ikado fujio

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Ikado Fujio

Japanese Cosmopolitan

Jan SWYNCEDOUW

To say that the sociology of religion in Japan has entered

a new stage of development is by no means an exaggeration.

In order to describe this new stage, perhaps no term is more

appropriate than the word internationalization.

Admittedly, this term has become very fashionable

n

recent years. It is used by all kinds of people in season

and out. Nonetheless, or perhaps because of this, it points

t o a dimension of social reality that no one can disregard.

Internationalization is blossoming everywhere in Japan,

and Japanese sociology of religion is not impervious to its

influence.

The internationalization of Japanese sociology of religion

is not, however, merely an index or exponent of a broader

trend that affects Japanese society in general and the aca-

demic world

in

particular and has now suddenly manifested

itself

in

broad daylight. Nor is it an abrupt and belated

response t o a need that people have become increasingly

aware of throughout the country. It roots in the past, and

its present stage is one prepared for by many Japanese

scholars who have long endeavored to give their discipline

a broader horizon. If one may be so bold as to mention

the name of only one such scholar, it would be that of

Ikado Fujio, currently a professor at Tsukuba University.

The present writer, a non-Japanese living and working

Translated (and slightly revised) by the author from his Ikado Fuj io: Nihon teki

kokusaijin

P9g=k 3&& @%%kwhich appeared in the Kokusai shaky

nyuzu @Es = .X

1711-2 (1 97 9) , pp. 21-31 and is used here by peI-

mission.

208

Japanese Journal o Religious Studies

7/2-3 June-September 1980


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will be show n, Ikado 's work g ives evidence of an unfolding

in teres t o f th i s so r t . T he in te rna t iona l charac te r o f h is w ork

has in fact deepened wi th h is turn f rom Western (pr imari ly

Am erican) rel ig ion t o th e rel ig ion of h is fe llow co un try m en .

The same pr inc ip le ho lds t rue o f the in te rp re ta t ion o f

th e da ta , f inding expres sion in w hat is cal led the search

for a Japanese conceptual izat ion an d methodology. I t

is no t on ly the Japanese w ho cal l fo r Japanese theories .

Non-Japanese scho lars d o the same. Bu t wh en we comp are

the tw o in respec t t o mot iva t ion , it appears tha t they have

different perspect ives on why such theories are needed.

When Japanese scho la rs emphasize the need fo r t ru ly

Japanese concepts and theories , they leave the impression

tha t th i s is par t o f th e m ore genera l iden t i ty ques t tha t

characte r izes th e whole o f Japanese soc ie ty toda y . A mo ng

academics the demand fo r pecu l i a r ly Japanese concep t s

an d r esea rch me t h o d s seems t o fu n c t i o n a s a k i nd o f d e -

fense mechan i sm by which to p reserve an iden t i ty pu t to

the test precisely because of growing in ternat ional izat ion .

O n t h e o t he r han d , w hen fo re ign scho la rs p ress the i r Japa-

nese col leagues to be more or ig inal in thei r research , they

see such or ig inal i ty not as a mere defensive s tance but as

Japan 's p ro p e r co n tr i b u ti o n t o t h e wo r ld co mm u n i t y o f

academics. T he y see i t as enr iching a conceptual izat ion

tha t was in fact to o unila teral ly Western and no t near ly

as universal as c la imed o r assumed.

In th is respect to o a development in Ikado 's w ork wil l

beco m e evident . I t ma y be character ized as a development

f rom concep t s and methods in tended as un iversa l bu t in

fact to o narrow ly Western, t o a search for mo re genuinely

Japanese theor ies . A t f irs t g lance, th is deve lopm ent might

look par ticular is t ic . In fac t , however , it in tend s no t a s te p

backwa rd in t o c losedness bu t forward in to greater openness.

I t

envisions a co nt r ibu t ion t o t rue universali sm.

