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    FAMILY FUNCTIONBVG AND EARLY ONSET OF SEXUAL

    INTERCOURSE IN LATINO ADOLESCENTS

    Maria C. V61ez-Pastrana Rafael A. Gonzdlez-Rodriguez and

    Adalisse Borges-Hemandez

    ABSTRACT

    The purpose of  this study was  to  identify factors associated with early onset

    of sexual intercourse. Within  an  ecological system s conceptual framework,

    familial factors associated with early onset of  sexual activity were identified

    in a sample of

     4 5

     adolescents from  San Ju an metro area schools. Measures

    included questions about sexual activity, sexual permissiveness, and such  fa-

    milial variables

     a s:

     discipline, parental supervision, and parental support. Sig-

    nificant rela tionsh ips were observed between early onset of sexual intercourse

    and parental supervision, discipline, parental support,  and parents marital

    status.

      Results suggest the key role of parents  and  family   in prevention  of

    HlV-risk behaviors among adolescents in terms of delaying sexual onset. Over-

    all,

     th e study described youths

     who

     postponed sexual activity

     as

     having greater

    support, supervision,

     and

     parental involvement.

    SEXUAL HEALTH-RISK BEHAVIORS AMONG LATINO/HISPANIC YOUTH

    An age and racial disparity in HIV/STD infection has been observed

    in the U.S. (CDC, 2002), where young people, and minority youth in

    particular, are hit hardest. Thus, Latino/Hispanic youth are at in-

    creased risk for HIV/STD infection compared to their nonminority

    peers.

      According to the Youth Risk Behavior Survey's (YRBS) 2004

    data, nationwide 46.7 of students in grades 9 to 12 have had sexual

    intercourse. However, the prevalence is higher among African Ameri-

    can (67.3 ) and Hispanic (51.4 ) than among white youth (41.8 ;

    Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, May

     21,

     2004). The preva-

    lence of sexual intercourse before age 13, of having 4 or more sex

    partners, and the prevalance of unintended pregnancies show the same

    trend. The prevalence of using a condom at last intercourse was lowest

    among Latino/Hispanic students (57.4 vs. 62.5 in non-Hispanic

    This study was supported by Grant Number 1 R24 MD00152-01, from the

    National Center on Minority Health   and Health Disparities, National Insti-

    tute s of Health. The contents are solely the responsibility ofthe authors and do

    not necessarily represent th e official views ofthe National Institu tes of Health.

    Requests  for  reprints should   be  sent  to Maria  C.  Velez-Pastrana, Ph.D.,

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    white and 72.8 in African American stud ents; Cen ters for Disease

    Control and Prevention, May 21, 2004). These findings suggest that

    Latino/Hispanic youth are at greater risk for adverse health conse-

    quences such as contracting HIV and other STDs, when compared to

    non-Hispanic white youth. Furthermore, Kaberege et al. (2003) high-

    light the fact that ^though the birth rates in U.S. adolescents had

    decreased in the past years, African American and Latino/Hispanic

    teens have higher birth rates when compared with non-Hispanic

    white teens.

      isparity in HIV Risk

    Becoming sexually active at an early age places youth at increased

    risk for contracting HIV and other sexually transmitted diseases

    (STDs). The risk of acquiring

      IV

     and STDs is higher in you th, particu-

    larly among minorities (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention,

    2002). Four million teens in the U. S. contract an STD each year, and

    half of the 40,000 new HIV cases in the U.S. are younger th an 25 (Alan

    Guttmacher Institute, 2003). Furthermore, there has been a steady

    increase in HIV/AIDS diagnoses among Latinos/Hispanics from 1999

    to 2002 (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2002). These

    trends indicate an age and racial disparity in HIV/STD infection.

    Sexual

      ntercourse

     and HIV Transmission

    HIV infection through sexual contact is high, being the second mode

    of HIV transmission after intravenous drug use. HIV infection often

    occurs in late adolescence/young adulthood, but most cases are diag-

    nosed years later, when they are in the 25 to 39 age group (Centers

    for Disease Control and Prevention, 2002).

    A significant number of adolescents become sexually active at an

    early age. In Puerto Rico, it has been reported that

      31

    of  15- to 19-

    year-olds are sexually active. Of these, only 34 used a condom at last

    intercourse and 7 reported having 4 or more sexual partne rs in their

    lifetime (Puerto Rico Department of Education, 1997). While in the

    United States the adolescent birth rates have declined in the last de-

    cade, from 62.1/1000 in 1991 to 48.5/1000 in 2000, the rates in Puerto

    Rico have not declined as sharply, for example, from 72.4 in 1991 to

    71.5 in 2000 (Centers for Disease Control and P revention, 2002).

