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Jerusalem Center for Public Affairsהמרכז הירושלמי לענייני ציבור ומדינה )ע"ר(

ISRAEL’S RIGHT TO SECURE BOUNDARIES

Four Decades SinceUN Security Council

Resolution 242

The Proceedings of a Conference held in

Jerusalem, June 4, 2007

©2009 Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs and the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung

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ISBN 978-965-218-074-2

Academic Editor: Dr. Isaac Herzog

Editor: Mark Ami-El

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Graphic Design: Rami & Jacky – www.ramijaki.co.il

Photo Credit: AP Photo

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ContentsPreface — Dr. Lars Hansel 4

Introduction: Correcting the Record on Resolution 242 — Amb. Dore Gold 5

Contextualizing Resolution 242 — Amb. Meir Rosenne 9

Security Council Resolution 242: An Analysis of its Main Provisions — Prof. Ruth Lapidoth 13

The Territorial Clauses of Security Council Resolution 242 — Amb. Yehuda Blum 28

The Plight of the Refugees and Resolution 242 — Prof. Ruth Lapidoth 37

The Principles of Peacemaking — Amb. Richard Holbrooke 45

Appendix A — UN Security Council Resolution 242 51

Appendix B — Statements Clarifying the Meaning of UN Security Council Resolution 242 53

About the Authors 57

About the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs 58

About the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung 60

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Preface

A recently published book in Germany about Israeli settlements in the West Bank included an article entitled “Israel lost the Six-Day War on the Seventh Day.” Israel may have won the war in 1967, but many problems remain unresolved. Every day the state is confronted by many unanswered questions, to which it is struggling to find answers.

Relations with the Palestinians remain one of the main challenges. Sari Nusseibeh, a Palestinian negotiator and current President of Al Quds University, in an interview published in a German news magazine, said that without the Six-Day War Israelis and Palestinians would still not recognize each other. Only after 1967, he said, did the PLO slowly start to accept Israel, demanding withdrawal from all the territories. Again, it took a long time for the Palestinians to understand the need to negotiate with Israel, rather than expecting their demands to be answered without question.

Israel has also adapted its policies. Ariel Sharon finally questioned the policy that developed after the Six-Day War of settling the territories. Many see the settlements today as an obstacle to a peaceful two-state solution — the only stable solution. A diplomat with whom I spoke recently summed this up succinctly: “Israel is looking for historic compromise, whereas the Palestinian side, and today also maybe Syria, is claiming historic rights.”

The situation is very difficult and complicated, especially with a Hamas-led government in the Gaza Strip. It will be a long journey to find any kind of solution. Yet it is also clear that compromise is certainly needed on both sides to resolve the main issues in the final settlement of the conflict, including the refugee question, the status of Jerusalem, and the future of the Jewish settlements.

The Konrad Adenauer Stiftung stands for Israel’s right to exist in secure borders, at peace with its neighbors. It supports debates about possible solutions and provides platforms for discussion. The purpose of this volume is to make just such a contribution to the current debate, sharing the insights, thoughts, and experience of experts. Hopefully, these articles will lead to interesting deliberations and fruitful discussions.

Dr. Lars Hansel Director of the Israel Office of the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung

Preface

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Correcting the Record on Resolution 242

Amb. Dore Gold Former Israeli Ambassador to the UN; President of the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs

Introduction:


United Nations (UN) Security Council Resolution 242 of November 1967 is the most important UN resolution for peacemaking in the Arab-Israel conflict. Though carefully negotiated forty years ago in the aftermath of the 1967 Six-Day War, it has remained the foundation for all peacemaking efforts — from the Israel-Egypt treaty of peace to the Israel-Jordan peace treaty, to the Madrid Peace Conference and the Oslo Agreements. For any student of the Middle East it is well known that the resolution never established the extent of Israel’s required withdrawal from territories captured during the Six-Day War in exchange for peace with its Arab neighbors.

Nevertheless, over the past decade, several press organizations have falsely characterized UN resolutions as requiring Israel to withdraw entirely from the West Bank and Gaza. For example, an Associated Press (AP) article asserted that “Security council resolutions 242 and 338 call on Israel to withdraw from all territory captured in the Arab-Israeli wars of 1967 and 1973, which includes east Jerusalem, the West Bank and Golan Heights.”1 This characterization was completely inaccurate. Resolution 242 called on Israel to withdraw from “territory,” decidedly not “all territory,” and the borders of such a withdrawal were meant to reflect each state’s right to live in “secure and recognized” boundaries in the region.

The New York Times caught this distinction, and it ran a correction for committing essentially the same error as the AP: William A. Orme had cited “resolutions” calling on Israel to withdraw to its “pre-1967 borders.”2 As the correction pointed out, no such resolutions exist. In this vein, New York Times Executive Editor Joseph Lelyveld addressed his employees in a speech which, among other complaints, included the following castigation: “Three times in recent months we’ve had to run corrections on the actual provisions of UN Resolution 242, providing great cheer and sustenance to those readers who are convinced we are opinionated and not well informed on Middle East issues.”3

The New York Times acknowledged its errors with corrections, such as the one published on September 8, 2000:

An article on Wednesday about the Middle East peace talks referred incorrectly to United Nations resolutions on the Arab-Israeli conflict. While Security Council Resolution 242, passed after the 1967 Middle East War, calls for Israel’s armed forces to withdraw “from territories occupied in the recent conflict,” no resolution calls for Israeli withdrawal from all territory, including East Jerusalem, occupied in the war.

Resolution 242 says that as part of a final peace settlement, Israel must have “secure and recognized” borders.

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Lelyveld clearly understood the content and meaning of Resolution 242. He also understood that by repeatedly getting it wrong the New York Times was harming its own credibility. Nonetheless, some of its finest columnists fell into this same trap of misrepresenting Resolution 242. For example, Thomas Friedman, who covered the Arab-Israeli conflict from Beirut and Jerusalem, wrote a column in 2002 which again distorted Resolution 242:

Earlier this month, I wrote a column suggesting that the 22 members of the Arab League, at their summit in Beirut on March 27 and 28, make a simple, clear-cut proposal to Israel to break the Israeli-Palestinian impasse: In return for a total withdrawal by Israel to the June 4, 1967 lines, and the establishment of a Palestinian state, the 22 members of the Arab League would offer Israel full diplomatic relations, normalized trade and security guarantees. Full withdrawal, in accord with U.N. Resolution 242, for full peace between Israel and the entire Arab world. Why not?4 [emphasis added]

The latest contributor to this effort to twist the original meaning of Resolution 242 is former U.S. President Jimmy Carter in his 2006 book, Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid. Carter asserts, for example, that Israel should undertake a “withdrawal to the 1967 border specified in UN Resolution 242.” In a critique of the Carter books, his former colleague, Professor Kenneth W. Stein of Emory University, attacks Carter’s attempt to revise Resolution 242: “Nowhere in the resolution does it stipulate what or where Israel’s border should be, nor does the resolution mandate Israeli withdrawal from all territories taken in the 1967 war.”5

An ancillary problem is the exact status of the pre-1967 boundary, known as the 1949 Armistice Line, which was only a military line and not a recognized international boundary. As the main drafter of Resolution 242, Lord Caradon, the British ambassador to the UN in 1967, stated in 1974:

It would have been wrong to demand that Israel return to its positions of June 4, 1967, because those positions were undesirable and artificial. After all, they were just the places where the soldiers of each side happened to be on the day the fighting stopped in 1948. They were just armistice lines. That’s why we didn’t demand that the Israelis return to them.6

Yet Carter assigns to the 1949 Armistice Line a new legal significance. He writes that Resolution 242 “confirmed Israel’s existence within its 1949 borders as promised in the Camp David Accords and Oslo Agreement.” Not only is this statement inconsistent with Resolution 242, but it is not to be found in either

Resolution 242 does not mandate Israeli withdrawal from all territories taken in the 1967 war.

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the 1978 Camp David Accords or the 1993 Oslo Declaration of Principles. Unfortunately, Carter widely lectures on university campuses and it is difficult to ascertain the impact of his mistaken rendition of Israel’s international legal obligations.

Since Carter’s presidency, U.S. officials have been careful to protect Israel’s rights and the true meaning of Resolution 242. The most recent example of this was President George W. Bush’s letter to Prime Minister Ariel Sharon on April 14, 2004, which stated:

As part of a final peace settlement, Israel must have secure and recognized borders, which should emerge from negotiations between the parties in accordance with UNSC Resolutions 242 and 338. In light of new realities on the ground, including already existing major Israeli population centers, it is unrealistic to expect that the outcome of final status negotiations will be a full and complete return to the armistice lines of 1949.

Undoubtedly Bush’s letter helped rectify the growing misinterpretations of Resolution 242. Significantly, it was also supported by large bi-partisan majorities in both the U.S. Senate and the House of Representatives on June 23-24, 2004. Nonetheless, the need to explain the real meaning of Resolution 242 is growing. For that reason, the essays in this book are of extreme importance for the academic, diplomatic, and journalistic communities that avidly follow developments in the Middle East.

Notes1 “Syrian Minister Hails Israeli Withdrawal from Lebanon,” Associated Press, April 8,

2000.

2 Many of these examples are to be found in Jeff Helmreich, “Journalistic License: Professional Standards in the Print Media’s Coverage of Israel,” Jerusalem Viewpoints, August 2001, www.jcpa.org/JCPA/Templates/ShowPage.asp?DRIT=2&DBID=1&LNGID=1&TMID=111&FID=253&PID=0&IID=1126&TTL=Journalistic_License:_Professional_Standards_in_the_Print_Media’s_Coverage_of_Israel. See also, William A. Orme, “Peace Negotiators Meet in Egypt as Israeli Election Nears,” New York Times, January 22, 2001, A6.

3 From an internal New York Times report on a speech by Executive Editor Joseph Lelyveld at the Fourth Annual Newsroom Retreat held in Tarrytown, New York, September 14, 2000. Cited by SmarterTimes.Com.

President Bush: “It is unrealistic to expect…a full and complete return to the armistice lines of 1949.”

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4 Thomas Friedman, “An Intriguing Signal from the Saudi Crown Prince,” New York Times, February 17, 2002, http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9801E3D6133FF934A25751C0A9649C8B63&scp=1&sq=thomas%20friedman%20february%2017,%202002&st=cse.

5 Kenneth W. Stein, “My Problem with Jimmy Carter’s Book,” Middle East Quarterly, Spring 2007, www.meforum.org/article/1633.

6 Cited from the Beirut Daily Star, June 12, 1974, by Andrea Levin, “Correcting Carter’s Distortion,” Jerusalem Post, January 16, 2007.

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Contextualizing Resolution 242

Amb. Meir RosenneFormer Israeli Ambassador to U.S. and France; Legal Advisor, Israeli Foreign Ministry


It is impossible to discuss UN Resolution 242 in a vacuum: it must be contextualized from at least two major perspectives in order for its long-term significance to be understood. Firstly, any discussion of Resolution 242 must be based on its true content and intentions, rather than the perception of these following their distortion by propaganda claims. Resolution 242 called for negotiations to find solutions. These negotiations are only hindered by the distortion of the resolution by those who seek to destroy the peace process. The second perspective from which it is necessary to analyze the resolution is that of the agreements, or disagreements, signed surrounding it. These various documents or expressions of intent clearly form an integral part of any discussion on the subject, since they demonstrate the continued presence and influence of the resolution on the international stage, as well as its development and evolution. The following aims to expose the original intentions of the resolution and some of the agreements made surrounding it. This analysis should be a first step in exposing and turning the tables on those who seek to distort Resolution 242.

Back to the Beginning: The True Intentions and Content 1. of Resolution 242

Unfortunately, if a claim is made often enough, even if it is a lie, it becomes an accepted “truth.” This is especially true of today’s perception of Resolution 242. Many world leaders are unwilling to accept the current terms of the Israeli-Palestinian negotiations. Rather, they wish to work according to their distorted guidelines of Resolution 242: Israel’s total withdrawal from what is known as “the occupied territories.” This is an Arab success — the Arabs have managed to convince the world that Resolution 242 requires a complete withdrawal to the borders of June 4, 1967. However, by reading the text of the resolution, it is not difficult to establish the actual facts, and this has been done by the author of the resolution, Lord Caradon, and world-known experts such as Eugene Rostow, Julius Stone, and Ruth Lapidoth. The resolution does not require unilateral Israeli withdrawal, but offers flexibility on borders. It refers specifically to “secure and recognized boundaries” — terms which could in no way be applied to the pre-1967 borders. These borders were neither secure nor recognized. In the debates in the Security Council in May 1967, the Ambassadors of Egypt, Jordan and Syria emphasized the fact that these “were no borders” and these were only “armistice lines.” There is an extremely large number of articles written by former American diplomats, among them Justice Arthur Goldberg who was the U.S. Ambassador to the UN, and by Professor Prosper Weil from the Sorbonne, that emphasized the fact that Resolution 242 constitutes a “framework” that does not establish borders.

Discussion of Resolution 242 has been distorted by propaganda claims.

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Before Resolution 242 was adopted, there was a Soviet attempt to include language referring to “withdrawal to the 4 of June lines.” It was never adopted.

Moreover, although Arab propaganda has succeeded in convincing public opinion and diplomats alike that Resolution 242 is self-enforcing, this is certainly not the case. UN law provides for different kinds of Security Council resolutions, including recommendations for settling conflicts (under Chapter VI) and resolutions, which are binding and may be enforced by sanctions (under Chapter VII). There is no doubt that Resolution 242 was adopted under the former, Chapter VI, and thus it is a recommendation, rather than a self-enforcing or binding order. The fact of the matter is that this resolution was a basis for negotiations, which would in turn establish secure and recognized borders. There is no mention in the resolution of a Palestinian state, or a requirement to create one, although this of course does not negate the Oslo Agreements or any others which Israel has signed and implemented. It should be emphasized that the resolution refers exclusively to states and not to other entities.

Amongst other claims currently made by Arab propaganda are those that there was no justification for the establishment of a Jewish state and that the Temple never stood in Jerusalem. Yet such claims find no endorsement in Resolution 242. Indeed, the resolution makes no reference either to Jerusalem or to Palestinians. The attempt of the Arab states to incorporate a reference to “Arab” refugees in the resolution was rejected. There is, however, a reference in Resolution 242 to “refugees” in general. As Arthur Goldberg, former U.S. Ambassador to the UN, explained in a letter to the New York Times, at the time of its composition there were not only Arab refugees but also Jewish refugees — about eight hundred thousand Jews were expelled from Arab countries, forced to leave behind belongings, bank accounts, and properties.

The Continued Presence of Resolution 242 in International Agreements2.

Traditionally, in lengthy negotiations with the U.S., Israel has signed Memoranda of Understanding (MOUs). Although Israel at times favored the use of the term “agreement,” U.S. officials claimed that using this term would imply ratification by the Senate. Hence, the term MOA (Memorandum of Agreement) was found to be preferable. An MOU was signed between Israel and the U.S. shortly after the Yom Kippur War, on the day before the Geneva Conference convened (December 1, 1973). Therein is a clause stating that “the U.S. will oppose and, if necessary, vote against any initiative in the Security Council to alter adversely the terms of reference of the Geneva Peace Conference or to change Resolutions 242 and 338 in ways which are incompatible with their original purposes.” This

There is no mention in Resolution 242 of a Palestinian state or a requirement to create one.

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commitment of the U.S. is also included in the Memorandum of Agreement of September 1, 1975.

