. Prod., used older sources. I n t he l at te rcase, the outlook throughout would h av e t o h av e been uniform, a single,coherent v iew of events over several kings reigns.

7.2 But TH10.2 differs from TH10.1 and TH11, in that it makesextensive use of f ir st person plural verb forms. One is reminded of TH17.1 (KBo II I 60), col. III, where the narrative also unfolds in first personplural verbs. t too deals with campaigns of Mur si li I in Syr ia . Alsoin first person plural narrative, bu t not dealing with mili tary matters ,is the merchants tale BoT 49+2007ju+ll60jc from acropolis Building A (with duplicate KBo XI I 42 from the House on the Slope) 78. Manydeta ils of the interpretation of TH 17.1 remain obscure. But i ts pertinence to TH 10.2 should be carefully weighed, and that of TH 1 1to TH 10.2 questioned.

7.3 A join piece to exemplar B of TH 13, which deals with Mursil i s wars against th e Hurrians, was recovered in 1963 from th e dumpsof the earlier excavation i n t he area of the Big Temple in the Lower City 71.This means that at least one copy of this composition was kept in th e sametablet collection as th e Zalpa Story TH 3.1 and 3.4), the narrative ofMursili s wars against Babylon TH10.2), the narratives about Yarimlim,

78 KBo XXII 7 was found in the Grabungsschut t . H. A. Hoffnerattempted to interpret this piece and the older duplicate in H. Goedicke and]. Roberts (editors), Uni ty and Diversity (Baltimore-London 1975 56H.74 KUB XXVI 74 i 7-8; KBo II I 57 ii 5. Thi s phr as e and the generalsty le of CTH 10 were consciously imitated many centuries later by Hat tu sill II I in his historical review, a fragment of which is preserved in KUB XXI24 and KBo XXII 11 d CTH 84 .71 So claimed by A. Kammenhuber, Saeculum 9 1958 143 note 37, secondparagraph.78 See edition of two published pieces by H. HoHner in ]C S 22 1968pp. 34H.77 KBo XIX 90 (inventory number 662/v).

Atradu and Hammurapi TH 14.1, 14.2, 14.4A), and copies Band F ofthe Telepinu Proclamation TH 19), al l of whi ch are historical textsfrom originals i n t he Old Hittite per iod. Cf. [1.10-11J. None of the copiesof TH 13 shows the Old Hittite writing, although the l anguage i s OldHittite.

7.4 TH 13 unlike TH 10 and 11 is narrated by Mursili himself inthe first person singular, which suggests that the text may be ann al s (cf.above in [3.5J and below in [8.0J). At least the narration is pu t into themouth of the king himself. t is therefore an unlikely candidate for Kammenhuber s chronicle literature 78.

7.5 The passage of time is indicated at several points by t he notationthat someone (always third person, therefore no t Mursili 8 passed thewinter (obv. 36, rev . 26 in a certain area. There are no formulas suchas i n t he next year , which sometimes marks the annalistic style.

7.6 Once in a broken passage (rev. 2 ) the father of the king i s mentioned. This may hav e been Forrer s reason for considering that sideof the tablet the obverse 80. For if th e composition attempts a vaguelychronological scheme, the activities of Hattusili I (or narrative whichinvolves him) should be found near th e beginning.

8.0 The Ammuna Chronicle TH 18 81 is preserved in three copies,non e of whi ch shows the old handwriting. Find spots are not knownfor any of the pieces. The narrative is introduced b y th e phrase thus(says) Ammuna, th e Great K in g , a nd wha t follows in col. I of copy Ais narrated in th e first person (cf. [3.5J, [7.4J). Columns II and II I of Aare broken away. Column IV has one clear example of the king s activitynarrated i n t he thi rd per son ( iv 14). Because of the loss of the interveningtwo columns, one cannot be sure th e material in col. IV is part of th e sameAmmuna text which began in col. I

8.1 The text is important for the reconstruction of Hittite history,because it presents quite a different picture of Ammuna, whom the Te-

78 So attributed by her Saeculum 9 [1958] 143 as di e vermutlich allezur Chronikliteratur gehorigen Fragmente, die Laroche in: RH 58, S. 35 H.unter Nr. 10-14 anfiihrt . CTH 13 Cat. 12 and therefore is included inNr. 10-14 .78 Unless, of course , we have here evidence for a conflat ion of sources.In composing the annals in the first person, older itineraries drawn uJ? in thethird person could have been used. One would need the full context orderto be sure that the king himself was the subject of these third person verbforms.80 BoTU, p. 30.81 See Kammenhuber, Saeculum 9 (1958) 143, end of note 37; edi tion ofthe rev ., col. iv, by von Schuler, Die Kaskii,er 1965 185H. Kammenhuberavoids classifying t as a chronicle, preferring Se1bstbericht dieses Konigs .She also doubts that it can be considered a predecessor of the annals texts ofthe Empire Period.