St i ll ano ther cond i t ion must be sat is fi ed in o rde r t o


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safeguard and enhance the universal-international nature

of research oriented to particularistic themes and carried

ou t with particularistic concepts and methods. The results

of such research have to be transmitted in such a way that

they create real communication. This is more than a matter

of language and of having concrete contacts with other cul-

tures. At bo ttom it has to do with the personality of the

scholar and his competence or talent for being a real bridge-

builder between cultures. As students of intercultural

communication often point out, this kind of talent pre-

supposes that one can n some sense belong simultaneously

t o two different cultures. One is the particular culture in

which one was born and reared, the other that of which

one is a part by virtue of being a member of the human

race. Scholars who deserve the tit le international or

cosmopolitan must be participants in this larger human

culture. Later we will see tha t Ikado's work, particularly

his emphasis on human values, points toward this dimen-

sion.

Role o f personal history. In addition to the elements noted

above, there is one other point that seems particularly im-

portant in the case of Japan. It is often said that in order

to understand scientific theories, we need t o know the

people who propose them. By the same token , in order

to gain insight into Japanese sociology of religion and its

development, we need some information about the persons

who have played o r still play a role in this discipline.

This close relationship between personal biography and

academic achievement among Japanese sociologists will

doubtless have t o be viewed in the light of certain Japanese

social structures such as the oyabun kobun ( parent role-

child role ) relationship. From this angle it becomes only

too easy to reduce the history of the scientific study of

religion in Japan to a history of the relationships among


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scholars engaged in this kind of research. This approach

admittedly raises several problems as to the objectivity and

value-free nature of the scientific enterprise. Yet it can

hardly be denied that, together with the matters of research

themes and methods, the matter of personal history is of

great influence in determining the international character

of academic achievements.

These reflections apply also to the work of Ikado. As

will be seen from the account of his career that follows,

and from the list of his chief publications appended to this

essay, the scope of his interests and activities is broad indeed.

When we remember that his career has by no means yet

reached its apogee, it becomes obvious that at the present

stage no definitive evaluation can possibly be made as to

his role in the development of Japanese sociology of religion.

Requesting the reader to keep this reservation

n

mind, I

should now like to turn the spotlight on a few of the salient

points in his career and try to discover how his work has

evolved.

HIGHLIGHTS OF IKADO S LIFE

A N D

WORK

Teachers

The first period in Ikado s academic career can

be designated as the time of training in the study of religion

at the University of Tokyo Department of Religious Studies.

If there was any single influence that awakened the talents

of the young scholar, it was no doubt that of the late Kishi-

mot0 Hideo, a prominent figure in the history of Japanese

Religionswissenschaft

Kishimoto cultivated in Ikado an

interest in contemporary religion and is said to have advised

him to engage n research that would be of practical use

to religious organizations. This period concluded with a

graduation thesis that is still remembered as one of the

lengthiest ever submitted.

A

sociological analysis of the

missionary methods of John Wesley, this thesis superbly

reveals, both in its subject matter and in its sheer volumi-


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nousness , th e Protes tant work ethic of Ika do himself .

Whether th e Ika do of th is per iod can properly be called

a t rue in ternat ional is t is a m oo t quest ion . The re is no

doubt , however , tha t th i s was the t ime when h i s in te res t

in foreign cul tures was kindled and when he decided to go

t o t he p romised l and o f Amer ica t o con t i nue h is s t ud i e s .

The second per iod cons i s t s o f the f ive years (1955-59)

tha t Ika do spen t a t th e Universi ty o f Chicago in the s tudy

of American rel igiosi ty and is again marked by his contact

w i t h an ou t s t and i ng s cho l ar , J am es Lu t he r Adams . A theo -

logical l iberal of the Uni tar ian t radi t ion, Adams combined

deep scholarship wi th a warm human personal i ty and shared

these gi f t s wi th his s tu de nts . O ne o f the foci of h is though t

was th e imp ortanc e of volun tary associations as the locus

for being h um an rel ig iously. In . mu ch th e same way tha t

Kishim oto had exercised an inf luence o n Ika do in Jap an ,

the ha rm on y o f scho larsh ip and personal wa rm th in Adams

m ade a lasting impre ssion. I t m ay be th at Ikado's applied

sociology of relig ion and the ha rm on y that emana tes f rom

it have thei r roots in the inf luence of these two teachers .

Budding in teres t

in

Japanese rel ig ios it l and thcoriz ut io n .