At the time, the MOU was confidential, but eventually it was presented to the leadership of the Congress. In the Congressional Record there is a question presented to the legal adviser of the Senate concerning this MOU: “Can the U.S. make a commitment to a foreign sovereign to vote against any initiative that would change a resolution in a manner seemingly adverse to the intent of the authors?” The legal adviser’s response was that this is indeed enforceable. In other words, from the standpoint of international responsibility, the U.S. committed itself to this clause, unless Israel releases it from the obligation.

Of course, the issue is not always what is written in a legal text, but the extent to which a country is ready to use its legal ammunition to defend its rights. If Israel, at a certain time and on the basis of a legitimate decision of a legally elected Israeli government, were to decide to give up part of its “ammunition,” it is absolutely free to do so. If Israel does not want to hold the U.S. to its commitments on Resolution 242, it does not have to do so. Yet why Israel would take such a step is unclear.

A further example may be found in the implications of a commitment made by the U.S. president to Israel on the issue of the Golan Heights. In 1975 Israel was negotiating a partial withdrawal from the Sinai with the Americans, in the framework of a cease-fire agreement with Egypt. Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin asked the U.S. to commit itself to the acceptance of Israel’s presence in the Golan and to pledge its support of Israel’s position in any future negotiations with the Syrians. President Gerald Ford, in a letter dated September 1, 1975, to Prime Minister Rabin, did not commit the U.S. categorically to supporting Israel’s position. However, he did state that when negotiations on the Golan would take place, the U.S. would take into consideration the strategic importance of this area for Israel. The language is similar to that of President Bush’s letter of April 2004, in which there is reference, on the one hand, to the Jewish presence in civilian settlements in Judea and Samaria and, on the other, to the need for all parties to accept the conditions of any agreement.

No less significant than the involvement of the U.S., although almost directly opposed to it, is the role of the EU in peace negotiations and the implementation of Resolution 242. Specifically, the EU’s reaction when Israel signed a peace treaty with Egypt in 1979, withdrawing from Sinai and returning to the international border, is of great significance. On June 13, 1980, the EU adopted the Venice Declaration, which implicitly rejected the Israeli-Egyptian peace treaty.

At the time, the author of this article was Ambassador to France. He visited the French foreign minister, asking how, fifty years later, a French teacher

In 1973 the U.S. pledged to oppose changing Resolution 242 in ways incompatible with its original purpose.

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would be able to explain to his pupils how France, a democratic state, opposed a peace treaty between two belligerents; how Europe had the legal or moral right to decide that Israel and Egypt have not seen enough death and destruction, that they should go on fighting. He responded by making two claims. Firstly, he stated that the European reaction is unimportant to Israel in any case. Secondly, this rejection pleased France’s “Arab friends” (such as the Libyans, Syrians, and all those who opposed the peace process). It should be noted that the Europeans’ basis for condemnation was that Israel had not solved the Palestinian problem, despite the fact that at Camp David Egypt became the first Arab country to achieve the acceptance by Israel of a regime of autonomy for the Palestinians.

European opposition to the peace treaty between Egypt and Israel was perhaps the greatest misfortune possible since, after all, Resolution 242 called for negotiated solutions to conflict. When European countries voiced their opposition to this treaty, it reduced even further the chances of other Arab countries negotiating peace with Israel. The European negative attitude to the Treaty of Peace discouraged all Arab states to enter into peace negotiations with Israel. Likewise, the distortions of Resolution 242, which are accepted by diplomats and the world at large, only push the solutions called for therein further away. The steps which Israel must take in order to advance towards negotiations and solutions are a return to the original intent of the resolution together with awareness of positive commitments from other countries. Resolution 242 is still the only legal basis for the peace process with the Arab states, and it does not call for total withdrawal from the territories.

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Analysis of Main Provisions

Prof. Ruth Lapidoth Professor Emeritus of International Law, Hebrew University of Jerusalem

Security Council Resolution 242:An Analysis of its Main Provisions*

Introduction

Hardly any UN resolution is quoted and referred to as much as Resolution 242. It has become the cornerstone for all stages in the settlement of the Arab-Israel conflict — amongst these the Peace Treaties between Israel and Egypt (1979) and Jordan (1994), as well as the 1993 and 1995 agreements with the Palestinians. There are several reasons for the considerable importance attached to Resolution 242: its unanimous adoption and, perhaps even more important, its acceptance by the parties to the conflict. However, as is well known, the resolution has been the object of differing, and in some respects conflicting, interpretations by the parties; therefore, an analysis of the resolution and its various interpretations may be helpful. A short survey of the origins of Resolution 242 will be followed by an examination of its legal effects. Following this, an analysis of its specific provisions will lead to the conclusion that it requires the parties to negotiate in good faith in order to reach agreement on the basis of several guidelines: an Israeli withdrawal to secure and recognized (i.e., agreed) boundaries; the termination of claims of belligerency by the Arab states and the recognition by all parties of each other’s independence; guarantees of freedom of navigation in international waterways in the area; a just and agreed solution to the refugee problem; and the adoption of measures that guarantee the boundaries to be established by agreement.

The Origins of the Resolution

The Six-Day War of June 1967 ended with cease-fire resolutions adopted by the Security Council.1 However, neither the Security Council nor the General Assembly, which met in an Emergency Special Session, called upon Israel to withdraw to the armistice lines established in 1949. Most likely, the reason for this was the conviction that a return to those lines would not guarantee peace in the area, as the 1957 precedent had proven.

In November 1967 the United Arab Republic (i.e., Egypt) urgently requested an early meeting of the Security Council “to consider the dangerous situation prevailing in the Middle East as a result of the persistence of Israel not to withdraw its armed forces from all the territories which it occupied as a result of the Israeli aggression committed on 5 June 1967 against the United Arab Republic, Jordan and Syria.”2 In answer to this request, the Security Council was duly convened and debated the crisis in its meetings of November 9, 13, 15, 16, 20, and 22.3

In its deliberations, two draft resolutions were presented: one was jointly submitted by India, Mali, and Nigeria,4 the other by the U.S.5 In the course of the deliberations, two further draft resolutions were submitted, one by Great

Following the Six-Day War, neither the Security Council nor the General Assembly called upon Israel to withdraw to the armistice lines established in 1949.

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Britain (November 16)6 and another by the U.S.S.R. (November 20).7 Only the British draft was put to a vote and it was carried unanimously. The resolution as passed reads:

The Security Council

Expressing its continuing concern with the grave situation in the Middle East,

Emphasizing the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war and the need to work for a just and lasting peace in which every State in the area can live in security,

Emphasizing further that all Member States in their acceptance of the Charter of the United Nations have undertaken a commitment to act in accordance with Article 2 of the Charter,

1. Affirms that the fulfillment of Charter principles requires the establishment of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East which should include the application of both the following principles:

(i) Withdrawal of Israel armed forces from territories occupied in the recent conflict;8

(ii) Termination of all claims or states of belligerency and respect for and acknowledgement of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of every State in the area and their right to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries free from threats or acts of force;

2. Affirms further the necessity

(a) For guaranteeing freedom of navigation through international waterways in the area;

(b) For achieving a just settlement of the refugee problem;

(c) For guaranteeing the territorial inviolability and political independence of every State in the area, through measures including the establishment of demilitarized zones;

3. Requests the Secretary General to designate a Special Representative to proceed to the Middle East to establish and maintain contacts with the States concerned in order to promote agreement and assist efforts to achieve a peaceful and accepted settlement in accordance with the provisions and principles in this resolution;

4. Requests the Secretary General to report to the Security Council on the progress of the efforts of the Special Representative as soon as possible.

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The Legal Effect of the Resolution

Although it is also authorized to adopt binding decisions, in particular when dealing with “threats to the peace, breaches of the peace, and acts of aggression” (under Chapter VII of the Charter), it is well known that in most cases the Security Council adopts resolutions in the nature of recommendations. The effect of this particular resolution was discussed by the Secretary General of the UN in a press conference given on March 19, 1992.9 Replying to a question, the Secretary General said that “[a] resolution not based on Chapter VII is non-binding. For your information, Security Council Resolution 242 (1967) is not based on Chapter VII of the Charter.” In a statement of clarification it was said that “the resolution is not enforceable since it was not adopted under Chapter VII.”

Thus it would seem that the resolution was a mere recommendation, especially since in the debate that preceded its adoption the delegates stressed that they were acting under Chapter VI of the Charter. They considered themselves to be dealing with the settlement of a dispute “the continuance of which is likely to endanger the maintenance of international peace and security.”10 There is no doubt that by referring to Chapter VI of the Charter, the speakers conveyed their intention that the resolution was recommendatory in nature.

The contents of the resolution also indicate that it was but a recommendation. The majority of its stipulations constitute a framework, a list of general principles, to become operative only after detailed and specific measures would be agreed upon: “It states general principles and envisions ‘agreement’ on specifics; the parties must put flesh on these bare bones,” commented Ambassador Arthur Goldberg, the U.S. Representative.11 The resolution explicitly entrusted a “Special Representative” with the task of assisting the parties concerned to reach agreement and arrive at a settlement in keeping with its conciliatory spirit.

Had the intention been to impose a “binding decision,” agreement between the parties would not have been one of its major preoccupations. In particular, the provision on the establishment of “secure and recognized boundaries” proves that the implementation of the resolution required a prior agreement between the parties. In addition, the use of the term “should” in the first paragraph (“which should include the application of both the following principles”) underlines the recommendatory character of the resolution.

However, the question arises as to whether the extent of Resolution 242’s legal effect was affected by later developments. In this context one must remember that at a certain stage the parties to the conflict expressed their acceptance of the resolution.12 This acceptance certainly enhanced its legal weight and constituted a commitment to negotiate in good faith. But due to the

Had the intention been to impose a “binding decision,” agreement between the parties would not have been one of the resolution’s major preoccupations.

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fact that the contents of Resolution 242 were only guidelines for a settlement, as described above, the acceptance of the document did not commit the parties to a specific outcome.

It has been claimed that Resolution 338 (1973), which was adopted after the October 1973 war, added a binding effect to Resolution 242 (1967).13 Indeed, there is little doubt that Resolution 338 reinforced 242 in various respects. First, it emphasized that the latter must be implemented “in all of its parts,” thereby stressing that all of its provisions are of the same validity and effect. Also, while Resolution 242 spoke of an agreed settlement to be reached with the help of the UN Secretary General’s Special Representative, Resolution 338 expressly called for negotiations between the parties.14 There is no express statement in Resolution 338 that it was intended to be of a binding nature, but rather, it reinforced the call to negotiate in accordance with the general guidelines of Resolution 242.

The Contents of the Resolution

In the following analysis of the contents of Resolution 242, four of the five major issues addressed by the resolution will be dealt with (the question of the refugees is dealt with in a separate article in this volume): (1) the “inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war”; (2) the withdrawal clause; (3) “freedom of navigation through international waterways in the area”; and (4) demilitarized zones as a means to preserve the peace once it is established.

The “Inadmissibility of the Acquisition of Territory by War”1.

The exact meaning of Resolution 242’s preamble is hotly debated: does the statement therein on “inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war” imply that, in the opinion of the Security Council, Israel’s retention of the territories occupied in 1967 was, and is, illegal? To answer this question, it is necessary to draw attention to the fundamental difference between military occupation and the acquisition of territory. The former does not entail any change in a territory’s national status, although it does give the occupier certain powers as well as the responsibilities and the right to stay in the territory until peace has been concluded. Mere military occupation of the land does not confer any legal title to sovereignty.

Due to the prohibition of the use of force under the UN Charter, the legality of military occupation has been the subject of differing opinions. It is generally recognized that occupation resulting from a lawful use of force (i.e., an act of self-defense) is legitimate. Thus, the 1970 UN General Assembly “Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Cooperation

It is generally recognized that occupation resulting from a lawful use of force (i.e., an act of self-defense) is legitimate.

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among States,”15 and its 1974 “Definition of Aggression” Resolution,16 upheld the legality of military occupation provided the force used to establish it was not in contravention of the UN Charter. These two resolutions are considered to be based on customary law or on UN Charter principles. In the words of Prof. Rosalyn Higgins, “[t]here is nothing in either the Charter or general international law which leads one to suppose that military occupation pending a peace treaty is illegal.”17

The preamble of this Security Council resolution denounces “the acquisition of territory by war,” but does not pronounce a verdict on the occupation under the circumstances of 1967.18 It is revealing to compare the version finally adopted with the formula used in the draft submitted by India, Mali, and Nigeria: there the relevant passage read that “[o]ccupation or acquisition of territory by military conquest is inadmissible under the Charter of the United Nations.”19

It is, therefore, of some significance that the version of the preamble finally adopted, while reiterating the injunction against the acquisition of territory, offers no comment on military occupation. Consequently, it cannot be argued that the Security Council regarded Israel’s presence in these territories as illegal. As an act of self-defense,20 this military occupation was and continues to be legitimate, until a peace settlement can be reached and permanent borders defined and agreed upon.21

Other interpretations of the passage — suggesting, for example, that the passage was intended to denounce any military occupation — contradict not only its wording, but also the established rules of customary international law. Its form, its place in the preamble rather than in the body of the resolution,22

and a comparison with the subsequent passages all clearly indicate its concern with the implementation of existing norms rather than an attempt to create new ones.

The Withdrawal Clause2.

There is a serious contradiction between the attitude of the Arab states and that of Israel regarding the extent of the withdrawal required by Resolution 242. While the Arabs insist on complete Israeli withdrawal from all the territories occupied by Israel in 1967,23 Israel is of the opinion that the call for withdrawal is applicable in conjunction with the call for the establishment of secure and recognized boundaries by agreement.24

The Arab states base their claim on a combination of the above-mentioned provision in the preamble on “the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war” and the French version of the sentence which calls for “withdrawal of Israel armed forces from territories occupied in the recent conflict” (paragraph 1.i), namely “retrait des forces armées israéliennes des territoires occupés lors

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du récent conflit.” On the other hand, Israel’s interpretation is based on the plain meaning of the English text of the withdrawal clause, which is identical with the wording presented by the British delegation. It is also supported by the rejection of proposals to add the words “all” or “the” before “territories.” Moreover, in interpreting the withdrawal clause, one must take into consideration the other provisions of the resolution, including that on the establishment of “secure and recognized boundaries.”

It seems that the resolution does not require total withdrawal for a number of reasons:

As has already been discussed, the phrase in the preamble (“the a. inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war”) merely reiterates the principle that military occupation, although lawful if it is the result of an act of self-defense, does not by itself justify annexation and acquisition of title to territory.

The English version of the withdrawal clause requires only “withdrawal b. from territories,” not from “all” territories, nor from “the” territories. This provision is clear and unambiguous. As Lord Caradon, the Representative of Great Britain, stated in the Security Council on November 22, 1967: “I am sure that it will be recognized by us all that it is only the resolution that will bind us, and we regard its wording as clear.”25 According to Prof. Eugene Rostow, who was at the time Undersecretary of State for Political Affairs in the U.S. Department of State: “for twenty-four years, the Arabs have pretended that the two Resolutions are ambiguous….Nothing could be further from the truth.”26

The French version, which allegedly supports the request for full c. withdrawal, can perhaps be considered ambiguous, since the word “des” can be either the plural of “de” (article indéfini) or a contraction of “de les” (article défini). It seems, however, that the French translation is an idiomatic rendering of the original English text, and possibly the only acceptable rendering into French.27 Moreover, even Ambassador Bernard, the Representative of France in the Security Council at the time, said that “des territoires occupés” indisputably corresponds to the expression “occupied territories.”28

If, however, the French version were ambiguous, it should be interpreted in conformity with the English text. Since the two versions are presumed to have the same meaning,29 one clear and the other ambiguous, the latter should be interpreted in conformity with the former.30

18


Likewise, the English version should be preferred, since it is identical to the original version of the British draft on which the resolution is based.31 It is a well-established rule in international law that multilingual texts of equal authority in various languages should be interpreted by “accordant la primauté au texte original”32 or the “basic language.”33 Various authorities deal with this question in the context of treaty interpretation. By analogy, the relevant rules may also be applied to the interpretation of other document categories. English was not only officially a “working language,” but also, in practice, the language of most of the deliberations. Indeed, English was used by ten members of the Security Council, French by three, and Russian and Spanish by one each.