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306 H. A. Hoffner The Hittites 307lepinu Proclamation portrays as the b ad luck king d [9.5J). Nothingin the Ammuna Chronicle suggests any lack of piety on the king s part;nothing suggests that h is rei gn was marked by failures. And i f co l. IVof KUB XXVI 71 belongs to the same composi t ion as col. I, the narrativethere even suggests that Ammuna s lieutenants exercised con tr ol ove rareas to the north and north-east of th e capital which l ay i n the heart ofareas ( such a s T ib iya) which were later controlled by the troublesomeKaska tribes. In fact the narrator in col. IV claims that t he k ing madethe sea (his) border 81, an expression quite similar to one used in the Telepinu Proclamation to describe the highly successful reigns of Labarnaand Hattus il i 1 88

8.2 The style of th is text, which is quite s imi lar to annals, is markednot only by first person narration, bu t also by indication of time sequenceby in that very same year i 22 ) in the second year (iv 10 ), and[i n the thirJd [year] (iv 14 ). In the preserved parts of t he t ex t thereseem to be no stereotyped phrases to describe the divine assistance orindications of bringing boo ty back home to the temples in Hattusa d[3.7]). The element of bravado i s defin itely missing (contrast [3.12-17]).The s ense o f temporal sequence, the full data on geographical point s inthe king s and his officials itineraries, th e inc lus ion of persona l namesand pertinent details about the activities of the king s lieutenants combineto give the impre ss ion o f a highly competent historiographic technique.In fact the inclusion (in column IV) of rather full descriptions of the miss ions of the subordinates (not the anecdotal accounts of failures or successes with admonitory overtones) indicates that Old Hittite texts suchas this one long anticipated much of tht best in the annals style of Mur sili I I. W hat seems not to appear unti l Mursili is Cancik s Metaschicht

9.0 The Telepinu Proclamation TH 19 86, a literary product of thelate Old Kingdom (c. 1500), has been preserved i n a n Akkad ia n versionand nine exemplars of the Hi tt i te version, of which two (B and F) werefound in the area of the Great Temple i n th e Lower City, and three (A,G, H) in the area of th e House on the Slope. The account of Telepinu scampaign against the land of Lahha TH 20), which is composed in th efirst person, was also recovered in the area of the House on the Slope, while

81 I,UGAL-US a ru na an ar ha an I BAT (2BoTU 30 rev iv 14 );83 nu us a ru na as ir lJu us i e et (2BoTU 23A i 8, etc.). H. Cancik, Grundziige 35ff.86 Old edition of Sturtevant Bechtel, Hittite hrestomathy 1935 175ff.based upon texts assembled by Forrer in BoTU 23. An unpublished Munichdissertation by Eiser1e, which attempts a new edi ti on , was no t available tome here in Chicago. Cf. Kammenhuber, Saeculum 9 (1958) pp. 142 and 144,O. R. Gurney in CAHI fasc. 44, pp. 3-10.

II

,,

one copy of that king s treaty with ISputahsu of Kizzuwatna was recoveredin th e area of the Great Temple. No records pertaining to this king sreign therefore have ye t been determined to come from the acropolis archives.

9.1 The language of the Telepinu Proclamation is not so archaic asthat of compositions from the re igns of Hattusili I and Mursili I. Of thevarious exemplars, B seems to show a more archa ic language . This copy 88,which was f ound in the Great Temple area, i s n ot , however, in the oldhandwriting.

9.2 The f orm of the document is that of a decr ee or edict. The introductory formula thus (says) the Tabarna, Telepinu, t he G re at K in gis not in itself evidence for the decree form. The Ammuna Chronicled. 8.0) began thus (says) Ammuna, the Great K ing . What clearly

marks it as a decree is it s final sections 27-50), which reveal that thef ir st 26 sec ti ons const itute in f ac t an unusual ly long historica l prologueto the decree proper. From the documents of the earlier Old Kingdomwe have seen that legendary traditions could serve as an explanatory prologue to historical narrative d [3.5J). We have seen that the first at tempt to use a rehearsal of previous events to provide a background fora dec re e was in the Political Testament of Hattusili d. [5.0J). But t heorganization of that text is such that the historical reminiscences (whichhave the anecdotal f lavor) a re i nt erming led w ith the king s commandsand admonitions to his subjects, thus failing to show t he n ea t sequenceof historical prologue followed by decree which is found for the first timein Telepinu and then becomes a regular feature of the state treaties duringthe reigns of Suppiluliuma I and his successors.

