ivan bugarski-on the janoshida type earrings and the seventh century finds from western balkans

THESAURUS AVARORUM

Régészeti tanulmányok Garam Éva tiszteletére

Archaeological Studies in Honour of Éva Garam

00.Cimnegyed:Elrendezés 1 2012.09.05. 6:36 Oldal 1

THESAURUS AVARORUM

Régészeti tanulmányok Garam Éva tiszteletére

Archaeological Studies in Honour of Éva Garam

Szerkesztette / Edited byVida Tivadar

ELTE Bölcsészettudományi Kar Régészettudományi IntézetMagyar Nemzeti Múzeum

MTA Bölcsészettudományi Kutatóközpont Régészeti Intézet

Budapest 2012


Szerkesztők / EditorsHorváth Eszter – Rácz Zsófia – Tóth Csaba

Fordítás / TranslationAlbrecht Friedrich, Szenthe Gergely, Kulcsár Valéria, Seleanu Magdalena

A kötet a Magyar Tudományos Akadémia és a Nemzeti Kulturális Alap támogatásával készültThis volume was supported by the Hungarian Academy of Sciences and the National Cultural Fund of Hungary

ISBN 978-963-284-281-3

Borítóképek / Front and Back CoverA dunapataji ruhakapocs / Clasp of Dunapataj

Fotó / Photo: B. Bühler (Wien)

© Szerzők / Authors, 2012


5

TARTALOM / INDEX

Tabula gratulatoria ...........................................................................................................................................

Ad multos annos! .............................................................................................................................................

KÉSŐ A�TIK ÖRÖKSÉG PA��Ó�IÁBA� / LATE A�TIQUE HERITAGE I� PA��O�IA

ZSIDI PAULA

Begegnung mit der antiken Welt. Nachleben und Neuleben auf den Ruinen von Aquincum ........................

GÖMÖRI JÁNOS

A pannóniai római kori vaskohászat továbbélésének kérdése. A Sopron-Deák téri, Árpád-kori vasolvasztóműhelyek ...................................................................................................................................................

Die Frage des Weiterlebens der römerzeitlichen Eisenverhüttung in Pannonien. Die Werkstätten der Eisen-produktion von Sopron-Deák tér in der Árpádenzeit .................................................................................

MÜLLER RÓBERT

Lipp Vilmos és Csák Árpád temetőfeltárásai Fenékpusztán............................................................................Die Gräberfeldausgrabungen von Vilmos Lipp und Árpád Csák in Fenékpuszta ...........................................

VIDA TIVADAR

A zárt kosasras fülbevalók eredetének kérdéséhez ..........................................................................................Zur Herkunft der Ohrringe mit geschlossenen Körbchenanhängern ...............................................................

BENDEGUZ TOBIAS

Kampf oder Himmelfahrt? Zur Deutung der Riemenzunge aus Grab 496 von Tiszafüred ............................

GERMÁ�OK A KÁRPÁT-MEDE�CÉBE� / GERMA�IC PEOPLES I� THE CARPATHIA�-BASI�

B. TÓTH ÁGNES

Gepida sírok a mezőberényi Tücsök-halomból (Békés megye) ......................................................................Gepidische Gräber von Tücsök-halom in Mezőberény (Komitat Békés)........................................................

ГАВРИТУХИН, ИГОРЬ ОЛЕГОВИЧ

Фибула из Тисасентмартон ...........................................................................................................................A brooch from Tiszaszentmárton .....................................................................................................................

NAGY MARGIT

Langobard sírok Budapest-Óbuda/Aquincumból .............................................................................................Langobardische Gräber aus Budapest-Óbuda/Aquincum ................................................................................

KÖHLER KITTI

Langobárd kori temetkezések antropológiai vizsgálata (Budapest, III. Szépvölgyi út és Vályog utca).........Die Ergebnisse der anthropologischen Untersuchung langobardenzeitlicher Bestattungen (Budapest, III.

Szépvölgyi út und Vályog utca) .................................................................................................................

BOCSI ZSÓFIA

Ordacsehi-Kis-töltés és Zamárdi-Kútvölgyi-dűlő 5–6. századi telepeinek kerámiái ......................................Die Keramik der Siedlungen aus der 5.-6. Jahrhunderts in Ordacsehi-Kistöltés és Zamárdi-Kútvölgyi-dűlő

9

11

15

25

35

3761

6383

85

93127

129140

141173

175

185

187204


6

BIZÁ�CI VAGY AVAR / BYZA�TI�E OR AVARIA�

DAIM, FALKO – BÜHLER, BIRGIT

Awaren oder Byzanz? Interpretationsprobleme am Beispiel der goldenen Mantelschließe von Dunapataj ...

KOMAR, OLEKSII – ROMANOVSKA, TETJANA

Byzantine gold bracelet of Constantine ...........................................................................................................

BUGARSKI, IVAN

On the Jánoshida type earrings and the seventh century byzantine finds from the western Balkans, with a ret-rospective view of the Vajska (Vajszka) Cemetery ....................................................................................

KISS GÁBOR

Egy bizánci övcsat Debrecen-Ondódról ..........................................................................................................Eine byzantinische Gürtelschnalle von Debrecen-Ondód ...............................................................................

BALOGH, CSILLA

A Mezőszilas type pendant from Grave 14 of the Mélykút–Sánc-dűlő cemetery ...........................................

SZŐKE BÉLA MIKLÓS

Avar kor végi női fejdíszek ..............................................................................................................................Kopfschmuck in der endawarischen Frauentracht ...........................................................................................

H. TÓTH ELVIRA

A „peszéradacsi” leletek lelőhelye...................................................................................................................Der Fundort der Funde von „Peszéradacs” ......................................................................................................

MŰHELY ÉS TECH�OLÓGIA / WORKSHOP A�D TECH�OLOGY

BÁLINT CSANÁD

Az avar kori ötvösség technikai és kultúrtörténeti aspektusai .........................................................................

HORVÁTH ESZTER

Egy „mediterrán” övcsat Rákóczifalva-Kastélydombról. A műhelykérdés archeometriai megközelítése ......A Mediterranean buckle from Rákóczifalva-Kastélydomb. The archaeometrical aspect of the localization

of production area.......................................................................................................................................

BRUDER KATALIN

A tépei kora bizánci ezüsttál rekonstrukciója ..................................................................................................Die Rekonstruktion der frühbyzantinischen vergoldeten Silberschale von Tépe ............................................

AVAR ÉS BIZÁ�CI FEGYVEREK / AVARIA� A�D BYZA�TI�E WEAPO�S

QUAST, DIETER

Einige alte und neue Waffenfunde aus dem frühbyzantinischen Reich ...........................................................

CSIKY GERGELY

Saxe im awarenzeitlichen Karpatenbecken......................................................................................................

LŐRINCZY GÁBOR – STRAUB PÉTER

Néhány megjegyzés a Hajdúdorog-Városkert úti 1. sírról. Adatok az avar kori sisakokhoz ..........................Grave 1 from Hajdúdorog-Városkert Road. Helmets of the Avar period ........................................................

207

225

233

255268

269

287297

299307

311

319

342

343347

351

371

395404


7

EMBEREK ÉS KERESZTEK / PEOPLE A�D CROSSES

RÁCZ ZSÓFIA

Emberalakos kistárgyak az avar korból ...........................................................................................................Anthropomorphe Kleinfunde aus der Awarenzeit............................................................................................

S. PERÉMI ÁGOTA

Keresztmellékletes sírok a Lesencetomaj-Piroskereszt temetőből ..................................................................Gräber mit Kreuzbeigaben im Gräberfeld von Lesencetomaj-Piroskereszt ....................................................

PÁSZTOR ADRIEN

A Lesencetomaj-Piroskereszt avar kori temető 39. sírjának gyöngysora ........................................................Die Perlenkette aus Grab 39 des awarenzeitlichen Gräberfeldes von Lesencetomaj-Piroskereszt .................

SIMON LÁSZLÓ

Awarenzeitliche Funde unbekannten Fundortes (Hódság/Ođžaci /?/) .............................................................

KORA AVAR ÉS KÖZÉP AVAR / EARLY AVARIA� A�D MIDDLE AVARIA�

TOMKA PÉTER

A bágyog-gyűrhegyi 2. (kora avar kori) sír revíziója .....................................................................................Revision des frühawarenzeitlichen Grabes 2 von Bágyog-Gyűrhegy .............................................................

SZENTHE GERGELY

7. századi ezüstlemezes övgarnitúrák. Adatok az ezüstlemezből készült, sima felületű övveretekelterjedéséhez ............................................................................................................................................

Gürtelgarnituren des 7. Jahrhunderts aus Silberblech. Angaben zur Verbreitung der Gürtelbeschläge ausflachem Silberblech....................................................................................................................................

BALOGH CSILLA–WICKER ERIKA

Avar nemzetségfő sírja Petőfiszállás határából................................................................................................APPENDIX (Marcsik Antónia) .......................................................................................................................Das awarenzeitliche Sippenhäuptlingsgrab von Petőfiszállás .........................................................................

SOMOGYI PÉTER

A közép avar kori lengőcsüngős fülbevalók eredetének kérdéséhez ...............................................................

ZÁBOJNÍK, JOZEF

Die mittelawarenzeitliche Gürtelgarnitur aus Čataj.........................................................................................

SÍROK ÉS TEMETŐK / GRAVES A�D CEMETERIES

HAJNAL ZSUZSANNA

A Kölked-feketekapui ’A’ és ’B’ temetők együttes értékelése.........................................................................Die zusammenfassende Auswertung der Gräberfelder ’A’ und ’B’ von Kölked-Feketekapu..........................

BENDE LÍVIA

Lószerszámos temetkezések, áldozati állatok és ételmellékletek a Körös–Tisza–Maros köze késő avar koritemetőiben ..................................................................................................................................................