In interpreting Resolution 242, and investigating the intentions of the d. Security Council, one should also take into account all the antecedent discussions in the Security Council (from the beginning of the crisis in May 1967) and in the Fifth Emergency Special Session of the General Assembly which convened after the Six-Day War.34 This “legislative history” shows that draft resolutions calling for the complete withdrawal of Israeli armed forces from all the territories occupied in 1967 were rejected. It also demonstrates the predominance of the English language in all the deliberations.

The preferred status of the English language has been recognized by e. implication by Egypt, since the English version was annexed to the 1978 Framework for Peace in the Middle East, agreed at Camp David by Egypt and Israel. Moreover, in this framework, the parties agreed that the negotiations on the “final status” of the West Bank and Gaza will also “resolve...the location of the boundaries,” thus indicating that a return to the 1949 lines was not envisaged.35

The provision on the establishment of “secure and recognized boundaries” f. included in paragraph 1.ii of the resolution would have been meaningless if there had been an obligation to withdraw Israel’s armed forces from all the territories occupied in 1967.

This interpretation of the resolution, i.e., that it does not call for a full withdrawal of Israeli forces from all the territories occupied in 1967, is also in line with pronouncements made by various diplomats who were involved in the adoption of the resolution and its interpretation.36 The gist of the withdrawal clause is that “[w]hen peace is made, the resolution calls for Israeli withdrawal to ‘secure and recognized’ boundaries.”37

The question of the extent of the withdrawal foreseen by Resolution 242 has been the main bone of contention in the negotiations between Israel and its neighbors.

The provision on the establishment of “secure and recognized boundaries” would have been meaningless if there had been an obligation to withdraw from all the territories.

19


Many varied opinions have been expressed on the subject. Some consider that the full withdrawal from the Sinai in pursuance of the 1979 peace treaty between Egypt and Israel should serve as a precedent that requires full withdrawal from further regions. Others have reached the opposite conclusion — namely, that by carrying out the considerable withdrawal from the Sinai, Israel already fulfilled any withdrawal requirement. Some have claimed that the lack of a requirement for full withdrawal under the resolution allows Israel to carry out only minor border rectifications, whilst others have coined the slogan “land for peace.” None of these attitudes can claim to represent the proper interpretation of Resolution 242. As mentioned, the resolution calls upon the parties to negotiate and reach agreement on withdrawal and agreed boundaries, without indicating the extent and the location of the recommended withdrawal.1. 2.

“Freedom of Navigation through International Waterways in the Area”3.

Since navigation of waterways was the cause of tension and several wars, it is understandable that Resolution 242 mentions the need to guarantee this right. It should be emphasized that the resolution foresees “freedom of navigation” and not merely a “right of passage.”38 To which international waterways this provision applies is not specified — most probably the drafters had in mind the Suez Canal, the Gulf of Suez, the Strait of Tiran, the Gulf of Aqaba, and the Strait of Bab el-Mandeb. The right of passage “through the Suez Canal and its approaches through the Gulf of Suez and the Mediterranean Sea on the basis of the Constantinople Convention of 1888, applying to all nations,” as well as “unimpeded and non-suspendable freedom of navigation and overflight” in the Strait of Tiran and the Gulf of Aqaba, have been promised by Egypt and Israel in their 1979 treaty of peace, and a similar provision on the Strait of Tiran was included in the Israel-Jordan peace treaty (1994).39 However, these arrangements are not binding on the other Arab states. Since Egypt is the sole coastal state of the Suez Canal and the Gulf of Suez, there seems to be no need to negotiate on passage through these waterways with other states. The Gulf of Aqaba has four riparian states — Egypt, Jordan, Israel, and Saudia Arabia. The first three have agreed on a liberal regime for the Strait of Tiran and the Gulf of Aqaba. Future negotiations with Saudi Arabia should ensure its consent to that regime as a riparian of the Strait.

Means such as Demilitarized Zones to Ensure Safe Borders4.

The means to guarantee peace once it is established include demilitarized zones with an appropriate monitoring system. A demilitarized zone is an area in which a territorial state has agreed not to have military units, arms, and fortifications. An area can also be partially demilitarized, i.e., military units and

20


arms would not exceed a certain agreed level. Since demilitarization is based on an agreement, it does not constitute an infringement on the sovereignty of the state. However, those states that fear any real or perceived danger to their sovereignty may prefer to use different terminology, such as a defensive area, buffer zone, or limitation of forces zone. Resolution 242 recommends the use of means including the establishment of demilitarized zones by agreement in order to guarantee the peace between the parties. However, since the demilitarized zones established by the 1949 Armistice Agreements were a source of friction and conflict between Israel and its neighbors,40 any provisions on demilitarized zones must take into consideration that experience and avoid a recurrence of those difficulties. The 1949 Armistice Agreements also established “areas in which defensive forces only” were permitted.

The 1974 Egyptian-Israeli Agreement on Disengagement of Forces, in pursuance of the 1973 Geneva Peace Conference, established “a zone of disengagement” in which the UN Emergency Force (UNEF) was stationed, and from which forces of the signatories were excluded. The areas east and west of this zone were to “be limited in armament and forces.” The 1974 Agreement on Disengagement between Israel and Syria similarly established “an area of separation” and “areas of limitation of armament and forces” (monitored by the UN Disengagement Observer Force — UNDOF), as did the agreement made in the following year between Egypt and Israel using the terminology “buffer zones” and “areas of limited forces and armaments.” In the northernmost of these buffer zones no forces of either party were permitted, only UN forces. Three early warning stations were established (Egyptian, Israeli, and one manned by U.S. civilians). The 1979 Egypt-Israel Peace Treaty established “limited force zones” in the Sinai and the southern Negev, the degree of limitation in the Sinai increasing from west to east. The maximum limitation was to be found along the international boundary and all along the shore of the Gulf of Aqaba. This regime is monitored by the Multinational Force and Observers — an international force established in 1981 by Egypt and Israel with the support of the U.S.

Concluding Remarks

It may be concluded from the above survey that Resolution 242 requires the parties to negotiate in good faith in order to reach agreement on the basis of a withdrawal of Israeli forces, the establishment by agreement of secure and recognized boundaries, the termination of any state of belligerency, and the recognition by all parties of each other’s independence and sovereignty. The forces of Israel’s neighbors do not necessarily have the right to advance into the areas from which Israeli forces withdraw, since the parties may agree

21


on the demilitarization of certain regions. The resolution also requires the parties to negotiate on guaranteeing freedom of navigation in international waterways in the area, on the search for a just settlement of the refugee problem, and on the adoption of measures to guarantee the boundaries to be established by agreement. These guidelines appear to be chapter headings for peace treaties.

Resolution 242 is an indivisible whole, a “package” or “un ensemble de principes dont la mise en œuvre simultanée est recommandée aux Etats parties au conflit pour qu’ils mettent fin à celui-ci par voie d’accords internationaux.”41 However, in their negotiations the parties are not limited or restricted by the guidelines included in the resolution, which is, after all, forty-one years old, and cannot be expected to cover all the questions and alternatives current in 2009. Thus, the parties may also deal with matters not mentioned in the resolution, such as cooperation in the fight against terrorism and environmental problems. Moreover, they may also agree on solutions of a functional nature, in line with recent trends in international relations that tend to be more functionally than territorially oriented. In the words of Prof. George Shultz,

Today, the meaning of borders is changing, and so is the notion of sovereignty....In these [i.e., the Middle East] territories a vision is needed that transcends the boundaries of traditional nation-states and addresses the clear requirements for the parties’ security, political voice, economic opportunity and community life on an equal basis.

Constructs based on absolute sovereignty and rigid borders cannot provide this vision....Thinking must increasingly be on a region-wide scale. A little creativity about new mixes of sovereignty might help move the peace process forward right now. The juxtaposition of territory for peace need not be a matter of where to draw lines, but how to divide responsibilities.42

22


Notes* This article is partly based on a previous paper by the author (“Resolution 242 at Twenty

Five”) published in Israel Law Review (Is.L.R.) 295 (1992). The following essay is published with the kind permission of the Is.L.R.

** The author has discussed the subject with a great number of experts, and the list is too long to be fully reproduced. Special thanks are due to Prof. Eugene V. Rostow, Ambassador Joseph Sisco, Prof. William V. O’Brien, Mr. Herbert Hansell, Dr. Shavit Matias, Brig. Gen. Ilan Shiff, Ambassador Dr. Robbie Sabel, Justice Elyakim Rubinstein, Messers. Daniel Taub, David Kornbluth, Benjamin Rubin, and Joseph Ben Aharon. Needless to say, the responsibility for the contents is the author’s.

1 Resolutions 233 (1967), 234 (1967), 235 (1967).

2 UN Doc. S/8226 of November 7, 1967.

3 Security Council Official Records, (SCOR), 22nd year, 1373rd, 1375th, 1377th, 1379th, 1380th, 1381st and 1382nd meetings. For the legislative history of the resolution see Arthur Lall, The UN and the Middle East Crisis, 1967 (New York and London: Columbia University, 1968); Sydney D. Bailey, The Making of Resolution 242 (Dordrecht: Martinus Nijhoff, 1985); Gideon Rafael, “Resolution 242 is Five Years Old,” Ma’ariv, November 24, 1972 [Hebrew]; Lord Caradon, Arthur J. Goldberg, Mohamed H. El-Zayyat and Abba Eban, UN Security Council Resolution 242: A Case Study in Diplomatic Ambiguity, Introduction by Joseph J. Sisko (Washington D.C.: Institute for the Study of Democracy, Georgetown University, 1981).





8 The French version reads: “Retrait des forces armées israéliennes des territoires occupés lors du récent conflit.”

9 UN Press Release SG/SM/4718 of March 19, 1992, 11, and the clarification DPI of March 20, 1992.

10 Lord Caradon, the Representative of Great Britain, SCOR, 22nd year, 1373rd meeting, November 9, 1967, 18, section 164; U.S. Ambassador A. Goldberg, ibid., 1377th meeting, November 15, 1967, 6, section 54; the Representative of Denmark, Mr. Borch, 1373rd meeting, November 9/10, 1967, 24, section 235; the Representative of Canada, Mr. Ignatieff, 1373rd meeting, 22, section 212, and 1377th meeting, 9, section 86; Mr. Adebe, the Representative of Nigeria, 1373rd meeting, November 9/10, 1967, 12, section 107.

It is true that in 1971 the International Court of Justice (ICJ) decided that a resolution taken in accordance with Chapter VI can also be a binding decision (Legal Consequences for States of the Continued Presence of South Africa in Namibia [South West Africa] Notwithstanding Security Council Resolution 276 [1970], ICJ Reports 1971, 16, sections 113 and 114), but this was not the prevalent view in 1967, when the discussions on

23


Resolution 242 took place in the Council. See John W. Halderman, The United Nations and the Rule of Law (Dobbs Ferry, N.Y.: Oceania, 1967), 65–89. See also: Julius Stone, No Peace — No War in the Middle East (Sydney: Maitland Publications for the International Law Association, 1969), 23–24; J. Dehaussy, “La crise du Moyen-Orient et l’O.N.U.,” Journal du Droit International 95 (1968): 853–88 [French]; Shabtai Rosenne, “Directions for a Middle East Settlement — Some Underlying Legal Problems,” Law and Contemporary Problems 33 (1968): 44–67, at 57; Yehuda Z. Blum, Secure Boundaries and Middle East Peace in the Light of International Law and Practice (Jerusalem: Hebrew University, 1971), 63–64, n.127; Yoram Dinstein, “The Legal Issues of ‘Para-War’ and Peace in the Middle East,” St. John’s Law Review 44 (1970): 477; Amos Shapira, “The Security Council Resolution of November 1967 — Its Legal Nature and Implications,” Is.L.R. 4 (1969): 229–41; Ph. Manin, “Les efforts de l’Organisation des Nations Unies et des Grandes Puissances en Vue d’un Règlement de la Crise au Moyen-Orient,” Annuaire Français de Droit International 15 (1969): 154–82, at 158–59 [French]; Pierre-Marie Martin, Le Conflit Israélo-Arabe: Recherches sur l’Emploi de la Force en Droit International Public Positif (Paris: L.G.D.J., 1973), 232–34 [French].

11 Arthur J. Goldberg, “A Basic Mideast Document: Its Meaning Today,” address delivered at the Annual Meeting of the American Jewish Committee, May 15, 1969.

12 Sydney D. Bailey, The Making of Resolution 242 (Dordrecht: Martinus Nijhoff, 1985), at 178–179.

13 E.V. Rostow, ”The Illegality of the Arab Attack on Israel of October 1973,” 6, American Journal of International Law (Am. J. Int’l L.) 69 (1975): 272–289, at 275. Resolution 338 states:

The Security Council

1. Calls upon all parties to the present fighting to cease all firing and terminate all military activity immediately, no later than 12 hours after the moment of the adoption of this decision, in the positions they now occupy;

2. Calls upon the parties concerned to start immediately after the cease-fire the implementation of Security Council Resolution 242 (1967) in all of its parts;

3. Decides that, immediately and concurrently with the cease-fire, negotiations start between the parties concerned under appropriate auspices aimed at establishing a just and durable peace in the Middle East.

14 The author wishes to express her thanks to Ambassador J. Sisco for having drawn her attention to this fact.

15 General Assembly Resolution 2625 (XXV) of October 24, 1970.

16 General Assembly Resolution 3314 (XXIX) of December 14, 1974.

17 Rosalyn Higgins, “The Place of International Law in the Settlement of Disputes by the Security Council,” Am. J. Int’l L. 64 (1970): 1–18, at 8.