After h is re tu rn t o Japan in 1959 , the open ing of what

cal l th e third period in his care er, Ikado's scholarly interests

give evidence of a gradu al change. T ho ug h an interest in

Japanese rel igiosi ty was not completely lacking earl ier, from

th i s t ime o n it g rows mo re and m ore cen t ra l t o hi s research ,

par t icular ly in th e com parat ive s tudy of Western and Eastern

religious organizat ions. O ne reason fo r this shift is dou tless

t o be fou nd in th e circumstance th at , beginning in 19 59 ,

he spent e ight years as a special i s t on the s taff of the Re-

l igious Affairs Se ctio n of the Ministry of Ed uca tion . Even

more in f luen t id , however , may have been h i s reun ion wi th

Kish imo to. As lk ad o himself s ta tes , Kishimoto warned

him th at s tu dy limi ted t o Chris t ianity alone would not m ake


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o f him a t ru e sch olar of religion. At any ra te, it is precisely

in this shift of interest toward th e pro blem s of Japanese

religiosity that we can see the awakening of true internation-

alism in Ik ado's wo rk. A dm ittedly, a t this stage Ikado did

not devote great a t tent ion to the quest ion of Japanese theo-

rization. In point of fac t, th e mass of know ledge he had

acquired while in the United States , plus that accum ulated

subsequently through extensive reading of foreign l i terature,

could not possibly be translated imm ediately . A period

of t ransi tion o r adaptat ion seems to have been needed.

A fter this bureaucratic period, dur ing wh ich he also

did some part-time teaching, Ikado became fully engaged

in edu cation al activities. Fro m 19 68 o n he resolutely set

out on the path toward a more genuinely Japanese con-

ceptualization and metho dology . This is also th e t ime when

his achievements increasingly begin to draw attention both

within the Japanese academic world an d abroad. Th e open-

ing years of this period, incidentally, coincide with the time

of worldwide stude nt unrest-a ph eno m eno n in which Ikad o,

with his keen eye for present-day trends, took a special in-

terest . St ud y of this phenom enon gave him an excellent

op po rtun i ty to ref lect o n the re lat ionship between inter-

;lationalism and Japanese distinctiveness, a prob lem

tha t neatly accorded with his teaching assignment as pro-

fessor of comparative cultures at th e newly established

Department of International Relations of Tsuda Women's

College. It also provided an occasion for broad ening his

con tacts with scholars not only in th e United States bu t

also in Eu rop e an d So uthe ast Asia. During this hectic

period. Ikado published his Sezoku shakai no shziky [Re-

ligion in a secular society] (1 972) , a wo rk hailed a s a chal-

lenging masterpiece. Th is wo rk will dou btless be remem -

bered as one of the culminating points of Ikado's career,

both for the r ichness of i t s content and for the depth of

its insights. venture to suggest, how ever, th at this work


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should be seen as belonging to an earlier period of his life.

It consists largely of articles written in earlier years, but

m ore im po rtant, i t is only after writ ing these studies tha t

Ikado really starts to reach beyond the theoretical frame-

work propounded

in

this book and in consequence becomes

a m ore m aturely Japanese cosmopolitan.

The

universal in

the

particular

In 1975 Ikado accepted a

teaching posit ion at Tsuk uba University. Jus t as Japanese

society and culture showed som e changes in the years tha t

followed, so the themes and approaches of Ikado's research

undergo deeper changes. It is to o early as yet t o grasp their

significance fully. It seem s, how ever, th at th is last period

is characterized by steadily deepening insight into th e uni-

versally hu m an hidde n in Japa nese religiosity.

O ne illustration of this insight-trivial on the surface,

bu t symbolically important-is the interest he shows in th e

religious quest as expressed in science fiction novels and

young people's com ic magazines, no t to men tion his con-

t inu ing a t ten t ion t o o ther m ovements in p resen tday society.

Is it no t precisely Ik ado 's tale nt f or discerning th e univer-

sally hum an in th e lowly and unp reten tious things of every-

day life that, as his scholarly reputation grows, confirms

him as a tru e builder of bridges between cultures?

THEMES

IN

IKADO S W ORK

Against th e backg round of this brief survey of Ikado's career

and i ts influence o n his academic wo rk, we tur n now to a

consideration of some of his main research themes.