9.3 I have attempted elsewhere to show that the Telepinu Proclamation exhibits the same broad outline in its historical section as theApology of Hattusili II I 87. Both texts were authored by usurpers concerned with justifying their accessions. Both chose to do so through arehearsal of events which stretch back far beyond the r ei gn o f the kingwhom each overthrew. Each seeks to show that he belongs to a line oflegitimate and successful remote predecessors, whose principles were betrayed by the k ing whom th e usurper-author removed. Both texts conclude with decrees. To be sure the re are differences between the twocompositions. Hattusili II I rests his defense no t only on the unworthinessof his predecessor ( the horizontal plane) and the dangers which this unworthiness posed for th e kingdom, bu t also on his election from childhood

88 KBo XIX 96+KUB XI l87 In Goedicke Roberts (eds.), Unity and Diversity 51ff.


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308 H. A. Hoffner The Hittites 309by Ish ta r of ~ a m u h a who by her divine power ( the key term: para lJandandatar and control over the events of history brings about th e downfallof Urhitesub an d the passage of power to Hattusi l i (the vertical plane).Telepinu, on the contrary, attributes his rise to power to no patron deity.A t b es t he sees divine disapproval 88 of the widespread bloodshed i n t heroyal family attending the r ei gns o f h is immediate predecessors, a factori n t he ir ineffectiveness an d the disasters which attended their period ofrule 12-22, 27). One could say that th e Te1epinu Proclamation shareswith mos t Old Hittite historical texts a more s ecul ar outlook than mostof th e analogous New Kingdom texts.

9 4 The Te1epinu Proclamation represents the clearest example fromthe Old Kingdom of an attempt to s how a pattern in a somewhat lengthyperiod of past ev ent s. Th e temporal sequence is evident i n t he successionof r eig ns f rom Labarna through Huzziya. Bu t as a rule only generalstatements are made about successes and failures. When occasionallya particular datable historical event (such as Mursili's expeditions againstAleppo, Babylon, and the Hurrians) is included, it is thought that th eauthor has drawn upon a written source such as CTH 10 an d 11 d. abovein [7.0J-[7.2J). His d eb t t o earlier written sources i s evident at manypoints in phrases which he has l i f ted almos t verbatim from earlier historicaldocuments. In BoTU 30, Col. IV CTH 18; [8.0J-[8.2J) he f ound th ephrase he held the sea(-coast) as (his) border .

9 5 The Telepinu Proclamation is the only example known from Hit-tite historical literature of a text which establishes one o r two criteria formeasuring the success of kings and then relates a long ser ie s of reigns toillustrate the point. Such a text from Mesopotamia is th e Weidner Chronicle. From ancient Israel we know of the work of the so-called Deuter-onomic history . is often the case in such works that evidence is dis torted or even invented in order to save th e theory. For thi s reason Hit-titologists have long distrusted the historical sec tions of th e TelepinuProclamation. For s ome p er io ds of O ld Kingdom history it is our onlysource of information. Then we have no alternative bu t to use it. Bu twhen there are other historical sources , one avoids drawing conclusionsbased exclusively on information from t hi s t ex t.

1 F or t he reigns of Telepinu s immediate successors, A1luwamna,Hantili II , Zidanza II and Huzziya II there is very l i tt le historical documentation. Under CTH 23 Laroche groups three fragments which men-

88 Then the gods avenged th e blood of 19 i 66ff.; 20, i 69ff.);even the men of th e gods Hunan a n t u ~ s i s s a are saying: Behold in a t t u ~ abloodshed has become widespread 27, 32ff.). C. H. A. Hoffner inGoedicke Roberts, Unity 53.