18 See Stone, at 33; Rosenne, 59; Martin, at 258–65; Higgins, at 7–8; Blum, at 80–91.


20 See Stone, 6ff; Quincy Wright, “Legal Aspects of the Middle East Situation,” Law and Contemporary Problems 33 (1968): 5–31, at 27; William V. O’Brien, “International Law and the Outbreak of War in the Middle East,” Orbis 11 (1967): 692–723, at 722–23; Nathan

24


Feinberg, The Arab-Israel Conflict in International Law: A Critical Analysis of the Colloquium of Arab Jurists in Algiers (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1970), 114–115; Stephen M. Schwebel, “What Weight to Conquest?” Am. J. Intl L. 64 (1970): 344–347, at 346; E.V. Rostow, “Legal Aspects of the Search for Peace in the Middle East,” Proceedings of the American Society of International Law 80 (1970); A.A. Cocatre-Zilgien, “L’Imbroglio Moyen-Oriental et le Droit,” Revue Génrale de Droit International Public 73 (1969):52–61, at 59 [French]; John Norton Moore, “The Arab-Israeli Conflict and the Obligation to Pursue Peaceful Settlement of International Disputes,” Kansas Law Review (Kansas L.R.) 19 (1971): 403–40, at 425; S.M. Berman, “Recrudescence of the Bellum justum et pium Controversy and Israel’s Conquest and Integration of Jerusalem,” Revue de Droit International (1968): 359–74, at 367ff; B. Döll, “Die Rechtslage des Golfes von Akaba,” Jahrbuch fur Internationales Recht 14 (1969): 225–59, at 258 [German]; Martin, at 153–73; Amos Shapira, “The Six-Day War and the Right of Self Defense,” Is.L.R. 6 (1971): 65–80; Allan Gerson, “Trustee-Occupant: The Legal Status of Israel’s Presence in the West Bank,” Harvard International Law Journal 14 (1973): 1–49, at 14–22; Th. M. Franck, “Who Killed Article 2(4),” Am. J. Int’l L. 64 (1970): 809–837, at 821; Dinstein, 466 et seq.; Yoram Dinstein, War, Aggression and Self-Defense (Cambridge, 3rd edition, 2007); Barry Feinstein, “Self-Defence and Israel in International Law: A Reappraisal,” Is.L.R. 11 (1976): 516–562; Edward Miller, “Self-Defence, International Law and the Six Day War,” Is.L.R. 20 (1985): 49–73. Cf., however, J.L. Hargrove, “Abating the Middle East Crisis through the United Nations (and Vice Versa),” Kansas L.R 19 (1971): 365–72, at 367; M. Ch. Bassiouni, “The ‘Middle East’: The Misunderstood Conflict,” Kansas L.R 19 (1971): 373–402, at 395; J. Quigley, quoted in E.V. Rostow, “The Perils of Positivism: A Response to Professor Quigley,” Duke Journal of Comparative and International Law 2 (1992): 229–246, at 229.

21 See, for example, John Norton Moore, “The Arab-Israeli Conflict and the Obligation to Pursue Peaceful Settlement of International Disputes,” Kansas L.R. 19 (1971): 425; Schwebel, 344; Rostow, “The Illegality of the Arab Attack,” 276. It should be mentioned, however, that according to various authors, Israel’s rights in part of the occupied territories exceed those of a military occupant because of the defectiveness of the title of the authorities who had been in control of those territories prior to the Israel occupation; the principle has been maintained mainly with regard to the West Bank (Judea and Samaria) and the Gaza Strip: see Schwebel, 345–46; Stone, at 39–40; Elihu Lauterpacht, Jerusalem and the Holy Places (London: Anglo-Israel Association, 1968), 46ff; Cocatre-Zilgien, 60; Yehuda Z. Blum, “The Missing Reversioner: Reflections on the Status of Judea and Samaria,” Is.L.R. 3 (1968): 270–301; Martin, at 265–79.

22 Irrespective of the rules that apply to international treaties, it is well known that preambles to Security Council resolutions carry much less weight than the operative part.

23 See, for example, replies by Jordan (March 23, 1969) and by Lebanon (April 21, 1969) to questions submitted by Ambassador Gunnar Jarring, in the Report by UN Secretary General U. Thant, UN Doc. S/10070 of January 4, 1971. See also Talcott W. Seelye, “Meaning of ‘67 Israel Resolution Disputed,” The New York Times, April 1, 1988 (the writer was U.S. Ambassador to Tunisia and Syria).

25


24 Statement by Ambassador Abba Eban, UN General Assembly, Official Records, 23rd session, 1686th Plenary Meeting, October 8, 1968, 9–13, at 9 (section 92), 11 (section 110).

25 SCOR, 22nd year, 1382nd meeting, 7, section 61 of November 22, 1967. See also Cyrus R. Vance and Joseph J. Sisco, “Resolution 242, Crystal Clear,” The New York Times, March 20, 1988. See, however, Yehuda Z. Blum, “Controversial UN Resolution 242, a Quarter-Century After,” The Jerusalem Post, November 20, 1992.

26 Rostow, “The Perils of Positivism,” 241–242.

27 It seems that there was no other way to translate that provision into French: “When the French text appeared, the British and American governments raised the matter at once with the United Nations Secretariat, and with the French government, to be told that the French language offered no other solution for the problem.…[N]one of the people involved could think of a more accurate French translation.” See Rostow, “The Illegality of the Arab Attack,” 285. See also Rosenne, 360–365, at 363.

28 SCOR, 1382nd meeting of November 22, 1967, 12, section 111.

29 Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, 1969, Article 33.

30 Charles Rousseau, Droit International Public, vol. I (Paris: Pedone, 1970), at 289–290 [French].


32 Rousseau, at 290.

33 Sir Arnold Duncan McNair, The Law of Treaties (London: Oxford University, 1961), 434: “Tribunals dealing with a treaty written in two or more languages of equal authority will sometimes seek to ascertain the ‘basic language,’ that is, the working language in which the treaty was negotiated and drafted and regard that as the more important.” The question of the interpretation of international documents of equal authority in two or more languages in case of a discrepancy between the different texts has been dealt with chiefly with regard to treaties. Thus the Permanent Court of International Justice (P.C.I.J.) has favored the language in which a treaty had initially been drawn up: “[Since] the Convention was drawn up in French...regard must be had to the meaning of the disputed term in that language” (Advisory Opinion on the Exchange of Greek and Turkish Populations, 1925, P.C.I.J., Series B, No. 10, 18). For other examples, see Rousseau, at 290; McNair, n. 2. The 1969 Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties also implicitly refers to the original text of the document since it recommends having recourse to the preparatory work of the treaty and the circumstances of its conclusion (Article 33, section 4). This provision is based on Article 29, section 3 (formerly Article 73, section 2) of the draft prepared by the International Law Commission. Actually, Prof. Alfred Verdross had proposed inclusion of an explicit provision in favor of the text in which the treaty had initially been drawn up (see Summary Records of the 874th meeting, section 5, and 884th meeting, section 44, Yearbook of the International Law Commission, [1966] vol. I, part 2, 208 and 271). But the Commission preferred not to adopt a strict rule on the subject in order not to avoid taking into consideration the circumstances of each case (see “Report of the International Law Commission on the Work of its 18th Session,” Yearbook of the International Law Commission

26

[1966], vol. II, 169–367, section 9 of the commentaries to Article 29, 226). However, Prof. Roberto Ago has rightly pointed out that reference to the preparatory work of the treaty and the circumstances of its conclusion inevitably lead to the language in which the treaty has initially been drawn up (see Summary Records of the 874th meeting, section 22, vol. I, part 2, 210). See also J. Hardy, “The Interpretation of Plurilingual Treaties by International Courts and Tribunals,” British Year Book of International Law 37 (1961): 72–155, at 98ff; M. Tabory, Multilingualism in International Law and Institutions (Alphen aan den Rijn: Sijthoff and Noordhoff, 1980), 211; Sir Ian Sinclair, The Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (Manchester: Manchester University, 2nd edition, 1984), 152; Prosper Weil, “Le Règlement Territorial dans la Résolution du 22 Novembre 1967,” Nouveaux Cahiers 23 (Winter 1970) [French]. For a different opinion, see the majority decision in the “Young Loan Arbitration,” International Law Reports 59 (1980): 495.

34 Rosenne, 365.

35 Chapter A, Section C of the Framework. The author wishes to express her thanks to Brig. Gen. Ilan Shiff for having drawn her attention to this aspect. In the agreements between Israel and the Palestinians (1993 and 1995) as well negotiations on the future borders are foreseen.

36 Vance and Sisco; Mr. Michael Stewart, Britain’s Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs, Hansard, Parliamentary Debates (Commons), 5th Series, Vol. 791, Col. 844–5, and 261; Mr. George Brown, Britain’s Foreign Secretary in 1967, The Jerusalem Post, January 20, 1970.

37 Rostow, “The Illegality of the Arab Attack,” 242.

38 R. Lapidoth, “The Strait of Tiran, the Gulf of Aqaba and the 1979 Treaty of Peace between Egypt and Israel,” Am.J.Intl L. 77 (1983): 100.

39 See M. El-Baradei, “The Egyptian-Israeli Peace Treaty and Access to the Gulf of Aqaba: A New Legal Regime,” Am.J.Int’l L. 76 (1982): 532–554; Lapidoth, “The Strait of Tiran,”; R. Lapidoth, “The Suez Canal, the Gulf of Suez, and the 1979 Treaty of Peace between Egypt and Israel,” in Festschrift für Rudolf Bindschedler (Bern: Staempfli, 1980), 617–633.

40 Nissim Bar-Yaacov, The Israel-Syrian Armistice: Problems of Implementation (1949–1966) (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1967); Blum, Secure Boundaries, at 92–101.

41 See J. Dehaussy, “La crise du Moyen-Orient et l’O.N.U.” Journal du Droit International 95 (1968): 884 [French]; Wright, 24; Stone, at 35; E.V. Rostow, “The Middle East Conflict in Perspective,” Vital Speeches 40/4 (December 1973): 103–107, at 105; John Norton Moore, “The Arab-Israeli Conflict and the Obligation to Pursue Peaceful Settlement of International Disputes,” Kansas L.R. 19 (1971): 433; T. Draper, “The Road to Geneva,” Commentary (February 1974): 23–39, at 27–28; Report by the Secretary General under Security Council Resolution 331 (1973) of April 20, 1973, UN Doc. S/10929, May 18, 1973, Annex 1, 1.

42 George P. Shultz, “A Chance for Some Serious Diplomacy in the Middle East,” The Washington Post, March 6, 1990.

Analysis of Main Provisions 27

The Territorial Clauses

Amb. Yehuda Blum Former Israeli Ambassador to the UN; Professor Emeritus of International Law, Hebrew University of Jerusalem

The Territorial Clausesof Security Council Resolution 242

The frequent misinterpretation and distortion of UN Security Council Resolution 242 of November 22, 1967, over the past four decades have been an interpretational victory for the Arabs.1 Yet in light of the legal and practical importance of the resolution, a correct understanding of its territorial and other provisions carries particular importance. Resolution 242 has been constantly referred to in official statements on the Middle East in something akin to a ritualistic incantation. It was also referred to in the two Camp David Framework Accords of 1978,2 in the Israel-Egypt Peace Treaty of 1979, in the Israel-Jordan Peace Treaty of 1994 and even in the Israel-PLO Declaration of Principles of 1993, commonly known as the “Oslo Accord.”

It is important to note at the outset the elements that are not mentioned in Resolution 242. The resolution does not speak of a Palestinian people or a Palestinian state.3 Nor does it mention Jerusalem. The resolution does not refer to a so-called right of return for the Palestinians. It speaks of a “just settlement of the refugee problem,” without even characterizing it as a specifically Palestinian refugee problem.4 It does not refer to direct negotiations; that subject was taboo for the Arabs in 1967. Indeed, the resolution was adopted a few months after the three well-known Khartoum “no’s” were enunciated by the Arab heads of state in the aftermath of the Six-Day War: no recognition of Israel, no negotiations with Israel, no peace with Israel.5 As a result of this rejectionist Arab attitude, the resolution does not even mention the possibility of peace treaties. It speaks merely of the “termination of all claims and states of belligerency” and then makes a brief reference to the right of the states in the region to live in peace — peace de facto, not de jure.6

The central argument of Israel’s adversaries and their supporters has been that Resolution 242 calls for “land for peace” — for Israel’s total withdrawal from the territories captured by it in June 1967, in return for peace. This, in the present view and as will be demonstrated below, is a misconstruction of both the language and legislative history of the resolution.

To start with, nowhere in the resolution does the phrase “land for peace” occur. Moreover, nowhere does the resolution stipulate, as has been erroneously claimed, full Israeli withdrawal from the territories in return for a full peace.7

To be sure, it is not the merits of legal arguments that will determine the final settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict (or, for that matter, of any other major international conflict), since international law has a rather limited impact on the course of diplomatic negotiations. Nevertheless, the distorted interpretation of Resolution 242 must not be allowed to persist.

The resolution has three territorial components: first, the right of every state in the region to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries;8 second,

Resolution 242 does not refer to a so-called right of return for the Palestinians, and nowhere does the phrase “land for peace” occur.

28


withdrawal of Israel armed forces from territories captured in the 1967 war;9 and third — in the preamble, as distinct from the operative paragraphs — the inadmissibility of acquisition of territory by war.10 It is certainly impermissible, both from a logical and legal standpoint, to isolate one of these three provisions and focus on it, while disregarding the other two. Resolution 242 can only be correctly interpreted if these three components are read together with a view to reconciling them with one another.11

With regard to the first of these components — namely, the right of every state in the region to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries — it is clear that Israel’s pre-1967 armistice demarcation lines met neither of these specifications; they were neither “secure,” and “recognized,” nor were they “boundaries.”12 The late Abba Eban, former Israeli foreign minister, characterized Israel’s armistice demarcation lines with its neighbors of the 1949–67 period as the country’s “Auschwitz borders that must not be restored.”13 Indeed, in the area of Netanya, the armistice line with Jordan (Israel’s “narrow waistline”) left the country with a width of less than ten miles. The “Jerusalem corridor” (that linked the city with the rest of Israel until 1967) was no more than three miles wide on the outskirts of Israel’s capital.14 The Egyptian air fields in the Sinai were only five flight minutes away from Tel Aviv.15 Undoubtedly, when the UN Security Council unanimously adopted Resolution 242, security considerations were uppermost in the minds of its drafters.16

Nor were Israel’s pre-1967 armistice lines “boundaries,” within the accepted meaning of this term in international law but, as already indicated, merely armistice demarcation lines, as stipulated in Israel’s armistice agreements made with its neighbors in 1949. The significance of this distinction is also shown by a statement made by Jordanian Ambassador El-Farra in the UN Security Council only a few days before the outbreak of the Six-Day War:

There is an Armistice Agreement. The agreement did not fix boundaries; […] Thus I know of no boundary; I know of a situation frozen by an Armistice Agreement.17 [emphasis added]

Although Israel originally desired to convert these lines into recognized international boundaries, the Arabs opposed the idea. They were willing to sign the 1949 Armistice Agreements on the assumption that they had solely military significance; to underline the fact that these were not peace treaties, the heads of the Arab delegations to the signing ceremonies of those agreements were all uniformed military officials. The Arabs were adamant about the inclusion of certain provisions in each of these armistice agreements (among them, for example, the Israel-Jordan Armistice Agreement) to the effect that “no provision of this Agreement shall in any way prejudice the rights, claims and positions of either Party hereto in the ultimate peaceful settlement of the

Abba Eban characterized Israel’s 1949 armistice demarcation lines as “Auschwitz borders that must not be restored.”

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Palestine question, the provisions of this Agreement being dictated exclusively by military considerations.”18 When the armistice regime collapsed with the outbreak of the Six-Day War, the armistice lines were replaced by cease-fire lines.19 Yet it is to this former (and long-defunct) armistice regime that Israel’s opponents, citing Resolution 242, have invited it to return, although under that regime the country had neither secure nor recognized boundaries.