Though

it h ardly nee ds saying, it is next t o impossible t o give a full

acc oun t of al l th at Ikado has accomplished. This is so not

only because his o ut pu t is so prodigious but also because,

in reading it, 'one is o ft en reminded of th e biblical passage

in which Peter, commenting on a let ter by Paul, says that

Paul writes with th e wisdom t ha t is his special gift -adding


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th a t this makes som e poin ts in his le t ter hard to under-

s t an d ; the se a r e the po in ts tha t uneduca ted and unba lanced

people d is tor t

a fa ta l th ing for then] to do ( 2 Pete r :

15-16) . Moreover , s ince probab ly n o o t he r soc io logist o f

rel igion in Ja pa n is as zealous as Ik ad o in keeping up w ith

wh at i s go ing on in th e academic wor ld a nd in th e wor ld

of human beings a t large , the pace of his research develop-

m en t is genuinely amazing. Since , therefore , a def ini t ive

evaluat ion of his work is prema ture , we will have to l imit

ourselves to a few themes which have an internat ional reso-

nance and wh ich , i ndeed , have m ade h i s nam e known am ong

foreign scholars of the sociology of re l igion in general and

of Jap an ese religiosity in p articula r .

O ne fur th e r reservat ion need s to be added . As the pre -

ceding review of Ikado 's career show s, his work had i t s

s ta r t ing poin t in Wesley a nd M ethodism , an d th is in te res t

co nt i nu es to remain inf luent ia l , not least in regard t o th e

organizat ional aspect of re l igion as manifested in voluntary

associa t ions. Th is them e will dou btles s reverbera te thro ugh

the fo l lowing d iscuss ion as a k ind o f ground-bass , bu t no

par t icular a t te nt i on will be given here t o Ikado 's view

o

religion

in

th e Anglo-Saxon w orld. Th is restr ic t ion is ca lled

f ~ rot o nly because a t rea t m en t of this subject fal ls ou t-

s ide the competence of the present wr i te r bu t a l so because

the in te rna t iona l charac te r of Ikado ' s work does not see tn

t o depen d on th is face t of h is research . Indeed , if may

venture a c r i t ica l r emark tha t fo l lows , admi t ted ly , f rom

my own preconcept ions , Ikado ' s wr i t ings occas iona l ly

seem to mani fes t a sl ight bias toward uncr i t ica l acceptance

of th e value of ind ividual ism, presumably a s found in som e

segm ents of Anglo-Saxon Protestant ism. Ikad o himself ha s

cal led the t rea t m en t of this them e his l ife-work, bu t o ne

can cer ta inly argue that the t rue s ignif icance of his aca-

dem ic achievem ents far surpasses th e limits of this par t icular

issue.


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Ilado s theory o th n w religions. I f there i s any one phe-

nom enon tha t , m ore than o thers , has a roused th e in te res t

o f socio logists of rel ig ion fro m m an y nat io ns, i t is doub t less

tha t of th e new rel ig ions, meaning pr imari ly th e new

re l ig ious o rgan iza t ions tha t came in to be ing o r in to f lower

af te r World War 11. I t is no t surprising th at Ika do , with his

in teres t in co nte m po rar y rel ig ious movem ents , has g iven

a p ro m i n en t p lace t o t h e s t u d y o f th i s p h en o m en o n . A

fu l l account of what he has contr ibuted in th is f ie ld i s not

possib le here , but a t least we can poin t o u t a few develop-

me nts in h i s thou gh t on th i s sub ject . These deve lopm ents

seem to have evolved in what can be cal led a typical ly

Japanese way .

Fol lowing the revered pr incip le of selective ad op t io n

an d adap ta t ion o f fo re ign theor ies (and fo r the most par t

l eav ing us to guess what has been adop ted and what adap t -

ed) , Ik ado h as gradual ly bui lt up a mul t i- layered theoret ical

system. Th i s means tha t once-employed theor ies a re never

com plete ly d iscarded, but l inger some wh ere in th e de pth s

o f h i s mi n d an d r eap p ea r n o w an d ag ai n, so me t i mes r a t h e r

unexpec ted ly .

