marxism 21 특집 · relevant periods and the achievements in social development particularly in...

366 2017년 제14권 제1호

The Indian left is facing a deep rooted crisis The left in India tends to explain this crisis by way of the decisive changes that happened in the phase of globalization but the real nature of the crisis is ideological and is rooted and reflected in the movement well before We will argue that globalization aggravated this crisis leading to a downturn in the movement This ideological crisis is reflected in the theory and practice of Indiarsquos various left parties and groups on the socialist agenda including their understanding of social change characterization of Indian society and class relations understanding of capitalist development understanding of the nature of the state understanding of the structure and functioning of imperialism and its linkage and impacts on Indian society and class relations and strategies of socialist transformation of Indian society including the anti-imperialist agenda This paper will present a brief outline of the various aspects of the crisis Its purpose is to highlight the need for serious research on this issue and does not claim to present a holistic critique or complete picture of the crisis It rather attempts to highlight some of the most important aspects of the ideological crisis of the left movement in India

MARXISM 21

특집

Some Reflections on Crisis of the Left in India

Timothy Kerswell and Surendra Pratap 1 )

Keywords Indian left stage theory of social change new imperialism

feudalism national bourgeoisie socialism

Department of Government and Public Administration University of Macau tim-othykerswellumacmo

Centre for Workers Education New Delhi workerscentregmailcom

Some Reflections on Crisis of the Left in India 367

1 Introduction

Indiarsquos left movement remained the major if not the only political force

of social change and its multidimensional contributions to the socio-econom-

ic-cultural and political change in Indian society has been salutary The left

fought spirited battles against casteism gender inequality various forms of

social hierarchy and oppression superstition and above all communalism

and region-identity based politics (Bidwai 2015 23-31) The mass base of

most Marxist-Leninist and Maoist groups is concentrated among down-

trodden sections of society including Dalits and tribal peoples and in those

places they have fought long battles and gave sacrifices for the cause of bet-

terment of their life The land reform movement was one of the important

battles for moving towards socio-economic equality for Dalits and tribal

peoples and the communists were the major if not the only political force

leading these movements The land reforms and tenancy reforms were most

widely and most thoroughly implemented in states ruled by left parties in

relevant periods and the achievements in social development particularly in

Kerala and Tripura are worth celebrating Tripura is considered to be Indiarsquos

least corrupt state Indiarsquos first state with almost 100 literacy with 86 of

population has toilet at home (all India average 47) 684 use electricity

as main source of lighting 79 use banking services (58 India average)

(Bidwai 2015 38-39) The Social gains delivered by the Kerala model re-

main unparalleled in India and indeed in most Third World countries In

terms of literacy infant mortality life expectancy female-male sex ratio

Kerala stands close to many developed countries

However in the phase of globalization and liberalization we observe an

overall downturn and marginalization of the left ideologically politically and

in terms of real followings in the society While it can be said that during this

period the Indian left had to face a most aggressive phase of capitalism the

368 2017년 제14권 제1호

more important point is that it was also facing a crisis within an ideological

crisis In this paper we argue that rather than causing the downfall of the left

in India globalization exacerbated a pre-existing ideological crisis We will

argue that this crisis is rooted in the inability of Indiarsquos left movement to de-

velop a revolutionary theory and practice which is suitable for Indian

conditions The associated political developments have generated dialectics

between left and right deviations which have polarized and weakened the

left movement in India

The ideological crisis of Indiarsquos communist movement has surfaced from

time to time since its formation and was most powerfully reflected in its in-

ability to present a consistent program of revolution based on the actual class

relations of Indian society and to build unity among different shades of com-

munists and other left political forces and channel the energies of Indiarsquos

people to achieve that goal

Right from the beginning there were debates and fractions in the leader-

ship of the Indian communist movement on articulating the major aspect of

the Indian revolution in context of the following a) Urban insurrection or ru-

ral armed struggle (socialist revolution or democratic revolution) b)

Parliamentary path or non-parliamentary path c) the role of national bour-

geoisie in the anti-imperialist struggle

After independence particularly after the 1960s new debates and differ-

ences emerged on a) Characterization of Indian society nature of capitalist

development centered on the question of whether India is semi-feudal or

capitalist and b) the nature of imperialist domination and whether India is a

semi-colony neo-colony or independent capitalist state Some other ideo-

logical debates and differences emerged on understanding capitalist restora-

tion in former socialist states and on the ideological contributions of

Chinese Cultural Revolution It is in this light we can understand the prob-

lems of the communist movement in terms of not being able to develop a


consistent and unanimous positions on various issues like the class character

and role of Indian National Congress and role of socialist forces within and

outside congress MK Gandhi and oscillating positions on division of India

the issue of Kashmir and characterization of world war II and character-

ization of Congress party after independence and the ideological struggle be-

tween socialist forces and right wing forces within and outside congress

(Bidwai 2015 9-11 48-49)

However there were no great attempts in the communist movement for

any extensive study on these issues to present a consistent theorization of the

positions and this was a major reason why the debates remained unresolved

To some extent some of these problems were also linked with the ideo-

logical problems of the international communist movement specifically in

the later phase of Comintern (Bidwai 2015---page-8-9 48-49) however this

did not prevent other revolutionary movements from accomplishing a suc-

cessful socialist transition and therefore we argue the major aspect is that the

Indian communist movement was unable to address this task on its own and

unable to ideologically contribute to the Comintern in terms of balancing its

views

The crisis finally reached its culmination in the late 1960s and early 1970s

leading to gradual and continuous ideological political and organizational

scattering of the movement which continued largely till 1980s During the

period of 1960s-1970s a great divide emerged in the Indian communist

movement largely reflected in the right wing opportunism and the left wing

adventurism and this divide was grounded in the unresolved debates dis-

cussed above In 1964 the Communist Party of India split into CPI and CPI

(M) and this was mainly on the question of parliamentary path vs the path

of armed revolution (also linked with the debate of Chinese communist party

on Khrushchevrsquos theory of peaceful transition and peaceful co-existence)

However this split was not complete and the debates in the same intensity

370 2017년 제14권 제1호

continued in CPIM

After the Naxalbari uprising1) and following state repression (when CPIM

was part of united front government in West Bengal) in 1967 there was a

large scale split in the CPIM This was largely a horizontal split where the

top leadership largely remained in CPIM and many rank and file members

all over India revolted against it and organized themselves in All India

Co-ordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries (AICCCR) Probably

this was also one of the important factors (horizontal split) aggravating the

ideological crisis within AICCCR Initially the major debate in AICCCR

was on left wing adventurism reflected in the movement after the repression

of the Naxalbari uprising (the debate was also somehow linked with the de-

velopments in China during the Cultural Revolution) The debate was not re-

solved and there were a number of groups that did not join the CPI (ML) that

was formed out of AICCCR Soon after all the debates (as discussed above)

surfaced among the Communist revolutionaries that left CPIM however

rather than any positive outcomes it led to drastic scattering and political

marginalization of the movement CPI (ML) was soon divided in a number

of groups and the groups outside AICCCR and CPI (ML) also faced the

same fate (Ramnath 1983 Bidwai 2015 12-15)

The phase of 1970s is considered a darkest phase in the post-in-

dependence Indian history when large scale repression was unleashed

against the communist activists all over India but most intensely in West

Bengal-the land of the Naxalbari uprising During the emergency period

1) The Naxalbari uprising was an armed peasant revolt in the village of Naxalbari in Darjeeling West Bengal India which provided the catalyst for a split in the Communist Party of India (Marxist) and led to the development of Maoism in India first through the formation of the All India Coordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries and then culminating in the formation of the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist)


(1975-77) the highest numbers of detentions of political activists were in

West Bengal which alone accounted for more than 40000 political prisoners

(Bidwai 2015123) with an overwhelming majority of radical left activists

who supported the Naxalbari movement By 1969-rsquo702) reserve police

forces paramilitary and Army was deployed to fully crush the movement

By 1971 most of the Naxalbari-type uprisings had been crushed and there-

after large scale repression was unleashed against the revolutionary youth of

Kolkata and over 10000 revolutionary activists and sympathisers were kil-

led and most of the leadership decimated (Saibal Gupta 2015) It is alleged

that in August 1971 hoodlums from Congress joined hands with CPM cadre

to massacre hundreds of Maoists in Baranagar and Howrah the most in-

famous was the Cossipore-Baranagar massacre armed goons conducted

house-to-house searches raping women burning houses and beating up any

youth with known Maoist leanings (Saibal Gupta 2015) It was in these sit-

uations that right wing opportunism and the left wing adventurism emerged

as two distinct and well-structured ideological and political forces in India

Currently there are more than 40 communist groups and parties working

in different parts of India However ideologically and politically they can be

divided in three broad groups a) those believing and practicing armed revo-

lution b) those believing and practicing the parliamentary path and c) those

opposing both armed struggle and the parliamentary path Currently the first

two groups are more consolidated and emerge as the prominent left in India

the third group is largest if taken together but highly divided on ideological

and programmatic issues and exists in highly scattered small groups with

very limited mass base in different parts of India In addition to this there

are large numbers of left leaning and socialist oriented movements of Dalits

tribal peoples women and other peoplersquos movements focused on some spe-

2) West Bengal was under president rule during 1968-69 1970-71 and 1971-72 con-gress government from 1972-77 CPM government from 1977 to 2011

372 2017년 제14권 제1호

cific issues in different parts of India

It was in this background the communist movement was unable to create

any great challenge to capital in the phase of globalization and liberalization

and capital was largely able to isolate and uproot it from its bases and mar-

ginalize it politically

Global capital was able to gradually and systematically formforce con-

sent in Indian politics on the new international division of labour amounting

to a major shift in economic policies and foreign policies In a relatively

short period this consent was built or forced among almost all parliamentary

parties in India from right to left largely on the ground that lsquoThere is no

alternativersquo (Bhaduri 2007 2008 Rediff 2008)

Partha Sarathi Banerjee notes that two historical turns by the beginning of

1990s enhanced the process of transformation of the parliamentary left in to

right a) it got entrenched in ldquobourgeoisrdquo state power like never before with

its long stint in West Bengal and b) the disintegration of former socialist

states and tilt of global balance of power in favour of western capitalism in-

fluenced not only the Indian ruling elite to abandon the socialist postures of

Indira Gandhi era but also the parliamentary left ruling the states like West

Bengal and these phenomenal changes brought the parliamentary lefts in

India closer to the neo-liberal agenda vehemently pushed by the capitalist

world (Banerjee 2016)

This change was powerfully reflected in anti-people and corporate friend-

ly policies of the left government in West Bengal in the name of

industrialization Eminent economist and former West Bengal finance minis-

ter Ashok Mitra estimated that the Tata group through the Tata Nano project

in Singur West Bengal were offered subsidies equivalent to nearly half of

the cost of the project (as quoted in Bidwai 2015 68) On the other hand se-

vere repression was unleashed against those opposing the land acquisition

for the projects in Singur and Nandigram in West Bengal The heroic peo-


plersquos struggle in Singur and Nandigram3) exposed and defamed the CPIM as

never before and this was one of the major factors that led to its defeat in

WB assembly elections in 2011

On the other hand the crisis of the left following the path of armed strug-

gle (CPI-Maoist) is well articulated by Basu and Das (2013 14)

ldquoInterestingly political practice of the Maoists seems to have gone ahead

of their theory The resistance movements against land grab especially in

Chhattisgarh Jharkhand and Orissa have proven to be a major political plat-

form for the Maoists rather than the traditional movements for land redis-

tribution (see for instance the accounts in Chakravarti 2008 Pandita 2011)

Even more ironically in the last decade they have had to face a major set-

back in Andhra Pradesh their home turf where the movement was built

painstakingly over the years on the back of intense land struggles (Balagopal

2006) Thus although the party program has remained unchanged in its

thrust on anti-feudal struggle it is participation in the resistance movements

against resource acquisitions done by the State at the behest of capital which

have enabled the Maoists to spread their activity At the same time however

their success has put them in a war like situation against the Indian State

This renders the above-mentioned mass political activities almost

impossible Given that the ban (on their party and mass organizations) is go-

ing to be there in place in the foreseeable future the direction of the Maoist

movement remains shrouded in uncertainty Should the Maoists give up the

tactic of area-wise seizure of power and channelize their formidable political

3) The decision by the Left Front to forcibly acquire land for industrial development in Singur and Nandigram West Bengal led to a broad mass protest movement against the government containing political forces which ranged from the CPI (Maoist) to the All India Trinamool Congress The popular unrest against land acquisitions and the use of violence to suppress the protest movements were key reasons behind the fall of the Left Front government in West Bengal