In the Israeli-Egyptian sector those cease-fire lines have now been converted by Israel’s peace treaty with Egypt into an international boundary.20 The same is true of Israel’s boundary with Jordan: under Article 3(a) of the Israel-Jordan Peace Treaty of 1994, “[t]he international boundary between Israel and Jordan is delimited with reference to the boundary definition under the [Palestine] Mandate.” Article 3(b) then adds that this boundary “is the permanent, secure and recognized international boundary between Israel and Jordan, without prejudice to the status of any territories that came under Israeli military government control in 1967.” However, Israel’s borders with Syria, on the Golan, as well as with Lebanon, are still merely cease-fire lines.21

Regarding the second component, it has been argued by Israel’s opponents, as already indicated, that Resolution 242 requires the total withdrawal of Israel from all the territories captured in June 1967. In actual fact, article 1(i) of the resolution calls for the “withdrawal of Israeli armed forces from territories occupied in the recent conflict.” The article was carefully drafted in English by its British sponsors, in consultation with the U.S. delegation. It deliberately omitted the definite article (the term used is “withdrawal from territories” rather than “withdrawal from the territories”).22 Due to the multilingual nature of UN documents, the absence of the definite article in the original English text has raised some questions. These are due primarily to the French version (“retrait…des territories”) of the resolution.23 Yet all the negotiations that led to the adoption of Resolution 242 were based on the English draft and were conducted in English. It is a well-established rule of international law that multilingual texts of equal authority in the various languages should be interpreted on the basis of what is said in the “basic language.” In any event, while French was admittedly a working language of the Security Council in 1967, having regard to the legislative history of the resolution and to the fact that the French version is ambiguous on this point, the original English version must be considered as the “basic language” of the resolution.

Indeed, it was due to this omission of the definite article from the English draft that the Arabs, the Soviets, and their supporters initially opposed Resolution 242.24 In the days before the adoption of the resolution, the Arabs and Soviets constantly remonstrated with the British Ambassador to the UN, Lord Caradon, demanding that the resolution call upon Israel to withdraw from all the territories, or, alternatively, that “all sides are required to return to their

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initial June 4, 1967 lines.”25 They were rebuffed. The Soviet Union, India, and other Security Council members tried to interpret the resolution as calling for Israel’s total withdrawal, but both Lord Caradon and U.S. Ambassador Arthur Goldberg responded that this was not the purpose of Resolution 242.26 In fact, as late as November 21, 1967, less than twenty-four hours before the resolution was adopted, Soviet Premier Alexei Kosygin sent a letter to U.S. President Lyndon Johnson demanding that the resolution explicitly state that Israel be called upon to withdraw to its pre-war positions. Johnson replied that the text was balanced and no changes could be introduced at that stage.27

Two years later, in 1969, an exchange took place in the British House of Commons which reinforced the plain meaning of the text. British Foreign Secretary Michael Stewart was asked if the resolution called upon Israel to withdraw from all the territories. He replied to the questioner: “No Sir, this is not the phrase used in the resolution. The resolution speaks of secure and recognized boundaries. Those words must be read concurrently with the statement on withdrawal.”28

Indeed, the two provisions discussed above must be read concurrently. The recommendation for withdrawal does not stand alone but rather in conjunction with the “secure and recognized boundaries” clause. The provision calling for the establishment of secure boundaries in the resolution would have been meaningless had there been an obligation to withdraw Israel’s armed forces from all the territories captured by it in 1967.

The last territorial component emphasized by some of Israel’s adversaries is the provision on “the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war.” This phrase is found in the preamble, which, from a legal standpoint, is even less binding than the operative paragraphs of the resolution, given that Resolution 242 itself, in the view of the vast majority of commentators, is in the nature of a recommendatory resolution adopted under Chapter VI of the UN Charter.29 However, more significant than this formal aspect is the substantive meaning of the phrase. In the first place, the fact that “acquisition of territory by war” is inadmissible does not mean that the presence of Israeli forces in Judea and Samaria is by itself presently illegal. The former president of the International Court of Justice (ICJ), Dame Rosalyn Higgins, made a point relevant to this question in an article published in 1970. She mentioned that there was confusion, particularly disturbing to lawyers, between the notion of territorial acquisition and that of military occupation. According to Higgins, “even those nations which most pride themselves on respect for, and knowledge of, international law can be party to this [misunderstanding].”30 Higgins then pointed to “the general failure in debate, and in the text of Security Council resolutions, to distinguish between claiming title to territory and legitimate military occupation of it…there is nothing either in the UN Charter or general

The recommendation for withdrawal does not stand alone but rather in conjunction with the “secure and recognized boundaries” clause.

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international law which leads one to suppose that military occupation, pending a peace treaty, is illegal….The law of military occupation, with its complicated web of rights and duties, remains entirely relevant, and until such time as the Arab nations agree to negotiate a peace treaty, Israel is in legal terms entitled to remain in the territories that she now holds.”31

Moreover, regarding the areas that formerly belonged to the Palestine Mandate (for example, Judea and Samaria), Israel’s rights there exceed those of a mere military occupant. It will be recalled that the Arab armies in 1948 entered Palestine — upon the termination of the British Mandate on 15 May of that year — with the declared purpose of crushing by military force the new State of Israel, which had been proclaimed on the day before, in pursuance of UN General Assembly Resolution 181(II) of November 29, 1947. Their military intervention with a view to frustrating that resolution — and indeed, their very presence on Palestinian soil — constituted a use of force in violation of Article 2(4) of the UN Charter.32 According to Schwebel (a former judge and president of the ICJ), in an article published in 1970:

[T]he facts of the 1948 hostilities between the Arab invaders of Palestine and the nascent State of Israel…demonstrate that Egypt’s seizure of the Gaza Strip, and Jordan’s seizure and subsequent annexation of the West Bank and the Old City of Jerusalem, were unlawful….The Arabs of Palestine and of neighboring Arab states rejected…the [UN General Assembly partition] resolution. But that rejection was no warrant for the invasion by those Arab states of Palestine….It follows that the Egyptian occupation of Gaza, and the Jordanian annexation of the West Bank and [the Old City of] Jerusalem, could not vest in Egypt and Jordan lawful control, whether as Occupying Power or sovereign.33

Since the use of force by the Arab states was illegal, it could not give rise to any valid legal claims. Ex injuria non oritur jus. On the interpretation most favorable to them — and even this is challenged by Schwebel — their rights could not exceed those of a belligerent occupant.

By contrast, the legal standing of Israel in these territories is therefore that of a state which, as a result of measures of self-defense taken against forces that had unlawfully entered Palestinian territory with a view to crushing it, is lawfully in control of territories in respect of which no other state can show better title. To quote again Schwebel:

[H]aving regard to the consideration that, as between Israel, acting defensively in 1948 and 1967, on the one hand, and its Arab neighbors,

“Until such time as the Arab nations agree to negotiate a peace treaty, Israel is in legal terms entitled to remain in the territories that she now holds.” — Dame Rosalyn Higgins, former president of the International Court of Justice.

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acting aggressively in 1948 and 1967, on the other, Israel has better title on the territory of what was Palestine, including the whole of Jerusalem, than do Jordan and Egypt.34 [emphasis added]

Schwebel’s justification of any modification of the former armistice demarcation lines in favor of Israel, within former Mandate Palestinian territory, on the grounds that Israel can show better title than Jordan and Egypt respectively, rests on solid legal foundations. Title to territory is normally based not on a claim of absolute validity (few such claims could be substantiated), but rather on one of relative validity.35

It was by virtue of this conception that the law and jurisdiction of Israel were extended beyond the areas originally allocated to the Jewish state under the UN General Assembly partition resolution of 1947 to all those parts of the former Palestine Mandate held by Israel in the course of the 1948–9 hostilities.36 It was in this manner that Israeli law and jurisdiction were extended to Western Galilee (including Nazareth), Jaffa, Ashdod, Ashkelon, Beer Sheva, the “Jerusalem corridor,” and the western part of Jerusalem itself. This conception was articulated in the Knesset in June 1967 by the then Minister of Justice, Ya’acov Shimshon Shapira, when, in submitting the bill that was to become the law of June 27, 1967 (commonly known as the “Jerusalem Law”), he stated:

The legal conception of the State of Israel — an organic conception adjusted to the practical political realities — has always been based on the principle that the law, jurisdiction and administration of the state apply to all those parts of Eretz Israel [the Hebrew name of Mandate Palestine] which are de facto under the state’s control…in addition to Israel Defense Forces’ control of these territories, an open act of sovereignty on the part of Israel to make Israel law applicable to them is also required….It is for this reason that the government has seen fit to introduce the bill which I now submit to the Knesset.37 [emphasis added]

Over the past four decades many distortions have accumulated with regard to the interpretation of the territorial provisions of Resolution 242. Only a clear understanding of the resolution as a unified and integrated text may enable us to understand its true meaning and intentions. The resolution creates a blueprint for peace in the Middle East — a peace to be based on a partial Israeli withdrawal from territories captured in 1967 to secure and recognized boundaries and on Arab acceptance and recognition of the right of the Jewish people to re-establish in Israel its historic homeland.

With Israel acting defensively and its neighbors acting aggressively in 1948 and 1967, “Israel has better title on the territory of what was Palestine, including the whole of Jerusalem, than do Jordan and Egypt.” — Stephen M. Schwebel, former president of the International Court of Justice.

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Notes1 See for example R.A. Falk, “The Beirut Raid and the International Law of Retaliation,”

American Journal of International Law (Am. J. Int’l L.) 63 (1969), 415; Q. Wright, “The Middle East Problem,” Am. J. Int’l L. 64 (1970), 270.

2 Framework for Peace in the Middle East and Framework for the Conclusion of a Peace Treaty between Egypt and Israel.

3 The resolution refers several times to the rights of “every State in the area.” See, for example, articles 1(ii) and 2(c).

4 See article 2(b) of the resolution. See also S.D. Bailey, The Making of Resolution 242 (The Hague; Boston: M. Nijhoff, 1985), 151. Thus, it conceivably applies equally to the Jewish refugees of the 1948 hostilities in the territory of the former Palestine Mandate, as well as to the hundreds of thousands of Jewish refugees from Arab lands who came to Israel after 1949.

5 Ibid., 130.

6 Articles 1 and 2 studiously avoid mentioning a peace treaty. However, the second preambular paragraph of the resolution does speak of “the need to work for a just and lasting peace.” Likewise, article 3 entrusts the Secretary General’s Special Representative, inter alia, with the task of “…assist[ing] efforts to achieve a peaceful and accepted settlement” of the Arab-Israel conflict. It is evident that even there the resolution refrains from mentioning formal peace treaties.

7 This false interpretation has been espoused for instance by Falk, 415, 435 n. 55 and Wright, 270, 274–5 (note 1 above). It has even been suggested that such a full withdrawal must precede any peace negotiations.

8 Article 1(i).

9 Article 1(ii).

10 See the second paragraph of the preamble.

11 On the requirement to interpret legal documents in their entirety with a view to reconciling their various provisions, see L.H. Tribe and M.C. Dorf, On Reading the Constitution (Cambridge, M.A.: Harvard University Press, 1991), Chapter 1.

12 Yehuda Z. Blum, Secure Boundaries and Middle East Peace in the Light of International Law and Practice (Jerusalem: Institute for Legislative Research and Comparative Law, 1971), Chap. 1, 63–70.

13 Interview with Der Spiegel magazine, November 5, 1969.

14 For a detailed account see Blum (note 12 above), 63–70.

15 Ibid., 69. Israel’s security concerns in the Sinai Peninsula were addressed in Article IV of the treaty of peace between Egypt and Israel of 1979 and its Annex I (Protocol Concerning Israeli Withdrawal and Security Arrangements), amounting to a virtual demilitarization of the Sinai. It may be mentioned in this context that Article 2(c) of Security Council resolution provides “for guaranteeing the territorial inviolability and political independence of every state in the area, through measures including the establishment of demilitarized zones.”

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16 Ibid., 77. For instance, when British Foreign Secretary Michael Stewart was asked in the House of Commons in 1969 (two years after the adoption of the resolution) whether Resolution 242 meant that the Israelis should withdraw from all the territories taken in the 1967 war, he responded that “the resolution speaks of secure and recognized boundaries. Those words must be read concurrently with the statement on withdrawal.” See Hansard (Commons), 5th Series, vol. 791, cols. 844, 845.

17 UN Doc. S/PV.1345 of May 31, 1967, 47.

18 Article 2(2) of the Israel-Jordan General Armistice Agreement of April 3, 1949; emphasis added.

19 See Security Council resolutions 233 (June 6, 1967), 234 (June 7, 1967), 235 (June 9, 1967), and 236 (June 11, 1967).

20 The Israel-Egyptian armistice demarcation line followed the previous boundary between Egypt and Mandate Palestine. Under Article II of the Israel-Egypt peace treaty of 1979, “[t]he permanent boundary between Egypt and Israel is the recognized international boundary between Egypt and the former mandated territory of Palestine…without prejudice to the issue of the status of the Gaza Strip.”

21 The current cease-fire line with Lebanon essentially follows the former Mandate boundary between Palestine and Lebanon.

22 Although the official sponsors of Resolution 242 were the British, the U.S. State Department played a vital role in formulating the drafts of the resolution.

23 French was the only other working language of the Security Council in 1967, aside from English. See Bailey, 152; Shabtai Rosenne, “On Multilingual Interpretation,” Israel Law Review (Is.L.R.) 6 (1971), 363. Thus, the Spanish, Russian, and Chinese versions of the resolution actually only amount to translations, as distinct from official versions of the resolution (under Article 111 of the UN Charter, the UN has five official languages: Chinese, English, French, Russian and Spanish). In any event, Russian and Chinese have no definite article. The Spanish version (“retiro…de los territories”) is clearly an inaccurate translation of the official English version.

24 Blum, 72.

25 See, for example, A Lall, The United Nations and the Middle East Crisis, 1967 (New York: Columbia University, 1968), 253–4, noting that on November 17, 1967, several Arab representatives “discussed matters with Caradon. Could he not use the formulation ‘all the territories’ instead of ‘territories’ in relation to the clause requiring Israeli withdrawal? Caradon’s response was that his draft represented a delicate balance which would be upset by any changes.”

26 See, for example, Doc. S/PV.1382, 28: Mr. Parthasarathi of India told the Council on November 22, 1967, that it was his understanding that “the draft resolution, if approved by the Council, will commit it to the application of the principle of total withdrawal of Israeli forces from all the territories — ‘I repeat all the territories’ — occupied by Israel as a result of the conflict which began on June 5 1967.” Lord Caradon, the British sponsor of

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the draft resolution replied: “I am sure that it will be recognized by us all that it is only the resolution that will bind us.” Similarly, Ambassador Goldberg, on behalf of the U.S., stated that “the voting of course takes place not on the individual discrete views and policies of various members but on the draft resolution.” Blum, 75.

27 In his well-known speech of June 19, 1967, President Johnson stated that “[t]he nations of the [Middle East] region have had only fragile and violated truce lines for twenty years. What they now need are recognized boundaries that will give them security against terror, destruction and war.”

28 Hansard (Commons), 5th series, vol. 791, cols. 844, 845.

29 See, for example, E.V. Rostow, “The Illegality of the Arab Attack on Israel of October 6, 1973,” Am. J. Int’l. L. 69 (1975), 272, 276.

30 Rosalyn Higgins, “The Place of International Law in the Settlement of Disputes by the Security Council,” Am. J. Int’l L. (1964), 1, 7–8.

31 Ibid., 8. See also J. Stone, No Peace — No War in the Middle East (Sydney: Maitland Publications for the International Law Association, 1969), 33; Elihu Lauterpacht, Jerusalem and the Holy Places (London: Anglo-Israel Association, 1968), 52.

32 See Yehuda Z. Blum, “The Missing Reversioner: Reflections on the Status of Judea and Samaria,” Is. L. R. 3 (1968), 279, at 283. See also, E. Lauterpacht, 43; Stephen M. Shwebel, “What Weight to Conquest?” Am. J. Int’l.L. 64 (1970).