Bestattungen mit Pferdegeschirr, Tieropfer und Speisebeigaben in den spätawarenzeitlichen Gräberfelderndes Gebietes zwischen Kreisch/Körös, Theiß/Tisza und Mieresch/Maros ................................................

VÖRÖS, ISTVÁN

Archeozoological investigations of the Early Avar Period cemetery at Pókaszepetk......................................

409434

437475

477488

489

501519

521

550

551580581

583

597

607643

645

676

679


697

709720

721731

733

743769

773

783786

789

801

803

813822

823

827

833

8

TĂNASE, DANIELA–GÁLL, ERVIN

Von Kisléghi Nagy Gyula bei Dudeştii Vechi entdeckte Gräber aus der Awarenzeit – der Hügel V...................

TELEPÜLÉSEK ÉS KERÁMIÁK / SETTLEME�TS A�D POTTERY

FODOR ISTVÁN

Avar kori lakóházak Hajdúnánáson .................................................................................................................Awarenzeitliche Grubenhäuser in Hajdúnánás ................................................................................................

MADARAS LÁSZLÓ

Avar kori település Törökszentmiklós határában.............................................................................................Awarenzeitliche Siedlung in der Gemarkung von Törökszentmiklós..............................................................

HEROLD, HAJNALKA

Untersuchungen zur awarenzeitlichen Siedlung und zu den Keramikfunden aus dem awarenzeitlichen Grä-berfeld von Zillingtal (Burgenland, Österreich).........................................................................................

TAKÁCS MIKLÓS–VADAY ANDREA

A Kompolt-Kistéri-tanyai kézzel formált és utánkorongolt cserépbográcsok .................................................Die handgeformten und nachgedrehten Tonkessel von Kompolt-Kistéri-tanya ..............................................

AVAROK ÉS FRA�KOK / AVARS A�D FRA�KS

TÓTH ENDRE

Die awarische Schatzkammer und die Franken ...............................................................................................

FANCSALSZKY GÁBOR

Forró László Sebestyén és az avar korra vonatkozó karoling kori források gyűjteménye (1936)...................László Sebestyén Forró und das Corpus der Karolingischer Quellen zur Awarenzeit (1936).........................

AZ AVAROK UTÁ� / AFTER THE AVARS

SCHULZE-DÖRRLAMM, MECHTHILD

Hochmittelalterliche Pseudomünzfibeln mit dem Bildnis eines gekrönten Herrschers. Zur Deutung derEmailscheibenfibel aus Grab 9 bei der Burg Bled in Slowenien ..............................................................

High Medieval pseudo coin brooches with the image of a crowned monarch. On the interpretation of anenamelled disk brooch from grave 9 at the castle of Bled in Slovenia ......................................................

FUSEK, GABRIEL

Beitrag zur Typologie der S-förmigen Schläfenringe ......................................................................................

MESTERHÁZY KÁROLY

Fésületlen dolgaink. Honfoglalás kori fésűk ...................................................................................................Unsere ungekämmten Sachen. Landnahmezeitliche Kämme..........................................................................

FÜGGELÉK / APPE�DIX

Garam Éva tudományos munkái / Bibliography of Éva Garam (Hajnal Zsuzsanna) ......................................

Rövidítések / Abbreviations (Horváth Eszter) .................................................................................................

Szerzők / Authors .............................................................................................................................................


Honti Szilvia (Kaposvár)

Hoppál Éva (Budapest)

Horváth István (Esztergom)

B. Horváth Jolán (Budakeszi)

Horváth M. Attila (Budapest)

Istvánovits Eszter (Nyíregyháza)

Ivanišević, Vujadin (Belgrad)

Ivanov, Vladimir A. (Ufa)

Jankovich Bésán Dénes (Budapest)

Jerem Erzsébet (Budapest)

Juhász Irén (Szarvas)

Kalla Gábor (Budapest)

H. Kelemen Márta (Esztergom)

Kemenczei Tibor (Budapest)

Kiscsatári Marianna (Budapest)

Kiss Erika (Budapest)

Kiss Etele (Budapest)

Kocsis László (Pilisszántó)

Kocztur Éva (Budapest)

Kolba Judit (Budapest)

Kovács László (Budapest)

Kovács Tibor (Budapest)

Kovalovszki Júlia (Budapest)

Kovács S. Tibor (Budapest)

Költő László (Kaposvár)

Körmöczi Katalin (Budapest)

Kővári Klára (Vác)

Kulcsár Valéria (Szeged)

Kürti Béla (Szeged)

Lakatos Attila (Oradea/Nagyvárad)

Laszlovszky József (Budapest)

Lengyel Beatrix (Budapest)

Lovag Zsuzsa (Budapest)

Lovász Emese (Miskolc)

Markó András (Budapest)

Marosi Ernő (Budapest)

Martin, Max (Basel)

Melis Katalin (Budapest)

Mészáros Orsolya (Budapest)

Milinković, Mihailo (Belgrad)

Mráv Zsolt (Budapest)

Nagy Erzsébet (Pécs)

Nepper Ibolya (Debrecen)

Ódor János (Szekszárd)

Pallós Lajos (Budapest)

Patay Pál (Budapest)

Päffgen, Bernd (München)

Peterdi Vera (Budapest)

Peters, Daniel (Berlin)

Pohl, Walter (Wien)

Possenti, Elisa (Trento)

Raczky Pál (Budapest)

Radnóti Klára (Budapest)

Rettner, Arno (München)

Rezi Kató Gábor (Budapest)

Révész László (Budapest)

Riener, Ellen (Mainz)

Ritoók Ágnes (Budapest)

Ruttkay, Matej (Nitra/Nyitra)

Schilling László (Budapest)

Schmauder, Michael (Bonn)

Selmeczi László (Budapest)

Simonyi Erika (Budapest)

Skriba Péter (Budapest)

Stadler, Peter (Wien)

Stanciu, Ioan (Cluj/Kolozsvár)

Szabó Ádám (Budapest)

Szabó Gábor (Budapest)

Szabó Miklós (Budapest)

Szathmári Ildikó (Budapest)

Szatmári Imre (Békéscsaba)

Szatmári Sarolta (Budapest)

Szende László (Budapest)

Szentpéteri József (Budapest)

Szilágyi Krisztián (Debrecen)

Stanilov, Stanislav (Szófia)

Tettamanti Sarolta (Vác)

Tomka Gábor (Budapest)

Tompos Lilla (Budapest)

Torbágyi Melinda (Budapest)

Tóth Csaba (Budapest)

Török László (Budapest)

Vagalinski, Lyudmil (Szófia)

Valter Ilona (Budapest)

Varga Máté (Kaposvár)

Vida István (Budapest)

De Vingo, Paolo (Torino)

Wolfram, Herwig (Wien)

9

TABULA GRATULATORIA

Aczél Eszter (Budapest)

Anders Alexandra (Budapest)

Baldini-Lippolis, Isabella (Bologna)

Barkóczi László (Budapest)

Bánffy Eszter (Budapest)

Bánki Zsuzsanna (Budapest)

Bárdos Edith (Kaposvár)

Benkő Elek (Budapest)

Bialeková, Darina (Nitra/Nyitra)

Biczó Piroska (Budapest)

Bierbrauer, Volker (München)

T. Bíró Katalin (Budapest)

T. Bíró Mária (Budapest)

Bíró Sey Katalin (Budapest)

Bollók Ádám (Budapest/Mainz)

Bondár Mária (Budapest)

Böhme, Horst Wolfgang (Mainz)

Čilinská, Zlata (Košice/Kassa)

Cseh János (Szolnok)

Csorba László (Budapest)

Czajlik Zoltán (Budapest)

Czeglédi Ilona (Budapest)

Dabasi András (Budapest)

Dannheimer, Hermann (Hadorf)

Daskalov, Metodi (Szófia)

Dobos Alpár (Cluj/Kolozsvár)

Dobosi Viola (Budapest)

Drauschke, Jörg (Mainz)

Eger, Christoph (Berlin)

Feld István (Budapest)

Fiedler, Uwe (Berlin)

von Freeden, Uta (Frankfurt)

Friedrich, Albrecht (Solymár)

Friesinger, Herwig (Wien)

Fülöp Gyula (Székesfehérvár)

Gabler Dénes (Budapest)

Galavics Géza (Budapest)

Gedai István (Budapest)

Gerelyes Ibolya (Budapest)

Gróf Péter (Visegrád)

Harhoiu, Radu (Bukarest)

Heinrich-Tamáska Orsolya (Leipzig)

Héri Vera (Budapest)

Holl Balázs (Budapest)


ON THE JÁ�OSHIDA TYPE EARRINGS AND THE SEVENTH CENTURYBYZANTINE FINDS FROM THE WESTERN BALKANS, WITH A

RETROSPECTIVE VIEW OF THE VAJSKA (VAJSZKA) CEMETERY

Ivan Bugarski

The publication this article is prepared for makes a suitable framework for the discussion of various aspects of therelationships between the Avars and Byzantium, one of them being an insight into the consequences of the seventhcentury Avar incursions in the Balkans. On this occasion, an attempt was made to supply our knowledge of the Rho-maioi existence in the Balkans at the time with some new interpretations of the traces of their material culture.1

1. GRANULATED EARRINGS AND EARRINGS OF THE JÁ�OSHIDA TYPE

The first part of the article is devoted to the latest golden, granulated earrings in Avar use. In the case of such ear-rings, a small spherical pendant was attached to the ring by a cylindrical or conical ending. Both the pendant andthe ending were decorated by granulation. Earrings of this type are smaller than granulated earrings in previousAvar use, which is the reason why É. Garam defines them descriptively, as earrings with slim spheres of bronzesheet (... mit dünnen Blechkugeln). At the National Museum in Budapest, such earrings from 12 graves of both sexesare housed, from different sites, but mostly from Alföld, the Great Hungarian Plain. These earrings are dated to themiddle and the second half of the seventh century,2 just like the corresponding pieces from the Alattyán cemeteryin an older but still important study.3

The results of more recent analyses define this particular type of earrings more precisely. J. Ormándy attributessuch findings to the Jánoshida type, and dates them to 670/680–700. The author has collected 25 earrings of this typethat mostly come from Avar graves, mentioning the finds from Slovakia and Eastern Slavonia in present-day Croatia too.4

Meanwhile, some other earrings of the same type that come from the Avar context were published. One ofthem comes from grave no. 23 of the Tiszavasvári cemetery, Petőfi Str. 49, which was dated to 670/680–710/720as a whole.5 There is also a finding from the big cemetery Kölked-Feketekapu B, coming from grave no. 534 ofthe group of graves XII/A. This group is dated from ca. 680 to 725.6 We should also mention a finding of such ear-rings from the Vojka cemetery in Srem, from a horseman’s grave no. 107, the inventory of which may be dated fromthe last quarter of the seventh century to the opening quarter of the eighth century.7 At first, this pair of earringswas dated earlier, to the sixth and the beginning of the seventh century.8 These examples speak in favour of the nar-rowed-down chronology provided by J. Ormándy.