In h is theor y o f th e new rel ig ions we see , for exam ple,

tha t Ikad o f ir st seems to v iew th e new rel ig ions as a k ind

of Japan ese version of th e Methodism th at h e s tudied in

his early yea rs as a schola r of rel igion. O n this basis, an d

never losing sight of i t , he bui lds u p a theoret ical f ra me wo ik

tha t focuses on the phenomena o f pos twar soc ia l mobi l i ty

an d urban izat ion . Th is social change has resul ted in

a

float-

ing re l ig ious populat ion which, he c la ims, has moved away

from th e establ ished rel igious organiz at ions charac terist ic

o f t rad it ional com m una l soc ie ty and become reorgan ized

in to voluntary rel ig ious groups (deno mi nat ion s) typical

of an associat ional socie ty . T he rel ig ious organizat ions tha t

best i l lustrate these changes in the social structure of post-

war Jap an are , he maintains, the new rel ig ions- though he


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som et im es sof ten s th is assert ion by saying tha t they re-

semble denom ina t ions . N otew or th y in th i s connec t ion

is th; d is t inct ion Ik ad o draw s between th e emergence

of new rel ig ions ( t he increase in the nu m be r o f re lig ious

groups) an d thei r s t rength magnif icat ion ( t he increase

in th e num ber o f adheren t s) . Th i s d i s t inc t ion deserves h igh

evaluat ion as a correct ion to the uni la teral v iew of socia l

unrest as the sole factor in the r i se of new rel ig ious move-

men t s .

fu r th er deve lopment in Ikado 's thoug h t becomes

evident as o f th e t im e tha t issues l ike those of secular iza-

t ion , civil rel igion, an d th e privat izat ion of rel igion beca m e

new foci of d iscussion am ong sociologists o f re lig ion. Ika do

was no t s low t o see these m at t ers as useful for carry ing for-

ward h is theoret ical f ram ew ork. Before long h e prop osed

a

new typology, one that d i f ferent ia ted establ ished re l ig ion,

organized religion, culture religion, and private religion.

Jap an's new rel igions, in acc ord anc e with his earl ier f loat ing

rel ig ious populat ion theory , are c lassi fied un de r t h e heading

of organized rel igion.

In terest ingly enough, Ikado 's most recent works g ive

ev idence no t on ly o f fu r ther theore t i ca l re f inement bu t

also of a cer ta in awareness of the l imi ts of theor izat ion

itself. In th e presen t period o f rapid social chang e it be-

comes increasingly d i f f icul t t o t reat theoret ical categories

as imm utab le . Th i s ob ta ins fo r rel ig ious phenom ena in

general , and of course for the new religions. T o be sure ,

thei r organizat ional aspect remains a valuable objec t of

stu dy . T h e conc rete l ife of believers , however , show s

d imensions th a t canno t be locked in to theore t i ca l schemes .

Qu i t e ap a r t f ro m t h e q u es t i o n wh e t h e r h i s t h eo ry o f t h e

new rel ig ions a lone has led h im t o th is awareness, Ik ad o7 s

recent sta tem ent th at sociology o f religion is increasingly

regarded as par t of th e science of man is very suggestive

in th is regard . When liv ing people co m e to th e cente r o f


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acknow ledges an d some t im es denies. Insofar as th is v iew

is accu rate , Ikado 's w ork can be seen a s p laying a p ioneer ing

role

in

Japanese sociology of re l ig ion, for he chal lenges the

t rad i t iona l unders tand ing tha t t rue sc ience can on ly be sa fe -

guarded by uncom promis ing adherence (a t l eas t pub l ic ly )

t o th e pos i tion o f va lue-neut ra l ity Fro m the s t an dpo in t

of normat ive science Ika do com pares present -day Pro-

tes tan t i sm wi th the new re l ig ions , a t once c r i t i c i z ing the

Pro tes tan t churches unspar ing ly an d advi sing them t o l ea rn

f ro m t h e n ew re l i g i o n s an d r e t u rn t o t h e h a l l o wed t r ad i t i o n

of voluntar is t ic denominat ional ism.

Th is v iew o f Prot estan t Christ iani ty i s cer ta in ly a valuable

par t o f Ikado 's sc ien ti fi c work . An othe r po in t tha t needs

to be s t ressed in th is connect ion i s h is suggest ive t reatment

of the in f luence o f Chr i s t i an i ty in general on Japanese cul -

tu re . Since th is is mo re a ques t ion of th e cul tural reach

of Christ iani ty than o f i t s organizat ion , i t belongs to th at

par t o f h is typology th at deals wi t h cul ture rel ig ion.