33 Schwebel, ibid.

34 Ibid.

35 See, for example, the Minquiers and Ecrehos (United Kingdom v. France) case, International Court of Justice, Reports of Judgments 1953, 67. Israel’s current legal status within any territory of the former Palestine Mandate has not been affected by the Oslo Accord of 1993 and its follow-up agreements. That accord (the Israel-PLO Declaration of Principles of September 13, 1993) stated that its aim is to lead “to a permanent settlement based on Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338” (Article I), and that the permanent status negotiations between the parties shall cover, inter alia, the issue of borders (Article V(3)). Thus any future border settlement between Israel and the Palestinian Authority will also be subject to the provisions of Security Council Resolution 242, as analyzed in the present article.

36 Under Section 1 of the Area of Jurisdiction and Powers Ordinance, 5708–1948, passed by the Provisional Council of State (the forerunner of the Knesset) on September 22, 1948, “any law applying to the whole of the State of Israel shall be deemed to apply to the whole of the area including both the area of the State of Israel and any part of Palestine which the Minister of Defense has defined by proclamation as being held by the Defense Army of Israel…” (1 Laws of the State of Israel, 64, emphasis added).

37 Divrei Haknesset (Parliamentary Records), vol. 49, col. 2420 [Hebrew, translated by the author].

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The Plight of the Refugees and Resolution 242

Prof. Ruth Lapidoth Professor Emeritus of International Law, Hebrew University of Jerusalem


The plight of the Palestinian refugees is a grave human problem. During the 1947–48 period many Arabs “left, ran away, or were expelled.”1 At the same time, Jews escaped from Arab countries. While the Jews were integrated into the countries in which they arrived, the Arab refugees were deliberately denied integration into most Arab countries (except Jordan) in order to prevent any possible accommodation with Israel. The refugees have been receiving support and assistance from the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), established by the UN General Assembly in 1949.2

According to various estimates, the number of refugees in 1948 was between 538,000 (Israeli sources), 720,000 (UN estimates), and 850,000 (Palestinian sources). By 2001 the number of refugees registered with, and supported by, UNRWA had grown to about 3.8 million, since UNRWA also registered the children, grandchildren, and great-grandchildren born to the refugees. Another reason for this increase is that UNRWA does not systematically delete all deceased persons from its registry.

According to UNRWA, in 2000 there were about 550,000 refugees in the West Bank, 800,000 in the Gaza Strip, 1,500,000 in Jordan, 350,000 in Lebanon, and 350,000 in Syria. Not all of these were living or had lived in refugee camps. The situation of the refugees has been particularly severe in the Gaza Strip and in Lebanon.3

In this brief paper, three legal questions are examined, with a particular emphasis on the ramifications of Resolution 242:

Who should be considered a refugee?1.

Do the Palestinian refugees have a right to return to Israel?2.

Do they have a right to compensation?3.

Who Should Be Considered a Refugee?1.

The question which arises is whether all those registered with UNRWA are to be considered refugees. The 1951–1967 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees has adopted the following definition:

[A]ny person who

owing to well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, is outside the country of his nationality and is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country; or who, not having a nationality and being outside

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the country of his former habitual residence, is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to return to it.4

There is no mention in this definition of descendants or spouses. Moreover, the convention ceases to apply to a person who, inter alia, “has acquired a new nationality, and enjoys the protection of the country of his new nationality.”5

Under this definition, the number of Palestinians qualifying for refugee status would be well below half a million. However, the Arab states managed to exclude the Palestinians from this definition by introducing the following provision into the 1951–1967 Refugees Convention:

This Convention shall not apply to persons who are at present receiving from organs or agencies of the United Nations other than the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees protection and assistance.6

In no official document have the Palestinian refugees been defined, and UNRWA has adopted varying definitions, such as:

A Palestinian refugee is a person whose normal residence was Palestine for a minimum of two years preceding the conflict in 1948 and who, as a result of this conflict, lost both his home and his means of livelihood and took refuge in one of the countries where UNRWA provides relief. Refugees within this definition and the direct descendants of such refugees are eligible for Agency assistance if they are: registered with UNRWA; living in the area of UNRWA operations; and in need.7

This is a very broad definition under which the number of refugees increases markedly. It may be appropriate for UNRWA purposes in order to decide who qualifies for assistance, but it is hardly suitable for other purposes. It follows that the parties should agree on a more suitable definition.

Do the Palestinian Refugees Have a Right to Return to Israel?2.

Another legal controversy concerns the question of whether the refugees, however they are to be defined, have a right to return to Israel. This subject will be discussed from three viewpoints: general international law, the most relevant UN resolutions, in particular Resolution 242, and various agreements between Israel and its neighbors.

Several international human rights treaties deal with freedom of movement, including the right of return.8 The most universal provision is to be found in

The original Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees did not include descendants, spouses, or those who acquired a new nationality in its definition of refugees. Under this definition, the number of Palestinians qualifying for refugee status would be well below half a million.

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the 1966 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights which states that “[n]o one shall be arbitrarily deprived of the right to enter his own country.”9 Of course, this provision in turn raises the question of who has the right of return, or rather, what kind of relationship must exist between the state and the person who wishes to return to it. A comparison of the various texts and an analysis of the discussions which took place before their adoption lead to the conclusion that the right of return is probably reserved only for nationals of the relevant state, and perhaps also for “permanent legal residents.”10 Even the right of nationals is not absolute, but may be limited on condition that the reasons for the denial or limitation are not arbitrary.

Moreover, according to Stig Jägerskiöld,

the right to return or enter one’s country in the 1966 International Covenant…is intended to apply to individuals asserting an individual right. There was no intention here to address the claims of masses of people who have been displaced as a by-product of war or by political transfers of territory or population, such as the relocation of ethnic Germans from Eastern Europe during and after the Second World War, the flight of the Palestinians from what became Israel, or the movement of Jews from the Arab countries.11

In the context of general international law one must also observe that humanitarian law conventions (such as the 1949 Geneva Conventions for the Protection of Victims of War) have not dealt with a right of return.

The first major UN resolution that refers to the Palestinian refugees was General Assembly Resolution 194(III) of December 11, 1948.12 This resolution established a Conciliation Commission for Palestine and instructed it to “take steps to assist the governments and authorities concerned to achieve a final settlement of all outstanding questions.” Paragraph 11 deals specifically with refugees:

The General Assembly…resolves that the refugees wishing to return to their homes and live at peace with their neighbors should be permitted to do so at the earliest practicable date, and that compensation should be paid for the property of those choosing not to return and for loss of or damage to property which, under principles of international law or in equity, should be made good by the governments or authorities responsible.

Though all the Arab states originally rejected this resolution because it assumed recognition of Israel, later they relied on it heavily and have considered it to be recognition of a wholesale right to repatriation.

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However, this interpretation does not seem warranted. The paragraph does not recognize a “right,” but recommends that the refugees “should” (not “shall”) be “permitted” to return. Moreover, that permission is subject to two conditions — that the refugee wishes to return and that he wishes to live at peace with his neighbors. The violence and mistrust between Israelis and the Palestinians forecloses any hope for a peaceful coexistence between Israelis and masses of returning refugees. Moreover, the Palestinians have linked the request for return to a claim for self-determination. If returning refugees were to have a right to external self-determination, this would mean the end of the very existence of the State of Israel. Under the 1948 resolution, the return should take place only “at the earliest practicable date.” The use of the term “should” in regard to the permission to return underlines that this is only a recommendation — it is “hortatory.”13 One should also remember that under the UN Charter the General Assembly is not authorized to adopt binding resolutions, except in regard to budgetary matters and its own internal rules and regulations.

Finally, the reference to principles of international law or equity refers only to compensation for property and does not seem to refer to permission to return.

Likewise, it must be borne in mind that the provision concerning the refugees is but one element of a resolution that foresaw “a final settlement of all questions outstanding between” the parties. The Arab states, on the other hand, have always insisted on the implementation of paragraph 11 (in accordance with the interpretation favorable to them) independently of all other matters.

In this context one should remember that the General Assembly has also recommended the “reintegration of the refugees into the economic life of the Near East, either by repatriation or resettlement.”14 [emphasis added]

About 200,000 Palestinian displaced persons (i.e., persons who had to leave their homes and move to another place in the same state) resulted from the Six-Day War in 1967. These were dealt with by Security Council Resolution 237 of June 14, 1967,15 which called upon the government of Israel “to facilitate the return of those inhabitants [of the areas where military operations had taken place] who had fled the areas since the outbreak of hostilities.” The resolution does not speak of a “right” of return and, like most Security Council Resolutions, is written as a recommendation. Nevertheless, Israel has agreed to their return in various agreements, to be discussed below. Some 30 percent of the displaced persons of 1967 had already been counted as refugees of 1948.16

Highly significant in this respect is Security Council Resolution 242. In its second paragraph, the Security Council “affirms further the necessity…(b) for achieving a just settlement of the refugee problem.” The Security Council did

UN General Assembly Resolution 194 of 1948 recommends that refugees should be permitted to return subject to the condition that they wish to live in peace with their neighbors.

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not propose a specific solution, nor did it limit the provision to Arab refugees. There is no basis for the Arab claim that Resolution 242 incorporates the solution recommended by General Assembly Resolution 194 of 1948, which was discussed above. The Security Council simply recommended achieving a “just settlement,” without stating what exactly this would consist of, and without referring to any other UN resolution. It was deemed a matter to be settled by negotiation between the parties. Furthermore, since the resolution speaks in general terms of “the refugee problem,” it is not limited to the Palestinian problem. The just settlement to be negotiated must also take into account the right of the Jews who fled Arab states to compensation. Security Council Resolution 242 has superseded General Assembly Resolution 194(III).

Turning now to agreements between Israel and her neighbors, the refugee problem has been tackled by Israel and Egypt in the Framework for Peace in the Middle East agreed upon at Camp David in 1978.17 There it was agreed that a “continuing committee,” including representatives of Egypt, Israel, Jordan, and the Palestinians, should “decide, by agreement, on the modalities of admission of persons displaced from the West Bank and Gaza in 1967” (Article A, 3). Similarly, it was agreed that “Egypt and Israel will work with each other and with other interested parties to establish agreed procedures for a prompt, just and permanent implementation of the resolution of the refugee problem” (Article A, 4).

In the 1993 Declaration of Principles on Interim Self-Government Arrangements between Israel and the Palestinians it was again agreed that the modalities of admission of persons displaced in 1967 should be decided by agreement in a “continuing committee” (Article XII).18 The issue of refugees should be negotiated in the framework of the permanent status negotiations (Article V, 3). The 1995 Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip adopted similar provisions (Articles XXXVII, 2 and XXXI, 5).19

Somewhat more detailed is the relevant provision (Article 8) in the treaty of peace between Israel and Jordan of 1994.20 While displaced persons are the object of a text similar to those above, the peace treaty mentions the need to solve the refugee problem both in the framework of the Multilateral Working Group on Refugees, established after the 1991 Madrid Peace Conference, and in conjunction with the permanent status negotiations. The treaty also mentions “United Nations programs and other agreed international economic programs concerning refugees and displaced persons, including assistance to their settlement.”21

It is clear from this survey of the agreements concluded over the past four decades that none of the agreements between Israel and Egypt, the Palestinians, and Jordan respectively has granted the refugees a right to return to Israel.

None of the agreements between Israel and Egypt, the Palestinians, and Jordan has granted the refugees a right to return to Israel.

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Thus neither under the general international conventions, the major UN resolutions, including Resolution 242, nor the relevant agreements between the parties, do Palestinian refugees have a right to return to Israel. As was noted above, in 2000 there were about 3.8 million Palestinian refugees registered with UNRWA. Allowing all of them to return to Israel would be tantamount to self-destruction of the State of Israel; and no state can be expected to destroy itself. On the other hand, at least some of the refugees would object to, and try to delegitimize, any agreement that did not grant a wholesale right of return.22 Moreover, some of them threaten those who would like to settle for a different solution, thus creating a vicious circle.

The solution may include a right to return to the new Palestinian state after its establishment, settlement and integration in various other states (Arab and non-Arab), and possible return to Israel of a small number if compelling humanitarian reasons are involved, such as family unification.23

Do They Have a Right to Compensation?3.

The third legal problem regarding the refugees is the question of the right to compensation for lost property and a subsidy for rehabilitation (i.e., integration, resettlement, or return).24 General international law recognizes the obligation to pay compensation in the case of confiscation of property belonging to foreigners. There is, however, disagreement about the amount that should be paid. Two experts have suggested a standard of “adequate compensation,” taking into account the value of the property and the needs of the specific refugee.25 If a definitive solution to the problem is sought, one should consider paying — either by law or ex gratia — not only compensation for lost property, as mentioned in General Assembly Resolution 194 (III), but also a reasonable subsidy for rehabilitation and perhaps compensation to the host country in which the refugee has lived and may perhaps settle. Since Israel did not initiate the 1947-48 war, but was attacked by its neighbors, it was not responsible for the creation of the refugee problem; hence it is under no obligation to recruit the necessary sums. Preferably an international fund should be established for this purpose, to which other countries, as well as Israel, would contribute. The difficulty is the enormous sums involved.26

It would perhaps be advisable to resort to a lump sum arrangement which would settle all financial claims between the parties and preclude any further claims. An international commission could be in charge of registering all claims and distributing appropriate sums. Likewise, it would be essential to bind not only Israel and the Palestinian Authority, but also all the refugees, to the arrangement. One could envision a provision under which the Palestinian Authority would replace Israel with regard to any claim which might be submitted beyond the implementation of the agreement.

Since Israel did not initiate the 1947-48 war, but was attacked by its neighbors, it was not responsible for the creation of the refugee problem.

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In conclusion, it is desirable that the parties involved in the refugee problem agree on a reasonable definition of the Palestinian refugees, and not automatically adopt that used by UNRWA. The refugees do not have a right to return to Israel, neither under general nor special international law. Rather, the adequate solution seems to be either return to the Palestinian state once it is established, resettlement and absorption in other countries (preferably according to the wishes of each refugee), and the return of a small number to Israel on humanitarian grounds. A prompt and adequate solution will also involve the payment of compensation for lost property and a subsidy for rehabilitation. These proposals are in conformity with Resolution 242, which affirmed the necessity for achieving a just settlement of the refugee problem.

Notes1 Eyal Benvenisti and Eyal Zamir, “Private Claims to Property Rights in the Future Israeli-

Palestinian Settlement,” American Journal of International Law 89 (1995): 295–340, at 297.

2 UN General Assembly resolution 302 (IV) of December 8, 1949, adopted at the 273rd plenary meeting.

3 Yitzhak Ravid, The Palestinian Refugees (Ramat-Gan: Bar-Ilan, 2001), 1–12 [Hebrew].

4 UN Treaty Series, vol. 189, no. 2545, (1954), at 152–156, Article 1A (2).

5 Ibid., Article 1C (3).

6 Ibid., Article 1D.

7 Don Peretz, Palestinians, Refugees, and the Middle East Peace Process (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Institute of Peace Press, 1993), 11–12.

8 The 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Article 13(2); The 1966 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Article 12(4); The 1963 Protocol IV to the European Convention on Human Rights, Article 3(2); The 1969 American Convention of Human Rights, Article 22 (5); The 1981 Banjul Charter on Human and Peoples› Rights, Article 12 (2); See Sir Ian Brownlie (ed.), Basic Documents on Human Rights (Oxford, 4th edition, 2002), 20, 186, 443, 678, 730–1; for additional examples, see Paul Sieghart, The International Law of Human Rights (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985), 174–178.