t ion an A1luwamna. CTH 25 is a treaty of a Hittite king named Zidanzawith Pil liya, king of Kizzuwatna . Adherents to th e short chronologiesof Hittite history assign this t re at y t o Zidanza I , th e father of Ammuna,who killed Piseni, Hanteli s son and heir, and became king after Hanteli 1.c. 1565-1555) 80. Adherents to th e longer chronology, who tend to givemore credence to the native historical tradition of kings between Telepinuan d ~ u p p i l u l i u m a I, consider the chronological sequence of Kizzuwatnatreaties (and thus the sequence of Kizzuwatna rulers) to be ISputahsu,Pilliya, Paddatissu, ~ u n a s s u r a thus assigning the Pilliya t rea ty to a secondZidanza c. 1480-1470) 00. S ince none o f these ear ly Kizzuwatna treatiescontain historical prologues, there exists no historiography for the kingsbetween Telepinu an d Tudhaliya II c. 1460-1440).

1 1 The attribution of historical texts to the period between Tudha-liya II and ~ u p p i l u l i u m a I is subject to 'the controversy which presentlyexists over th e use o f certain linguistic and t o a lesse r extent paleographiccriteria to date te xts t o t he 15th cen tu ry . O tt en , Giiterbock, Carruba,Houwink ten Cate and others have sought to establish the linguistic charac-teristics of this stage i n t he developing Hittite language, which they callMiddle Hittite 91. The ir mos t vocal opponent is Kammenhuber, whoviews the mixture of o lder forms with younger in such texts as s igns ofconscious archaizing which took place at the very end of the New Kingdom( la st dec ades o f t he 12 th century) 02. Laroche has adopted a mediatingposition in CTH grouping th e historical t ex ts w ri tt en i n this languagetogether under the heading texts of uncertain date CTH 131-147 .These texts include inter alia annals of a king Tudhaliya CTH 142) au dof a king Arnuwanda CTH 143), which may per ta in to Tudha liya II andArnuwanda 1.Since compositions i n w ha t we may surely call an annal is ti c s ty lewere made during the Old Kingdom itself by Hattusi l i I there is only thelinguistic controversy to hinder the full acceptance of these annals a s b e-longing to Tudhaliya II and Arnuwanda 1. Houwink ten Cate an d Gurneyhave t ri ed to show that the historical data contained in these annals andin the Madduwatta and Mita texts f it wel l into the larger historical picture

80 H. Ott en , JC S 5 (1951) 129ff.00 H. G. Giiterbock, CHM 2 (1954) 385, n. 17; B. Landsberger, JC S 8(1954) 19 n. 49; A. Goetze, JC S 11 (1957) 72ff.; O. R. Gurney in CAH2 fasc. 44(1966) 5 14-15.91 O. Carruba, Die Sprache 12 (1966) 79.; H. ~ ~ t e n S t ~ o T 11 (1969);Ph. H. J. Houwink ten Cate, Records of the Early Hzttzte Empzre (1962). Myposition is outlined in JNES 31 (1972) 29-35.01 KZ 83 (1969) 256ff.; Or 38 (1969) 548ff.; MSS28 (1970) 51ff.; 29(1971)75ff. And cf. now THeth 9.


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310 H. A. Hoffner The Hittites in both Anato li a and Syr ia of the 15th century 93. Too l it tl e of thesec ompositions is preserved to allow the kind of detailed stylistic analysisthat i s p os si bl e f or the Annals of Hattusili I or the two annalistic worksof Mursili II d below in [12.1J and following). But it can be s aid thatth e style i s m or e similar t o t he later Mursili annals than t o t he earlier Hattusili I o nes .

1 2 In form the Madduwatta text 94 r es em bl es a very long treatyprologue without the body of stipulations which follow. differs fromth e treaty prologues in the a bs en ce o f the introductory formula and titulary: Thus s ays ) M y Sun, roya l na me ), Great King, K ing of Hatti,beloved of the Storm God, son o f r oy al name and titles) .

1 3 Temporal s eq ue nc e is observed bu t no t assigned to individualy ear s. Si nce the addressee, Madduwatta, w ho is a ls o the principal subjectof the narrative, is an older contemporary, the present Hittite king firstnarrates Madduwatta s dealings with the previous Hittite king 1-5,8-15), and summarizes t he t re at y obligations imposed upon Madduwattaat that time 6-7). These obliga tions he a cc use s Madduwatta of breaking. In 1958 Kammenhuber wrote of the Madduwatta text: Die eigenartige Anklageschrift gegen Madduwatta gehort hingegen n icht zurGeschichtsschreibung, sondern kann e he r a ls Ersatz fiir einen dank derdamaligen S ch w ac he d es Hethiterkonigs nicht mehr moglichen Staatsvertrag angesehen werden 95. Such a statement rests upon chronologicaland historical premises whichare no longer accepted by most Hittitologists.Excluding the question of t he d at e of the c omposition, one must s ti ll a skif the re hea rsal of events in argumentation, whether they be found in annals, treaty prologues, le tters , or elsewhere, is not ent it led to the designation Ge sc hic htsschreibung. One may deem such a narrative tendentious,propagandistic or l imited in scope, all o f w h ic h the Madduwatta text undeniably is. Bu t it is a ls o history-writing of a very util i tar ian sort suchas w as practised b y th e Hittites from the very beginnings to th e end oftheir kingdom.