T o pu t i t most s imply , Ikado ' s v iew i s tha t Chr i s ti an i ty ,

tho ug h usually seen as a foreign e lem ent , ha s in fact quiet ly

becom e an in tegra l par t o f Japanese cu l tu re . In p roof o f

th i s asser t ion he po in t s to the genera l accep tance o f Chr i s t -

mas as an annua l even t celebra ted in on e way o r ano the r

by most Japanese , and al so to the wide d i s tr ibu tion o f

Bibles in Jap an . O ne might t ake th e l iber ty o f add ing t o

th is l is t the tende ncy t o have wedding ceremonies perform-

ed at C hrist ian churches.

Unfor tuna te ly , th i s in te res t ing po in t has no t been fu r ther

developed in Ikado 's work, and i t i s not c lear how he h im-

sel f evaluates these examp les of Japanized Christ iani ty .

If w e take. ou r cue f rom his cr i t ique of Prote stant is m, how-

ever , we may ven tu re to say tha t he p robab ly does no t v iew

i t wi th great favor. A t any ra t e , insofar as th is Japanized

Christ iani ty i s seen as a n exam ple of cul ture re l ig ion,

Ik ad o would pro bab ly call i t an exa m ple of invisible re-


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l igion as wel l, s ince in his wri t ings he of t en seems to eq uate

th e two . Agains t th i s equa t ion o n e would wish to ask how

such pa tent ly v is ib le pheno men a as annu a l observances and

ri tes of passage can t rul y be called instan ces of invisible

rel ig ion . A dm i t t ed ly , there a re m an y invis ib le e l emen ts

in cu l ture rel ig ion . Bu t t o apply th i s t e rm of Luckmann ' s

t o a typ e of Jap anese re ligios ity tha t s t ands ra ther c lose

t o what Bel lah has called c ivil rel igion and that in an y

case is ce r t ain ly no t what L uc k n~ an n h imsel f unders tands

by it might have to be assessed as a s light overadaptat ion

of a foreign scholar 's con cep t and theory .

Theory

o f secularization

The l as t theme to be cons idered ,

tha t of secular izat ion, might well be considered the most

cent ra l research the m e in Ikado's w ri tings. This is a lmost

inevi table , since th i s problem has been a t th e core of a lmost

al l discussions in rec en t sociology of religion. Since th e

19 60 s secula ri za tion has become a k ind of magic formula

in th e discipline . I t is n o wo nd er , there fore , that in Ikado's

work to o i t co ns t i tu tes an axi s a ro un d w hich a ll o t he r themes

seem to revolve. In this sense his th eo ry o f the new religions

and of Protes tant Chr i s t i an i ty in Japan have to be under -

s tood wi th in the f rame of re fe rence tha t sees present -day

sociorel igious change under the heading of secular izat ion.

One po i n t s t ands ou t c l ea r l y i n Ikado ' s t hough t on secu-

la r i za t ion , namely , tha t i t cannot be equa ted wi th re l ig ious

decl ine . In this respect h e is in agre em ent wi th man y oth er

sociologists of re ligion. But when we probe more deeply

int o w hat he me ans posi tively b y secular izat ion, we discover

cer ta in pro blem s and even confus ion . Thi s is no t to say

t ha t t h i s s t a t e o f a f fa i rs is ent ir e ly du e t o Ikado ; he mere ly

ref lects the present s ta te of sociology of re l igion a l l over

th e wor ld . Con ceptua l confus ion i s hardly a new problem

for the d i sc ip l ine , but the secula r i za t ion deba te has in ten-

s if ied ra th er tha n a l levia ted the p roblem . A t th e same t ime ,


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however, this d eba te has st im ulated systematic reflection

on th e relationship between religion a nd social change.

Ikado's contr ibut ion to this reflect ion in Japan may be one

of his mo st im po rtant achievements. Again, this is no t t o

say that he has solved the problem. What he does, rathe r

is t o bom bard us with challenges. How , fo r exam ple, d o

we classify Ikad o's secularization t he or y in th e typologies

that sociologists of religion like Luckmann, Robertson,

Glasner, an d oth ers have recently proposed? Th is writer

is obliged to confess that , however he tried, he could not

reach a satisfactory answ er t o this question. He is inclined,

therefore, to follow Ikado's lead and leave it to the reader

to pick up th e gaunt le t. Ikado's w ork does no t clear away

the confusion surround ing the secularization pro blem ; in

fact i t o ffers us few hints th at would help in tha t task.