    In order to reduce the disparity in HIV/STD infection among young

    Latinos/Hispanics, we need to identify the factors associated with risky

    sexuEil behaviors such as becoming sexually active at an early age.

    Thus, one approach to prevention is delaying the onset of sexual ac-

    tivity.

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    Theoretical

     Framework

    Ecological Systems Theory

    Luster  Small (1994) developed a 4-factor model based on Bronfen-

    brenner's (1979, 1986) Ecological Systems Theory in order to under-

    stand adolescent sexual activity. The model encompasses 4 levels of

    factors. The individual  level includes personal characteristics such as

    alcohol, cigarette and substance use, attitudes, and self-esteem. The

    family

      level includes family characteristics; the level

      of extra familial

    factors includes peers and school. A fourth level, macro describes char-

    acteristics of the greater community and social environment. The

    model as applied to explaining risk factors includes the concept of

    cumulative risk, which asserts that as exposure to risk factors (at any

    level) increases, the probability of being sexually active increases (Per-

    kins, Luster, Villamiel, & Small, 1998; Small & Luster, 1994). Re-

    search assessing the ecological risk factor model has suggested that

    alcohol use, low academic achievem ent, risk behaviors among peers, a

    history of sexual abuse, and lack of parental supervision increase the

    probability of risky sexual activities in youth (Perkins et al., 1998).

    The curren t research is pa rt ofa larger project that evaluates factors

    from the individual, family, and extrafamilial levels. The present paper

    reports on the relevance of family characteristics with respect to early

    sexual onset among Latino/Hispanic youth.

    Familismo

      Familism (Familismo) refers to att itude s, behaviors, and family

    structures operating ^yithin an extended family system and is believed

    to be the most important influence in the lives of Latinos (Romero,

    Robinson, Haydel, Mendoza & Killen, 2004). Latino families who ex-

    press a higher degree of Familismo a re characterized by positive inter-

    personal familial relationships, high family unity, social support,

    interdependence in the completion of daily activities, and close proxim-

    ity with extended family members (Romero et al., 2004). In sum, Fami-

    lismo refers to how strongly a person connects with his or her family.

    It represen ts th e centra l position of the family in the life of the individ-

    ual. As a result, parents usually tend to be overprotective of their

    children (Marsiglia, 1990). Various studies have documented Familism

    as being associated with higher academic achievement and educational

    aspirations (Valenzuela  Dombusch, 1994); it has been linked to posi-

    tive health outcomes (Romero et al., 2004), and attenuated drug use

    (Valenzuela & Dornsbusch, 1994). Given the importance of the family

    ih Latino/Hispanic culture , it seems appropriate to explore family char-

    acteristics associated with early sexual onset in Latino/Hispanic youth.

    Traditionally, prevention efforts to address sexual risk behaviors have

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    Furthermore, Hovell, Sipan, Blumberg, Atkins, Hoffstetter &

    Kreitner (1994) explored mothers' attitud es about establishing adoles-

    cent dating rules, about their children's sexual behavior, and about

    abstinence in rela tion to the sexual behavior of Anglo and Latino ado-

    lescents. Interestingly, they identified some ethnic differences in the

    level of sexual experience am ong ado lescents, where  nglo teens report

    the greatest amount of sexual experience as compared to their Latino

    peers.

      Their findings suggest that conservative parental attitudes

    about sex and the presence and enforcement of dating ru les may delay

    the onset of sexual intercourse. Given cultural differences among Lat-

    ino/Hispanic families, parenting styles and disciplinary practices

    should be examined as they relate to early sexual onset in Hispanic/

    Latino teens.

    Parental Support Communication

    Communication between mothers and daughters may contribute to

    und erstanding the onset of sexual activity (O'SuUivan, Jaramillo, Mo-

    reau, & Meyer-Bahlburg, 1999). O'Sullivan et al. examined the rela-

    tionship among mother-daughter communication patterns, onset of

    sexual activity, and o ther adolescent risky sexual behavior. Their find-

    ings suggest that mother-daughter communication may contribute to

    understanding the onset of sexual activity, although its relationship

    to subsequent sexual experiences is not as clear.

    Furtherm ore, in a study of young women ages 19 to 21, Hutchinson

    (2002) assessed the timing and amount of parent-child communication

    about sexual issues. Hispanic/Latina women reported lower levels of

    communication about sexual issues with their parents as compared

    with non-Latino/Hispanic women (Hutchinson, 2002). Women who dis-

    cussed sexual issues with their parents and had good communication

    with them were less likely to initiate sexual intercourse. These commu-

    nication patterns were also associated with consistent condom use.

    While

     78

    of African Am erican women reported communication about

    sexual issues prior to the ir first sexual intercourse, only

     53

    of Latinas

    and 50 of white women reported doing so.