Earrings decorated by granulation do not represent an ethnic indicator by themselves. They are widely presentin Eastern ad Central Europe, particularly in the area between the Danube and the Tisza rivers. The Avars enco-untered such objects of Byzantine origin on the Caucasus and in the Black Sea region.9

Speaking of granulated earrings in Avar use, the Jánoshida type earrings represent the end of a typological se-quence that started towards the end of the sixth century with the earrings with pyramidal pendants. This sequencewas established mostly by reducing the decorative elements.10 É. Garam11 considers that the origin of the earringswith pyramidal pendants was Byzantine, using an important older study: it was Z. Vinski who presented the ge-

233

1 With this paper, I would like to join in the congratulations to Dr. Éva Garam and to express to her my gratitude for the advice and help I gotwhile preparing my M. A. thesis. I would also like to point out the useful advice I got from Dr. Marko Popović, Dr. Vujadin Ivanišević, Dr.Vesna Bikić and Dr. Mihailo Milinković during the work on this article. The responsibility for posssible shortcomings is solely mine.

2 GARAM 1993, 25–26.3 BÖHME 1965, 4, 8/33.4 ORMÁNDY 1995, 161–162, Abb. 2.8–10; 3.2,4; 8.5 FANCSALSZKY 1999, 114, 141, Abb. 6.23–1.6 KISS 2001, 360, 368, Taf. 88/.B534–2,3.7 BUGARSKI 2006, 399–400, T. XXXIII.107–10, 11.8 MGB 2005, 64, cat. no. 53: Fig. 1.1–2.9 ORMÁNDY 1995, 169–170.

10 ORMÁNDY 1995, 169, Abb. 7, 8.11 GARAM 2001, 28–29.

13.Bugarski:Elrendezés 1 2012.09.05. 9:10 Oldal 233

nesis of these earrings quite convincingly, from the pre-classical Greek jewelry, to the Black Sea findings from theAntiquity. In the Early Byzantine period, such earrings were produced by the Rhomaioi artisans or in their works-hops,12 but also by the Avar artisans, as evidenced by a model from the well-known grave from Kunszentmárton.13

Stray-finds of the earrings with pyramidal pendants come from Velika Kladuša in Bosnia [28] and Ram (Lederata)in the Serbian Danube region.14 According to contemporary literature, earrings like these are joined to the Szeg-vár type and dated from 620/630–650.15 The position of the sites just mentioned speaks for the possibility that ear-rings of this type are also Byzantine products. One of the stages of the typological sequence presented by J.Ormándy are the earrings of the Szentes type, Páhipuszta variant, which are dated from ca. 610–640.16 The acci-dental findings of such earrings come from the Serbian Danube region, from Kostolac [11] (Viminacium)17 and Ram(Lederata) [12], the latter perhaps from the same site where the earring of the Szegvár type was found.18

It is evident, then, that both the typological source and the technique of manufacture of the late granulated ear-rings in Avar use are of Byzantine origin. Speaking of the Jánoshida type pieces, I will try to explain my impressionthat their production itself was Byzantine.

First of all, such earrings come from the Balkan hinterland too. A golden earring, published as a grave findingfrom Niš (�aissus) [1], has been purchased by the National Museum in Belgrade. It was dated widely to the sixthand seventh centuries and perhaps courageously tied to the local workshop in �aissus that followed the style ofthe Byzantine artisans.19 In a second publication, this earring was dated to the (end of the) sixth and the beginningof the seventh century, up to the year 614/615, when the Avars conquered and ruined the towns of Northern Illy-ricum. In this publication, it was assessed that the earring was a product of some Byzantine artisan, but in the „bar-barian“, probably Avar (sic!) use.20 In a third place this find has been attributed to the Migration period horizon,

234

IVAN BUGARSKI

12 VINSKI 1956, 65–67.13 CSALLÁNY 1933, 25, T. I.15.14 VINSKI 1956, 63–64, 76, T. I.1, 2: Fig. 3.1; 6.3.15 ORMÁNDY 1995, 154–155, Abb. 1.7–10; 7; 8.16 ORMÁNDY 1995, 157–159, Abb. 2.1–3; 7; 8. 17 VINSKI 1958, 12–13, T. IV.15: Fig. 6.1.18 DIMITRIJEVIĆ–KOVAČEVIĆ–VINSKI 1962, 121.19 POPOVIĆ, I. 2001, 101, cat. no. 55.20 MAKSIMOVIĆ 2004, 61–62, cat. no. 203: Fig. 1.3.

Map 1 Seventh century Byzantine findings from the Western Balkans. 1. Niš (Naissus); 2. Čobe; 3. Oblačina; 4. Praesidium Pompei; 5. Pe-peljevac; 6. Jelica, Gradina; 7. Caričin Grad (Iustiniana Prima); 8. Gamzigrad (Felix Romuliana); 9. Beograd (Singidunum); 10. Ri-topek (Castra Tricornia); 11. Kostolac (Viminacium); 12. Ram (Lederata); 13. Karataš (Diana); 14. Hajdučka Vodenica; 15. Síp; 16.Prahovo (Aquae); 17. Kovilovo; 18. Korbovo; 19. Salona; 20. Vajska; 21. Vinkovci (Cibalae); 22, Osijek (Mursa); 23. Sotin (Cor-nacum); 24. Sisak (Siscia); 25. Čadjavica; 26. Mihaljevići; 27. Pontes; 28. Velika Kladuša


extending from the sixth to the beginning of the seventh century.21 One shoud doubt the idea of Avar use of thisobject, first of all because it was found in Niš, and then because of the notion that it came from tomb,22 i. e. notfrom an ordinary grave. Even if this notion was false, the burial in Niš cannot be attributed to the Avars, excepttheoretically. It is even less probable when one bears in mind that these earrings are not to be dated before the lastthree decades of the seventh century.

It is far more probable that this finding comes from a Byzantine grave. In that case we should consider the pos-sibility that the deceased person, probably female, had been buried with an expensive piece of jewelry. This maytestify that in Niš there were wealthy Rhomaioi still in the late seventh century, some 50 years after the Avar in-cursions. On the other hand, the prevailing impression of experts in the field of Early Byzantine archaeology is thatthe Empire lost its last positions in Dacia Mediterranea, exactly in the triangle formed by Serdica, �aissus and Ius-tiniana Prima around 615,23 when, judging by the monetary circulation, the continuity of the Rhomaioi popula-tion of the Balkans was disrupted by a horizon of destruction.24 This view is also based on data in the primarysources: for example, refugees from �aissus and Serdica are mentioned in the context of the great Avar and Slavsiege of Thessalonika around 618.25 All of this, however, does not exclude the possibility that some Rhomaioi re-mained in Niš, or settled there after these events. A piece of circumstantial evidence, that �aissus kept its name,the modern Niš, has been used recently to show that the city „survived in some shape“.26

Another important assumption emanating from the Niš find concerns defining the cultural context from whichthe Jánoshida type earrings originate. If one accepts the possibility that this piece came from a Byzantine grave,the idea of the Avar production of such jewelry must almost certainly be excluded. Except for military equipment,the taking over of fashion and other influences proceeded from the Rhomaioi to the „barbarians“ and not viceversa.27 Finally, one should take into account the possibility that the Niš tomb noted as the finding place of the ob-ject of our interest was in fact later then the earring itself. In that case, which certainly would not be unique in ar-chaeological practice, the discussion on the cultural context that brought these earrings would be much morecomplicated.28

A pair of analogous earrings, however, comes from the Čobe village near Doboj in Bosnia [2]. The context ofthe finding is unknown. The earrings were dated to the seventh century and interpreted as one of the confirmati-ons of Avar presence south of the Sava and Danube at the time of their predominance in Pannonia.29 This estima-tion of J. Kovačević was not widely accepted.30 Different views are also presented recently.31 It is likely that thefindings from the vicinity of Doboj represent Early Byzantine heritage. One should mention to that effect that inthe north of Bosnia, some 5 km northwest of Doboj, on the multi-layered Crkvina-Makljenovac site, a big sixthcentury Early Byzantine fortification has been observed.32

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ON THE JÁ�OSHIDA TYPE EARRINGS

Fig. 1 The Jánoshida type earrings, scale 1:1. 1–2. Vojka; 3. Niš; 4. Čobe

21 MILINKOVIĆ 2006, 260.22 POPOVIĆ, I. 2001, 101; MAKSIMOVIĆ 2004, 62.23 BAVANT–IVANIŠEVIĆ 2003, 50.24 MILINKOVIĆ 2008, 554.25 Mir. II 2, 1337 № 171.26 LIEBESCHUETZ 2007, 131.27 MILINKOVIĆ 2004, 194.28 As an example, a golden granulated earring with spherical pendant, of a type quite common in Avar graves from the first half of the seventh

century, comes from grave no. 72 of the Veliki Gradac cemetery near Donji Milanovac. The cemetery was roughly dated to the period ex-tending from the eleventh to the thirteenth centuries (MINIĆ 1969, 243, 247, Sl. 19), or to the second half of the eleventh century and thefirst half of the twelfth century (RADIČEVIĆ 2007, 89, 96), but in any case much later than the earring itself.