374 2017년 제14권 제1호

force to mass politics as has been emphasized by acute observes like Bhatia

(2005) Balagopal (2006) and Banerjee (2006 2009) Should they participate

in parliamentary politics but not shy away from armed struggle in the best

Leninist tradition Will the weakening of the economy bring about un-

expected changes in government policies that may aggravate the conflict be-

yond recognition These questions can only be settled by the futurerdquo

The crisis of those left groups opposed to both armed struggle and the par-

liamentary path are far more serious The mass base of these groups re-

mained restricted in very small pockets or even declined and this crisis has

been continuing for almost three decades Any small political formation

takes time to establish itself but if it remains locked in the same situation for

decades then it may be a reflection of its ideological and political crisis

rather than any external factors and problems in objective conditions

It appears as a general crisis of the left that the program of revolution

(long term strategy) generally remains in documents conferences and meet-

ings while there is generally no consistent short term program for mass mo-

bilization and many times the issues of mass mobilization appear to be de-

linked from the party program and its long term goals

In the above background the working class movement was not powerful

enough to face the aggressive phase of capitalism with the advent of global-

ization and liberalization and for more than a decade the movements were

forced into defensive positions However in the past 10 years we observe a

kind of revival in the working class movements in both the industrial and

agrarian sectors reflected in wave of strikes in industrial sectors right from

2005 largely for trade union rights and the labour rights in general and wave

of struggles of agriculture workers forest workers and fish workers on the

issue related to livelihood rights (Pratap 2014) This creates hope that these

movements may bring new life to the left movement in India and create

space to openly debate various aspects of the ideological and political crisis


and move towards transforming themselves into a unified political force to

lead the working class movement It is in this light the debate and dis-

cussions on various aspects of the ideological crisis become more important

This paper is an attempt to provide a broad sketch of some aspects of this

ideological crisis to facilitate further research towards developing more

deeper and holistic understanding and evolving better strategies towards res-

olution of this crisis In India there are many other emerging currents rooted

in Marxism and various other understandings of socialism which are also en-

gaged in popular education party building and labor struggles Our analysis

mainly focuses on the dominant currents in Indian Left politics

2 The Basic Ideological Crisis

Any scientific theory is never perfect to the extent of permanent

universalization This is precisely because its analysis is based on a set of

factors with mutually impacting dynamics in a particular time and space It

is always possible that with an increase in our knowledge a new set of fac-

tors and some new dynamics are discovered It is also possible that with

change in space and time some new factors and dynamics emerge Thus

even if the basic principles of our theories and the basic frameworks of our

analysis remain the same their implications may be different in different

times and spaces

The implications of this understanding of theory are far more relevant in

social sciences than in any other sciences They imply that theories of social

change cannot be copied without modifications required in different times

and spaces The basic principles of these theories may be universally appli-

cable but they may be at best considered seeds that produce the same variety

of plants but with slightly different characteristic features when sown in dif-

376 2017년 제14권 제1호

ferent climatic and soil conditions In other words theories of social change

need necessarily to be reborn in different times and spaces in a way that

roots them in the particular history of countries and regions This amounts to

understanding and theorizing the historical knowledge base of a particular

society including the nature and role of its various historical social cultural

and political currents and their ideological and political contributions to en-

rich the theory of social change This task has never been effectively ad-

dressed in India and to whatever extent attempted was largely not recog-

nized in terms of integrating it in to the theory of social change

The Marxist Theory of social change evolved based on a theorization of

various aspects of the historical development of society and the experiences

of international working class movements in general but it was more

grounded in European conditions Biel (2015 7) has argued that Marxism

has therefore been involved in a continuous struggle against a pervasive

Eurocentrism in its analysis

The Indian communist movement has been no less limited by these strug-

gles within Marxism Firstly colonial and post-colonial conditions were sig-

nificantly different from European imperialist conditions let alone Russian

conditions In the case of the Chinese revolution this culminated in a famous

debate between Mao Zedong and Wang Ming both of whom were influen-

tial leaders of the Chinese Communist Party (for further information see

Benton1975) Wang represented the view that Orthodox Marxism was un-

problematic and universal and that the exercise of Comintern leadership

over the Chinese revolution was natural Maorsquos argument was essentially

that Chinese conditions were distinct from those in the Soviet Union and

thus experiences of Russian Revolution and the perceptions and strategies

proposed by the Comintern largely based on the same may not be provide a

correct direction for Chinese revolution What Wang saw as a nationalist de-

viation Mao saw as the application of Marxist theory to the specific con-


ditions of China Both the political struggle within the Chinese Communist

Party and the success of the Chinese revolution effectively settled this ques-

tion in favour of Mao however the lessons of this debate have not been

learned by the Indian left

Indian conditions were fundamentally different from those in revolu-

tionary Russia the only similarity being the dominance of agriculture and

the generally pre-capitalist mode of production Indian conditions were more

similar to those of pre-revolutionary China as both countries were predom-

inantly agrarian pre-capitalist economies with huge labour surpluses created

by forced deindustrialization during the colonial period However there

were many aspects that were different from China including a com-

paratively higher level of industrialization a complex caste-religion based

social structure a different socio-economic and political structure and differ-

ent and much longer experience of colonial domination The Indian commu-

nist movement was not able to provide a consistent and comprehensive pro-

gram of revolution based on Marxist analysis of Indian society and its

history

This does not mean that no work has been done in India on these aspects

Marxists socialists Gandhians and Ambedkarite intellectuals and move-

ments have contributed significantly towards building a holistic under-

standing of Indian history and its ideological contributions the nature of

class struggles complexity of social structure and the caste question role of

colonialism and its overall impact on Indian society Many Marxist and

non-Marxist leaders and scholars significantly contributed in debates on the

Asiatic mode of production feudalism and colonial domination in India

Various contributions in these debates clearly established the specificities of

Indian history and society including the absence of any stage of slavery or

serfdom (eg Kosambi 1956 RS Sharma 1965amp1997 and Mukhia 1981) a

very different (from Europe) origin and different nature of feudalism (eg

378 2017년 제14권 제1호

Kosambi 1956 RS Sharma 1997 DN Gupta 1995) and the unique

caste-class dynamics in Indian socio-economic and political structure (eg

Ambedkar 2014 Namboodaripad 1952 1981 RS Sharma 1958 Jaiswal

1998 Chattopadhyay 1959 Jal 2014) devastating impacts of colonialism for

example in terms of deindustrialization (eg Dutt 1946 Chandra 1966

Bagchi 2010 Irfan Habib 1975 Sumit Sarkar 1983) and huge diversities in

history and society of different regions of India (eg Kosambi 1956)

Massive growth of markets trade craft production and urbanization

(Harman 2004) and differentiation of peasantry and recurrent peasant re-

volts in pre-colonial India were also clearly established and thereby such

views and perceptions were effectively challenged that precolonial Indian

society was a kind of unchanging society (Mukhia 1981 Irfan Habib 2010)

However the communist movement has not been able to attempt any

comprehensive theorization by integrating the above understanding to the

Marxist theory of social change Such theorization is not yet reflected in the

dominant discourse in the communist movement in India Ironically even if

it is well established that there was no stage of slave society and the origin

and nature of feudalism was completely different from that of Europe the

rank and file in almost all communist groups and parties in India are still

taught the same stereotype and determinist theory of social change moving

from primitive society to slavery to feudalism to capitalism There is rare if

any popular Marxist reading for rank and file activists (or even the programs

of communist groups and parties) that incorporates the above specificities of

Indian society and indicates its theoretical and strategic implications

Major path breaking works and debates on these issues have occurred in

post-colonial India (with better environment for such work and with many

new archeological findings and access to other resources made it possible)

and this reflects on the severity of ideological crisis and limitations of the

communist movement in colonial India Probably the inability of the Indian


communist movement in developing strategies and tactics of revolution

based on Indian realities was one of the reasons why it was many times

searching for solutions in the experiences of the Russian or Chinese revolu-

tion or Comintern perceptions

This kind of tailism then brings its own dynamics in the movement as for

example we observe such tendencies in debates in the movement wherein

rather than analyzing and theorizing the ground realities and experiences to

justify the arguments writings of great Marxist Philosophers or some

well-known foreign intellectuals are quoted as standalone proof of their

correctness Many times this leads to perverse situations where Marx and

Lenin are quoted to justify diametrically opposite and conflicting arguments

Moreover this has another political dimension as well Tailism in theory

produces and nurtures political tailism within the organization No one gen-

erally dares to challenge the ideological and political positions of the leader-

ship or highlight the inconsistencies in the ideology program and policies of

the organization which in turn hampers the ideological and political devel-

opment of the organization Thinking lsquoout of the boxrsquo is always important

for any great qualitative change in theory and practice but the space for this

is reduced to the minimum in the above situations Political tailism or un-

critical approach towards program ideology and leadership in turn breads a

kind of autocracy in the organization which further reduces the space for

challenging the ideological and political positions of the leadership or high-

lighting the inconsistencies in the ideology program and policies of the

organization

This ideological crisis also gets reflected in the basic task of the left

movement namely transcending capitalism challenging and fighting against

the domination of capital in all spheres of life and projecting and attempting

to create socialist alternatives This is also the basic task of educating the

working class and preparing them for revolutionary transformation A regu-

380 2017년 제14권 제1호

lar collective process for summation and theorization of experiences and of

Marxist analysis of new developments in society and global political econo-

my in turn enriches the theory and practice of the party In the Indian left we

observe a lack of any emphasis on such processes and this greatly hampers

the ideological development of the organization Most importantly in the ab-

sence of any collective process of theorization of experiences cadre educa-

tion takes the form of reading books or hearing lectures of Marxist leaders

and intellectuals in a top down fashion with no creative input from the

cadre In such situations educating and leading the working class towards

the basic task of challenging and fighting against the domination of capital in

all spheres of life and projecting and attempting to create socialist alter-

natives stand largely ignored Ironically we observe two detached kinds of

activities of left groups and parties Activities at the ground are generally is-

sue based and targeted to lsquosmall changes in politicsrsquo with a superficial is-

sue-based one sided critique of capitalism On the other hand propaganda

work with relatively more holistic critique of capitalism and focused on long

term socialist goals is largely detached from the activities at the ground

3 The Stage Theory of Revolution

The dominant understanding of the Marxist theory of social change in

India largely emerges as a stage theory of revolution It is typically under-

stood and taught as stage wise succession from primitive society to slave so-

ciety to feudalism to capitalism to socialism The reasons behind the domi-

nation of the stage theory of revolution appear to be linked with the basic

ideological crisis rather than a kind of deviation Two aspects of Marxist

theory of social change need special attention in this respect

Marxism Darwinism and Newtonian Physics were the most revolutionary


historical developments that laid down the radical scientific foundations of

natural sciences and social sciences All the three philosophies in some way

or the other were also consistent with each other and all carried some degree

of determinist assumptions Keeping in mind the historical role that they had

to play and the force that was required to give a final blow to the preexisting

dominant systems it seems that some degree of determinist reasoning might

also have been a historical necessity With further developments in sciences

this problem was resolved in natural sciences Much work has been done in

social sciences as well but the dominant understanding of left movements

on the theory of social change remains largely determinist

It is also worth mentioning that the theoretical work of Marx was not

complete he wanted to write a separate book on political economy of wage

labour and this is why the Capital is written only as political economy of

capital Precisely because of this at times it looks one-sided and appears to

portray the workers as passive recipients of exploitation ldquoCapital is essen-

tially about capital ― its goals and its struggles to achieve those goals Its

theme is not workers (except insofar as capital does something to workers)

not workersrsquo goals (except to mention that they differ from those of capital)

and not workersrsquo class struggle (except insofar as workers react against capi-

talrsquos offensives) Even where Marx made sporadic comments in Capital

about workers as subjects those comments hang in mid-air without anything

comparable to the systematic logical development he provides for the side of

capital (Leibowitz 2003 ix)rdquo Marx was never able to write the intended

book on the political economy of wage labour and therefore it is unjustified

to expect comprehensive and consistent views on various aspects of wage la-

bour its struggles and its goals in his work which continuously reminds us

that he left these aspects for an intended book

Moreover as Irfan Habib rightly argues Marx probably had no intention

of setting a rigid succession of distinct modes of production (slaverymdashfeu-

382 2017년 제14권 제1호

dalismmdashcapitalism) even for Europe and he always used a qualifying phrase

lsquoin broad outlinesrsquo while listing the modes However with the emergence of

international communist movement after Russian revolution probably to-

wards building commonality and common cause of the communist move-

ment tendencies of presenting a common nature of history passing through

successive modes of production (primitive societymdashslaverymdashfeudalismmdash

capitalism) and overlooking diversities (also overlooking Marxrsquos under-

standing of lsquoAsiaticrsquo and lsquoPettyrsquo modes of production) emerged and this po-

sition was formally adopted in the Soviet Union after the lsquoLeningrad

Discussionsrsquo of 1931 and reflected in Stalinrsquos essay on Dialectical and

Historical Materialism (1938) which served as education material for rank

and file in the international communist movement (Habib 2010)

We already mentioned that there was no such stage of slave society or

serfdom in India This demonstrates that slavery and feudalism are not uni-

versal global systems ie slave society was not a necessity in historical de-

velopment and the primitive societies did not necessarily require to pass

through such a barbaric stage Mukhia (1981) also argues that there was no

feudalism in Indian history mainly on the ground of two specificities of

Indian society of relevant period a) peasantsrsquo control over the production

process (unlike structural dependence of peasantry on landlords in Europe)

and b) existence of caste system structurally maintaining the economic and

social disparities and the lowest caste denied any property rights insured the

sufficient supply of agriculture labour to the big land owners (unlike the

serfdom in Europe)

Sharma (1997) and many other scholars also accept that the feudalism was

not as universal as tribalism but it was more widespread than the slave

society They argue that feudalism developed in India but the origin and na-

ture of Indian feudalism was different from that of Europe In India feudal-

ism came in to existence with rise of landed intermediaries owing to the


large number of land grants by the state to its officials (in place of salary)

and Brahmins (in charity) and this resulted in the structural dependence of

peasants on the intermediary land lords which also led to extra-economic co-

ercion and excessive exploitation of peasants Moreover this feudalization

was linked with decline of trade and urban centers On the other hand the

feudalism in Europe replaced the slave society and the slaves got the status

of the peasants who ldquoirrespective of his social or juridical condition came to

acquire certain hereditary rights for the use of land and other resources even

when they belong to the lordrdquo (Mukhia 1981 275) However ldquopeasants

could be compelled to work as serfs on landlordrsquos forms in addition to work-

ing on their own farmsrdquo (Sharma (1997 51) These accounts clearly show

that in Europe the feudalism was a progressive development however the

emergence of so called Indian feudalism appears to be altogether reactionary

development It is in this background it is still questionable to refer it as

feudalism Slavery and feudalism were not world systems capitalism was

the first world system and hence all societies were not required and did not

pass through the stage of feudalism

This in turn raises the question whether the capitalism was a historical ne-

cessity and do all societies need to pass through capitalism on the way to

socialism In broader context capitalism certainly emerges as a world sys-

tem (Wallerstein 1974 390) However it appears that rather than a histor-

ical necessity it is more linked with the basic nature and brutal power of the

capital The ever expanding nature is actually the life and death question for

capital (Harvey 2003 115 and Luxemburg 1951 p416-7) and any great

barriers blocking its expansion create a crisis of survival The expansion of

capital goes hand in hand with concentration and centralization of capital

and this in turn increases its brutal power for breaking all barriers in the way

of its expansion

The process of capital expansion is not however a linear one way process

384 2017년 제14권 제1호

and it cannot annihilate the class struggle In other words the pace and in-

tensity of capitalist expansion depends on balance of power between con-

tending social classes It is always possible that in certain conditions the

working class is able to decisively tilt the balance of power in its favour and

therefore is also able to change the direction of social change towards social-

ism rather than capitalism for example in case of the Paris Commune

Marx very clearly underlined such possibilities while discussing the case of

Russian rural communes ldquoThe historical situation of the Russian lsquorural com-

munersquo is without parallel hellip While it has in common land ownership the

natural basis of collective appropriation its historical context ― the con-

temporaneity of capitalist production ― provides it with ready-made materi-

al conditions for huge-scale common labour It is therefore able to in-

corporate the positive achievements of the capitalist system without having

to pass under its harsh tribute The commune may gradually replace frag-

mented agriculture with large-scale machine assisted agriculture particularly

suited to the physical configuration of Russia It may thus become the direct

starting-point of the economic system towards which modern society is tend-

ing it may open a new chapter that does not begin with its own suiciderdquo

(Marx-Zasulich Correspondence FebruaryMarch 1881)