9 Article 12(4).

10 Sieghart, 179; Geoffrey R. Watson, The Oslo Accords: International Law and the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Agreement (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 283; Ruth Lapidoth, “The Right of Return in International Law, With Special Reference to the Palestinian Refugees,” Israel Yearbook on Human Rights 16 (1986): 103–125, at 107–108.

Some experts are of the opinion that the right of return applies also to “permanent legal residents.” See, for example, the discussion that took place in the sub-commission on

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Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities, as reported in the Report by Chairman-Rapporteur Mr. Asbjorn Eide, UN Doc. E/CN.4/Sub.2/1991/45, of August 29, 1991, 5. The Human Rights Committee established under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights has adopted an interpretation according to which the right of return belongs also to a person who has “close and enduring connections” to a certain country — UN Doc. CCPR/C/21/Rev. 1/Add. 9 of November 2, 1999, 5–6.

11 Stig Jagerskiold, “The Freedom of Movement,” The International Bill of Rights: The Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, ed. Louis Henkin (New York: Columbia University, 1981), 166–184, at 180. For a different opinion, see Watson, 283.

12 GAOR, 3rd session, part I, 1948, Resolutions, 21–24.

13 Watson, 281.

14 UN General Assembly Resolution 393 (V) of December 2, 1950, adopted at the 315th plenary meeting. See also the second paragraph of UN GA resolution 194 (III) of December 1948, and Resolution 513 (VI) of January 26, 1952, adopted at the 365th plenary meeting.

15 SCOR, 22nd year, Resolutions and Decisions 1967, 5.

16 Salim Tamari, “The Future of Palestinian Refugees in the Peace Negotiations,” Palestine-Israel Journal 2 (1995): 8–14, at 12.

17 UN Treaty Series, vol. 1138 (1987), no. 17853, 39–45.

18 International Legal Materials 32 (1993): 1525.

19 International Legal Materials 36 (1997): 551 (excerpts). For the full text see Kitvei amana (Israel’s official publication of treaties), vol. 33, no. 1071, 1.

20 International Legal Materials 34 (1995): 43–66.

21 Article 8, paragraph 2(c), at 49–50.

22 Tamari, 1–12.

23 For possible solutions, see Watson, 286–290; Donna E. Arzt, Refugees Into Citizens: Palestinians and the End of the Arab-Israeli Conflict (New York: Council on Foreign Relations Press, 1997); Joseph Alpher and Khalil Shikaki, The Palestinian Refugee Problem and the Right of Return (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Weatherhead Center for International Affairs; Working Paper no. 97–8, 1998). See also the principles proposed by Ami Ayalon and Sari Nusseibeh, 2002; the Peace Plan of the Arab states, 2002 and 2007; the Roadmap, 2003; the Beilin-Abed Rabbo text (“the Geneva Initiative”), 2003.

24 Watson, 286–290; See also Benvenisti and Zamir.

25 Watson, 331 and 338.

26 Ravid, at 36–40.

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The Principles of Peacemaking

Amb. Richard Holbrooke Former U.S. Ambassador to the UN, Assistant Secretary of State for European and Canadian Affairs and Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs


When the Six-Day War broke out, the U.S. was deeply trapped in Vietnam. It was thrilling to watch Israel’s triumph in those extraordinary days. I was then working on Vietnam in the Johnson White House; Americans looked on with awe and admiration, celebrating the creation of what seemed to be a new era of hope and opportunity. The significance of Resolution 242 was less clear, when it was unanimously approved by the UN Security Council five months later: yet it was soon to became the most important and celebrated Security Council resolution in the history of the UN. It remains so to this day, despite the fact that more than 1,500 other Security Council resolutions have been passed since. Following is a discussion of the content of Resolution 242 as it can be applied to peacemaking in four specific aspects: the need for a negotiated solution, the roles of the parties involved and their responsibilities, the need for diplomatic flexibility, and the U.S.-Israel relationship.

There is good reason that UN Security Council Resolution 242 is the best known resolution providing the basis for resolving the Arab-Israeli conflict. It has appeared in the preamble of almost every Arab-Israeli peace initiative: the 1979 Egyptian-Israeli Treaty of Peace, the 1991 Madrid Invitation, the Oslo Agreements, and the 1994 Jordanian-Israeli Treaty of Peace. What gave Resolution 242 its strength was the fact that it became the only agreed basis for reaching a political settlement.

Of course, it is well known that UN Security Council resolutions by themselves do not automatically lead to the resolution of long, difficult conflicts. What a UN Security Council resolution can accomplish is to set reasonable expectations for the parties engaged in disputes, such as the Arab-Israel conflict, and illustrate how the key players in the international community view the necessary steps to be taken in order to build a stable peace. In some other conflict zones repeated principles of peacemaking have been successful in helping to resolve diplomatic disputes, and these can be applied universally. The value of Resolution 242 emanates from the fact that these principles are implicit in a careful reading of its content.

Resolution 242 is so important because it was the first building block in what is called the “peace process.” Of course, this very phrase has today become something of an oxymoron: there is no real peace process at this time. There are occasional contacts, high level trips by the U.S. and the Europeans, and meetings of the Quartet around the world, providing photo opportunities and handshakes that are virtually meaningless. In some ways this thing masquerading as a peace process may be worse than none at all because it can reduce the potential of real negotiations when they ultimately take place, and because its emptiness may give the idea of serious negotiations themselves a bad name.

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One over-riding reason that the current process cannot be called a “peace process” is the simple fact that there is no one to negotiate with, since the Palestinian Authority is at war with itself. Israel’s most dangerous enemies, Hamas and Hizbullah, seek the destruction of the Jewish state. They are not party to any of the agreements, or any of the resolutions from Resolution 242 to the 1978 Camp David Accords and today’s events. Furthermore they are backed by the single most dangerous nation in the entire region, perhaps even in the world: Iran, led by the most famous anti-Semite since Adolf Hitler. Hamas and Hizbullah will not negotiate and their backers in other countries, Iran and Syria, will not force them to the table.

Under these circumstances it is tempting to conclude that Resolution 242 has become irrelevant. Yet Resolution 242 constitutes the starting point of common agreement, written in language which is short, simple, and easy to understand; every word of it is significant. Likewise, an analysis of the original meaning of the resolution, as opposed to its inadvertent or intentional misconstructions by certain people, is essential. This is especially necessary in light of the fact that numerous publications and media outlets have reiterated the misconception that the resolution calls for full withdrawal from all territories.

The Need for a Negotiated Solution

Clearly resolutions, peace agreements, and ceasefire agreements are meaningless without an enforcement mechanism. In cases of pure aggression, the UN Security Council has repeatedly adopted its most forceful resolutions under Chapter VII of the UN Charter, which call on a party to unilaterally desist in its activity. In 1990, Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait in a bald case of international aggression. UN resolutions adopted subsequently under Chapter VII required him to pull back his forces to the pre-war lines. In 2008 the UN called on Iran to halt its uranium enrichment activities. Iranian compliance with the UN Security Council’s demand requires that it halt its illegal activity: Iran enforces the resolution by itself, there is no negotiation. Chapter VII was also invoked to justify the coalition efforts in Afghanistan after the attacks of September 11, 2001. It was famously not invoked in the case of the attack on Iraq, one of the difficulties facing the U.S. after President Bush proceeded without it. It is common practice and a widely held belief in the U.S. that Security Council approval is not necessary in order to take military action if it is in accordance with the U.S.’ own legal processes and in the national interest. The UN did not approve the 77-day bombing of Kosovo in 1999 which successfully liberated Kosovo from the Serbs (UNSCR 1244 in effect legitimated the war after it was over). Thus, although Chapter VII is an enormously valuable legitimizing tool for the use of force, it is not essential, at least for America.

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Forty years ago, the Soviet Union tried to brand Israel as the aggressor in the Six-Day War, but neither the Security Council nor the General Assembly accepted this allegation and so Chapter VII was not invoked in the case of Resolution 242. This is probably the most important element of the resolution: it suggests a negotiated outcome to the Arab-Israel conflict. The former Secretary General of the UN, Kofi Annan, made an extremely important comment about Resolution 242, very much in Israel’s favor, when he said that it is not self-enforcing. The only part of Resolution 242 enacted by the UN Secretariat is the designation by the Secretary General of a Special Representative to the Middle East. Even here the purpose of this representative is not to enforce but to promote agreement and assist to achieve a peaceful, accepted settlement in accordance with the resolution.

Israel may have to withdraw from territories it captured in the Six-Day War, but only after it reaches an agreement with its neighbors about borders, security arrangements, and a termination of the state of belligerency between them. There is a mistaken notion that for Israel to comply with Resolution 242, it must withdraw from these territories unilaterally. Section 1.i is the famous phrase which calls for withdrawal of Israeli armed forces from territories occupied in the recent conflict. Yet section 2.ii, which does not receive enough attention, is also of great value for negotiations. It calls for:

Termination of all claims or states of belligerency and respect for and acknowledgement of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of every State in the area and their right to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries free from threats or acts of force.

The meaning is very simple — it affirms that the fulfillment of charter principles requires the establishment of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East which should include the application of both of these principles.

Moving forward almost forty years, the Saudi peace proposal adopted at the Beirut Summit on March 28, 2002, often referred to as a conciliatory proposal by the Saudis, mentions Resolution 242, mistakenly claiming that it calls for withdrawal from all occupied territories — it uses the phrase “full withdrawal from all Arab territories.” More importantly, it sets up a sequence that is in direct contradiction to Resolution 242, demanding Israeli compliance with all demands before offering Israel anything, including normal relations. The press has often reported that Saudi Arabia offered recognition to Israel for the first time in its proposal. However, the word recognition is not used, but rather the term “normal relations” — there may be a difference in meaning. More significant, what this proposal really does is to lay out as a precondition for the negotiation the very thing being negotiated: this is a fundamental

Israel may have to withdraw from territories it captured in the Six-Day War, but only after it reaches an agreement with its neighbors about borders, security arrangements, and a termination of the state of belligerency between them.

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flaw. Although many, including the Bush administration, regard the Saudi proposal of 2002 as a very important breakthrough, this is clearly a mistake. Its fundamental flaw, along with the fact that the Saudis are not willing to participate in the negotiations themselves, clearly diminishes utility and hopes of success.

What Resolution 242 calls for is a negotiated solution which includes mutual recognition between the parties. One of the areas where diplomats rarely tread is exploring how to create the necessary environment in which bilateral peacemaking will work. In the Balkans, there was a common myth that the peoples of the area were victims of “ancient hatreds,” which made diplomacy appear hopeless. Yet hatred is frequently the product of deliberate incitement. This was true in Bosnia, as in Nazi Germany. To make a negotiated settlement possible, incitement to hatred must be tackled at an early stage of negotiations. It cannot be ignored or swept under the rug.

The Key Role of the Parties Themselves

One of the repeated negotiating strategies used by warring parties in a conflict is to get the U.S. or the EU to impose the terms of a peace settlement on their adversaries. Such a process is taking place currently regarding Kosovo, where the UN Special Envoy, former Finnish President Martti Ahtisaari, has presented a very intelligent plan for which he is requesting UN approval. The Russians, on the other hand, are threatening to veto the plan which would lead, inevitably, to a unilateral declaration of independence by Kosovo without UN approval.

The Western powers have vital interests in the Middle East which affect their positions on a resolution to the Arab-Israeli conflict. As has been said before, the U.S. and its European allies cannot want peace more than the parties in the region. If negotiators for one side believe that the U.S. will deliver the other side, then the chances of any dynamic of mutual compromise emerging is very unlikely. Indeed, the hardest concessions in negotiations have traditionally been made by the parties themselves. Recognizing this truth, President Lyndon Johnson stated on September 10, 1968, that “we are not the ones to say where other nations should draw lines between them that will assure each the greatest security.” Former Secretary of State Warren Christopher essentially also adopted this position when he wrote to Israel a letter of assurances on January 17, 1997, stating that:

The key element in our approach to peace, including the negotiation and implementation of agreements between Israel and its Arab partners, has always been recognition of Israel’s security requirements. Moreover, a hallmark of U.S. policy remains our commitment to

The Saudi peace proposal sets up a sequence that is in direct contradiction to Resolution 242, demanding Israeli compliance with all demands before offering Israel anything.

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work cooperatively to seek to meet the security needs that Israel identifies.

Changing Circumstances: The Need for Diplomatic Flexibility

Anyone looking back at the history of U.S. declaratory statements about the territorial question in Resolution 242 will find the expression of varied positions. In 1969, Secretary of State William Rogers spoke about “insubstantial alterations” in the 1967 lines. This position was later overtaken by Secretary of State George Shultz’s statement in 1988 that “Israel will never negotiate from, or return to, the lines of partition or to the 1967 borders.” Secretary of State Warren Christopher wrote about Israel’s right to “defensible borders.” This position was repeated in a letter from President George W. Bush to Prime Minister Ariel Sharon in April 2004, presented to the House of Representatives on June 23, 2004. The next day the Senate passed a long resolution specifically referring to this letter, which included a statement strongly endorsing the principles articulated in the letter, and the strengthening of the security and well being of the State of Israel. It also expressed support of continued efforts, along with others in the international community, to build the capacity of Palestinian institutions to fight terrorism, dismantle terrorist organizations, and prevent the areas from which Israel has withdrawn posing a threat to the security of Israel. Although this is not law in the sense of a treaty, it was a unanimously supported act of resolution on the part of both Houses.

In recent years, one of the factors affecting the specifics of U.S. statements on borders has been the position of the Israeli government at the time. Given that the U.S. wants to work with the Israeli government in power, it may seem that U.S. policy changes on these essential questions. Moreover, the differing threats that Israel faces undoubtedly affect the assessments, from both Jerusalem and Washington, about what risks Israel can afford to take. For example in the 1990s, following the collapse of the Soviet Union and the resulting weakening of former Soviet client states, it seemed that the Middle East was becoming a more secure region. Today, there are new risk factors in the Middle East on the horizon; the 2003 war in Iraq eliminated the regime of Saddam Hussein, but created a new center of al-Qaeda Jihadism in Western Iraq that seeks to spread to Israel’s neighbors. In the meantime, Iranian adventurism has increased across the Middle East — and now Israel faces thousands of Hizbullah rockets from Lebanon.

This in turn points to the need for diplomatic flexibility in dealing with the issues outlined in Resolution 242. It is for that reason that the U.S. will probably be reluctant to take a detailed position about these territorial matters in the future, preferring instead to support whatever is agreed by

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the parties. Resolution 242 provides a toolbox of diplomatic instruments for reaching a permanent diplomatic settlement between Israel and its neighbors; it mandates the creation of “secure and recognized boundaries,” suggests the use of “demilitarized zones” and the establishment of a “just and lasting peace.” Essentially, Resolution 242 provides the flexibility for the negotiators to decide what proportion of each of these elements should be used to craft a stable political outcome.

The U.S.-Israel Relationship

A strong U.S.-Israel relationship is a pre-requisite for successful peacemaking. As Israel takes risks in establishing new boundaries, the U.S. is frequently called upon to offset them. This is more than a financial matter. Not all agreements are implemented smoothly or in good faith. Violations of agreements can be expected. For peacemaking to work, U.S. diplomatic activism is necessary not only to produce an agreement, but also to see through its ultimate realization on the ground.