29 KOVAČEVIĆ 1966, 57, 65, n.15, Sl. 7: Fig. 1.4.30 cf. POPOVIĆ, V. 1988, n. 78.31 BÁLINT 2003; BUGARSKI 2008.32 ALBiH 1988, 62–63, Kat. 04. 14; ŠPEHAR 2008, 562–564.

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The dating of the Jánoshida type earrings from 670/680–700 and the impression that these are Byzantine pro-ducts enable us to view their findings in Pannonia in the context of the renewed relationships between Byzantiumand the Avars. Those contacts were caused by the arrival of the Bulgars of Asparuch in Thrace and Lower Moe-sia, i. e in the Danube delta, most likely in 668/669. Taking advantage of the clashes between Byzantium and theArabs, especially after 674, Asparuch’s Bulgars plundered the Empire.33 The increased interest of Constantinoplein the Avars is most clearly documented by inventories of rich burials of the Middle Avar period from Tépe, Bócsa,Kunbábony or Ozora, all of them of Byzantine provenance.34

The impression that the Jánoshida type earrings are Byzantine products is here supported with wider and cir-cumstantial evidence. Only two finds from a disputable Byzantine context, as against the far more numerous fin-dings from Avar graves (similar to the Szegvár type earrings), could not possibly by themselves represent a solidbacking for such a claim, the more so as we know very little of the destiny of the Rhomaioi and their material cul-ture in the Balkans during the seventh century. First of all, primary sources are very scarce. In terms of archaeologyand the material culture, researchers of Early Byzantine sites are in many cases related to the results of Avar ar-chaeology. The finds of Byzantine origin and production are, to begin with, more precisely dated in the context ofother, very well studied objects from closed entities – Avar-time graves.35 It is well known that, in principle, weare not to expect rich graves in the Early Byzantine context, because of the Christian burial rites. Until the detai-led analyses of the stratigraphy of a few big, well preserved and long and systematically explored Early Byzan-tine sites, such as Caričin Grad (Iustiniana Prima), are finished and presented, Avar archaeology will remain themain source of elaborate informations on many Byzantine findings. This remark is valid especially for the mostluxurious objects, which are not likely to be found during excavations of the ruined cities or hillforts.

So it is very important to observe and study Byzantine finds in the Balkans, whose types are clearly dated tothe seventh century in Avar graves. A larger sample of such objects would help us anticipate the framework inwhich the Balkan Rhomaioi persisted in the course of this century. It would appear that the insufficient level of re-search and knowledge of the material culture, caused by objective methodological limitations, created the imp-ression that the undoubtedly hard repercussions of Avar incursions and Slav settling were fatal. The historicalprocess of the melting of such a great culture had to be more gradual. In addition, it could not affect different localcommunities, urban or rural, in the same manner, given the varying levels of protection by fortifications and therelief itself, of direct damage, of economic power, the power of cohesive social factors within particular commu-nities etc.

2. SEVENTH CENTURY BYZANTINE FINDINGS FROM THE WESTERN BALKANSHINTERLAND

The following lines are devoted to archaeological indicators of the Rhomaioi survival in the Western Balkans.Speaking of the territory of present-day Serbia, there are some published findings which may be dated to the mid-and late seventh century, although they are not numerous. A group of such finds from southern Serbia and the Au-tonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija stand out. Among those, the numismatic finds may be particularly sig-nificant.

From Gornja Vrežina near Niš (�aissus) comes a „light“ solidus of Emperor Heraclius, minted in Constanti-nople between 610–613, and from Oblačina near Merošina [3] there is a solidus of Emperor Constans II, mintedin Constantinople between 661–663.36 In the vicinity of Oblačina, on the Bilješka čuka site, there is an EarlyByzantine hillfort.37

From the region of Kosovo and Metohija, there is a corresponding finding of a solidus of Emperor ConstansII, also minted in Constantinople.38 There is no mention of the exact place this solidus was found at, but given the

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33 POPOVIĆ, V. 1986, 119.34 DAIM 2003, 483, 517. Perhaps a grave (?) from Stejanovci in Srem is from the same context. The inventory of this grave consists of Byzan-

tine silver jewelry, an amorphous piece of silver and a silver coin minted in 659 for Emperor Constans II. It has been suggested that this en-semble was laid no later than the 680’s (MINIĆ 1982). Elsewhere the possibility was left open that the Stejanovci finds in fact came from ahoard, laid precisely because of the 668/669 Bulgarian incursion (POPOVIĆ, V. 1986, 111; MORRISSON–POPOVIĆ–IVANIŠEVIĆ 2006, 346, cat.no. 267, Carte 9).

35 cf. GARAM 1992; GARAM 2001.36 ABN 2004, Kat. 306, 307: Fig. 2.1.37 I would like to thank Dr. Čedomir Vasić, who visited the site, for this information.38 PEJA 1998, Kat. 352: Fig. 2.2.


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Fig. 2 Findings from southern Serbia, scale 1:1. 1: Oblačina; 2: Kosovo and Metohija, unknown site; 3: Praesidium Pompei; 4: Pepeljevac

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fact that the Museum in Priština usually did not purchase finds from outside Kosovo and Metohija, it is most li-kely that the solidus originates from that area. It matches the type 6; 13/Cp/ AV/ 62 variant of solidi minted inConstantinople for Emperor Constans II.39

The above-mentioned solidus minted for Emperor Heraclius, as well as a slightly later hexagram from the vi-cinity of the city,40 both of which from the second decade of the seventh century, represent the latest coins of the„regular“ circulation in �aissus and Illyricum. The solidi of Constans II, however, deviate from that picture. Des-pite the facts that we are not familiar with the conditions of the findings and that the golden money could circu-late for a very long period, the question is raised whether these solidi come from local Rhomaioi of the second halfof the seventh century.

We should mention also the finding of a model for the production of small strap-ends from the Praesidium Pom-pei site in the Aleksinac basin [4], which was dated very early at publication.41 This was already pointed at,42 wit-hin the scope of discussion of the matching strap-end from the Early Avar cemetery in Mokrin (Homokrév) in theBanat region, which was published as a monograph recently.43 This model is in fact a very significant finding,which backs up the view that the corresponding strap-ends are of Byzantine origin. É. Garam comments on the verysimilar model from Adony in Pannonia in the same spirit.44 The matching strap-ends from Avar graves are attri-buted to the type 65 of seriation of the elements of the belt-sets provided by J. Zábojník, and dated to his phaseMS II, or to 675–700.45

A censer from Pepeljevac, on the other hand, is probably not that important in the discussion of the survival ofthe Rhomaioi in the region. It was found in a ruined church, to which it was possibly brought from some of theolder churches of the Kuršumlija area [5]. At first it was attributed to the Syrian-Palestinian type and dated to theseventh century.46 Objects like this are relatively numerous and well studied,47 so that O. Ilić was able to find somecloser parallels recently, based on which the Pepeljevac find has been defined as an Egyptian copy of the sourcemodel and dated to the late seventh or early eighth century.48 Not disputing this chronology or the possibility thatthe censer was brought from some old church from the area of Kuršumlija, it is not likely that this finding testi-fies to the process of Christianization of the local (Slav?) population in the late seventh century. Given the histo-rical circumstances, it is more likely that the censer was used for that purpose as a preserved antique piece in oneof the following centuries.

The few mentioned late seventh century Byzantine finds from the Western Balkans hinterland indicate the pos-sibility that the life of the remaining Rhomaioi went on in locations of the Roman and Early Byzantine tradition,but it would not be justified to conclude that the Empire ruled there at the time. The offered interpretation of thefinds is to some extent consistent with widely accepted views on how the Rhomaioi persisted in this territory inthe (early) seventh century.

Parts of the Dalmatia province were to all appearances took out from Byzantine rule relatively late. The tradi-tional view of the historians that Salona [19]was destroyed in 614 affected the dating of relatively numerous findsof the seventh century up to that year. In one of the most complete studies devoted to Salona, Z. Vinski dated thebuckles of the Salona-Histria and Korinth types, findings with the Punkt-Komma decoration etc., precisely up tothat time.49 On the basis of the numismatic finds, however, it was concluded that the fall of Salona and other ma-ritime towns took place in the fourth decade of the seventh century.50 The analyses of particular primary sources,of the architecture of Salona and of small finds had led to similar conclusions even earlier. The Rhomaioi popu-lation of Dalmatia, although sparse and pauperized, persisted there at least up to the middle of the seventh cen-tury. It is of particular importance to note that we are here not dealing with mere survival, but with the continuityof the life, however aggravated, of a population that even then respected the Roman laws.51

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39 MORRISSON 1970, 339, Pl. LIII/.AV. 62.40 POPOVIĆ, V. 1986, 108, n. 43.41 RAŠKOVIĆ 2007, 224, Sl. 18.1. I wish to express my gratitude to Dušan Rašković for providing me with the illustration (Fig. 2.3).42 BUGARSKI 2007, 440.43 RANISAVLJEV 2007, 24, Sl. 41.44 GARAM 2001, 119–124, Taf. 88.6.45 ZÁBOJNÍK 1991, 234–235, 248, Taf. 20.65, Abb.1.46 ĆOROVIĆ – LJUBINKOVIĆ 1950, 70, 81–83.47 cf. BYZANZ 2004, Kat. 151, 152; MUSIN 2006, 168, Fig. 2.48 ILIĆ 2008, 129–130. I would like to thank Olivera Ilić, M.A. for providing me with the photograph made by Nebojša Borić (Fig. 2.4).49 VINSKI 1974.50 POPOVIĆ, V. 1986, 108–109.51 NIKOLAJEVIĆ 1973, 77–78.