About all one can say is that Ikado has here applied in a

really masterly way the previously mentioned Japanese

principle of selective ado ption and adaptation. T hu s

in order to substantiate his view that religion in the modern

world is not on the way out, Ikado cites a plethora of

au tho rs whose op inions on secularization are by n o means

always mu tually reconcilable. Yet he kn ow s how t o make

use of the m appropriately an d comes u p with insights

th at , if a t times bew ildering, reveal a str ok e of genius.

In the backgr oun d, providing a co ns tan t ground-bass,

is his view tha t society develops from a comm unal t o an

associational fo rm . Acco mp anying this view is th e oft-

repeated assertion that secularization means increasing

differen tiation and wh at he calls th e internalization of

ethics naishin rinrika). It is far from clear, however,

whether Ikado's theory of secularization ultimately derives

from a functionalist view of religion with global intentions

a la Parsons, or from a substantivist view that would seek,

a la Berger, to explain how traditional religion changes as

it carries over into mo dern industrial society.


16/19

What conclusions can we draw from all this? Ikado s

ideas about secularization are open to the same questions

directed to other secularization theories. One question is

whether evolutionary schemes like the transition from com-

munal to associational society with correlative changes in

religious forms constitute an adequate description of reality.

It is always possible, of course, to redefine secularization

by taking account of new social developments that seem

to contradict former trends. But there are limits to rede-

fining, and the confusion surrounding the concept of secu-

larization may be due in part to the attempts of sociologists

to make the new phenomena fit into their preconceived

schemes.

Another question has to do with the metatheoretical

assumptions and ideological background of the seculariza-

tion thesis-and indeed of all theories of society, history,

religion, and human behavior. More and more people are

becoming aware of this problem and suggesting that these

generally tacit assumptions be articulated and systematically

reflected on . Metatheoretical presuppositions are to be

found in Ikado s work, including his theory of seculariza-

tion. They relate to a specific view of history and of man.

This view centers in the notion of progress and regards

history as an essentially evolutionary process moving toward

ultimate completion. Man is the driving force of this process

and is expected to persevere in unremitting efforts to attain

this goal, aware as he is of his vocation within this world

and of the right he has to enjoy the fruits of his endeavors.

lkado s work cannot be fully understood without these

ideological assumptions. In his case they originate from

his personal ties with Christianity, and it is this faith which

has made of Ikado the socially committed and humanly

concerned scholar he is.

. / ~ I / ~ ~ I ~ w/ o t ~ r n ~ ~ /fl l i ~ l i ~ i ~ ~ . ~I~ ~/; .S 2- ;I~ l l ~ ~ ~ - ~ ~ . l ~ ~ C ~ ~ l l ~ ~ e r

)*(I

I , . , . 1 t


17/19

ON LUSION

Several developments n Ikado 's work have been t raced.

O ne was charac te r ized as a g rowing in te rna t iona l i za t ion ,

paradoxical ly finding i ts clearest expression in his search

for a m ore genu ine ly Japa nese approa ch t o the soc io logy

o f r e li gi on . Pe rhap s we may n o w a t t em p t t o r e la t e t h i s

d ev e l o p men t t o t h e t r en d j u st d e sc r ib ed : t h e growi ng

awareness o f t he ex i s tence o f m eta theore t i ca l assumpt ions .

In Ikado 's case th is re la t ionship i s to be seen ear ly in h is

scholar ly career when his research too k th e form o f ap-

pl ied sociology o f religion, an d no w ada ys in his increasing

em phas is o n sociology o f rel ig ion as a sc ience of and fo r

man . T ha t meta theo re t i ca l assum pt ions ex i s t an d p lay a

role in empirical scient if ic research presents difficul t ies for

wh ich no so lut ion is ye t in sight . B ut even if th e progress

of science i tself is a kind of m et at he or y, doe s n ot scient if ic

progress consist in th e overcoming o f suc h difficul ties?