    As Jaccard, Dittus, and Gordon (1998) argue, typically research

    about parent-child communication is based on reports of teens ' percep-

    tions of the process. They examined the congruency of parent-child

    communication as reported by both mother and child, and found that

    mothers tend to underestimate the sexual activity of their children,

    especially if conversations about sexual issues have not taken place

    before. Additionally, they found that m others who strongly disapprove

    of sexual engagement with their children are more likely to believe

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      amily Structure

    Family structura l and contextual characteristics such as living with

    a single parent, having older siblings who are sexually active or preg-

    nant sisters, living in a disorganized or dangerous neighborhood, low

    socioeconomic sta tus or being sexually abused can place youths at risk

    and infiuence adolescent sexual behavior (Miller, 2002). Living in a

    two-parent family household is an important factor associated with

    reduction in early onset of sexual activity (Young & Jensen, 1991).

    According to these authors, family structure plays a key role in under-

    standing adolescent sexual behavior, where a traditional two-parent

    family may be related to less adolescent sexual activity (Young  Jen-

    sen, 1991). Hypothetically, both parents provide a more stable environ-

    ment in which values can be reinforced. Fu rtherm ore, they a rgue that

    single-parent families could model nonmarital sexual behavior and

    provide less emotional support, which could lead the adolescent to rely

    on peers for information about sexual issues and modeling of sexual

    behavior. Family structure is an important factor in understanding

    early sexual onset in Hispanic/Latino youth.

    M THO

    Participants

    Four hundred and twenty-five Puerto Rican adolescents ages 12-16

    (mean age 13.49) participated in the study. The sample was recruited

    from grades 7 to 10 from ten public schools in the San Juan metropoli-

    ta n area . It consisted of 270 (63.5 ) females and 155 (36.5 ) males.

    With respect to the marital status of the participants' parents, 54

    of the sample came from two-parent households (married or living

    together),

     41

    from separated/divorced parents, and

     4.7

    from widow-

    ers. As to pa rents' educational level, 57.4 finished high school; 13.5

    hold a technical degree;

     21.9

    hold a college degree;

     7.1

    hold a gradu-

    ate degree, and

      15.1

    did not finish high school.

    Instruments and

      easures

    Data were collected on a large number of factors associated with

    adolescent sexual activity as par t of a larger study. A self-report ques-

    tionnaire to be completed by the adolescent, which included questions

    about sexual behavior as well as individual, family, and extrafamial

    variab les, was developed. It included questions on the following: coping

    skills, self-esteem, talents and skills, alcohol, tobacco, and other drug

    use,

      sexual permissiveness, relations with peers, social support, and

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    Sociodemographic Data

    Basic sociodemographic information including the youth's age, gen-

    der, grade, parents' educational level, and parents' marital status was

    collected, as well as information about religious £iffiliation. Information

    about academic achievem ent (grades, GPA, grades failed) was included

    in the data sheet.

    Measures of Family C haracteristics

    Parentdl supervision I mon itoring

    To assess parental monitoring,

    five questions about the type and quality of monitoring/supervision

    provided by participeuits' parents were asked. The items are con-

    structed on a 4-point scale th at ranges from never to always. A

    sample item inquires: When you're not home, how often do your par-

    en ts know your whereabouts? Questions about parenta l supervision

    when the youth is not in school, as well as supervision of the youth's

    activities such as the use of the Intemet and video games were in-

    cluded in this section.

    Parental support Ten questions from the Parent-Child Involvement

    Scale were used to assess parenta l support. The 10-item scale assesses

    parental support as evidenced by involvement in their children's deci-

    sion making, problem solving, and shared leisure activities, as reported

    by the youth. Smith and Krohn (1995) reported an inte rnal consistency

    coefficient of .78 with a Latino/Hispanic sample, while Bravo et al.

    (2001) reported a .80 reliability coefficient in a Puerto Rican sample.

    Items inquire about how oflen th e pa ren ts help with homework, listen

    to their prohlems, and are availahle to do things together, and were

    analyzed as individual items.

    Discipline Eight questions from the Parental Discipline Practices

    Scale (MECA/SURF; Goodman et al., 1998) were used to evaluate the

    disciplinary practices employed hy the participants' pa ren ts. The scale

    inquires ahout use of physical and nonphysical forms of punishment,

    and is also divided into negative and positive types of disciplinary

    measures. Responses range from 1 (never/almost never) to 2 (very of-

    ten).

     The reliability coefficients in a Puerto Rican sample for the non-

    pimitive and physical punishment subscales were .64 and .69,

    respectively, as reported by Goodman et al. (1998). Sample items in-

    clude: How often do your paren ts pra ise you? ; How often do your

    parents ignore you or act cold and indifferent as punishment?

    Fam ily structure The paren t's marita l sta tus was used as an indica-

    tor of family structure. This question was included in the sociodemo-

    graphic data sheet.