With the arrival of the Slavs, Rhomaioi of Dalmatia sought refuge in two ways of migration – horizontal andvertical. A part of the population withdrew to strong, fortified maritime towns and Adriatic islands, at the NorthDalmatian and Istrian seaside, particularly around Buzet (Piquentum),52 and to the south as well.53 Another part ofthe Rhomaioi withdrew to less accessible locations to build fortified habitats: speaking of the finds from Bosnia,i.e. from the eastern part of the Dalmatia province, in addition to the above-mentioned earrings from Velika Kla-duša and Čobe, a find of a Byzantine buckle from a ruined grave from the Mihaljevići cemetery near Sarajevo [26]stands out. The cemetery belonged to an old, local population. Buckles like this one are dated to the seventh cen-tury. Z. Vinski proposed the Keszthely-Pécs nomenclature for this type of buckles.54 É. Garam, however, joined suchbuckles to an equally dated variant of the Schnallen mit Tierfiguren type. The buckle from Mihaljevići mostly re-sembles an accidental find from Bonyhád.55

This second way of migration was widely applied also in the neighbouring Moesia I province. Isolated settle-ments of that population were doomed to gradual disappearance,56 which is not surprising since some of thosewere errected at a 1500 m and even 1800 m altitude. Generally, the altitudes of such settlements exceed 500 m.57

These populations were the origin of the Vallachians, while those that withdrew to maritime towns were namedRomani and clearly distinguished from the Rhomaioi in De adminstrando imperio.58 Enclaves of the Romani wereconnected by the sea, where Byzantine predominance was not jeopardized even in the hardest times.59 From thesestrongholds, which exerted a cultural impact on the nearby Slavs, a gradual and partial restoring of the power ofthe Empire was going to emerge.60 The fortune of the Vallachians and the other descendants of the Rhomaioi whowithdrew to the less accessible locations was very different. Cut off from the streams of development of the Em-pire, this population changed to such an extent that the Byzantines, albiet considerably later, considered it „ anequally strange and barbarian population as the immigrant Slavs“.61

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Fig. 3 Findings from Bosnia, scale 1:1. 1: Velika Kladuša; 2: Mihaljevići

52 VINSKI 1974, 25.53 Following the same principle, the population of Greece withdrew before the Slavs to South Italy and to Sicily, the latter having been helle-

nized to a great extent even before 650 (CHARANIS 1959, 41–42). 54 VINSKI 1974, 33–37, T. XXVIII.8: Fig. 3.2.55 GARAM 2001, 102–108, Taf. 71.5.56 ŠPEHAR 2008, 588–592.57 MILINKOVIĆ 2008, 546–547.58 FERJANČIĆ 1959, n. 3.59 ĆIRKOVIĆ 1981, 142.60 OSTROGORSKY 1959a, 20. Despite the fact that the Byzantine strongholds were few, the impact of the Empire on the Slavs was not negli-

gible. Just as in the case of Dalmatia, the strongholds in Greece served for the pacification, absorption and eventual helenization of the ne-arby Slavs (CHARANIS 1959, 41). The Droguviti who lived north of a crucial Byzantine stronghold, Thessalonika, were subjugated to theEmpire already at the time when Kuber arrived in the area in the late seventh century (POPOVIĆ, V. 1986, 115).

61 ĆIRKOVIĆ 1981, 142.

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In the course of the seventh century the remaining Byzantine towns in the Balkans changed their character, be-coming „well fortified and completely ruralized agglomerations“. Some of those became fortified strongholds ofstrategic significance and others became refuges.62 The process of decline of the towns, which began already in LateRoman times, did not lead to the disappearance of urban life, however.63 Under these conditions, the rest of the urbanpopulation in Dalmatia as well as in the Danube region and in the hinterland of the Balkans, e.g. in Thessalonika,established contacts with the nearby Slavs based on economic needs, above all in agriculture.64 It has been furthersuggested that later, in the course of the seventh and eighth centuries, the contacts between the autochthonous po-pulation and the Slavs developed into symbiosis.65

Gradina on the Jelica mountain in Western Serbia [6] provides a rather illustrative case study for such conside-rations. Given the known framework of Slavic settlement, pottery from that site should not be attributed to the Slavsor the Serbs, as has been suggested.66 One may rather think of the surviving population of the Rhomaioi, whichwe may call Proto-Vallachians, the more so as dishes made on the fast wheel were also present. The latest potteryfrom Gradina was dated to the second half of the ninth century or to beginning of the tenth.67 Of the archaeologicalmaterial that comes from Gradina and may be dated to the seventh century, with reservations, a bronze buckle ofthe Yassi Ada type has been published.68 The dating of such buckles to the early seventh century was enabled byan analogous find from a shipwreck found near the place Yassi Ada on a Turkish island.69 The crash occured notprior to 625/626, which is the dating of the latest coin of Emperor Heraclius found in the wreck.70 On the other hand,a corresponding find of a buckle comes from Svetinja by Viminacium which is dated earlier. It is assessed that lifeon the site was terminated between 593 and 596.71 An analogous sixth-century find comes from Singidunum too.72

Finds of the Yassi Ada type buckles come also from Caričin Grad [7].73 The latest published coin from thisvery important site was minted for Emperor Phocas (602–610),74 but there is also an unpublished hexagram min-ted in 615, found in the Lower Town, based on which it was concluded that the site „...was abandoned c.615 orshortly afterwards...“.75 It is possible that the cessation of monetary circulation does not mark the end of this cen-

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62 POPOVIĆ, V. 2003, 239. Speaking of the central parts of the Empire, in Greece the withdrawal of the population to secure locations is con-firmed by several examples. A few towns resisted the Slavic colonisation of the Illyricum, all of which were episcopates represented at the680 and 692 councils. Assuming that the bishop of Stobi was just a nominal right reverend, delegates of three provinces – Macedonia Prima,Epirus �ova and Hellas – were present there (OSTROGORSKY 1959b, 54–58; POPOVIĆ, V. 2003, 257). The persistence of the Rhomaioi in oneof these episcopates, Corinth, is confirmed by the well-known graves (DAVIDSON 1937; DAVIDSON WEINBERG 1974), which may be dated tothe seventh century on the basis of their inventories. From Corinth, then, come coins of almost all Byzantine emperors of the seventh cen-tury, although in relatively small numbers (SANDERS 2002, 649, Tab. 1). The Athens of the seventh century was fortified on the reduced spaceof the antique city and, although a small country town, was a safe refuge and the center of civil, military and ecclesial administration (KA-ZANAKI–LAPPA 2002, 639, 641). Some late alterations of the buildings are dated by coins of Emperor Constans II (CURTA 2007, 140–142;MORRISSON–POPOVIĆ–IVANIŠEVIĆ 2006, 227, cat. no. 133, Carte 9). In the case of Macedonia, the already mentioned Stobi were deserted bythe end of the sixth century, supposedly because of the Slavic threat, or due to the plague. For our considerations, however, an observationof the geologist Robert L. Folk is more interesting, namely that the area of the town was exposed to a the great drought, so that agriculturecould have been practiced only with extensive irrigation (WISEMAN 1984, 310, 312–313), which was not possible given the historical cir-cumstances. The extremes of cold and dry weather followed by wind-blown dust storms are also mentioned (CURTA 2007, 134). Those re-marks show that certain places, at least in Macedonia, could have been abandoned for practical reasons, and not only for safety. In thisrespect, a more general observation of F. Curta needs to be cited: „One could further speculate that the survival of urban centres and regu-lar supplies of public corn were intimately connected and that this relation may explain the collapse of Byzantine authority in the Balkansduring the seventh century“. At Bargala a church that replaced the ruined episcopal basilica was still in use in the early seventh century, sincetwo solidi were found, minted for Emperor Phocas. At Philippi too traces of the existence in the early seventh century were observed (CURTA

2007, 135, 138) and at Amphipolis life continued until the time of Constans II (SODINI 2007, 331).63 OSTROGORSKY 1959b, 65.64 LJUBINKOVIĆ 1978, 18.65 VINSKI 1969, 199.66 BULIĆ 2004, 162–168.67 BULIĆ 2004, 166, 174.68 MILINKOVIĆ 2002, 87, Abb. 15.3: Fig. 4.1.69 WOMER KATZEV 1982, 277, MF 21, Fig. 12–5.MF 21; 12–6.MF 21.70 FAGERLIE 1982, 145.71 POPOVIĆ, M. 1988, 31, Fig. 19.4.72 The buckle was already mentioned in the literature (POPOVIĆ, M. 1988, 31, n. 114; MILINKOVIĆ 2002, 87, n. 32) but was not illustrated. This

4.4 cm × 2.6 cm buckle of cast bronze was found on the Lower Town plateau of the Belgrade fortress, in a sixth-century archaeological layerdated by coins to the time of the reign of Emperor Justinus II (IVANIŠEVIĆ 1987, 91–93). The locking pin is uncommonly wound around thecylindrical element of the frame instead of around the opposite one. The buckle bears the mark C-190. I would like to thank Dr. Vujadin Iva-nišević who enabled me to publish this find and familiarized me with its archaeological context, and Dr. Stefan Pop-Lazić for the photog-raphs (Fig. 4.2).