For Ikado , and perhaps fo r o ther Japanese soc io log i s t s

o f rel ig ion as wel l , these d i ff icul t ies may b e fu r th er com-

pounded by e lements pecu l i a r to the p resen t -day Japanese

s i tua t ion , one d imension o f which i s the a lmost f rene t i c

search for

a

uniquely Japanese iden t i ty . Insofar as m an

himse l f becomes more exp l i c i t ly the cen t ra l concern and

benefic iary of research, t h e resul tant sc ience of an d for

m an wil l have universal ist ic im plicat ion s th at t ransce nd

particular is t ic in terests . This m at t er of th e balance t o be

st ruck between universal and par t icular is t ic values i s a prob-

lem in Jap an t ha t i s far f rom solved.

When w e call Ikado a Japanese cosmopol i tan or a n

internat ional ly-minded Japanese, th is is no sta t ic con-

cep t b u t a dyn am ic rea li ty . I t implies t ens ion and e f fo r t

t o overcome w hat appears t o be a con t rad ic t ion in t e rms.

When we see that Ikado, in his research, turns increasingly

toward man h imsel f an d a t the same t im e con t inues h is

search for w hat is genuinely Japanes e, it become s clear,


18/19

11

\ I l l 1 l u~ i< l

\

. l . l ~ ~ ; l l l l ~ s ~ ~~ l . l l l i l ~ ~ l l l l l ~ l l l

however , tha t the con t rad ic t ion i s on ly apparen t , fo r t rue

universal ity m ay be found no t so m uc h in foreign paradigms

as a t th e core o f one s ow n soc iocu l tu ra l t rad i t ion . T h e

value of being hu m a n , an d being hum an rel ig iously, can

only be media ted by the par t i cu lar and the concre te .

Only

i n t he com m on ques t fo r ways o f be ing human in one s own

and in other cul tures can t ru ly cross-cul tural human en-

counters t ake p lace tha t may enhance the way of be ing

hu m an th at w e call science. Ikado s work-and

t h e

man

himself-st imulate us t o move in th is d i rect ion .

Ikado Fujio s areer

1 9 2 4

1 9 4 9

1 9 5 4

1 9 5 5

1 9 5 8

1 9 5 9

196

1 9 6 8

1975-

ooks

Bir th in Shiga Prefecture

Grad ua t ion f rom t h e Un ivers ity o f To ky o (Humani t i e s D iv i-

s ion , Dep ar tme nt of Rel ig ious S tudies )

Com ple t ion o f s tud ies a t the Un ivers ity o f To ky o Gradua te

Schoo l (De par tm en t o f Re ligious S tud ies )

Dep ar tu re fo r th e Un i ted S ta tes on a Fu lb righ t s cho la r sh ip

Graduat ion f rom the Univers i ty of Chicago Divin i ty School

R e t u r n t o J a p a n

Specia l is t o n th e s taff of th e Rel ig ious Affa i rs Sect ion , Minis -

t ry of Ed uca t ion , p lus par t - t im e teach ing a t the Universi ty of

To ky o (D epar tm en t o f L i t e ra tu re ) and Ke io Un ivers ity (Depar t -

men t o f Economics )

Professor of Com parat ive Cul tu res a t Tsu da W omen s College

(Dep ar tm en t o f In te rna t iona l Re la tions)

Professor a t Tsu kub a Universi ty ( In s t i tu te of Phi lo sophy)

C h i e f P u b l i c a t i o n s


19/19

Co:i~~tliorc.J

n d cditcd

w o r k s

)I I I / d ~ I i ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ r - ~ ~ ~ l ~ y$Chris t imzi ty

iz

Ju)(rii Jrot&mzfisrtz

I @ [Religions o the

.Ial)ntrc~st-].Kyoto Tank6sha.

I G2

~ U / N I I I ( : Wdigiorl.

Tokyo

:

Kodansha International.

l GS M i l / s // ri lr \.&y~k ~: Chitsztjo

e

~ r ohiisoz :

{ I):. -~/)j.JLij [ I k e y s in the scientific study o f religion,

vol. i C I1aIlc~ngc~so ortlrrl. l okyo : Tokyo 1)aig;iku

S l ~ ~ t p p i t r ~ k ~ ~ i .

ikado fujio

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