1 4 Such historical prologues, whether they introduced decrees ortreaties, tended to e mploy first and second person verb forms and pronounsto a much greater degree than other f or ms o f historiographic literature.In the c as e o f the annals and chronicle literature, on the contrary, therew er e n o a dd re ss ee s, the re fore no second person forms.

93 Ph. H. J. Houwink ten Cate, Records 57ff.; O. R . G ur ne y in CAHIvol. II, chap. xv fasc. 44).94 KUB XIV 1+KBo XIX 38; older edition: A. Gotze, MVAeG 32 1928);newer study by H . O tt en , StBoT 11 1969).95 Saeculum 9 144.

11 Historical prologues to proper state treaties exist for the reignsof ~ u p p i l u l i u m I, Mursili II , Muwatalli, Hattusili III, Tudhaliya IV,and ~ u p p i l u l i u m II . In addition d ecr ee s or e di ct s) f ro m the r ei gn o fHattusili II I occasionally have historical prologues 96, as do some of theroyal prayers from this period 97. As noted above, these r e he ar sa ls o fevents are extremely tendentious . The treaty prologues are at pains toportray the beneficence and w is do m o f Hittite imperial fore ign polic y.One must read between the lines and penetrate behind the fa


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312 H. A. Hoffner The Hittites 313cipal actors, the causes or at least occasions of armed conflict, the politicalwisdom, military skill , justice, mercy, an d cultic piety of the Hi tt i te king,Cancik has demonstrated by his close analysis of the historical compositionsof Mursili II and Hattusi l i II I that the historiographic literary techniquereached its acme during the l at e 14 th a nd 13 th centuries. I t i s impossible to prove anything conclusive about the organization of either theDeeds o f ~ u p p i l u l i u m a or Mursili s Detailed Annals, since both of thesecompositions contain large gaps, a nd i n the former case it is not certainhow one should o rder the fragments. Without a complete connectedtext, and especially without a preserved beginning and end, one cannotproper ly ana lyze a literary composition as to i ts s tructure. Realizingthis, Cancik has used the Ten-Year Annals of Mur sili, whi ch is almostcomple te ly preserved, as his starting point. Reaching certain preliminaryconclusions about the Ten-Year Annals, he then seeks to render plausibleth e same s tructure and technique for the others. Fundamental to theorganization of the Ten-Year Annals, according to Cancik i s a p ro logue,an epilogue which consciously resumes the prologue, and a symmetricalcentral section bisected by a Binnenschluss (internal conclusion). Withinthe central section episodes of two types al ternate: 1) terse, report-likenarratives ( Berichte ) of KaSka campaigns , an d 2 ) more literary descriptions ( Geschichten ) of the protracted Arzawa war and o th er mat ters. In the la tter one finds extensive use of speeches, letters, speculationsabout hypothetical courses of act ion e ithe r by the k in g o r his opponent,portrayal of simultaneous happenings in different locations; in the formeronly stereotyped formu la s. Canci k thinks that this alternation is a conscious literary technique, which proves that Mursili s Ten Yea r Annalswere th e end-product of an editorial process of selection and arrangementof narrative material fr om a larger corpus of written records.

2 3 The Ten-Year Annals certainly represents a unified composition.The epilogue was clearly already in view, as the prologue was being written. Each presupposes the other. One cannot avoid the conclusion thatt he autho r has been selective, for he informs his audience in the epilogue:Th e enemy lands which the king s sons and the lords conquered are no tincluded (here) 42). Furthermore, it i s obvious that the corpus ofwritten records of Mursili s campaigns included at least that extra materialwhich appears in the Detailed Annals. I t does no t seem to me that therewas an interna l conclusion ( Binnenschluss ) at the end of year four 27). The end of year f ou r is not described differently from th e endsof other years, nor does year five 28) begin remarkably diffe rent ly . Sofar as I can see, the central sec tion is a seamless whole . What differencesi n s ty le exi st between th e alternating sections are minimal and could beoutgrowths of the content. A question should be raised: What are the

boundaries of the alternating units? Cancik s f irst stereotyped sectioncomprises two regnal years 7-11). When only two types of narrativeare distinguished, it is a simple matter to argue that they alternate ,even if the types of paragraphs are represented schematically as AABABBAAAABAA.