73 KONDIĆ-POPOVIĆ 1977, 192, T. X.19, 21: Fig. 4.3.74 IVANIŠEVIĆ 1990, 259, Tab. 4.75 BAVANT 2007, 337, n. 1.


ter itself, but there is no clear archaeological documentation to confirm such an option. Apart from the above-mentioned buckles, there are some other finds that may be dated to the early seventh century, but also to the latesixth century. As an illustraton, there is the Salona-Histria type purse buckle found in thermae outside the town.76

Such objects are dated from the end of the sixth century to the end of the first third of the seventh century.77 TheMartynovka type strap-ends are similarly dated.78 One of them also comes from Caričin Grad.79

The famous palace of Emperor Galerius, Felix Romuliana near Gamzigrad [8], was renewed during the reignof Emperor Justinian, as an important place in χώρα Ακυενισίοσ. It is positioned in the center of the Dacia Ripensisprovince. Felix Romuliana was an important center in the hinterland of the Danube limes and possibly the seat ofecclesia of the nearby forts. The Rhomaioi continued to live there until some time in the first half of the seventhcentury. In archaeological layers dated after the Avar incursion of the end of the sixth century, there are still Byzan-tine dishes made both on the slow and the fast wheel. An unfinished fibula attributed to the so-called Dalmatiantype was dated to the first half of the seventh century too, as well as a few iron fibulae.80

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Fig. 4 The Yassi Ada type buckles and the findings from Caričin Grad, scale 1:1. 1: Jelica, Gradina; 2: Beograd; 3–5: Caričin Grad

76 BAVANT-IVANIŠEVIĆ 2003, 75, cat. no. 48: Fig. 4.5.77 GARAM 2001, 109.78 GARAM 2001, 124–128.79 KONDIĆ-POPOVIĆ 1977, 194, T. X.29: Fig. 4.4. In an older study, decoration of this strap-end was interpreted as tamga (KOVAČEVIĆ 1961).80 JANKOVIĆ 1983, 129–130, 135, Kat. 197–199. sl. 109.2–4.

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3. SEVENTH CENTURY BYZANTINE FINDINGS FROM THE SERBIANDANUBE REGION

Archaeological documentation of the Rhomaioi survival in the Serbian Danube region is also very interesting. Asa whole, that group of findings is a little earlier compared to the previously mentioned group of findings from So-uthern Serbia.

One should first mention the appearance of Byzantine material, perhaps from the beginning of the seventh century,at the Migration Period cemetery in Belgrade (Singidunum) [9]. The Byzantine findings, very different from theothers found there, come from a single grave no. 82. They were dated to the late sixth century or the beginning ofthe seventh. To the same, latest horizon of the cemetery also belongs a surface finding of a Pécs type small buckle,evidently from some ruined grave.81 The latest Early Byzantine coin from the area of the town is a follis mintedfor Emperor Heraclius in 613/614.82 A little later a Byzantine strategos resided temporarily in the already destroyedSingidunum.83 According to De administrando imperio, the Serbs addresed him there around 630, wanting theEmperor to give them some other lands to settle,84 but one may question this report. So it is not clear until whenthe Early Byzantine Singidunum survived. If the town avoided destruction at the beginning of the reign of EmperorHeraclius at all, it is believed that the rule of the Empire most likely could not persist after the raids preceding thesiege of Constantinople in 626.85

From Ritopek (Castra Tricornia) [10] comes a buckle of the Korinth type, dated to the early seventh centuryat publication.86 Such buckles are dated predominently to the second and third quarters of that century.87 Amongsomewhat later Byzantine findings from the Serbian Danube region, an accidental find of the Balgota type bucklefrom Kostolac (Viminacium) [11] also stands out. This buckle was dated to the mid-seventh century,88 which is inline with the conclusion that such buckles appear in Avar graves dated from 625 to 675, if not even later.89 The findis a little later than the above-mentioned Szentes type earring from the same town. There is also a battered and per-forated solidus minted for Emperor Heraclius in Constantinople between 610 and 613. Since the exact findingplace of this solidus is not known, it does not prove that there was monetary circulation at that time.90 Together withthe two previously mentioned objects, it nevertheless points to a certain presence of the Rhomaioi, or at least oftheir material culture, in this strategically important location in the first half of the seventh century, if not even later.The Yassi Ada type buckle from the nearby Svetinja site has been already noted, which was dated earlier, just likethe corresponding find from Singidunum. From Ram [12], again, there are earrings of the Szegvár and Szentestypes, collectively dated to the first half of the seventh century.

More numerous finds come from the Djerdap part of the limes. It is likely that an unpublished purse buckle ofthe Pápa type from Karataš (Diana) [13] belongs to the seventh century.91 Such buckles are dated from the end ofthe sixth century to the end of the second third of the following century, if not even a little later.92 In another classi-fication these buckles are determined as the D 36 type, with the chronology reduced to the first half of the seventhcentury.93 From Diana, Hajdučka Vodenica [14] and Sip [15] there are the Salona-Histria type buckles,94 dated fromthe end of the sixth century to the end of the first third of the seventh century, as mentioned; from the first two pla-ces and Pontes [27] and Prahovo there are also lamps of the Minor Asia type, which could have been in use in theearly seventh century.95 Such a possibility is based again on an analogous find from the shipwreck near Yassi Ada.96

Lamps of this type, on the other hand, were commonly used also in the sixth century. An analoguous find, forexample, comes from Gamzigrad, from a layer formed before Avar incursions at the end of the sixth century.97

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81 IVANIŠEVIĆ–KAZANSKI 2002, 127, Pl. VII.82; IX.2: Fig. 5.1–7.82 IVANIŠEVIĆ 1987, 91.83 POPOVIĆ, V. 1986, 107.84 BARIŠIĆ 1955b, 12–13.85 POPOVIĆ, M. 2006, 47.86 JANKOVIĆ, M. 1997, 313, Kat. 601: Fig. 6.4.87 GARAM 2001, 97–99, Taf. 62.4, Tab. 1.88 JANKOVIĆ, M.-DJ. 1990, 96, 64.1: Fig. 6.2.89 GARAM 2001, 99, Tab.1.90 IVANIŠEVIĆ 1988, 88, Kat. 59.91 I would like to thank Perica Špehar, M.A. for this information.92 GARAM 2001, 111, Tab. 1.93 SCHULZE-DÖRRLAMM 2002, 224–226, chronologietab.94 ŠPEHAR 2004, 100–101, Kat. 44–46, T. II.44: Fig. 7.6.95 ŠPEHAR 2004, 195, Kat. 651–655, T. XXXIX.651–655.96 Vitelli 1982, 193, L 12, Fig. 9–3.L12.97 JANKOVIĆ 1983, 131, Kat. 172.


From Prahovo [16] there are a few more finds that may be dated to the seventh century: a lyre-shaped buckle,elements of belt sets of the Martynovka type and of those with Punkt-Komma ornaments. These finds are dated tothe end of the sixth century and the first half of the seventh century,98 which is mainly in line with the more recentdating provided by É. Garam. This author, however, dates the lyre-shaped buckles up to the end of the secondthird of the seventh century.99

The observed finds from the Djerdap region may represent a confirmation of a view presented long ago,100 thatthat part of the limes fell relatively late, certainly after the reign of Emperor Phocas (602–610). P. Špehar recentlyaccepted such a possibility, with the reasonable reservation that „the listed finds come from inadequately definedstratigraphical units...“.101

The results of archaeological explorations led Dj. Janković to draw similar but more definite conclusions. Thisauthor noted that numerous forts from χώρα Ακυενισίοσ were abandoned in the early seventh century, probably atthe beginning of reign of Emperor Heraclius. However, „in refuge near Sip, a fort near Kladovo and in the Gradsite near Kovilovo [17] there were fewer finds of pottery made on the fast wheel that may be dated to the first halfof the seventh century, and from Prahovo and Korbovo [18] we know of metal finds that may be dated up to themiddle of the seventh century. This horizon is very poor and sporadical as a whole and it appears to be most in-tense in Aquae. Presumably the refugees took shelter in abandoned forts, while in Aquae the old population stilllived, continuing its production based on modified old models.“ Pottery from some other sites „shows, togetherwith enlarged barbarized fibulae with zigzag ornaments, a continuation of Roman production up to the middle ofthe seventh century. There was even a certain revival, reflected in renewed use of the fast wheel by the Roman po-pulation, as well as in the enlarged fibulae“.102

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Fig. 5 The Singidunum cemetery, Tadeuša Košćuška Str. grave 82, scale 1:1

98 JANKOVIĆ 1981, 175–176, T. XVII.9, 13–15: Fig. 7.3–5.99 GARAM 2001, 107.

100 BARIŠIĆ 1956.101 ŠPEHAR 2004, 239–240.102 JANKOVIĆ 1980, 194, T. XVI.3, 11: Fig. 7.1, 2. In the same place Dj. Janković wrote about parallel presence of the Slavs, on the basis of

the finds of hand-made pottery and so-called Slavic fibulae. J. WERNER (1950) opted for Slavic attribution of such fibulae and was follo-wed by a number of authors, whom it is not necessary to quote here. The same is true of numerous previously published opposite viewsthat are predominant in recent studies too (cf. VAGALINSKI 1994, 294; VIDA–VÖLLING 2000, 32). Hand-made pottery is not to be conside-red as an ethnic marker either. Precisely the Djerdap findings D. Bulić uses as an analogy for a group of such seventh century dishes from

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One actually might think that these findings from the Djerdap limes, as evidence of the existence of the Rho-maioi, partly reflect the population influx in the turbulent opening decades of the seventh century. If this was so,a part of the Danube limes, relieved of Avar pressure after 626, became the refuge of some of the Balkans Rho-maioi retreating before the advancing groups of Slavs. Such a movement of the Rhomaioi perhaps might be rela-ted to the principle of horizontal migration, resembling the movement towards the Adriatic coast. Judging by the(so far) recognized findings, in this case it could not have been a large migration. The importance of Byzantine fortson the Danube could not match the significance of a metropolis such was Salona, but given the fact that thesewere connected by the river, the Byzantine traditions, though in a very reduced fashion, probably persisted untilthe middle of the seventh century. Although J. H. W. G. Liebeschuetz recently assumed that „The forts in the IronGate seem to have been destroyed in the 590s.“, it is his next supposition, concerning the wider area of the LowerMoesia and Dacia Ripensis frontier after 600, that may be applied to some extent precisely to the Djerdap region:„... This region had become a buffer zone, in which a certain number of cities maintained themselves more or lessindependently, and defended themselves independently, with the help of what had once been a Roman frontiergarrison. Country life had certainly been severely disrupted by decades of raiding. The population was surely muchreduced...“.103 Given the fact that the sites in question, in the Djerdap region or in Moesia II, were connected bythe Danube, one may suppose that the model of their survival was not that insular.