Imperialism and colonialism were nothing but expansion of capitalism on

a world scale and in this phase on the one hand capital lost its revolutionary

spirit and role and on the other hand with the wave of anti-imperialist popu-

lar upsurges the balance of power tilted in the favour of the working class It

was in this background the working class was able to take leadership and

change the direction of social change towards socialism rather than

capitalism However the pace and intensity of socialist transformation of the

societies depended on the balance of power between labour and capital on

the ground Depending on the complexities of the socio-economic structures

implanted in the phase of colonialism it varied from country to country but


almost nowhere decisively and unilaterally in favour of labour and this ne-

cessitated a kind of compromise reflected in the theory and practice of

new-democratic revolutions or peoplersquos democratic revolutions in various

countries This phase of compromise was not a universal historical necessity

but a compulsion the degree of which varied in time and space and from

country to country

However the dominant understanding of the Indian left on Marxist theory

of social change largely believes it as a historical necessity to pass through

the phase of capitalism on the way to socialism Based on this under-

standing it is largely believed that the struggle for socialism cannot be suc-

cessful without the development of capitalism Building collective in-

stitutions like cooperatives are largely rejected as a form of struggle against

capitalism and believed that they would at best create a socialist Island in a

sea of capitalism and at worst promote workersrsquo capitalism thus diverting at-

tention away from the struggle for socialism (Bidwai 2015)

Accepting capitalism as a universal historical necessity and a necessary

stage of social development for moving towards socialism actually amounts

to accepting the defeat of the working class This is most clearly reflected on

the lsquodilemmarsquo of persistence of huge proportions of petty economies in de-

veloping countries By the determinist logic with capitalist development

petty economies necessarily get destroyed resulting in the proletarianization

of working classes This understanding reduces the working class to the sta-

tus of a passive agent

Capital certainly expands through the expropriation of the masses from

the means of production leading to their proletarianization but this process

of capital accumulation is a part of the class struggle and the victory or de-

feat in class struggle depends on the balance of power between labour and

capital in time and space As a result we cannot speak of the final victory of

capital Even when expropriated in certain situations the laboring classes

386 2017년 제14권 제1호

may in their daily life struggles and broader political struggles regain con-

trol over certain means of production and subsistence and capital may again

attempt to expropriate them This process emerges as an ongoing political

struggle rather than a unilateral process

Based on this understanding the persistence of petty economies in India is

a reflection of the class struggle and the reflection of the fact that the balance

of power was not completely in favour of capital with capital not powerful

enough to completely expropriate them This situation changed in the phase

of decline of the Indian working class movement and with the advent of the

most aggressive phase of capitalist expansion in the phase of globalization

Even before globalization given the survival crisis that the petty economies

were facing there was no great possibility for petty economies to survive

longer in the status quo Transforming themselves in some sort of collectiv-

ity was the only option that offered an effective strategy for their survival In

the current phase this aspect is more prominently visible than ever for exam-

ple in agriculture However in the determinist logic the crisis of small and

marginal peasantry may appear to be a positive development in terms of

leading to proletarianisation and capitalist development which may give way

to socialist revolution According to this logic the struggle for building col-

lective institutions are largely considered to be of the task of the socialist so-

ciety and cannot be undertaken in the capitalist society (Bidwai 2015

68-69)

4 On the Capitalist development and the Nature of Imperialist Domination

There has been an ongoing debate in the Indian communist movement on

the characterization of Indian society and the state and therefore also on the


nature of Revolution and its class alliance This debate is integrally linked

with the nature of capitalist development and the nature of imperialist domi-

nations and its implications

Among the major streams of the left movement broadly there is a com-

monality in perceptions in terms of articulating the nature of revolution as

anti-feudal and anti-imperialist However within the broader commonality

there are some crucial differences among various groups and parties There

are also some groups who articulate Indian economy society and state as

capitalist ruled by the bourgeoisie largely independently from imperialism

for example the Socialist Unity Center of India (SUCI) and Communist

League of India (CLI-ML) and its splinter groups

The Communist Party of India (CPI) characterizes the Indian state as the

organ of the national bourgeoisie as a whole with the big bourgeoisie wield-

ing considerable influence and that national bourgeoisie compromised with

landlords On this basis they articulate national democratic revolution

(NDR) led by national democratic front (NDF) which may neither be ex-

clusively led by either the working class or the bourgeoisie (Bidwai 2015

57) Communist party of India-Marxist (CPIM) characterizes the Indian state

as the organ of the class rule of bourgeoisie and landlords led by big bour-

geoisie and articulate the nature of the revolution as peoplersquos democratic

revolution (PDR) led by peoplersquos democratic front (PDF) which may be led

by the proletariat and middle class and national bourgeoisie may only be a

vacillating ally of revolution (Bidwai 2015 57) CPIM (also CPI) does not

characterize the Indian big bourgeoisie as comprador and believes that the

big Indian bourgeoisie goes in for dual relationship of struggle and entente

with imperialism as per the dictates of their class interests (Biswas 2005)

In its 22nd congress CPI revised some of its formulations to reach almost

at same positions as that of CPIM by articulating that Indian state is the or-

388 2017년 제14권 제1호

gan of the class rule of the bourgeoisie headed by corporate big business and

monopolies having strong links with the semi feudal and capitalist land-

lords and having links with international finance capital led by US and in-

ternational financial institution like the World Bank and IMF (Karat 2016)

Both CPI and CPIM articulate a four class alliance including the rich peasant

class

Marxist-Leninists including Maoists (ML) groups and parties also broadly

characterize the Indian revolution as anti-feudal and anti-imperialist and ar-

ticulate a four class alliance including the rich peasant class and a section of

national bourgeoisie as vacillating allies (with few exceptions as discussed

above who articulate it as socialist revolution and articulate three class alli-

ance excluding rich peasant class and the section of so called national bour-

geoisie) However there are crucial differences among CPI-CPIM on the one

hand and ML groups on the other and also within ML groups mainly in

terms of varying emphasis

The major difference of ML groups with that of CPI-CPM is in terms of

their greater emphasis on armed struggle in agrarian revolution The other

major difference is in characterization of bourgeoisie and this largely relates

with the nature on imperialist domination in India ML groups clearly define

imperialist domination in India in the nature of semi-colony or neo-colony

and characterize the ruling big bourgeoisies as compradors of imperialist

capital and on the other hand CPI-CPIM largely characterize the bourgeoi-

sies as independent with a dual relationship of struggle and entente with im-

perialism as per the dictates of their own class interests (largely this is also

the position of those few groups as mentioned above who characterize

Indian society as capitalist society) The differences in positions of ML

groups with CPI and CPIM further widened in the phase of globalization

when CPIM (and also CPI) revised some of their programmatic aspects re-

lated to imperialism and to land reforms For example the new CPIM pro-


gram in the name of necessity to promote industrialization accepts allowing

foreign direct investment in selected sectors for acquiring advanced technol-

ogy and upgrading productive capacities and regulating finance capital

flows in the interest of the overall development of the economy as opposed

to the earlier position of takeover of foreign capital in estates mines refin-

eries factories shipping and trade and nationalization of all banks financial

institutions and monopoly industries (Cherian 2007) On land reforms also

there is a visible shift in CPIMrsquos new program and as opposed to 1964 pro-

gram which says feudalism should be put to an end without giving compen-

sation the new program omits the phrase lsquowithout giving compensationsrsquo

and says landlordism will be abolished by implementing basic land reforms

(Cherian 2007)

The differences and debates in the left movement on characterization of

Indian society appear to be around the issues related to the nature of persis-

tence of feudalism nature of imperialist domination and the nature of capi-

talist development under the conditions of persistence of feudalism and im-

perialist domination

1) Persistence of Feudalism

The persistence of feudalism is particularly concerned with agrarian

transformation A very exciting and intellectually stimulating debate on the

mode of production in Indian agriculture continued from 1969 to 1981 with

great contributions from Indian scholars and also some foreign scholars

working on India Very briefly in this debate on the one side Utsa Patnaik

Amit Bhaduri Amia Kumar Bagchi Pradhan H Prasad and Nirmal Chandra

in their contributions largely argued that the Indian agriculture continued to

be dominated by pre-capitalist or semi-feudal relations of production under

the system of landlordism and tenancy and that although there was a ten-

390 2017년 제14권 제1호

dency for capitalist relations of production to grow definite limits were set

on it by the prevalent high levels of lsquopre-capitalist ground rentrsquo On the other

side Aswani Seth Sulekh Gupta Jan Breman Jairus Banaji Kathleen

Gough and Gail Omvedt in their contributions largely argued that a tran-

sition to capitalism was already underway despite the persistence of tenancy

which is not necessarily a feature of semi-feudalism and is perfectly compat-

ible with capitalist relations of production The debate remained largely

inconclusive Ironically the various sections of the left as parties and groups

did not directly participate in this debate and there was no major contribution

from them (Bidwai 2015 60-61)

Things have changed developed and became clear in the decades after

this debate But before looking at the current scenario it will be good to keep

in mind two specialties of the Indian political economy One India faced a

kind of de-industrialization and destruction of craft industries creating huge

labour reserves that mainly got located in agriculture (Patnaik

2009) Therefore post-independence capitalist development in India was se-

riously affected by this problem This created a vicious cycle wherein the ru-

ral sector was unable to emerge as an effective market which hindered in-

dustrial growth and industrial growth was unable to generate significant em-

ployment and was unable to ease the burden of surplus labour from agri-

culture thereby hindering the capitalist development in agriculture

Thorough going land reforms and an industrial development based on a great

focus on developing indigenous technologies and promoting labour intensive

manufacturing based on local resources and local market was the most

promising choice to effectively address this problem but these aspects were

largely ignored and so this vicious cycle was never broken Two India in-

herited a caste system that insured a consistent supply of cheap and servile

labour from the downtrodden sections of the society by virtue of systemic

social-economic and political exclusion and to a significant extent this sit-


uation continued in post-colonial India and among other things this is also

closely linked with the above vicious cycle

Development after the 1980s rather than resolving the above problems

actually further aggravated this The link between GDP growth and employ-

ment growth appears to have broken Employment intensity of growth up to

1980s was ranging between 04-05 but from the 1990s onwards it largely

remained below 02 while the GDP was recording a high growth rate (in the

range of 57-87) (Mishra and Suresh 2014) These growth dynamics re-

sulted in a paradox wherein capitalist development was not leading to dis-

appearance of small farms (small economies in general) and not leading to

consolidation of land holdings This paradox was reflected in drastic decline

in share of agriculture in GDP but persistence of a very high agriculture

share in the workforce The share of agriculture and allied activities in the

GDP declined from 577 per cent in 1950-01 to 157 per cent in 2008-09 but

its share in workforce recorded only a mild decline from 759 per cent in

1961 to 564 per cent in 2004-05 (Kerswell and Pratap 2017a)

This was precisely because even if the rural population was facing a se-

vere crisis industry was not able to offer enough sustainable and decent em-

ployment and therefore they were not ready to part with their traditional oc-

cupations that guaranteed a sustainable refuge for survival at bare minimum

level of subsistence However it was possible only till at least survival was

possible With increasing input costs and fragmentation of landholdings to

unsustainable levels peasants are being forced to migrate at least seasonally

for survival and the recurrent droughts acted as the final blow to force them

to move out of agriculture For the first time after independence there is a

visible absolute shift of workforce from rural to urban sectors and it is ar-

gued that this is due to the positive growth in urban employment however

in the face of the facts that there is no growth in employment intensity and

major share of reported urban employment growth is in the informal sector

392 2017년 제14권 제1호

it appear more an overcrowding rather than positive employment growth

which also appears consistent with the rural-urban migration forced by re-

current droughts (ibid)

The persistence of feudalism or precapitalist formations in agriculture is

largely argued on the elements including dominance of landlord economy

predominance of tenancy in land relations predominance of usury and per-

sistence of caste system

We have already discussed that contribution of agriculture in countryrsquos

GDP drastically declined On the other hand from 1970-71 to 2010-11 the

total number of operational holdings has increased from 71 million to 138

million and the average size of operational holdings decreased from 228 ha

to 116 ha Moreover during the same period total operated area in agri-

culture decreased from 16231 to 15918 million and most importantly the

share of large holdings (gt10ha) in total operated area also decreased from

31 to 11 while the share of small and marginal land holdings increased

from 21 to 44 (NABARD 2014)

The above facts clearly demonstrate the decline in economic power of so

called feudal landlords and their domination in both the economy in general

and also the agrarian economy However drastic inequality in land dis-

tribution still persists and according to some estimates if a 10 hectare ceiling

in land holdings is implemented by way of land reforms it may bring out

about 478 million hectares surplus land to be distributed among landless and

marginal peasants (Basu and Das 2013) However looking at the multi-

dimensional aspects of the current crisis in agriculture such kind of land re-

forms if not combined with strategies of building some kind collectivity

may at the most only ease the distress to certain level but hardly prove suc-

cessful in resolving the crisis

As for land tenancy the percentage of land under tenancy decreased from

25 in 1960 to below 10 by 2002-03 and moreover high prevalence of


tenancy is observed in the regions with developed capitalist agriculture and

there is also substantial evidence of emergence of reverse tenancy (with ris-

ing input costs small and marginal peasants leasing out land to large farmers)

in these regions (Basole and Basu 2011 Singh 1989 Basu and Das 2013)

The existing tenancy practices appear ldquoless like the traditional semi-feudal

arrangement and appear more like a putting out system where important de-

cisions are taken by the owner of the means of production namely the

landlord The tenant is simply a supplier of labour power (and simple farm

implements in some cases) and bears only a small part of the uncertainty as-

sociated with agricultural productionrdquo (Basu and Das 2013 p5)

Intensity of prevalence of usury in rural areas shows a decline up to 1991

(share of exploitative sources in rural credit decreased from 75 to 25

from 1951-61 to 1991) and then it records an increase in the phase of glob-

alization and liberalization due to policy changes (share of institutional agen-

cies in total outstanding debt fell from 64 in 1991 to 57 in 2001) (Basu

and Das 2013)