2 4 As in the Old Kingdom annals of Hattusili [3.8.J, the portrayalof the royal person i s o f paramount importance. I f there is any remarkabledifference between the Mursili II annals and the predecessors in th is regard,it is probably an increased tendency on t he p ar t of the royal author tovindicate h imse lf . Mursi li s eems a lways to be defending himse lf againstr ea l o r imagined accusations. At the outset of both th e Ten-Year an dthe Detailed Annals he seeks t o counter the charge of t he enemy landsthat h e is too young and too weak to fil l his father s shoes. Again i n yea rthree Mursili takes cognizance of insul ts a imed at himself by Uhhazitiof Arzawa: You have continually called me a ch ild and have continual lybeli t tled me 100. Other texts from the reign of Mursi li II show how hisego at times was greatly threatened (Mursili s Speech Loss) 101. Theyalso show how he sought in the s in s of h is father the causes for the plaguewhich ravaged his kingdom (Plague Prayers), thus seeking to show thatth e plague d id not come through any sin of his own. One should thereforeexpect from such a king annals which vigorously seek to prove his manliness and piety.

2 5 The king s manliness is to be proven by th e accounts o f h is mil itary successes. His p ie ty c an be p ro ven i n seve ra l ways. AlthoughHittite annals are p rimari ly l imit ed in the ir s ub ject -mat te r to the k ing smilitary activities, Mursili s include occasional allusions to the king s celebration of festivals 101 and his pious observance of the prescribed funeralr it es for h is brother ~ a r r i k u s u h i y a s s i l i lOS. The measure of h is standingbefore th e gods could also b e measured b y th e appeal to make a g iv enbattle show by i ts outcome the judgment of the deity (i.e. , a kind of o rdeal by batt le) 104. Later, Hattusili II I was to appeal likewise to the godsgranting of victory over his opponents as a sign of the essential justnessof his cause d [13.0J) 105. There is, however , no evi denc e for the em-

100 KBo II I 4 obv ii 12f. M 46-47).101 See the psychological insights in the discussion of A. L. Oppenheim,The Interpretation of Dreams in the ncient Nea r Eas t (Philadelphia 1956),230ff. See Laroche , CTH 486.101 KBo II I 4 i 21 M 20), i i 48 M 58-60), KUB XIX 30 iv 12-13 M 104-5), etc.103 KBo IV 4 i 6ff. M 108ff.).104 KBo II I 4 ii 13-14 M 45-6), KUB XIV 17 iii 18-19 M 97 99 .105 Hatt II I 71-73.


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316 H. A. Hoffner The Hit t ites 317history-writing which sees events linked in a horizontal level b y t he principles o f cause and effect; d. [17.14]. t is true that no Hittite historicaltext ever approached this latter conception of history in i ts p ur e form.Bu t i n mos t texts there is at least a mixture of horizontal level causalityand vertical i.e., direct divine intervention). In this text every importantevent is caused by the goddess Ishtar of ~ a m u h a , who is Hattusili spatron deity. She br ings a ll th ings about by that power known to th eHittites as para Jandandatar d above in [12.8]). there is any causalityon t he human level, it c on si st s m er el y of o ne or more p erso ns incurringth e d ivin e favo r or disfavor and thus influencing th e use of the goddesspara Jandandatar. Because I was indued with the goddess s) para Jan-dandatar, and b ec au se I walked before the gods in para Jandandatar .wrote Hattusi l i, I never committed the e vi l deed s) of mankind m. t is probably too much to assume that all k ing s even o f the New Kingdom)were privileged to enjoy this endowment o f d ivin e p ower. Fo r only Hattus il i makes such c la im s. M ur si li II saw this power unleashed on hisbehalf o n ly rarely on the battle-field. We have n o i nk li ng a s to how ahuman b ei ng o r even a k in g) came to secure the p o wer from the deity.Even o f h imself Hattusili m ak es n o statement that he earned thi s power.No sp ecial o bed ien ce o r cul ti c observances secured it for hi m. t wasstrictly of th e divine initiative and grace. Ishtar chose him as a childand vouchsafed to h im her p ro tect ion and constan t solicitude.