Speaking of the Lower Danube region, U. Fiedler lists relatively numerous Early Byzantine sites, in whichByzantine material from the early seventh century was found.104 It seems that Svishtov (�ovae) survived until thereign of Emperor Heraclius.105 Furthermore, at Krivina (Iatrus) the E phase was observed, covering most of the se-venth century, and from Silistra (Durostorum) come a late seventh century hoard and a seal of Emperor Constan-tine IV.106 In that area a number of settlemets and cemeteries of autochtonous Rhomaioi was discovered, dated tothe fifth-seventh centuries. There are also relatively numerous Byzantine coins from the sixth and the first half ofthe seventh century.107

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Gradina on Jelica (BULIĆ 2004, 165–166). With all the reservations when comparing objects made by hand alone, if we were to dare to lookfor a common context in which such pottery from the Djerdap area and from the Jelica mountain came into being, it may have been pro-duced primarily by the pauperized Rhomaioi, i.e. the Proto-Vallachians. The small number of dishes made on the fast wheel in both the Djer-dap area and on Jelica also points to a decrease in pottery trade in that population. The occurrence of hand-made pottery at Caričin Gradrepresents a very suitable example of these processes. Such the dishes come from modest retunings of buildings at the site, from the lastphase of the existence of the Rhomaioi, which may be dated to the early seventh century, as discussed (BJELEJAC 1990, 185). From Cari-čin Grad there are also findings of the so-called Slavic fibulae, recently stressed again (MILINKOVIĆ 2006, 260, Abb. 13).

103 LIEBESCHUETZ 2007, 128–129.104 FIEDLER 1992. The interpretation of such findings from that region, however, may be completely opposite to the one I suggest here (cf. MAD-

GEARU 2004).105 POULTER 2007, 41.106 CURTA 2007, 158, 181, n. 102.107 TEODOR 1984, 66–67. As regards the wider area of the northeastern parts of the Empire, Thrace was „compactly settled by the Slavs“ in the

course of the seventh century, so that those territories were named αί Σκλαυινίαι by Byzantine chroniclers (RAJKOVIĆ 1955, n. 9). The lastcoin found at Carevec, however, was minted for Emperors Constantine IV and Tiberius (659–681), although it is believed that this site hadbeen abandoned by the beginning of the reign of Emperor Heraclius. At the Early Byzantine fort of Karasura the buildings of the last phasewere destroyed by fire some time in the seventh century (CURTA 2007, 128, 165). Both the primary sources and numismatic finds testify to

Fig. 6 Findings from the Serbian Danube region, scale 1:1. 1: Kostolac; 2: Kostolac; 3: Ram; 4: Ritopek

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4. CONCLUSION

From all of the above, of course, one must not conclude that the Empire ruled the Balkans in the course of the se-venth century at full capacity. In the context of known models of persistence of the Rhomaioi after 615, EarlyByzantine material coming from the Balkans was analysed that is even later than that date. Though there is no solidevidence, there is still an impression that the life of the Rhomaioi in some places in former Balkan provinces ofthe Empire may be traced up to the end of the seventh century. As it was predictable and for the most part known,the majority of the seventh century Byzantine findings is concentrated on the „border“ lines – i. e. on the Adriaticand Black Sea shore, and on the Danube shore as well – and on hillforts in the Balkans hinterland. Most of thesefinds are from the first half of the seventh century, which is not a novelty in archaeological literature. Systemati-zation of these finds was aimed at and a partly new interpretation of the Djerdap findings has been offered.

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Fig. 7 Findings from the Djerdap region, scale 1:1. 1–5: Prahovo; 6: Karataš

a certain continuity of Byzantine rule in some parts of present-day Bulgaria. Emperor Constans II successfully waged a war against the Slavsin 658. Two decades later, as noted by Theophanes, the incursion of the Bulgars of Asparuch exposed Byzantine forts to attacks and ruin(RAJKOVIĆ 1955, 221–222, 224–225; OSTROGORSKY 1959a, 5). As a reaction, Emperor Constantinus IV trained his troops „on both the ma-inland and the sea“ (POPOVIĆ, V. 1986, 109). There are several interesting numismatic finds that most likely reflect these events. A hoardfrom Nesebar (Messembria) on the Black Sea shore consists of six solidi of Emperor Constans II and three solidi of Emperor Constanti-nus IV. A hoard from Constanca in the north of the Black Sea region is dated by the coins of Emperor Constantinus IV, as well as two morehoards from the very northeast of the Danube limes. A hoard consisting of several solidi, the latest one minted for Emperor ConstantinusIV, comes from the Sofia (Serdica) region too; it was laid around 680 (MORRISSON–POPOVIĆ–IVANIŠEVIĆ 2006, 142, cat. no. 37; 167, cat.no. 67; 168, cat. no. 68; 180, cat. no. 81; 307, cat. no. 229, Carte 9). A little later, in 688 or 689, Emperor Justinian II launched a huge andsuccessful offensive on the Bulgars and Sclavines. As one of the results Via Egnatia was put to use again (POPOVIĆ, V. 1986, 123). In theninth decade of the seventh century the themes Hellas and Thrace were constituted. The Thrace theme was probably set up in the areas ofthe ex-Thrace diocese that were not inhabited by either Bulgars or Slavs, while the Hellas diocese was established in Central Greece. Fora century, no other themes were formed in the Balkans (OSTROGORSKY 1959a, 7).

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It is striking, however, that the latest and most luxurious seventh century Byzantine finds come from the southof present-day Serbia, the South Morava valley, and AP Kosovo and Metohija, furthermore from evidently less pro-tected places of Roman and Early Byzantine traditions. In that regard the earring from �aissus is particularly in-teresting. Even the place in the vicinity of Doboj in North Bosnia in which the matching earrings were foundgravitates towards a large, accessible Early Byzantine fortification. The context of these findings is not preciselydefined, so that other possibilities are not to be neglected. One should not discard a priori the possibility that thefinds, although of the Byzantine origin, were the possession of non-Rhomaioi, or that these luxurious items werein prolonged or secondary use. On the other hand, the relative chronological and spatial uniformity of the finds andsome common characteristics of the places they were found at allow the assumption that this group of objects in-deed came from wealthy Balkans Rhomaioi of the second half of the seventh century. Surprisingly, if so, these Rho-maioi did not hide in the hardly accessible locations. Perhaps for this reason in the group of finds in question thereare no products of degraded craftsmanship, such as come from the Komani108 or Proto-Vallachian contexts.

If one takes into account such an interpretation, it would be imaginable that part of the Rhomaioi continued anurban, though certainly restricted way of life in the second half of the seventh century. They could gain a liveli-hood by trading with the neighbouring Slavs, who were still avoiding life in towns at the time. Both the Byzan-tine instinct for survival and such a doubtful progress of the Slavs were features that marked the seventh centuryhistory of the Balkans: despite the uncontested breakdown caused by Slavic colonization, the Byzantine rule wasnot replaced with an organized Slavic one.109

The adequacy of this interpretation of the Byzantine finds might be proved, or disproved, by new archaeologicalresearches, first of all of the Niš fortress, where rich archaeological layers have been preserved to a large extent.

5. APPENDIX: A RETROSPECTIVE VIEW OF THE VAJSKA (VAJSZKA) CEMETERY

The presence of Byzantine traditions south of the Danube is corroborated by some finds from the northern bankof that river as well. Altough only eight graves were discovered, the damaged Vajska cemetery in southwesternBačka [20] represents one of the most interesting cemeteries of the Early Avar period. Results of explorations ofthat cemetery, dated to the last decades of the sixth century have been published.110 The fact that seven graveswere built of bricks, in the Roman fashion, stands out.111 In a grave with no construction there were no findings,while in the graves built of bricks finds of Byzantine production prevail to a great extent. Characteristic earringswith basket-shaped pendant, a ring, the necklace pendants and elements of belt-sets with Punkt-Komma decora-tion may be dated later than proposed,112 on the basis of recent literature. Such findings are clearly dated to theend of the sixth century and to the first third of the following century,113 which is close to the first impression ofthe researchers, that the cemetery may be dated to the end sixth/ beginning seventh century.114

Some older, ruined Roman necropolis has been proposed as the source of the bricks on which traces of mortarfrom previous use were noticed. The present-day Begeč (Onagrinum) was mentioned in this context, a castellumprotruding to the left bank of the Danube, some 50 km from Vajska. It is noted, however, that the Vajska necro-polis was placed on a multi-layered site, next to the old river-bed of the Danube, where Late Roman finds wereobserved as well.115 It is possible, then, that Roman bricks came precisely from Vajska, originating from the con-firmed Late Roman horizon there.

Vajska is positioned on the left bank of the Danube river, in a location gravitating towards important antiquetowns – Vinkovci (Cibalae) [21] and Osijek (Mursa) [22] – in present-day Croatia. It is possible that Vajska toorepresented an advanced spot of the Roman Empire in Barbaricum. Since there is only circumstantial evidence of

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108 It seems that the majority of Early Mediaeval towns in the territory of present-day Albania were built in the protected positions of LateRoman and Byzantine fortifications. On the foothills of these forts cemeteries of the Komani-Kroja type have been observed. It is „anurban, post-antique, retarded Roman-Byzantine and, most of all, Christian“ culture. Graves at St. Erasmus on the Ohrid lake were even po-sitioned around a ruined Early Byzantine church and inside it (POPOVIĆ, V. 1988, 230–231). Traces of the Komani group were observed onCorfu, in Macedonia, Albania, Montenegro and in Dalmatia (MILINKOVIĆ 2006, 261, n. 51).

109 OSTROGORSKY 1959a, 4.110 BRUKNER 1982.111 BRUKNER 1982, 33–35, Pl. VIII, IX: Fig. 8.1–2.112 BRUKNER 1982, Pl. II–IV: Fig. 8.3–14; 9.113 GARAM 2001.114 BRUKNER–NAĐ 1966, 157. P. Medović, who discovered this site in the course of his surveyings, dated the graves wider, to the sixth and se-

venth centuries (MEDOVIĆ 1966, 196). 115 BRUKNER 1982, 29, 35.