In the face of the above facts the prevalence of tenancy and usury can

hardly be presented as evidence for persistence of feudalism or pre-capitalist

relations in agriculture It is also worth mentioning that according to an esti-

mate currently more than 40 per cent of all rural households are landless la-

bourers who do not own any land other than their homestead (Rawal 2008

45)

The persistence of the caste system in Indian society is a stronger (even if

not valid) argument in favour of the persistence of feudalism Almost all

shades of the left movement consider the caste system as a superstructure

(not base and not the mode of production proper) that reproduces and re-

inforces the semi-feudal relations in the society (argument of those who ar-

ticulate Indian society as semi-feudal) or it is a residueremnant of the feudal

society with currently no greater role in the countryrsquos political economy (the

394 2017년 제14권 제1호

argument of those articulating Indian society as capitalist society)

There are some commonalities in the understanding of caste in both the

shades a) caste system in nature is pre-capitalist or feudal b) it is not con-

sistent with the capitalist society and with development of capitalism it must

disappear c) the caste system is not so integral to the mode of production to

influence the class alliance of revolution (the caste issue never appears an

important component in conceptualizing the strategies of class alliances or

the organizational structures of the party and mass organizations) However

there are significant differences as well Those articulating the role of caste

system in reinforcing the feudal relations (semifeudal argument) have a

greater focus on the issue of land reforms and struggle against caste ex-

ploitation while those considering it politico-economically insignificant

remnant of feudal system largely ignore or downplay these issues

With their above perceptions of caste and capitalism the left movement

largely believed that ldquocapitalism was standardizing Indian society that prole-

tarianisation would reduce rural ldquoidiocyrdquo that like the freedom struggle

class struggle would reduce obscurantism communalism and casteism and

finally the community fabric of society would be more and more trans-

formed into a class fabricrdquo (Baisya 2014 14) However this largely proved

to be an illusion It is true that with development of capitalism class differ-

entiation emerged in all castes and the castes no more remained strictly oc-

cupational castes but the social structure and social relations remains still

based on caste divisions (even if they do not have any legal validity) and

while there are significant exceptions class divisions and class relations also

to much extent still correspond to the caste divisions

Even when the legal freedom and equality combined with commoditiza-

tion-marketization and industrialization have broken the occupa-

tional-economic basis of the caste system lower castes or traditionally labo-

ring castes still form the majority of the proletariat and also a significant sec-


tion of them may be still found in traditional occupations assigned to their

caste At the end of 2004-05 about 836 million or 77 per cent of the pop-

ulation were in the poor and vulnerable group living below Rs20 per capita

per day (pcpd) and 88 per cent of the Scheduled Castes (Dalits) and

Scheduled Tribes 80 per cent of the Other Backward Castes (OBC) and 84

per cent of the Muslims belonged to this poor and vulnerable group About

79 per cent of the so called informal sector workers belonged to this group

(NCEUS 2007)

On the one hand ldquoJust like gender inequality the caste system is not

linked to any particular mode of production but has subsisted under different

modes of production in Indiardquo (Habib 2010 46) and it is neither the prod-

uct of feudalism not it may ultimately disappear with the end of feudalism

On the other hand such expectations that capitalism necessarily destroys all

pre-capitalist socio-cultural economic and political formations may only be

an idealistic wish Such ideal kinds of social systems are only theoretical

constructs that project the broader framework of the reality but actual devel-

opment of social systems take shape in particular time and space and carry

the birth marks of the specific historical and geographical conditions

DrsquoMello (2009) summarizing a Maoist argument rightly concludes that

changes in the economic base do not necessarily cause changes in the

superstructure The superstructure without a significant attempt at social

change is enduring and attempts to remake the new world as part of the old

(ibid)

It is true that the capital aggressively and necessarily destroys all pre-capi-

talist forms that come in the way of its expansion and profit maximization

However on the one hand the pace and intensity of this aggression depends

on various factors in different times and spaces and on the other hand like

any other social formation capitalism may also adopt or allow the survival

of some forms of old society depending on challenges limitations and re-

396 2017년 제14권 제1호

quirements of capitalism in a particular time and space It is important to

highlight that the capitalism is more than the capitalist mode of production

it requires an effective economic political social and cultural control over

labour The dominant capitalist strategy to exercise an effective control over

labour is by way of intensifying competition among labourers and by way of

enforcing various kinds of sectional divisions among them And it is worth

emphasizing that the ldquoCaste System is not merely division of labourers

which is quite different from division of labour ― it is a hierarchy in which

the divisions of labour are graded one above the otherrdquo (Ambedkar 2014

47)

In the light of the above discussion caste and class appear integral parts of

the same social reality and Class relations are mediated by not one but sev-

eral institutions and ideologies (Panikkar 2015) This is a mechanism of ex-

ploitation of the toiling people who are kept mutually isolated and hierarchi-

cally differentiated so as to remain divided and disunited (Habib 2010) and

that Caste consciousness and religious beliefs are formidable impediments in

the formation of a left public sphere (Panikkar 2015) It is in this back-

ground EMS Namboodaripad formulated that the struggle for caste equality

was a necessary prelude to struggles for democracy and socialism

(Namboodaripad 1952)

The above understanding of the caste and class raises some important

questions Has caste no role in production relations Is it possible to build a

revolutionary mass movement of the working class without addressing and

integrating the caste issue in the movement Is it possible to build a demo-

cratic revolutionary party and working class organizations without address-

ing the caste issue Why it so happened that the composition of leadership of

almost all left parties and groups (including the Maoists) remains largely

from the educated section of upper caste Hindus (Banerjee 2016) and rarely

if any from Dalits and tribal peoples who form the majority of the prole-


tariat

One example may probably help in understanding the question in better

way With the articulation of Indian economy as semi-feudal the main task

of the left movement became the land reform struggle targeted against

Landlords and the strategy of struggle has been based on united front of

peasantry (including rich peasants) and agriculture labour During the whole

phase of anti-colonial struggle there was no focus on organizing agriculture

labour (huge majority from lower castes) separately and they were organized

in the Peasant organizations along with peasants (including those from upper

castes)

With the perspective of class struggle these peasant organizations can in

no way be considered joint fronts as such they may never allow the emer-

gence of leadership from among proletariat with rich and middle peasants

and their interests dominating these organizations Joint fronts can be formed

by organizations of the classes and not by forming a single organization of

two opposite classes Such kind of joint front on the one hand played a neg-

ative role in terms of blocking the emergence of revolutionary struggle of the

proletariat and the emergence of leadership from among the proletariat and

on the other hand it systematically ignored the role of caste exploitation in

production relations This perspective still prevails in many left organiza-

tions

It is interesting to note that Kerala was an exception in this regard and due

to specific conditions from the beginning the left in Kerala was focused on

organizing and building the struggle of agriculture labourers (also coir work-

ers toddy tapers) separately as the main base of communist movement This

partly explains why the communist movement in Kerala was able to in-

tegrate the caste issue in the movement in better way than it appears in West

Bengal where the peasant movement was the main base of the communist

movement This also partly explains why the same CPIM legislated the

398 2017년 제14권 제1호

Agricultural Workers Act in Kerala in 1974 and Tripura in 1986 but never

took initiative to legislate it in West Bengal The landless workers form al-

most 50 of the rural population in West Bengal but the CPIM led peasant

organization opposed the formation of a separate agricultural workers union

for decades and due to the same factors the union still remains in infancy

(Bidwai 2015 64-66) More or less we encounter with similar situations in

other left parties and organizations as well

2) Nature of Imperialist Domination

Even if almost all left parties and groups articulate the anti-imperialist

task of the Indian revolution there is a wide range of variations in terms of

defining the nature of imperialist domination and its implications As dis-

cussed CPI and CPIM largely characterize the bourgeoisie as independent

with a dual relationship of struggle and compromises with imperialism ac-

cording to its own interest The position of those few groups who character-

ize Indian society as capitalist society is also more or less similar and they

characterize this phase of imperialism as economic-neocolonialism On the

other hand ML groups characterizing Indian society as semi-feudal define

imperialist domination as semi-colonial or neo-colonial and characterize the

ruling big bourgeoisie as comprador For example CPI-Maoist argues that

ldquothe contemporary Indian society is semi-colonial and semi-feudal under

neo-colonial form of indirect rule exploitation and controlrdquo and that ldquoIt is

these imperialist powers that actually control the politics economy and cul-

ture and decide almost all the vital policies of the ruling classes of India un-

der the sign-board of formal independence that is fake in essence Thus as

no single imperialist power is in a position to exercise its control and rule

over the country as a whole India is not a neo-colony but continues to be a

semi-colony under the indirect rule exploitation and control of various im-


perialist powers Hence we call India as a semi-colonial semi-feudal country

under neo-colonial form of indirect rule exploitation and controlrdquo

(CPI-Maoist 2004) Another ML group- CPI-ML (Red Flag) argues that the

India is a neo-colony but not in terms of territorial domination the possi-

bility of which does not exist in the current phase of imperialism and that in-

stead of direct domination by imperialist powers indirect domination

through finance capital market forces technology transfer and military su-

periority were pursued In place of one imperialist power directly colonizing

and dominating a particular country many imperialist powers started plun-

dering a neo-colonially dominated country (Ramachandran 2015)

While there are visible attempts to understand the changes in the nature of

imperialism in India rather than attempting to theorize qualitatively new re-

alities into new theory they are trying to fit the new realities to old theory

This limits or even blocks any further exploration and understanding of new

realities and any initiatives to develop new strategies of anti-imperialist

struggle This problem is also integrally linked with understanding (and rec-

ognizing) capitalist development in agriculture and in general

In the current phase of imperialism the global economy and its politics

are controlled by global financial capital organized in a kind of global finan-

cial oligarchy This includes not only the finance capital of the First World

but also that of the Third World with roles and powers according to the

powers of their financial capitals (Robinson and Harris 2000 p11)

The common interest of this global financial oligarchy is to remove all

barriers to capital accumulation across the globe and facilitate capital accu-

mulation based on a new international division of labour shaped in the global

valuesupply chains On face value this situation appears more similar to

Karl Kautskyrsquos ultra-imperialism with a possibility of internationally united

finance capital lsquopeacefullyrsquo exploiting the whole world with no possibility of

any great inter-imperialist rivalries However such conclusions can be

400 2017년 제14권 제1호

drawn only when a) one thinks about capital in abstraction and in isolation

from actual global politico-economic dynamics and b) presumes the absence

of class struggle It is true that the global finance capital has largely emerged

in a global financial oligarchy However their unity represents only part of

the overall dynamics Beyond this common goal there are intense conflicts

between various competing financial powers It is not the case that the capi-

tals have completely merged in to one without any separate entities the logic

of profit maximization and competition has not disappeared To some ex-

tents the initiatives like establishment of Bank of South in 2009 by

Argentina Brazil Paraguay Uruguay Ecuador Bolivia and Venezuela as

well as the China-led AIIB and BRICS Bank in Asia are examples of these

contradictions Currently the growing conflicts between the American bloc

and the Russia-China bloc is a reflection of growing conflicts

The nature of imperialist exploitation is now based on a new international

division of labour governed by a kind of supranational state structured in en-

tities such as the WTO World Bank IMF and OECD This new interna-

tional division of labour is institutionalized through international capital mo-

bility and free trade The nature of international division of labour is such

that the highly labour intensive ladders of the value chains are shifted to de-

veloping countries and the transnational corporations mainly based in im-

perialist countries are able to capture the major share of surplus generated

across the value chains through their effective control on high wage RampD in-

tensive operations plus branding and distribution within the value chains

and their monopoly on markets and finances (Pratap 2014)

There is a link between expanding global value chains and expanding

transnational corporations Currently roughly 6 companies monopolize the

world automobile industry a dozen companies monopolize world semi-

conductor industry 4 companies largely monopolize worldrsquos recorded mu-

sic 10 companies largely dominate the worldrsquos pharmaceuticals industry


just 3 companies largely dominate global soft drink business and just two

names run the world market for commercial aviation Boeing Co and Airbus

Industries The revenues of the top 500 global corporations are now in the

range of 35-40 percent of world income and by and large they control the

whole global value chains (Foster et al 2011)

The new international division of labour has four fold impacts on develop-

ing economies a) Larger corporations gain the opportunity to emerge as

transnational corporations benefitting by expanding their own GVCs b)

Medium and small scale industrial units (dominant in developing countries)

producing finished products for national markets are being destroyed or

compelled to work for TNCs by integrating themselves in their GVCs c) the

working class as a whole was effectively converted into a reserve army of la-

bour as an impact of unrestricted mobility of capital and d) It is increasing

TNCrsquos control on national economy and resources and transfer of huge

wealth in the form of super-profits to transnational corporations

With big capital being assimilated into global capital it equally represents

global capital and uses the same imperialist strategies It is interesting to note

that Indian outward investment increased from USD 1 billion in 2001 to

USD 10 billion in 2006 and then skyrocketed in 2007-08 In 2007 six of

Indiarsquos top ten outbound MampA deals totaled at more than $35 billion in val-

ue five times growth over that of the previous year In this period outbound

acquisitions by Indian firms exceeded inbound investment by foreign multi-

nationals into India (Afsharipour 2010)