3 2 Although such a view of history is th e very antithesis of theconceptions held by modern western historians, the o rig in s o f wh ich v iewsare usually traced back t o th e Greeks, we mus t in all fairness admit thatit is a view of history, and t ha t i t seems to have been entertained _at leas t in varying d eg rees - by many Hittite authors of historiographicdocuments. Perhaps the Hattusili II I ap olo gy is the most extreme caseof this outlook, b ut i t is by no means the only composition influenced bythis view.

3 3 Although th e Apology is the most celebrated historical documentfrom the reig n o f Hattusili III, it is by no means the only such attemptedby this king. Under TH 82 Laroche groups two large fragments, whichhe thinks are a part of this king s annals. Bu t of much greater significancear e the large fragments which remain of a quite lengthy historical reviewof the r ei gn s of ~ u p p i l u l i u m a I , Arnuwanda, Mursili II , Muwatalli, Urhitesub and Hattusili II I TH 83). To thi s composition may also belongth e additional fragments KBo XXII 10, and 36 . S ig ni fi ca nt portionsof this co mp o sition were first p ieced together by K. Riemschneider in J S

Hatt. 46ff.

16 1962) 110ff. M os t of the subsequent joins and discoveries of duplicateshave been duly noted in TH 83. t only remains to indicate that KBoXI I 44 seems to supply th e lefthand s id e of column IV of KUB XIX 8.Various factors militate against an indirect join of the two pieces, bu tthey are almost certainly duplicates and w it h a very similar dispositionof the words on the table t l in es . I w as a ls o p ri vi le ge d to discover amongProf. Otten s dict ionary cards of unpublished fragments in 1972 a smallfragment of a duplicate of KUB XIX 9 , w hi ch c ar ri es the number 75l/v .

3 4 B ecause o f th e as ye t incomplete reconstruction of this composition it is perhaps premature to attempt any detailed analysis. Bu t afew remarks are nevertheless appropriate. Since th e account stretchesback over the reigns of five predecessors, it represents th e most ambitiousa tt empt a t extended h isto rical rev iew since th e Telepinu Proclamation.Hattusili, ignoring the real patron d ei ti es of h is r oy al p re de ce ss or s, att r ibutes their mili tary successes i n eve ry case to h is o wn patron goddess,the Ishtar of the city of ~ m u h Although th e technical term paraJandandatar o n wh ichd above in [12.8] an d [13.1]) has no t yet been identified in th e fragments of this composition, the idea is definitely present,and the deity who p erfo rms spectacular miracles in the field o f battle isHattusili s goddess, Ishtar of ~ m u h d KUB XXXI 20+KBo XVI36+Bo 5768, col. III; J S 16, 110.). Without th e all-important beginning and end of this composition we canno t s ay to wha t exten t the entirereview was motivated by a d es ir e to attribute to Hattusi l i s patron deitythe entire success of the Hi tt i te empire. Bu t it is altogether likely.

3 5 To the reig n o f the last known Hittite king, ~ u p p i l u l i y a m a ~ u p -piluliuma II) belongs that remarkable text discussed above in [1.9]. tis apparently a Hittite translation on a clay tablet of two hieroglyphicinscriptions, which describe the military ex plo its o f the last two Hittitekings, Tudhaliya IV and ~ u p p i l u l i y a m a . Although th e narrative materialin col. I pertains to Tudhaliya IV a nd that in col. II I to ~ u p p i l u l i y a m a ,we are told explicitly that both accounts were d rawn up by th e la tte r li 11-16), so the style is the same. They are both accounts of campaignsagainst Cyprus. Whether or no t the Tudhaliya statue inscription originally contained manly deeds additional to the AlaSiya campaign, allthat is preserved of this translation or report on KBo XI I 38 is th e Cyprusevents. So both are narrations of sing le campaigns of t he t ype alludedto in my classification in [18.1] under section II . Although much is lostin the lacunae, so that one must be cautious about arguing from apparently missing features, it should be noted that no example of th e stereotypeddivine assistance clau se is p reserv ed. Narration is in the first person.Allocation of th e tribute of the conquered land among th e temples of th ef ou r p ri nc i pa l g od s of Hatti is absolutely equal i 13-20).