Summary

Resolution 242 remains relevant to modern-day peacemaking and constitutes part of the guidelines, or tools, to be used in finding a solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict. The emphasis on a solution negotiated by the parties themselves, not forcibly imposed by external powers, is extremely important — only such a solution can provide a long-lasting, secure peace. There is, of course, a need for diplomatic flexibility, and for a close relationship between Israel and other countries, specifically the U.S., in any negotiations. Although at the negotiating table only Israel itself can decide what positions to take, international support, as expressed by the U.S. with relative consistency over the past 40 years, is central to guaranteeing Israel’s position in the negotiations, and any agreement will require internationally sanctioned enforcement mechanisms. On the basis of a correct interpretation of Resolution 242 (not the demand, as is to be found in the Arab League peace initiative, for Israel’s unilateral withdrawal from all territories), and the four principles discussed here, it is to be hoped that a lasting peace may eventually be possible.

The U.S. will probably be reluctant to take a detailed position about territorial matters in the future, preferring instead to support whatever is agreed by the parties.

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UN Security Council Resolution 242

November 22, 1967

Appendix A


Following the June ‘67, Six-Day War, the situation in the Middle East was discussed by the UN General Assembly, which referred the issue to the Security Council. After lengthy discussion, a final draft for a Security Council resolution was presented by the British Ambassador, Lord Caradon, on November 22, 1967. It was adopted on the same day.

This resolution, numbered 242, established provisions and principles which, it was hoped, would lead to a solution of the conflict. Resolution 242 was to become the cornerstone of Middle East diplomatic efforts in the coming decades.

The Security Council,

Expressing its continuing concern with the grave situation in the Middle East,

Emphasizing the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war and the need to work for a just and lasting peace in which every State in the area can live in security,

Emphasizing further that all Member States in their acceptance of the Charter of the United Nations have undertaken a commitment to act in accordance with Article 2 of the Charter,

Affirms that the fulfillment of Charter principles requires the establishment 1. of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East which should include the application of both the following principles:

Withdrawal of Israeli armed forces from territories occupied in the • recent conflict;

Termination of all claims or states of belligerency and respect for • and acknowledgement of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of every State in the area and their right to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries free from threats or acts of force;

Affirms further the necessity 2.

For guaranteeing freedom of navigation through international • waterways in the area;

For achieving a just settlement of the refugee problem; •

For guaranteeing the territorial inviolability and political independence • of every State in the area, through measures including the establishment of demilitarized zones;

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Requests the Secretary General to designate a Special Representative 3. to proceed to the Middle East to establish and maintain contacts with the States concerned in order to promote agreement and assist efforts to achieve a peaceful and accepted settlement in accordance with the provisions and principles in this resolution;

Requests the Secretary-General to report to the Security Council on 4. the progress of the efforts of the Special Representative as soon as possible.

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Statements Clarifying the Meaning of UN Security Council Resolution 242

November 22, 1967

Appendix B


Even before the beginning of the Jarring Mission (the Special Representative as mentioned in the Resolution), the Arab states insisted that Security Council Resolution 242 called for a total withdrawal of Israeli forces from territories occupied in the Six-Day War. Israel held that the withdrawal phrase in the Resolution was not meant to refer to a total withdrawal. Following are statements including the interpretations of various delegations to Resolution 242:

A. United Kingdom

Lord Caradon, sponsor of the draft that was about to be adopted, stated • before the vote in the Security Council on Resolution 242:

The draft Resolution is a balanced whole. To add to it or to detract from it would destroy the balance and also destroy the wide measure of agreement we have achieved together. It must be considered as a whole as it stands. I suggest that we have reached the stage when most, if not all, of us want the draft Resolution, the whole draft Resolution and nothing but the draft Resolution. (S/PV 1382, p. 31, of 22 November 1967)

Lord Caradon, interviewed on Kol Israel in February 1973: •

Question: This matter of the (definite) article which is there in French and is missing in English, is that really significant?

Answer: The purposes are perfectly clear, the principle is stated in the preamble, the necessity for withdrawal is stated in the operative section. And then the essential phrase which is not sufficiently recognized is that withdrawal should take place to secure and recognized boundaries, and these words were very carefully chosen: they have to be secure and they have to be recognized. They will not be secure unless they are recognized. And that is why one has to work for agreement. This is essential. I would defend absolutely what we did. It was not for us to lay down exactly where the border should be. I know the 1967 border very well. It is not a satisfactory border, it is where troops had to stop in 1947, just where they happened to be that night, that is not a permanent boundary.

Mr. Michael Stewart, Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth • Affairs, in reply to a question in Parliament, 17 November 1969:

Question: What is the British interpretation of the wording of the 1967 Resolution? Does the Right Honourable Gentleman understand

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it to mean that the Israelis should withdraw from all territories taken in the late war?

Mr. Stewart: No, Sir. That is not the phrase used in the Resolution. The Resolution speaks of secure and recognized boundaries. These words must be read concurrently with the statement on withdrawal.

Mr. Michael Stewart, Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth • Affairs, in a reply to a question in Parliament, 9 December 1969:

As I have explained before, there is reference, in the vital United Nations Security Council Resolution, both to withdrawal from territories and to secure and recognized boundaries. As I have told the House previously, we believe that these two things should be read concurrently and that the omission of the word ‘all’ before the word ‘territories’ is deliberate.

Mr. George Brown, British Foreign Secretary in 1967, on 19 January 1970: •

I have been asked over and over again to clarify, modify or improve the wording, but I do not intend to do that. The phrasing of the Resolution was very carefully worked out, and it was a difficult and complicated exercise to get it accepted by the UN Security Council. I formulated the Security Council Resolution. Before we submitted it to the Council, we showed it to Arab leaders. The proposal said "Israel will withdraw from territories that were occupied," and not from "the" territories, which means that Israel will not withdraw from all the territories. (Jerusalem Post, 23 January 1970)

B. United States of America

Mr. Arthur Goldberg, U.S. representative, in the Security Council in the • course of the discussions which preceded the adoption of Resolution 242:

To seek withdrawal without secure and recognized boundaries...would be just as fruitless as to seek secure and recognized boundaries without withdrawal. Historically, there have never been secure or recognized boundaries in the area. Neither the armistice lines of 1949 nor the cease-fire lines of 1967 have answered that description...such boundaries have yet to be agreed upon. An agreement on that point is an absolute essential to a just and lasting peace just as withdrawal is. (S/PV. 1377, p. 37, of 15 November 1967)

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President Lyndon Johnson, 10 September 1968: •

We are not the ones to say where other nations should draw lines between them that will assure each the greatest security. It is clear, however, that a return to the situation of 4 June 1967 will not bring peace. There must be secure and there must be recognized borders. Some such lines must be agreed to by the neighbors involved.

Mr. Joseph Sisco, Assistant Secretary of State, 12 July 1970 (NBC “Meet • the Press”):

That Resolution did not say "withdrawal to the pre-June 5 lines." The Resolution said that the parties must negotiate to achieve agreement on the so-called final secure and recognized borders. In other words, the question of the final borders is a matter of negotiations between the parties.

Eugene V. Rostow, Professor of Law and Public Affairs, Yale University, • who, in 1967, was U.S. Undersecretary of State for Political Affairs:

a) Paragraph 1 (i) of the Resolution calls for the withdrawal of Israeli armed forces "from territories occupied in the recent conflict," and not "from the territories occupied in the recent conflict." Repeated attempts to amend this sentence by inserting the word "the" failed in the Security Council. It is, therefore, not legally possible to assert that the provision requires Israeli withdrawal from all the territories now occupied under the cease-fire resolutions to the Armistice Demarcation lines. (American Journal of International Law, Volume 64, September 1970, p. 69)

b) The agreement required by paragraph 3. of the Resolution, the Security Council said, should establish "secure and recognized boundaries" between Israel and its neighbors "free from threats or acts of force," to replace the Armistice Demarcation lines established in 1949, and the cease-fire lines of June 1967. The Israeli armed forces should withdraw to such lines as part of a comprehensive agreement, settling all the issues mentioned in the Resolution, and in a condition of peace. (American Journal of International Law, Volume 64, September 1970, p. 68)

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C. USSR

Mr. Vasily Kuznetsov said in discussions that preceded the adoption of • Resolution 242:

Phrases such as "secure and recognized boundaries." What does that mean? What boundaries are these? Secure, recognized — by whom, for what? Who is going to judge how secure they are? Who must recognize them?...There is certainly much leeway for different interpretations which retain for Israel the right to establish new boundaries and to withdraw its troops only as far as the lines which it judges convenient. (S/PV. 1373, p. 112, of 9 November 1967)

D. Brazil

Mr. Geraldo de Carvalho Silos, Brazilian representative, speaking in the • Security Council after the adoption of Resolution 242:

We keep constantly in mind that a just and lasting peace in the Middle East has necessarily to be based on secure, permanent boundaries freely agreed upon and negotiated by the neighboring States. (S/PV. 1382, p. 66, 22 November 1967)

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About the Authors

About the Authors

Amb. Yehuda BlumFormer Israeli Ambassador to the UN and Professor Emeritus of International Law at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem.

Amb. Dore GoldFormer Israeli Ambassador to the UN and President of the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs.

Dr. Lars HanselDirector of the Israel Office of the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung.

Amb. Richard HolbrookeFormer U.S. Ambassador to the UN, Assistant Secretary of State for European and Canadian Affairs, and Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs.

Prof. Ruth LapidothProfessor Emeritus of International Law at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem.

Amb. Meir RosenneFormer Israeli Ambassador to the U.S. and France; former Legal Advisor to the Israeli Foreign Ministry.

www.jcpa.org

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About the Jerusalem Center

The Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs is a leading independent research institute specializing in public diplomacy and foreign policy. Founded in 1976, the Center has produced hundreds of studies and initiatives by leading experts on a wide range of strategic topics. Dr. Dore Gold, Israel’s former ambassador to the UN, has headed the Jerusalem Center since 2000.

Jerusalem Center Programs:

Defensible Borders Initiative • — A major security and public diplomacy initiative that analyzes current terror threats and Israel’s corresponding territorial requirements, particularly in the strategically vital West Bank, that Israel must maintain to fulfill its existential security and defense needs.

Iran and the New Threats to the West • — Preparation of a legal document jointly with leading Israeli and international scholars and public personalities on the initiation of legal proceedings against Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad for incitement to commit genocide and participate in genocide. This program also features major policy studies by security and academic experts on Iran’s use of terror proxies and allies in the regime’s war against the West and its race for regional supremacy and Dr. Dore Gold’s book The Rise of Nuclear Iran: How Tehran Defies the West (Regnery, 2009).

Institute for Contemporary Affairs (ICA) • — A program founded in 2002 jointly with the Wechsler Family Foundation that presents Israel’s case on current issues through high-level briefings by government and military leaders to the foreign diplomatic corps and foreign press, as well as production and dissemination of information materials.

Global Law Forum • — This ground-breaking program undertakes studies and advances policy initiatives to protect Israel’s legal rights in its conflict with the Palestinians, the Arab world, and radical Islam (www.globallawforum.org)

Anti-Semitism After the Holocaust • — Initiated and directed by Dr. Manfred Gerstenfeld, this program includes conferences, seminars, and publications discussing restitution, the academic boycott, Holocaust denial, and anti-Semitism in the Arab world, European countries, and the post-Soviet states.

Global Terrorism • — Using previously unpublished documents, Jerusalem Center President Dore Gold explored the influence of Saudi Wahhabism on 9/11 in the New York Times bestseller Hatred’s Kingdom: How Saudi Arabia Supports the New Global Terrorism (Regnery, 2003).

About the Jerusalem Centerfor Public Affairs

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About the Jerusalem Center

Jerusalem in International Diplomacy • — Dr. Dore Gold analyzes the legal and historic rights of Israel in Jerusalem and exposes the dangers of compromise that will unleash a new jihadist momentum in his book The Fight for Jerusalem: Radical Islam, the West, and the Future of the Holy City (Regnery, 2007). Justus Reid Weiner looks at Illegal Construction in Jerusalem: A Variation on an Alarming Global Phenomenon (2003). Prominent journalist Nadav Shragai assesses the imminent security threats to Israel’s capital resulting from its potential division, and offers alternative strategies for managing Jerusalem’s demographic challenges in his monograph Jerusalem: The Dangers of Division (2008).

New Models for Economic Growth in Israel • — This comprehensive, 10-year project has studied the application of financial innovations in Israel. Sponsored by the Milken Institute, the project includes nine published volumes in Hebrew and English.

Jerusalem Center Serial Publications:

Jerusalem Viewpoints• — providing in-depth analysis on changing events in Israel and the Middle East since 1977.

Jerusalem Issue Brief • — insider briefings by top-level Israeli government officials, military experts, and academics, as part of the Center’s Institute for Contemporary Affairs.

Daily Alert• — a daily digest of hyperlinked news and commentary on Israel and the Middle East from the world and Hebrew press.

Post-Holocaust and Anti-Semitism • — a monthly publication examining anti-Semitism after the Holocaust.

Jewish Political Studies Review • — A scholarly journal founded in 1989.

Jerusalem Center Websites:

www.jcpa.org (English)•

www.jcpa.org.il (Hebrew)•

www.infoelarab.org (Arabic)•

www.jcpa-lecape.org (French)•

www.jer-zentrum.org (German)•

www.mesi.org.uk (United Kingdom)•

www.globallawforum.org (Global Law Forum)•

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About the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung

More than 40 years ago, Konrad Adenauer and David Ben-Gurion laid the foundation for reconciliation between Germany and Israel and for the future in partnership of the two nations. Carrying on the legacy of the late chancellor, the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung (KAS) has been active in Israel for more than 25 years.

Together with local partner organizations we work on three main objectives:

We preserve and further develop the relationship between Germany and Israel. • This task is increasingly acquiring a European dimension as well.

We support efforts to strengthen democracy and the rule of law in Israel.•

We strive to facilitate a peaceful coexistence between Israel and its • neighbors.

The future of German-Israeli relations is one of KAS’s most challenging tasks. We are currently facing a watershed in German-Israeli history: The generation of survivors and witnesses of the Shoah is slowly passing away. To many members of the younger generations it is often not obvious why the relations between the two countries are so important for both sides. KAS sees it as one of its prime tasks to foster a future-oriented and sustained dialogue between Germans and Israelis. This trustful dialogue is to be based on the lessons of the past, but also on common values and shared future challenges in the fields of society, science and security.

Our efforts in aiding Israeli civil society mainly focus on projects improving the integration of minorities. One example is our joint program with the Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, which helps Bedouins achieve higher education and thus enables them to participate more successfully in Israel’s modern society. For years we have also undertaken extensive programs advancing in practice equal rights for women. In further projects we raise awareness for human rights issues and non-violent conflict management.

In order to help assure Israel’s existence in peace and security by bringing about a peaceful solution to the conflict with the Palestinians and Israel’s Arab neighbors, KAS organizes dialogue programs for Israeli and Palestinian politicians, officials, businessmen, journalists and students. Not even during the worst times of the “Second Intifada” did these meetings stop. In many cases the participants managed to solve practical problems while at the same time helping to lay the basis for a future comprehensive peace. Other outcomes were common Israeli-Palestinian teaching materials and the strengthening of Israeli-Jordanian relations through joint business meetings.

All KAS projects are guided by our belief in the benefits of democracy, freedom, a market economy and peaceful coexistence. We aim at making a lasting and sustainable contribution to Israel’s thriving in peace, prosperity, and partnership with Europe.

About the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung

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