On the other hand medium and small capital are effectively locked at low

ends of the value chain performing comparatively low cost labour intensive

operations They have no chance of upward mobility in the value chains as

the TNCs demand pre-acquired global presence and technological com-

petence for this which is next to impossible for small players It is to be not-

ed that global valuesupply chains are not limited in manufacturing they

402 2017년 제14권 제1호

have been expanding in agriculture construction and services including

trade real estate and finance as well This is reflected in gradual liberaliza-

tion and increasing share of FDI in all sectors including retail banking and

insurance

The small and medium industries in the value chain face consistent pres-

sures from TNCs for cost reductions and in turn attempt to cut labour costs

by intensification of labour exploitation Many times their position appears

worse than salaried managers of TNCs However their whole business com-

pletely depends on the TNCs and they appear to be the beneficiaries of this

development strategy Similarly the rich peasantry that produces for the

market even if faces domination and exploitation by the TNCs in the value

chains emerges as the beneficiary of this development strategy

Indiarsquos role and ambitions in the SAARC and BRICS processes and ambi-

tions to convert India in next major Asian manufacturing hub mass destruc-

tion of livelihoods by large scale land acquisitions for industrialization and

urbanization rampant informalisation and excessive exploitation of labour

aggressive moves for labour reforms monopolization of agriculture inputs

by TNCs severe agrarian crisis resulting in distress migration of agriculture

workers leading to overcrowding of urban informal sectors (Kerswell and

Pratap 2017a) wave of farmersrsquo suicides (Sainath 2012) and increasing in-

cidences of suicides of labour in modern industries (Venkatesan 2010) all

are integral part of new realities of the new phase of imperialism

The impact of the new international division of labour is disastrous on the

working class and it is reflected in mass destruction of livelihoods and inhu-

man exploitation of the working class in the value chains across the econom-

ic sectors from modern industries to traditional economies like agriculture

and fisheries Discontent is growing in the working class across the country

and on the other hand the state is increasingly exposed to be working as an

agent of TNCs Moreover bound by WTO and other bipartite and multi-


lateral agreements and compelled by the need of its development strategy

based of FDI and exports the state is increasingly unwilling to take any

great initiative in terms of addressing the demands of the working class It is

in this background a severe crisis appears to be in the making

These realities does not appear to fit in the conceptualization of semi-col-

ony or neo-colony and also strategies of anti-imperialist struggle based on

such conceptualization does not appear to be sufficiently equipped to address

the new realities

5 Struggle for Socialism

The basic task of the working class movement is challenging and fighting

the domination of capital in all spheres of life and projecting and creating so-

cialist alternatives Even in the anti-feudal struggles when the main task be-

comes the overthrow of the feudal mode by way of forming a joint front be-

tween labour and capital the basic task of the working class movement re-

mains the same that of transcending capital (and other pre-capitalist modes)

This class struggle between labour and capital is reflected in the strategy of

the working class directing the anti-feudal struggles towards socialism as

against capitalist forces directing this struggle towards capitalism

The fate of this class struggle is determined by the balance of power be-

tween labour and capital in anti-feudal struggles Whether the anti-feudal

struggle leads to a capitalist or socialist society reflects only the polit-

ico-economic dominance of a class and not the end of class struggle and the

emerging state and its politico-economic policies reflect a compromise be-

tween the two classes based on the balance of power between labour and

capital in a particular time and space Patnaik (2011 15) has also raised this

issue in his article on decline of the left and argues that ldquobuilding of capital-

404 2017년 제14권 제1호

ism requires a suppression of the basic classes while the transcendence of

capitalism requires an activation of the basic classes The presumption be-

hind a stage theory approach if it is adopted by the communists therefore is

that at some point the very same party which presides over the suppression

of the basic classes will suddenly and mysteriously start doing the exact op-

posite and that the basic classes will follow it in either case which is

absurdrdquo

Without creating alternative collective institutions in social cultural polit-

ical and economic spheres and without the presence of a consistent struggle

for these it is difficult to develop and retain a collective and socialist con-

sciousness in the working classes These strategies may enable the working

class movements to correctly articulate and build effective strategies for

building a greater unity among the working classes and also towards resolv-

ing the problems of various forms of social exploitation based on caste and

gender

Unless the revolution is imminent the left movement is compelled to

move on a long road of struggle A section of left movement based on its

analysis of Indian society still thinks that the revolution is imminent and

this theorization of closeness of revolution combined with a stage theory of

revolution effectively postpones many tasks to be addressed in socialist soci-

ety after overthrow of capitalism Instead it places emphasis solely on cadre

building by general political propaganda and routine struggles and uniting all

left groups in a single party by discussions and debates Neither are they able

to build and retain cadres nor they are successful in making any break-

through in uniting the groups

In the above sections we argued that the basic ideological crisis of Indiarsquos

left movement is a failure to effectively address this task which aggravated

its ideological crisis further With the downturn and stagnation of the left

movement this ideological crisis created trends which are complete de-


partures from socialist perspectives Due to space constraints we may briefly

mention a few of them

A very basic aspect of the socialist perspective is to analyze capitalism ho-

listically understanding its weaknesses and the socio-economic cultural and

political problems created in the society by situating them in our general

analysis This exposes the interlinkages between socio-economic problems

which are produced and reproduced from the very dynamics of capitalism

This in turn forms the basis of solidarity among various sections of the

working classes and their united struggles against the capitalist system This

perspective appears largely absent or at least very inconsistent in the domi-

nant theory and practice of the Indian left

Issues of caste and gender and related socio-economic and political prob-

lems can be taken as examples Many times Marxist analysis to whatever

extent attempted largely points out that these problems are the product of

modes of production or cultural superstructures which developed in India

However this has historically not translated into any political program to-

wards the resolution of these problems with the task appearing to be post-

poned to be addressed in a future socialist society On the other hand the

programs in practice largely do not go beyond demanding affirmative action

and protection by way of effective enforcement of law and order In this

sense there is little difference between what is being articulated by left and

bourgeois politics

Ambedkar raised some important questions that are still relevant ldquoCan it

be said that the proletariat of India poor as it is recognise no distinctions ex-

cept that of the rich and the poor Can it be said that the poor in India recog-

nize no such distinctions of caste or creed high or low If the fact is that

they do what unity of front can be expected from such a proletariat in its ac-

tion against the rich How can there be a revolution if the proletariat cannot

present a united front Suppose for the sake of argument that by some freak

406 2017년 제14권 제1호

of fortune a revolution does take place and the Socialists come in power will

they not have to deal with the problems created by the particular social order

prevalent in India I canrsquot see how a Socialist State in India can function for

a second without having to grapple with the problems created by the preju-

dices which make Indian people observe the distinctions of high and low

clean and uncleanrdquo (Ambedkar 2014 46-47)

The same questions can also be raised on the gender issue as well It is al-

so worth emphasizing that the gender issue in India has an additional specif-

ic aspect that it is also integrally linked with the caste based society

Imperialism and capitalism generally have a focus on exercising control

over all aspects of their life and the sphere of ideas and this is being done by

controlling information systematic misinformation and creating a system-

atic divide among the working classes and the people at large The think

tanks of capital have been systematically promoting a system of social anal-

ysis which create disunity among the working classes (RUPE 2003) This

may be observed in the flood of writings and national and international or-

ganizations that emerged particularly after the 1970s highlighting the prob-

lems of gender and caste in isolation of the broader dynamics of capitalism

in India The standard practice of these arguments were to criticize the left

for having no willingness to address these issues It was not possible for the

left to face this challenge without addressing its ideological crisis and there-

fore what actually followed was largely infiltration and acceptance of capi-

talismrsquos theory and practice on these issues in the rank and file of the left

movement

We can also observe similar tendencies on various other issues A most

prominent example is the issue of Indiarsquos informal sector The left movement

always considered unorganized workers as a group in transition whose lives

could be changed by labour organizing In the phase of globalization the

think tanks of capital systematically promoted a theory categorizing all un-


organized workers (including self-employed and casual-non-formal workers

in all economic sectors) together in a so-called informal sector This con-

ceptualization carried a clear meaning that the so called informal sectors are

a permanent feature of the economy and cannot be transformed

As a result the focus decisively shifted from an assumption that workers

would become organized to an assumption of the need to maintain un-

organized workers as a reserve army of labour at the bare minimum level of

subsistence This concept consciously or unconsciously is clearly targeted

to create a divide in labour and the labour movement on the one hand and to

ensure a sufficient supply of the cheapest and most flexible labour in accord-

ance with the needs of the new international division of labour on the other

The anti-labour concept of the informal sector gradually became acceptable

in the theory and practice of the left movement which received the concept

without any serious critical analysis This also amounts infiltration and ac-

ceptance of capitalist theory and practice on the issue of unorganized work-

ers who form the vast majority of Indiarsquos workforce (For detailed analysis

see Kerswell and Pratap 2016)

The ideological crisis of the left can also be seen in organizational

questions It appears that the concept of democratic centralism has not been

fully grounded in the Indian conditions particularly considering three basic

specificities of Indian realities a) a great lag in development of democratic

values and cultures b) a complex structure of social classes with dominance

of non-economic divisions within the classes and c) great regional so-

cio-economic and political diversity in societies In general it requires more

focus on building consensus within the movement forming broader unity

while allowing for a diversity of positions in debate This requires the left

movement to take a longer time to articulate and build unity in the process of

collective learning rather than quickly deciding on the basis of majority and

minority

408 2017년 제14권 제1호

The forceful imposition of decisions on minorities weakens the overall

democratic culture of the left movement and contributes to the splitting of

the movement along narrow sectarian lines A greater space needs to be cre-

ated by way of affirmative action for representation of oppressed groups like

Dalits tribal peoples and women Workers representing minorities should be

visible in various tiers of party and mass organization leadership Within the

broader structure of an organization they may also be allowed to form their

own platforms to collectively articulate and bring their issues to be in-

corporated in the broader program of parties and mass organizations Their

platforms may also be allowed to join and form national level platforms on

their issues

Regional diversity is such that the dynamics of various socio-economic

and political issues may be completely different in different regions and this

requires greater regional autonomy in the organizational structure and func-

tioning of the party and mass organizations A failure to create space to ad-

dress these aspects results in a lack of a comprehensive and consistent under-

standing and unity on these issues in an organizationrsquos rank and file It also

leads to the scattering of the overall movement into various independent or-

ganizations and movements of oppressed groups and independent regional

left groups and parties focusing more on nationality questions These specif-

icities in general require developing the concept of democratic centralism by

grounding it in the Indian situations

Lastly the ideological crisis gets reflected in the strategies of political

struggles This crisis is threefold strategies of struggles on the ground

broader political struggles and the linkage between the two We have al-

ready discussed that generally we observe lack of a holistic approach in the

analysis of capital and capitalism and this results in a tendency to look at

various socio-economic cultural and political problems independently from

each other and independently from the capitalist system The resultant im-


pact is necessarily a lack of inter-linkages and solidarity in the working class

movements and a lack of socialist consciousness and solidarity for struggles

against capitalism Solidarity appears to be more administrative with parties

jointly participating in demonstrations for a common cause but not as out-

come of socialist or anti-capitalist consciousness

The basic problem we observe in the strategies of struggle at the grass

roots level and in broader political struggles is that they are increasingly

driven by issues or incidences rather than following any well thought long

term programs or pursuit of any long term goals This is one of the factors

behind the lack of a sustained linkage of left organizations with the working

class It is probably also the reason why almost all working class organ-

izations including very active trade unions complain that when there are no

strikes-struggles for a long period it becomes difficult to recruit and retain

workers This is also true in terms of stagnation and decline of social base of

the left parties and groups

All these problems appear to be integrally linked with lack of any great ef-

forts towards addressing the basic task of the working class challenging and

fighting the domination of capital in all aspects of life and projecting and at-

tempting to build alternative socialist institutions and a socialist way of life

In broader political struggles against capitalist and imperialist policies we

generally observe the left movement presenting a critique highlighting how

these policies are anti-people but rarely any comprehensive alternative

proposed It is difficult to build a socialist movement without presenting a

workable alternative to the working class

At the grass-roots as well there is a broad absence of any consistent strug-

gle against the domination of capital in all aspects of life and largely there

are no initiatives towards projecting and building alternatives Here the crisis

is far more serious The conditions have worsened to the extent that without

moving towards alternatives survival itself is becoming difficult For exam-

410 2017년 제14권 제1호

ple in agriculture for small and marginal farmers it is highly difficult to sus-

tain cultivation without moving towards cooperative-collective farming

This crisis is leading to large scale distress migration from agriculture and a

drastic shift of the workforce from agriculture to urban sectors In such sit-

uations if the left movement is unable to lead them towards alternative strat-

egies it may itself gradually become irrelevant

In the end the basis of anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist struggle is to

overthrow capitalism and imperialism This is worth emphasizing that in the

current phase of imperialism the struggle against capitalism and imperialism

are more closely integrated than ever The anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist

struggles have two dimensions to overthrow capitalism and imperialism

from everyday life and to overthrow them from the state

However we observe that anti-imperialist struggles and anti-imperialist

joint fronts in India are generally targeted towards challenging the certain

policies of the state and international imperialist institutions and ignore the

consistent anti-imperialist struggles for promoting alternative way of life and

work Moreover the anti-imperialist joint fronts and solidarity actions ap-

pear to be only occasional events Is it not possible to overthrow the capital-

ism and imperialism from some aspects of life and work (for some sectors)

by creating a collective dynamics of living and working Does the strategy

of promoting a collective way of living and working that improves their life

conditions and raise their collective consciousness not form the basis of so-

cialist struggles

The question of success or failure of such strategies may depend on bal-

ance of power between labour and capital but the struggle in this direction

may certainly strengthen the working class movement and also increase the

power of labour to make such strategies a success These are by no means

abstract theorizations In various parts of India at very small levels people

have been successfully experimenting with and adopting such strategies


There are examples where they have been successful in bringing about

change in some aspects of peoplersquos life and work by building collective dy-

namics (see Kerswell and Pratap 2017b) As such it is our task to study

such experiments and see whether they can be conceptualized and developed

into general strategies of the working class movement

Concluding Remarks

The left is currently facing an overall downturn and a multidimensional

crisis in India The decisive changes that occurred in Indiarsquos society econo-

my and politics that emerged in the phase of globalization are understood to

be the root cause of this crisis On the contrary we have argued that the real

nature of crisis is ideological and is rooted in the movement well before the

impacts of globalization occurred Globalization certainly aggravated this

crisis and led to a downturn in the movement

This ideological crisis is most powerfully reflected in the fact that the left

movement has not been able to develop the Marxist theory of social change

to address the ground level complexities in India As a result the left has

been unable to evolve an effective strategy of revolution with Indian

characteristics This crisis is also reflected in differences among left groups

on nature of capitalist development and imperialist domination in India in

post-colonial era

The dominant understanding within Marxist theory appears to be the stage

theory of social change that further aggravates this basic ideological crisis

The basic task of the left movement is challenging and fighting against the

domination of capital in all spheres of life and projecting and attempting to

create socialist alternatives However there appears no great focus on ad-

dressing this task either at the grass-root level or in broader political

412 2017년 제14권 제1호

struggles

There are some specificities of the crisis of various shades of left move-

ment but this general ideological crisis is commonly reflected in the whole

left movement To date there have been no attempts either by the left move-

ment or by academics to comprehensively study and understand various as-

pects of the crisis of the left Some serious discussions started on this after

the defeat of the left in West Bengal however these are still confined to the

lsquomistakesrsquo and lsquodeviationsrsquo of the parliamentary left There are no attempts

to explore various ideological aspects of the crisis in general which we have

argued is the most pressing need for the left movement in India

(Received 2016-12-01 Revised 2017-02-07 Accepted 2017-02-07)