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110 H. G. Giiterbock, ]NES 26 1967 78-79.m Grundzuge 8m Nicely formulated in Deuteronomy 4:2 and 12:32. The s ame i deais conveyed in Hittite legal t ex ts by the use of the verb waonu to change,alter (the words of command) , discussed above in [2.7], in footnotes 36-37and by Neu in StBoT 18, 76. A few selected examples may be helpful: Who :ever alters one word of th is tablet KBo IV 10 rev. 26; f the king gives instructions to any of you, and he (theking s servant) alters the king s word andspeaks another word KUB XXI 42 iv 7f. (from an instructions text); and theinteresting description of th e ideal, obedient wife, who doesn t alter her husband s word buI hearkens to it and obeys (KUB XXIV 7 iv5l-53).188 ZA 44 1938 45ff.

Par t C: Previous Studies of Hittite i s t o r i ~ r p h y

14.0 In 1938 H. G. Giiterbock published the second part of his dissertationentitled Die historische Tradition und ihre literarische Gestaltungbei Babyloniern und Heth itern b is 1200 128. In th e first part he haddiscussed those Babylonian l i terary creat ions which rested upon a hist or ical t radi tion . The second part concerned Hittite works of a similartype. Fo r t he H i tt it e mater ial he se t up two categories: 1 Babylonianliterary works taken over into Hittite translations, and 2 native Hittitecompositions.

14.1 In the first category belong the Hi tt i te translation of the SargonKing of Battle composition, th e legendary tale of Naram-Sin CTH 311and the t al e abou t the hero Gurparanzahu CTH 362). The latter i s nor mally considered to be purely mythological rather than a legendary elabooration of a histor ical nucleus and thus is found in a different part of La-

13.6 From the standpoint of historiography the most significant feature of this poorly preserved text is the claim to factual veracity in reporting, which the king makes in ii 11-16. Prel iminary remarks on the meani ng of these lines were made by Giiterbock 110. He noted that the IM an. QATAMMA (qualis talis) construction affirms that I wrote hisdeeds just as h e was . While th e general sense must surely be close tothis, in detail this formulation is not correct. Wha t th e IM an QATAMMA clause indicates is that, since Tudhaliya was a true king(a genuine, real king) , so it was appropriate for h is successor in makingt he s ta tu e t o honor h im w it h true (real, no t fictitious) exp lo it s . Theenormous importance of t hi s k ind of thinking by a Hitti te author of h istorical narrative did no t escape Cancik, who combined it with other scattered indications from earlier texts m. Suppi lu liyama s c la im not to haveomit ted information ei ther through oversight or deliberate suppression isonly one half of the two-sided standard of accuracy demanded i n t he legalsphere: one may neither add nor subtract from t he t ru e text m.

The Hittites roche s CTH from the Sargon and Naram-Sin mntt-rl.I.. Oif Gurparanzahu is included here by virtue of its Bahylonl.n should not Gilgamesh also belong to the same catel(ory? IGilgamesh Epic i s c le ar ly the result of much legendary, nonhtItectIIIoverlay, it is acknowledged today that the central character k ing of Uruk, was an historical personage. And in fact the lIIult -cluded i n t he ir corpus of Akkadian literary works in translation notthe Sargon and Naram-Sin legends and the Gurparanzahu tale, bu t _parts of th e Gilgamesh Epic CTH 341 .14.2 Recently the corpus of Naram-Sin legend texts from o ~ a z k i l yhas been significantly enlarged. by th e publication of fragments from twoprisms inscribed at Bogazk6y in the cuneiform hand typical of a t t u ~ a(the ductus i s o ld , although perhaps not typical old ). T he t e ~ t s arewritten in Akkadian. One prism was six-sided (KBo XIX 98), while th eother was four-sided (KBo XIX 99). The smaller fragment (KBo XIX 99)preserves the colophon, which reveals that th e scribe, Hanikkuili, was theso n of (DUMU) Anu-sar-ilani, who in turn is called t he servant ofa ser ies of gods, including Enbilulu, Ninegal, Anum, ISknr, A.MAL, Assur,and (the Anatolian deity) Inar. The name Anu-sar- ilani might indicatethat th e bearer was a native speaker of Akkadian brought i n t o H at tu sato train native scribes. On the other hand, a native Hittite, who devotedhimself to th e s tud y and trans lat ion of Akkadian literary works, mighthave taken a nom plume in the Akkadian language. The expressions on of (DUMU) could be un

hoffner 1980 history and historians of the ane - the hittites orns

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