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Fig. 8 The Vajska cemetery (1–2: no scale; 3–14: scale 1:1)

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Fig. 9 Findings from Vajska cemetery, scale 1:1


Roman architecture, one cannot claim there was a castellum, but one should not exclude the possibility that someobservation, or perhaps trading point was established there. Later, at the end of the sixth century and in the firstthird of the seventh, there certainly were no Byzantine troops in Vajska, but some population could have stayedthere, at least theoretically. Judging by the part of the cemmetery that was explored, a wealthy population of theRhomaioi was buried there, maintaining its traditional burial rites to some degree. O. Brukner noted the strict west-east orientation of the graves is characteristic of the Early Byzantine Christian population but attributed this „pse-udo-Roman“ cemetery, with considerable and justified reservations, to an ethnically mixed population under thestrong influence of Roman provincial culture.116

Chronologically parallel finds of Byzantine manufacture in graves of the Vajska cemetery may be explained,again in theory, by connections with the Balkan hinterlands, primarily with the nearby centers Cibalae and Mursa.If this was so, the local Byzantine community, within which there were wealthy persons too, was allowed to stayin the ex-Roman outpost in Barbaricum. This may have been arranged in some kind of agreement concerning, forinstance, trans-Danube trading. Judging by the dating of grave-finds, such neighbourly relations may have endedas a consequence of the Constantinople catastrophe in 626.

This possibility, however, is not sufficiently based on either the historical or archaeological knowledge of thecenters in question that we have so far. Justinian’s efforts in restoring the Empire reflected on Pannonia only inci-dentally. Cibalae, with some interruptions ruled by the Gepids from the late fifth century, are mentioned only oncein the primary sources of Justinian’s epoch, in a (perhaps fictitious) document dated to the beginning of the reignof this Emperor. From the year 567 the Avars are present in the area, and the Slavs together with them,117 who mayhave ruled the town as early as 579. Despite the wars the Rhomaioi probably held their town after the Gepids weredefeated,118 but presumably not for long. The last sentence in a book on the urbanization of this town reads as fol-lows: „With the arrival of the Avars Cibalae were definitively destroyed, and the ruins were left to time and to in-habitants of the neighbouring settlements to carry off building material and plunder graves“.119

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Fig. 10 Findings from Sisak (Siscia), scale 1:1

116 BRUKNER 1982, 35–36, 39, Pl. I.117 DIMITRIJEVIĆ 1979, 188–189.118 DIMITRIJEVIĆ 1966, 37–38.119 ISKRA–JANOŠIĆ 2001, 162.

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Defeat of the Gepids determined the faith of Mursa as well. As noted in the literature, the Avars settled aroundthe ruins of the town, to terminate urban life there.120 The latest Byzantine material from the town is representedby the Sučidava type buckle, such as are for good reasons dated to the second half of the sixth century,121 and evenslightly later in the Avar context, up to the end of the first third of the seventh century.122 As regards the easternpart of the Croatian Danube region, then, no Byzantine finds which could be indisputably dated to the seventh cen-tury come from Sotin (Cornacum) [23] either.123

Some finds from places west of that zone, however, need to be mentioned in this review. At Sisak (Siscia) [24]there is a concentration of finds of interest to us. Z. Vinski thought that the Korinth type buckle got to Siscia „fromthe provincial-Byzantine zone in the Balkans... as an import, after the destruction of the Roman town Siscia aro-und the year 600“.124 Also from Sisak there is an U-shaped part of a buckle that carried figural decoration, datedto the seventh century.125 We should mention a few more more accidental finds coming from this town, all of whichare Byzantine products of the seventh century. A bronze strap-end with inlays of red glass, supposedly originatingfrom the Black Sea region, and two models for horse harness decorative elements stand out,126 the latter matchingthe model from the already mentioned Kunszentmárton grave.127 We know that a Christian community continuedto live in Siscia in the sixth century, and that the mint was still active, with some interruptions, at that time.128

Luxurious, mostly silver objects, all of Byzantine origin, come from the well-known Čadjavica grave [25]. Anarmed male from this single grave, dated to the beginning of the seventh century, was believed to be a Kutrigur ora Slav-Ant „prince“.129 It is important to note that this was not a horseman’s burial. É. Garam too believes this gravemay be dated around the year 600.130 In another recent review the grave was dated to the first half of the seventhcentury.131 Since there are no absolutely reliable data, and anthropological analysis was most likely not conduc-ted, it is not easy to accept the earlier attribution of the grave with no reservations. In light of the above discus-sion, it does not seem likely that this grave had anything to do with the Rhomaioi either, although the exceptionalwarriors’ graves from Corinth were pointed to. Unlike the graves from Corinth or Vajska, the one from Čadjavicaby all appearances had no special construction, only simple pithole being mentioned.132 Furthermore, the decea-sed on the Keszthely–Fenékpuszta cemetery were for the most part buried in coffins.133 Even taking into accountthe possibility that the grave in Čadjavica was a Byzantine one, which is impossible to prove in any way, it mayhave belonged to some high commander of the troops from Dalmatia that gathered annually in Salona to go to standguard on the Danube river. A careless action of these troops led to the fall of Salona,134 which took place some-time in the fourth decade of the seventh century, as already mentioned.

Since traces of Byzantine presence in the course of the seventh century in the immediate Balkan hinterland ofthe Vajska area are very sporadical, we may come close to concluding that the population of Vajska could not ma-intain itself thanks to connections with the centers this place naturally gravitates towards,135 and because of whichVajska may have been made into an advanced outpost in Late Roman times.

The next possible explanation is for the most part based on written history. Judging by the description of theabove-mentioned siege of Thessalonika around 618, a number of refugees took shelter in the city. Apart from thosewho were explicitly specified as new-comers from �aissus and Serdica, there is mention of refugees from the Danuberegion, Pannonia, Dacia, Dardania and other provinces and cities.136 In that sense, F. Barišić concluded that before618, and most probably from 615 to 617, several „Avar or Avar-Slav incursions on the Byzantine Balkans“ took place.137

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120 PINTEROVIĆ 1978, 100–101.121 VINSKI 1974, 37–39, T. XXX.5.122 GARAM 2001, 97, Tab. 1.123 ILKIĆ 2007, 280.124 VINSKI 1974, 26, T. XVIII.7: Fig. 10.1.125 VINSKI 1974, 32, XXIV.11: Fig. 10.2.126 VINSKI 1958, 17, T. XVII.1–4: Fig. 10.3–6.127 CSALLÁNY 1933, Taf. II.2.128 LOLIĆ 2003, 143, 149.129 VINSKI 1958, 17, 22–23, T. XIV, XV: Fig. 11.130 GARAM 2001, 49.131 ADAM 2002, 87.132 VINSKI 1958, 17.133 BARKÓCZI 1968, 267.134 DAI 30.135 Mrs Anita Rapan Papeša, the keeper of the Mediaeval collection of the City Museum in Vinkovci, whom I consulted while preparing this

paper (which I hereby gratefully acknowledge) is of the same oppinion. 136 Mir. II 2, 1336 № 169–170.137 BARIŠIĆ 1955a, n. 22.


A chronicler noted elsewhere that as a consequence of these operations the Avars and the Slavs „devastated almostthe entire Illyricum, namely its provinces... both Pannoniae, both Daciae, Dardania, Moesia, Praevalitana, Rhodopaand all the others... Thracia and the area along the Byzantine Long wall and other towns and settlements, and thewhole population (they deported) to the land beyond the Danube, the metropolis of which was once a city calledSirmium [trans. I. B.]“.138

Despite miscegenation with the Avars, Bulgars and others, that population maintained its Christianity.139 Followingthese data, one may assume that persons buried in Vajska were in fact the dislodged Avar prisoners. On the basisof archaeological finds from the graves, the deceased could come from the wealthier, urban stratum of the captives,who had managed to achieve certain privileges and keep some personal possessions, and perhaps even to regaintheir freedom soon.

The fact that we are witnessing here the burials of well-dressed persons was recently explained by T. Vida asfollows: „It was probably in order to emphasize their own identity in a multicultural context that the RomanizedChristian peoples abandoned the practice of burying their dead with no grave goods in the Avar period.“ At the sametime, the author doubts that prisoners of war could have been buried lavishly.140

So the population buried at the Vajska cemetery may have belonged to the first generation of the dislodged Avarcaptives. The fate of their descendants is, on the other hand, much better known: „After some 60 and more yearshad passed since the barbarians captured their fathers, they blossomed into a whole new people and most of themgained freedom [trans. I. B.]“.141 That population, called Σερμησιάνοι, the Avar khagan then submitted to Kuver,khan of the Bulgars, the fourth son of Kuvrat. After a series of events, under his leadership they crossed the Danubeand settled in Macedonia. It all happened between 678 and 685.142

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Fig. 11 Findings from the Čadjavica grave, no scale

138 Mir. II 5, PG 116, 1361 № 195.139 BARIŠIĆ 1955a, 212.140 VIDA 2008, 422.141 Mir. II 5, PG 116, 1361 № 196.142 POPOVIĆ, V. 1986, 113–119.


Given the present level of exploration, the second interpretation of the Vajska cemetery offered here, althoughmore probable, is also strictly theoretical. However, it is interesting that a community of the Rhomaioi existed inAvar surroundings at the time of ongoing clashes between The Avars, Slavs and Byzantium in the Balkans that re-sulted in both the destruction of the most important Byzantine towns from around 614 and the permanent settle-ment of the Slavs.143 The traditions of the population buried in Vajska had certain features in common with thoseof the Keszthely population, just as there are striking similarities between the grave finds from the two places.144

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ivan bugarski-on the janoshida type earrings and the seventh century finds from western balkans

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