983787 References

Afsharipour A 2010 Rising Multinationals Law and the Evolution of Outbound acquis-itions by Indian Companies Presented in a conference titled The Asian Century at the University of California at Davis School of Law February 26 2010 http lawreviewlawucdaviseduissues443Lost20in20TranslationAfsharipour pdf

Ambedkar BR 2014 Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar Writings and Speeches Vol 1 New Delhi Dr Ambedkar Foundation

Bagchi Amiya K 2010 Colonialism and Indian Economy Oxford University PressBaisya Arup 2014 Strategic Dilemma of the Indian Left EPW Vol 49 Issue No 47 22

Nov 2014Balagopal K 2006 lsquoMaoist Movement in Andhra Pradeshrsquo Economic and Political

Weekly 41(29)3183-3187 Banerjee ParthaSarathi 2016 Does the Left Need to Introspect Economic and Political

Weekly Vol 51 Issue No 8 20 Feb 2016Banerjee S 2006 lsquoBeyond Naxalbarirsquo Economic and Political Weekly 41(29) 3159-

3163 ______ 2009 lsquoReflections of a one-time Maoist activistrsquo Dialectical Anthropology

33253-269 Basole A and D Basu 2011a ldquoRelations of Production and Modes of Surplus Extraction

in India Part I mdash Agriculturerdquo Economic and Political Weekly 46(14) 41-58 ______ 2011b ldquoRelations of Production and Modes of Surplus Extraction in India Part

II mdash lsquoInformalrsquo Industryrdquo Economic and Political Weekly 46(15) 63-80Basu Deepankar and Das Debarshi 2013 The Maoist Movement in India Some Political

Economic Considerations Journal of Agrarian Change 13 3 365-381 2013Benton Gregor 1975 The ldquoSecond Wang Ming Linerdquo (1935-38) The China Quarterly No

61 Bhaduri Amit 2007 Development Or Developmental Terrorism httpwwwcounterc

urrentsorgind-bhaduri070107htm______ 2008 The imperative as an alternative Seminar httpwwwindia-seminarcom

2008582582_amit_bhadurihtmBhatia B 2005 lsquoThe Naxalite Movement in Central Biharrsquo Economic and Political

Weekly 1536-1549 Bidwai Prafulla 2015 The phoenix movement challenges confronting the Indian left

414 2017년 제14권 제1호

Harper Collins Publishers IndiaBiel Robert 2015 Eurocentrism and the Communist Movement Kersplebedeb Montreal Chandra Bipan 1966 The Rise and Growth of Economic Nationalism in India Anamika

Pub amp Distributors 2004 Biswas Anil 2005 lsquoMaoismrsquo An Exercise in Anarchism The Marxist Volume XXI No

4 October-December 2005Chakravarti S 2008 Red Sun New Delhi Penguin Books Chattopadhyay D 1959 Lokayata A Study in Ancient Indian Materialism Peoplersquos

Publishing House New Delhi______ 1964 Indian Philosophy A Popular Introduction New Delhi Peoplersquos Publishing

HouseCherian VB 2007 The Fall of CPI (M) into the Abyss of Revisionism Revolutionary

Democracy Vol XIII No 1 April 2007CPI-Maoist 2004 Strategy amp Tactics of the Indian Revolution Maoist Documents

httpwwwsatporgsatporgtpcountriesindiamaoistdocumentspapersstrategy htm1 Accessed on 28102016

DrsquoMello Bernard 2009 What is Maoism Economic and Political Weekly November 21 P39-48

Dutt RP 1949 India Today Peoplersquos Publishing House IndiaFoster JB McChesney RW and Jonna RJ 2011 lsquoThe Internationalization of

Monopoly Capitalrsquo Monthly Review 63(02 June) pp [Online] Available at http monthlyrevieworg20110601the-internationalization-of-monopoly-capital (Accessed 5th November 2013)

Gupta DN ed 1995 Changing Modes of Production in India An Historical Analysis Delhi India Hindu College

Habib Irfan 1963(revised 1999) Agrarian System of Mughal India-1556-1707 Oxford University Press

______ 1975 Colonialization of the Indian Economy 1757-1900 Social Scientist Vol 3 No 8 (Mar 1975) pp 23-53

______ 2010 Note Towards a Marxist Perception of Indian History The Marxist XXVI 4 October-December 2010

Harman Chris 2004 The rise of capitalism International Socialism (2nd series) No102 Spring 2004 httpswwwmarxistsorgarchiveharman2004xxrisecaphtm

Harvey David 2003 The New Imperialism Oxford Oxford University Press Hymer Stephen 1979 The Multinational Corporation A Radical Approach Cambridge

England Cambridge University Press


Jaiswal Suvira 1998 Caste Origins Functions and Dimensions of Change Manohar Publishers amp Distributors India

Jal Murzban 2014 Asiatic Mode of Production Caste and the Indian Left EPW Vol 49 Issue No 19 10 May 2014

Karat Prakash 2016 On the Programme of the CPI Marxist XXXII 1 January-March 2016

Kerswell and Pratap 2015 Informality in Automobile Value Chains in India WorkingUSA The Journal of Labor and Society Vol 18 Iss 4

Kerswell Timothy and Pratap Surendra 2016 Indiarsquos ldquoInformal Sectorrdquo Demystifying a Problematic Concept Vol 19(2)

______ 2017 Liberalization in India Does it Resolve or Aggravate Employment Problems Forthcoming Paper Currently Unpublished

______ 2017b Neoliberalism vs Village Collectivism A Success Story from an Indian Village Forthcoming Paper Currently Unpublished

Kosambi DD 1956 Introduction to the Study of Indian History Popular Prakashan IndiaLebowitz Michael A 2003 Beyond Capital Marxrsquos Political Economy of the Working

Class Palgrave Macmillan New YorkLuxemburg Rosa 1951 The Accumulation of Capital London Routledge and Kegan

Paul Marx-Zasulich Correspondence FebruaryMarch 1881 The lsquoFirstrsquo Draft httpswww

marxistsorgarchivemarxworks1881zasulichdraft-1htmMisra Sangita and Suresh Anoop K 2014 Estimating Employment Elasticity of Growth

for the Indian Economy Reserve Bank of India httpsrbiorginScriptsPublicati onsViewaspxid=15763 accessed on 12032016

Mukhia Harbansh 1981 Was there feudalism in Indian History Journal of Peasant Studies Vol 8 No 3 Apr 1981 pp-273-310

NABARD 2014 Agricultural Land Holdings Pattern in India NABARD Rural Pulse IssuemdashI Jan-Feb 2014 httpswwwnabardorgPublicationRural_Pulse_fi-nal142014pdf

Namboodiripad E M S 1952 The national question in Kerala Peoples Publishing House Bombay

______ 1981 Once Again on Castes and Classes Social Scientist Vol 9 No 12 (Dec 1981) pp 12-25

NCEUS 2007 The Report on Conditions of Work and Promotion of Livelihoods in Unorganized Sector National Commission for Enterprises in the Unorganized Sector Government of India 2007

416 2017년 제14권 제1호

Pandita R 2011 Hello Bastar The Untold Story of Indiarsquos Maoist Movement Chennai Tranquebar Press

Panikkar K N 2015 Imperatives of a Left Public Sphere EPW Vol 50 Issue No 44 31 Oct 2015

Patnaik Prabhat 2009 A Perspective on the Growth Process in India and China wwwnetworkideasorgworkingjun200905_2009pdf

______ 2011 The Left in Decline Economic amp Political Weekly 16th July 2011 httpepwinepwuploadsarticles16305pdf

Pratap Surendra 2014 Emerging Trends in Factory Asia Asia Monitor Resource Centre Hong Kong

______ 2014 The Challenges before the Labour Movement in India (translated in French language) and published in the book on States of Resistances (Eacutetat des reacutesistances) CETRI mdash Le Centre tricontinental Louvain-la-Neuve Belgique httpwwwcetri be(December 2014)

Ramachandran KN 2015 Introduction to the Book ldquoImperialism in the Neo-Colonial Phaserdquo (author PJ James) httpwwwcpimlincmsbooksitem24-introduction- to-the-book-imperialism-in-the-neo-colonial-phase-kn-ramachandran

RamNath (ed) 1983 ldquoProblems of Indian Revolution their Nature and Resolutionrdquo LAL TARA-2 Communist League of India (Marxist-Leninist) December 1983

Rawal V 2008 lsquoOwnership Holdings of Land in Rural India Putting the Record Straightrsquo Economic and Political Weekly 43 (10) 43-47

Rediff 2008 Capitalism only way to industrialize Bengal Buddha Available from httpwwwrediffcomnews2008jan03nandihtm

Research Unit for Political Economy (RUPE) 2003 Economics and Politics of the World Social Forum Aspects of Indiarsquos Economy No 35

Robinson William and Harris Jerry 2000 Towards a Global Ruling Class Globalization and the Transnational Capitalist Class Vol 64(1) Pp11-54

Saibal Gupta 2015 Naxalbari revisited Times of India Apr 25 2015Sainath P 2012 In 16 years farm suicides cross a quarter millionThe Hindu May 27 2012

httpwwwthehinducomopinioncolumnssainathin-16-years-farm-suicides- cross-a-quarter-millionarticle2577635ece

Sarkar Sumit 1983 Modern India (1885-1947) MacmillanSharma RS 1958 Sudras in Ancient India MotilalBanarsidas Publishers Pvt Ltd Delhi______ 1965 Indian Feudalism Macmillan______ 1997 ldquoHow Feudal was Indian Feudalismrdquo in HarmaanKulke (ed) The State in

India 1000-1700 Oxford University Press


Singh I 1989 lsquoReverse Tenancy in Punjab Agriculture Impact of Technological Changersquo Economic and Political Weekly 24(25) A86-A92

Venkatesan Radha 2010 405 deaths in 8 months Tirupur turning suicide capital of TN Times of India Sep 22 2010 httptimesofindiaindiatimescomindia405-deaths- in-8-months-Tirupur-turning-suicide-capital-of-TNarticleshow6604039cms

Wallerstein Immanuel 1974 The Rise and Future Demise of the World-Capitalist System Concepts for Comparative Analysis Comparative Studies in Society and History 16(4)

418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록

인도 좌 의 기에 한 몇 가지 성찰

티모시 커스웰 수 드라 라탑

인도 좌파는 뿌리 깊은 위기에 처해 있다 인도의 좌파는 이 위기를 세계화

국면에서 일어난 결정적 변화 탓이라고 설명하는 경향이 있지만 위기의 진정

한 본질은 이데올로기적이며 이는 세계화 한참 전의 운동에 연원하며 또 그것

에 반 되어 있다 우리는 세계화가 운동의 하강으로 이어진 이 위기를 악화시

켰다고 주장할 것이다 이러한 이데올로기적 위기는 사회주의적 의제에 관한

인도의 다양한 좌파 정당 및 집단의 이론과 실천에 반 되어 있다 사회 변화에

대한 이해 인도 사회와 계급 관계의 성격규정 자본주의 발전에 대한 이해 국

가의 성격에 대한 이해 제국주의의 구조와 기능 및 인도 사회와 계급 관계에

대한 그것의 연계와 향에 대한 이해 그리고 반제국주의 의제를 포함한 인도

사회의 사회주의 변혁 전략 등이 그것들이다 이 논문은 위기의 다양한 측면에

대한 간략한 개요를 제시한다 그 목적은 이 문제에 대한 진지한 연구의 필요성

을 강조하되 위기에 대한 전체적인 비판이나 완전한 그림을 제시하겠다고 주

장하는 것은 아니다 그보다는 인도 좌파 운동의 이데올로기적 위기의 가장 중

요한 몇몇 측면을 강조하고자 한다

주요 용어 인도 좌파 단계적 사회변혁론 신제국주의 봉건주의 민족 부

르주아지 사회주의


1 Introduction

Indiarsquos left movement remained the major if not the only political force

of social change and its multidimensional contributions to the socio-econom-

ic-cultural and political change in Indian society has been salutary The left

fought spirited battles against casteism gender inequality various forms of

social hierarchy and oppression superstition and above all communalism

and region-identity based politics (Bidwai 2015 23-31) The mass base of

most Marxist-Leninist and Maoist groups is concentrated among down-

trodden sections of society including Dalits and tribal peoples and in those

places they have fought long battles and gave sacrifices for the cause of bet-

terment of their life The land reform movement was one of the important

battles for moving towards socio-economic equality for Dalits and tribal

peoples and the communists were the major if not the only political force

leading these movements The land reforms and tenancy reforms were most

widely and most thoroughly implemented in states ruled by left parties in

relevant periods and the achievements in social development particularly in

Kerala and Tripura are worth celebrating Tripura is considered to be Indiarsquos

least corrupt state Indiarsquos first state with almost 100 literacy with 86 of

population has toilet at home (all India average 47) 684 use electricity

as main source of lighting 79 use banking services (58 India average)

(Bidwai 2015 38-39) The Social gains delivered by the Kerala model re-

main unparalleled in India and indeed in most Third World countries In

terms of literacy infant mortality life expectancy female-male sex ratio

Kerala stands close to many developed countries

However in the phase of globalization and liberalization we observe an

overall downturn and marginalization of the left ideologically politically and

in terms of real followings in the society While it can be said that during this

period the Indian left had to face a most aggressive phase of capitalism the

368 2017년 제14권 제1호





































(Bidwai 2015 9-11 48-49)











views












370 2017년 제14권 제1호

continued in CPIM





















































372 2017년 제14권 제1호























































374 2017년 제14권 제1호


















































times and spaces







376 2017년 제14권 제1호















































history













378 2017년 제14권 제1호






















































organization






380 2017년 제14권 제1호

























































382 2017년 제14권 제1호
























serfdom in Europe)


































of its expansion


384 2017년 제14권 제1호




































country to country
























386 2017년 제14권 제1호






















68-69)

































388 2017년 제14권 제1호






class




































(Cherian 2007)
















390 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































392 2017년 제14권 제1호














































and Das 2013)






45)








394 2017년 제14권 제1호






































(NCEUS 2007)















(ibid)







396 2017년 제14권 제1호










47)





















tariat









castes)











tions









398 2017년 제14권 제1호


























































400 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































402 2017년 제14권 제1호




insurance


































the new realities



















404 2017년 제14권 제1호







absurdrdquo








gender





































bourgeois politics








406 2017년 제14권 제1호
























movement



































minority

408 2017년 제14권 제1호











their issues

















































410 2017년 제14권 제1호























cialist struggles













Concluding Remarks














post-colonial era







412 2017년 제14권 제1호

struggles












983787 References
















414 2017년 제14권 제1호




































416 2017년 제14권 제1호





















418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록



















368 2017년 제14권 제1호





































(Bidwai 2015 9-11 48-49)











views












370 2017년 제14권 제1호

continued in CPIM





















































372 2017년 제14권 제1호























































374 2017년 제14권 제1호


















































times and spaces







376 2017년 제14권 제1호















































history













378 2017년 제14권 제1호






















































organization






380 2017년 제14권 제1호

























































382 2017년 제14권 제1호
























serfdom in Europe)


































of its expansion


384 2017년 제14권 제1호




































country to country
























386 2017년 제14권 제1호






















68-69)

































388 2017년 제14권 제1호






class




































(Cherian 2007)
















390 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































392 2017년 제14권 제1호














































and Das 2013)






45)








394 2017년 제14권 제1호






































(NCEUS 2007)















(ibid)







396 2017년 제14권 제1호










47)





















tariat









castes)











tions









398 2017년 제14권 제1호


























































400 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































402 2017년 제14권 제1호




insurance


































the new realities



















404 2017년 제14권 제1호







absurdrdquo








gender





































bourgeois politics








406 2017년 제14권 제1호
























movement



































minority

408 2017년 제14권 제1호











their issues

















































410 2017년 제14권 제1호























cialist struggles













Concluding Remarks














post-colonial era







412 2017년 제14권 제1호

struggles












983787 References
















414 2017년 제14권 제1호




































416 2017년 제14권 제1호





















418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록


























(Bidwai 2015 9-11 48-49)











views












370 2017년 제14권 제1호

continued in CPIM





















































372 2017년 제14권 제1호























































374 2017년 제14권 제1호


















































times and spaces







376 2017년 제14권 제1호















































history













378 2017년 제14권 제1호






















































organization






380 2017년 제14권 제1호

























































382 2017년 제14권 제1호
























serfdom in Europe)


































of its expansion


384 2017년 제14권 제1호




































country to country
























386 2017년 제14권 제1호






















68-69)

































388 2017년 제14권 제1호






class




































(Cherian 2007)
















390 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































392 2017년 제14권 제1호














































and Das 2013)






45)








394 2017년 제14권 제1호






































(NCEUS 2007)















(ibid)







396 2017년 제14권 제1호










47)





















tariat









castes)











tions









398 2017년 제14권 제1호


























































400 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































402 2017년 제14권 제1호




insurance


































the new realities



















404 2017년 제14권 제1호







absurdrdquo








gender





































bourgeois politics








406 2017년 제14권 제1호
























movement



































minority

408 2017년 제14권 제1호











their issues

















































410 2017년 제14권 제1호























cialist struggles













Concluding Remarks














post-colonial era







412 2017년 제14권 제1호

struggles












983787 References
















414 2017년 제14권 제1호




































416 2017년 제14권 제1호





















418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록



















370 2017년 제14권 제1호

continued in CPIM





















































372 2017년 제14권 제1호























































374 2017년 제14권 제1호


















































times and spaces







376 2017년 제14권 제1호















































history













378 2017년 제14권 제1호






















































organization






380 2017년 제14권 제1호

























































382 2017년 제14권 제1호
























serfdom in Europe)


































of its expansion


384 2017년 제14권 제1호




































country to country
























386 2017년 제14권 제1호






















68-69)

































388 2017년 제14권 제1호






class




































(Cherian 2007)
















390 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































392 2017년 제14권 제1호














































and Das 2013)






45)








394 2017년 제14권 제1호






































(NCEUS 2007)















(ibid)







396 2017년 제14권 제1호










47)





















tariat









castes)











tions









398 2017년 제14권 제1호


























































400 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































402 2017년 제14권 제1호




insurance


































the new realities



















404 2017년 제14권 제1호







absurdrdquo








gender





































bourgeois politics








406 2017년 제14권 제1호
























movement



































minority

408 2017년 제14권 제1호











their issues

















































410 2017년 제14권 제1호























cialist struggles













Concluding Remarks














post-colonial era







412 2017년 제14권 제1호

struggles












983787 References
















414 2017년 제14권 제1호




































416 2017년 제14권 제1호





















418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록
















































372 2017년 제14권 제1호























































374 2017년 제14권 제1호


















































times and spaces







376 2017년 제14권 제1호















































history













378 2017년 제14권 제1호






















































organization






380 2017년 제14권 제1호

























































382 2017년 제14권 제1호
























serfdom in Europe)


































of its expansion


384 2017년 제14권 제1호




































country to country
























386 2017년 제14권 제1호






















68-69)

































388 2017년 제14권 제1호






class




































(Cherian 2007)
















390 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































392 2017년 제14권 제1호














































and Das 2013)






45)








394 2017년 제14권 제1호






































(NCEUS 2007)















(ibid)







396 2017년 제14권 제1호










47)





















tariat









castes)











tions









398 2017년 제14권 제1호


























































400 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































402 2017년 제14권 제1호




insurance


































the new realities



















404 2017년 제14권 제1호







absurdrdquo








gender





































bourgeois politics








406 2017년 제14권 제1호
























movement



































minority

408 2017년 제14권 제1호











their issues

















































410 2017년 제14권 제1호























cialist struggles













Concluding Remarks














post-colonial era







412 2017년 제14권 제1호

struggles












983787 References
















414 2017년 제14권 제1호




































416 2017년 제14권 제1호





















418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록












































374 2017년 제14권 제1호


















































times and spaces







376 2017년 제14권 제1호















































history













378 2017년 제14권 제1호






















































organization






380 2017년 제14권 제1호

























































382 2017년 제14권 제1호
























serfdom in Europe)


































of its expansion


384 2017년 제14권 제1호




































country to country
























386 2017년 제14권 제1호






















68-69)

































388 2017년 제14권 제1호






class




































(Cherian 2007)
















390 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































392 2017년 제14권 제1호














































and Das 2013)






45)








394 2017년 제14권 제1호






































(NCEUS 2007)















(ibid)







396 2017년 제14권 제1호










47)





















tariat









castes)











tions









398 2017년 제14권 제1호


























































400 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































402 2017년 제14권 제1호




insurance


































the new realities



















404 2017년 제14권 제1호







absurdrdquo








gender





































bourgeois politics








406 2017년 제14권 제1호
























movement



































minority

408 2017년 제14권 제1호











their issues

















































410 2017년 제14권 제1호























cialist struggles













Concluding Remarks














post-colonial era







412 2017년 제14권 제1호

struggles












983787 References
















414 2017년 제14권 제1호




































416 2017년 제14권 제1호





















418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록







































times and spaces







376 2017년 제14권 제1호















































history













378 2017년 제14권 제1호






















































organization






380 2017년 제14권 제1호

























































382 2017년 제14권 제1호
























serfdom in Europe)


































of its expansion


384 2017년 제14권 제1호




































country to country
























386 2017년 제14권 제1호






















68-69)

































388 2017년 제14권 제1호






class




































(Cherian 2007)
















390 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































392 2017년 제14권 제1호














































and Das 2013)






45)








394 2017년 제14권 제1호






































(NCEUS 2007)















(ibid)







396 2017년 제14권 제1호










47)





















tariat









castes)











tions









398 2017년 제14권 제1호


























































400 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































402 2017년 제14권 제1호




insurance


































the new realities



















404 2017년 제14권 제1호







absurdrdquo








gender





































bourgeois politics








406 2017년 제14권 제1호
























movement



































minority

408 2017년 제14권 제1호











their issues

















































410 2017년 제14권 제1호























cialist struggles













Concluding Remarks














post-colonial era







412 2017년 제14권 제1호

struggles












983787 References
















414 2017년 제14권 제1호




































416 2017년 제14권 제1호





















418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록



















376 2017년 제14권 제1호















































history













378 2017년 제14권 제1호






















































organization






380 2017년 제14권 제1호

























































382 2017년 제14권 제1호
























serfdom in Europe)


































of its expansion


384 2017년 제14권 제1호




































country to country
























386 2017년 제14권 제1호






















68-69)

































388 2017년 제14권 제1호






class




































(Cherian 2007)
















390 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































392 2017년 제14권 제1호














































and Das 2013)






45)








394 2017년 제14권 제1호






































(NCEUS 2007)















(ibid)







396 2017년 제14권 제1호










47)





















tariat









castes)











tions









398 2017년 제14권 제1호


























































400 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































402 2017년 제14권 제1호




insurance


































the new realities



















404 2017년 제14권 제1호







absurdrdquo








gender





































bourgeois politics








406 2017년 제14권 제1호
























movement



































minority

408 2017년 제14권 제1호











their issues

















































410 2017년 제14권 제1호























cialist struggles













Concluding Remarks














post-colonial era







412 2017년 제14권 제1호

struggles












983787 References
















414 2017년 제14권 제1호




































416 2017년 제14권 제1호





















418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록




































history













378 2017년 제14권 제1호






















































organization






380 2017년 제14권 제1호

























































382 2017년 제14권 제1호
























serfdom in Europe)


































of its expansion


384 2017년 제14권 제1호




































country to country
























386 2017년 제14권 제1호






















68-69)

































388 2017년 제14권 제1호






class




































(Cherian 2007)
















390 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































392 2017년 제14권 제1호














































and Das 2013)






45)








394 2017년 제14권 제1호






































(NCEUS 2007)















(ibid)







396 2017년 제14권 제1호










47)





















tariat









castes)











tions









398 2017년 제14권 제1호


























































400 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































402 2017년 제14권 제1호




insurance


































the new realities



















404 2017년 제14권 제1호







absurdrdquo








gender





































bourgeois politics








406 2017년 제14권 제1호
























movement



































minority

408 2017년 제14권 제1호











their issues

















































410 2017년 제14권 제1호























cialist struggles













Concluding Remarks














post-colonial era







412 2017년 제14권 제1호

struggles












983787 References
















414 2017년 제14권 제1호




































416 2017년 제14권 제1호





















418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록



















378 2017년 제14권 제1호






















































organization






380 2017년 제14권 제1호

























































382 2017년 제14권 제1호
























serfdom in Europe)


































of its expansion


384 2017년 제14권 제1호




































country to country
























386 2017년 제14권 제1호






















68-69)

































388 2017년 제14권 제1호






class




































(Cherian 2007)
















390 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































392 2017년 제14권 제1호














































and Das 2013)






45)








394 2017년 제14권 제1호






































(NCEUS 2007)















(ibid)







396 2017년 제14권 제1호










47)





















tariat









castes)











tions









398 2017년 제14권 제1호


























































400 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































402 2017년 제14권 제1호




insurance


































the new realities



















404 2017년 제14권 제1호







absurdrdquo








gender





































bourgeois politics








406 2017년 제14권 제1호
























movement



































minority

408 2017년 제14권 제1호











their issues

















































410 2017년 제14권 제1호























cialist struggles













Concluding Remarks














post-colonial era







412 2017년 제14권 제1호

struggles












983787 References
















414 2017년 제14권 제1호




































416 2017년 제14권 제1호





















418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록











































organization






380 2017년 제14권 제1호

























































382 2017년 제14권 제1호
























serfdom in Europe)


































of its expansion


384 2017년 제14권 제1호




































country to country
























386 2017년 제14권 제1호






















68-69)

































388 2017년 제14권 제1호






class




































(Cherian 2007)
















390 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































392 2017년 제14권 제1호














































and Das 2013)






45)








394 2017년 제14권 제1호






































(NCEUS 2007)















(ibid)







396 2017년 제14권 제1호










47)





















tariat









castes)











tions









398 2017년 제14권 제1호


























































400 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































402 2017년 제14권 제1호




insurance


































the new realities



















404 2017년 제14권 제1호







absurdrdquo








gender





































bourgeois politics








406 2017년 제14권 제1호
























movement



































minority

408 2017년 제14권 제1호











their issues

















































410 2017년 제14권 제1호























cialist struggles













Concluding Remarks














post-colonial era







412 2017년 제14권 제1호

struggles












983787 References
















414 2017년 제14권 제1호




































416 2017년 제14권 제1호





















418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록



















380 2017년 제14권 제1호

























































382 2017년 제14권 제1호
























serfdom in Europe)


































of its expansion


384 2017년 제14권 제1호




































country to country
























386 2017년 제14권 제1호






















68-69)

































388 2017년 제14권 제1호






class




































(Cherian 2007)
















390 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































392 2017년 제14권 제1호














































and Das 2013)






45)








394 2017년 제14권 제1호






































(NCEUS 2007)















(ibid)







396 2017년 제14권 제1호










47)





















tariat









castes)











tions









398 2017년 제14권 제1호


























































400 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































402 2017년 제14권 제1호




insurance


































the new realities



















404 2017년 제14권 제1호







absurdrdquo








gender





































bourgeois politics








406 2017년 제14권 제1호
























movement



































minority

408 2017년 제14권 제1호











their issues

















































410 2017년 제14권 제1호























cialist struggles













Concluding Remarks














post-colonial era







412 2017년 제14권 제1호

struggles












983787 References
















414 2017년 제14권 제1호




































416 2017년 제14권 제1호





















418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록

















































382 2017년 제14권 제1호
























serfdom in Europe)


































of its expansion


384 2017년 제14권 제1호




































country to country
























386 2017년 제14권 제1호






















68-69)

































388 2017년 제14권 제1호






class




































(Cherian 2007)
















390 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































392 2017년 제14권 제1호














































and Das 2013)






45)








394 2017년 제14권 제1호






































(NCEUS 2007)















(ibid)







396 2017년 제14권 제1호










47)





















tariat









castes)











tions









398 2017년 제14권 제1호


























































400 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































402 2017년 제14권 제1호




insurance


































the new realities



















404 2017년 제14권 제1호







absurdrdquo








gender





































bourgeois politics








406 2017년 제14권 제1호
























movement



































minority

408 2017년 제14권 제1호











their issues

















































410 2017년 제14권 제1호























cialist struggles













Concluding Remarks














post-colonial era







412 2017년 제14권 제1호

struggles












983787 References
















414 2017년 제14권 제1호




































416 2017년 제14권 제1호





















418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록















































of its expansion


384 2017년 제14권 제1호




































country to country
























386 2017년 제14권 제1호






















68-69)

































388 2017년 제14권 제1호






class




































(Cherian 2007)
















390 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































392 2017년 제14권 제1호














































and Das 2013)






45)








394 2017년 제14권 제1호






































(NCEUS 2007)















(ibid)







396 2017년 제14권 제1호










47)





















tariat









castes)











tions









398 2017년 제14권 제1호


























































400 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































402 2017년 제14권 제1호




insurance


































the new realities



















404 2017년 제14권 제1호







absurdrdquo








gender





































bourgeois politics








406 2017년 제14권 제1호
























movement



































minority

408 2017년 제14권 제1호











their issues

















































410 2017년 제14권 제1호























cialist struggles













Concluding Remarks














post-colonial era







412 2017년 제14권 제1호

struggles












983787 References
















414 2017년 제14권 제1호




































416 2017년 제14권 제1호





















418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록



















384 2017년 제14권 제1호




































country to country
























386 2017년 제14권 제1호






















68-69)

































388 2017년 제14권 제1호






class




































(Cherian 2007)
















390 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































392 2017년 제14권 제1호














































and Das 2013)






45)








394 2017년 제14권 제1호






































(NCEUS 2007)















(ibid)







396 2017년 제14권 제1호










47)





















tariat









castes)











tions









398 2017년 제14권 제1호


























































400 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































402 2017년 제14권 제1호




insurance


































the new realities



















404 2017년 제14권 제1호







absurdrdquo








gender





































bourgeois politics








406 2017년 제14권 제1호
























movement



































minority

408 2017년 제14권 제1호











their issues

















































410 2017년 제14권 제1호























cialist struggles













Concluding Remarks














post-colonial era







412 2017년 제14권 제1호

struggles












983787 References
















414 2017년 제14권 제1호




































416 2017년 제14권 제1호





















418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록

























country to country
























386 2017년 제14권 제1호






















68-69)

































388 2017년 제14권 제1호






class




































(Cherian 2007)
















390 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































392 2017년 제14권 제1호














































and Das 2013)






45)








394 2017년 제14권 제1호






































(NCEUS 2007)















(ibid)







396 2017년 제14권 제1호










47)





















tariat









castes)











tions









398 2017년 제14권 제1호


























































400 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































402 2017년 제14권 제1호




insurance


































the new realities



















404 2017년 제14권 제1호







absurdrdquo








gender





































bourgeois politics








406 2017년 제14권 제1호
























movement



































minority

408 2017년 제14권 제1호











their issues

















































410 2017년 제14권 제1호























cialist struggles













Concluding Remarks














post-colonial era







412 2017년 제14권 제1호

struggles












983787 References
















414 2017년 제14권 제1호




































416 2017년 제14권 제1호





















418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록



















386 2017년 제14권 제1호






















68-69)

































388 2017년 제14권 제1호






class




































(Cherian 2007)
















390 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































392 2017년 제14권 제1호














































and Das 2013)






45)








394 2017년 제14권 제1호






































(NCEUS 2007)















(ibid)







396 2017년 제14권 제1호










47)





















tariat









castes)











tions









398 2017년 제14권 제1호


























































400 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































402 2017년 제14권 제1호




insurance


































the new realities



















404 2017년 제14권 제1호







absurdrdquo








gender





































bourgeois politics








406 2017년 제14권 제1호
























movement



































minority

408 2017년 제14권 제1호











their issues

















































410 2017년 제14권 제1호























cialist struggles













Concluding Remarks














post-colonial era







412 2017년 제14권 제1호

struggles












983787 References
















414 2017년 제14권 제1호




































416 2017년 제14권 제1호





















418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록
















































388 2017년 제14권 제1호






class




































(Cherian 2007)
















390 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































392 2017년 제14권 제1호














































and Das 2013)






45)








394 2017년 제14권 제1호






































(NCEUS 2007)















(ibid)







396 2017년 제14권 제1호










47)





















tariat









castes)











tions









398 2017년 제14권 제1호


























































400 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































402 2017년 제14권 제1호




insurance


































the new realities



















404 2017년 제14권 제1호







absurdrdquo








gender





































bourgeois politics








406 2017년 제14권 제1호
























movement



































minority

408 2017년 제14권 제1호











their issues

















































410 2017년 제14권 제1호























cialist struggles













Concluding Remarks














post-colonial era







412 2017년 제14권 제1호

struggles












983787 References
















414 2017년 제14권 제1호




































416 2017년 제14권 제1호





















418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록































(Cherian 2007)
















390 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































392 2017년 제14권 제1호














































and Das 2013)






45)








394 2017년 제14권 제1호






































(NCEUS 2007)















(ibid)







396 2017년 제14권 제1호










47)





















tariat









castes)











tions









398 2017년 제14권 제1호


























































400 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































402 2017년 제14권 제1호




insurance


































the new realities



















404 2017년 제14권 제1호







absurdrdquo








gender





































bourgeois politics








406 2017년 제14권 제1호
























movement



































minority

408 2017년 제14권 제1호











their issues

















































410 2017년 제14권 제1호























cialist struggles













Concluding Remarks














post-colonial era







412 2017년 제14권 제1호

struggles












983787 References
















414 2017년 제14권 제1호




































416 2017년 제14권 제1호





















418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록



















390 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































392 2017년 제14권 제1호














































and Das 2013)






45)








394 2017년 제14권 제1호






































(NCEUS 2007)















(ibid)







396 2017년 제14권 제1호










47)





















tariat









castes)











tions









398 2017년 제14권 제1호


























































400 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































402 2017년 제14권 제1호




insurance


































the new realities



















404 2017년 제14권 제1호







absurdrdquo








gender





































bourgeois politics








406 2017년 제14권 제1호
























movement



































minority

408 2017년 제14권 제1호











their issues

















































410 2017년 제14권 제1호























cialist struggles













Concluding Remarks














post-colonial era







412 2017년 제14권 제1호

struggles












983787 References
















414 2017년 제14권 제1호




































416 2017년 제14권 제1호





















418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록

















































392 2017년 제14권 제1호














































and Das 2013)






45)








394 2017년 제14권 제1호






































(NCEUS 2007)















(ibid)







396 2017년 제14권 제1호










47)





















tariat









castes)











tions









398 2017년 제14권 제1호


























































400 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































402 2017년 제14권 제1호




insurance


































the new realities



















404 2017년 제14권 제1호







absurdrdquo








gender





































bourgeois politics








406 2017년 제14권 제1호
























movement



































minority

408 2017년 제14권 제1호











their issues

















































410 2017년 제14권 제1호























cialist struggles













Concluding Remarks














post-colonial era







412 2017년 제14권 제1호

struggles












983787 References
















414 2017년 제14권 제1호




































416 2017년 제14권 제1호





















418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록



































and Das 2013)






45)








394 2017년 제14권 제1호






































(NCEUS 2007)















(ibid)







396 2017년 제14권 제1호










47)





















tariat









castes)











tions









398 2017년 제14권 제1호


























































400 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































402 2017년 제14권 제1호




insurance


































the new realities



















404 2017년 제14권 제1호







absurdrdquo








gender





































bourgeois politics








406 2017년 제14권 제1호
























movement



































minority

408 2017년 제14권 제1호











their issues

















































410 2017년 제14권 제1호























cialist struggles













Concluding Remarks














post-colonial era







412 2017년 제14권 제1호

struggles












983787 References
















414 2017년 제14권 제1호




































416 2017년 제14권 제1호





















418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록



















394 2017년 제14권 제1호






































(NCEUS 2007)















(ibid)







396 2017년 제14권 제1호










47)





















tariat









castes)











tions









398 2017년 제14권 제1호


























































400 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































402 2017년 제14권 제1호




insurance


































the new realities



















404 2017년 제14권 제1호







absurdrdquo








gender





































bourgeois politics








406 2017년 제14권 제1호
























movement



































minority

408 2017년 제14권 제1호











their issues

















































410 2017년 제14권 제1호























cialist struggles













Concluding Remarks














post-colonial era







412 2017년 제14권 제1호

struggles












983787 References
















414 2017년 제14권 제1호




































416 2017년 제14권 제1호





















418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록



























(NCEUS 2007)















(ibid)







396 2017년 제14권 제1호










47)





















tariat









castes)











tions









398 2017년 제14권 제1호


























































400 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































402 2017년 제14권 제1호




insurance


































the new realities



















404 2017년 제14권 제1호







absurdrdquo








gender





































bourgeois politics








406 2017년 제14권 제1호
























movement



































minority

408 2017년 제14권 제1호











their issues

















































410 2017년 제14권 제1호























cialist struggles













Concluding Remarks














post-colonial era







412 2017년 제14권 제1호

struggles












983787 References
















414 2017년 제14권 제1호




































416 2017년 제14권 제1호





















418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록



















396 2017년 제14권 제1호










47)





















tariat









castes)











tions









398 2017년 제14권 제1호


























































400 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































402 2017년 제14권 제1호




insurance


































the new realities



















404 2017년 제14권 제1호







absurdrdquo








gender





































bourgeois politics








406 2017년 제14권 제1호
























movement



































minority

408 2017년 제14권 제1호











their issues

















































410 2017년 제14권 제1호























cialist struggles













Concluding Remarks














post-colonial era







412 2017년 제14권 제1호

struggles












983787 References
















414 2017년 제14권 제1호




































416 2017년 제14권 제1호





















418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록




















tariat









castes)











tions









398 2017년 제14권 제1호


























































400 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































402 2017년 제14권 제1호




insurance


































the new realities



















404 2017년 제14권 제1호







absurdrdquo








gender





































bourgeois politics








406 2017년 제14권 제1호
























movement



































minority

408 2017년 제14권 제1호











their issues

















































410 2017년 제14권 제1호























cialist struggles













Concluding Remarks














post-colonial era







412 2017년 제14권 제1호

struggles












983787 References
















414 2017년 제14권 제1호




































416 2017년 제14권 제1호





















418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록



















398 2017년 제14권 제1호


























































400 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































402 2017년 제14권 제1호




insurance


































the new realities



















404 2017년 제14권 제1호







absurdrdquo








gender





































bourgeois politics








406 2017년 제14권 제1호
























movement



































minority

408 2017년 제14권 제1호











their issues

















































410 2017년 제14권 제1호























cialist struggles













Concluding Remarks














post-colonial era







412 2017년 제14권 제1호

struggles












983787 References
















414 2017년 제14권 제1호




































416 2017년 제14권 제1호





















418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록

















































400 2017년 제14권 제1호




























































402 2017년 제14권 제1호




insurance


































the new realities



















404 2017년 제14권 제1호







absurdrdquo








gender





































bourgeois politics








406 2017년 제14권 제1호
























movement



































minority

408 2017년 제14권 제1호











their issues

















































410 2017년 제14권 제1호























cialist struggles













Concluding Remarks














post-colonial era







412 2017년 제14권 제1호

struggles












983787 References
















414 2017년 제14권 제1호




































416 2017년 제14권 제1호





















418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록

















































402 2017년 제14권 제1호




insurance


































the new realities



















404 2017년 제14권 제1호







absurdrdquo








gender





































bourgeois politics








406 2017년 제14권 제1호
























movement



































minority

408 2017년 제14권 제1호











their issues

















































410 2017년 제14권 제1호























cialist struggles













Concluding Remarks














post-colonial era







412 2017년 제14권 제1호

struggles












983787 References
















414 2017년 제14권 제1호




































416 2017년 제14권 제1호





















418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록



























the new realities



















404 2017년 제14권 제1호







absurdrdquo








gender





































bourgeois politics








406 2017년 제14권 제1호
























movement



































minority

408 2017년 제14권 제1호











their issues

















































410 2017년 제14권 제1호























cialist struggles













Concluding Remarks














post-colonial era







412 2017년 제14권 제1호

struggles












983787 References
















414 2017년 제14권 제1호




































416 2017년 제14권 제1호





















418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록



















404 2017년 제14권 제1호







absurdrdquo








gender





































bourgeois politics








406 2017년 제14권 제1호
























movement



































minority

408 2017년 제14권 제1호











their issues

















































410 2017년 제14권 제1호























cialist struggles













Concluding Remarks














post-colonial era







412 2017년 제14권 제1호

struggles












983787 References
















414 2017년 제14권 제1호




































416 2017년 제14권 제1호





















418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록









































bourgeois politics








406 2017년 제14권 제1호
























movement



































minority

408 2017년 제14권 제1호











their issues

















































410 2017년 제14권 제1호























cialist struggles













Concluding Remarks














post-colonial era







412 2017년 제14권 제1호

struggles












983787 References
















414 2017년 제14권 제1호




































416 2017년 제14권 제1호





















418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록



















406 2017년 제14권 제1호
























movement



































minority

408 2017년 제14권 제1호











their issues

















































410 2017년 제14권 제1호























cialist struggles













Concluding Remarks














post-colonial era







412 2017년 제14권 제1호

struggles












983787 References
















414 2017년 제14권 제1호




































416 2017년 제14권 제1호





















418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록
















































minority

408 2017년 제14권 제1호











their issues

















































410 2017년 제14권 제1호























cialist struggles













Concluding Remarks














post-colonial era







412 2017년 제14권 제1호

struggles












983787 References
















414 2017년 제14권 제1호




































416 2017년 제14권 제1호





















418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록



















408 2017년 제14권 제1호











their issues

















































410 2017년 제14권 제1호























cialist struggles













Concluding Remarks














post-colonial era







412 2017년 제14권 제1호

struggles












983787 References
















414 2017년 제14권 제1호




































416 2017년 제14권 제1호





















418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록

















































410 2017년 제14권 제1호























cialist struggles













Concluding Remarks














post-colonial era







412 2017년 제14권 제1호

struggles












983787 References
















414 2017년 제14권 제1호




































416 2017년 제14권 제1호





















418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록

























Concluding Remarks














post-colonial era







412 2017년 제14권 제1호

struggles












983787 References
















414 2017년 제14권 제1호




































416 2017년 제14권 제1호





















418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록



















412 2017년 제14권 제1호

struggles












983787 References
















414 2017년 제14권 제1호




































416 2017년 제14권 제1호





















418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록




















983787 References
















414 2017년 제14권 제1호




































416 2017년 제14권 제1호





















418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록



















414 2017년 제14권 제1호




































416 2017년 제14권 제1호





















418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록





































416 2017년 제14권 제1호





















418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록























418 2017년 제14권 제1호

983787 국문초록

