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    RESULTS

    Sexual Behavior in Early Adolescence

    A  total of 425 12- to 16-year-old adolescents participated in the

    study . Among these, 383 (91.8 ) reported not being sexually active,

    while 34 (8.2 ) reported being sexually active. There was a significant

    age difference between sexually active and abstinent teens  .F (1,415)

    =  15.01,

     p <

     .001). On average, active teens were one year older. The

    mean age for sexually active participants was 14.15 years, while the

    mean age for abstinent teens was 13.44. There was a weak b ut signifi-

    cant association between gender and being sexually activity (Phi coef-

    ficient = 0.124, p = 0.012), where more males reported being sexually

    active. Specifically, 19 (12.7 ) males were sexually active, compared

    to 15 (5.6 ) females.

    The majority ofthe sexually active adolescents (55.6 ) reported hav-

    ing only one sexual pa rtner in the ir lifetime, while 25.9 reported

    having two sexual partne rs, and  18.5 having three or more partners.

    With respect to condom use , 66.7 of participants reported using a

    condom and 33.3 reported not using a condom during the ir last inter-

    course. One subject reported an unin tended pregnancy; 9.7 of partici-

    pants reported using alcohol and/or drugs during the ir last intercourse.

    One-fourth of sexually active participan ts reported having anal inter-

    course without a condom in their lifetime, while 15.6 reported having

    anal intercourse without a condom in the last 6 months.

    Familial Factors Related to Sexual Activity

    Paren tal supervision, discipline, paren tal support, and family struc-

    ture were significantly  p

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    Table 1

    Comparison of Sexually Active and Abstinent Adolescents

    in Terms of Parental/Familial Characteristics

    Item

    Parental supervision

    Parents know what time

    youth gets home

    Youth goes home after

    school

    Parents always know youth's

    whereabouts

    Parents never know what youth is

    doing at home

    Received an invitation for adult

    content website

    Received a lot of invitations for adult

    content website

    Visited websites with sexual

    content

    Someone youth met through the Internet

    suggested they meet in person

    Meeting with someone youth met

    through the Internet

    All of youth's video games are violent

    Active

    (%)

    52.9

    61.8

    55.9

    11.8

    44.1

    22.6

    40.6

    50.0

    31.3

    17.6

    Abstinent

    (%)

    69.9

    81.8

    76.6

    1.6

    17.2

    7.1

    82.2

    27.5

    11.3

    2.8

    Cramer's

     

    .156

    .148

    .182

    .201

    .204

    .19

    .31

    .14

    .18

    .25

    Discipline

    Parents frequently ignore/act cold or 26.4 10.4 .142*

    indifferent as punishment

    Parental support

    Youth never discusses his/her 26.5 9.0 .17*

    problems with parents

    Fatnily structure

    Parents are married 32.4 50.3 .18**

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    site with adult content, compared to only

     17.2%

     of their abstinen t peers

    (Cramer's

     V

     =

      .204, p <

     .001). Significantly more sexually active teens

    (22.6%

     vs. 7.1%) reported th at they received a lot of invitations to

    adult content websites (Cramer's V = .19, p = .026). The majority of

    nonactive teens (82.2%) reported not hav ing visited w ebsites with sex-

    ual con tent at all, compared to less than half (40.6 ) of the ir sexually

    active peers (Cramer's V =

      .31,

     p <   .001). Fifty percent of sexually

    active teens reported t ha t someone they met through the In ternet sug-

    gested meeting them in person, compared w ith ahout a quarter (27.5%)

    of nonsexually active peers (Cramer's V =  .14, p = .023). Almost one

    third (31.3%) of sexually active teens reported meeting someone they

    found through the Intern et, compared with only 11.3% of abstinent

    teens (Cramer's V =   .18,

     p =

     .007). With respect to the type of video

    games they play, a greater percentage (17.6% vs. 2.8% of sexually

    active teens reported t ha t all of their video games a re violent (Cramer's

    V =  .25, p <  .001).

    Discipline.

     More sexually active teens (26.4% vs. 10.4% of abstinent

    teens) reported that their parents frequently ignore them or act cold/

    indifferent as a form of punishment (Cramer's V =

      .142,

     p = .015).

    Parental support A grea ter num ber (26.5%) of sexually active teens

    reported that they never discuss their prohlems with their families,

    compared to 9% of abstinen t teens (Cramer's V =

      .17,

     p = .02).

    Family structure (parent s marital status).  More of sexually absti-

    nent teens (50.3%) reported that their parents are married, compared

    to 32.4% of their sexually active peers (Cramer's V =   .18, p = .009).

    Using discriminant function analysis, a model that discriminates

    sexually abstinent vs. active youth was built, incorporating all family

    characteristics that were significantly (p < .05) associated with sexual

    activity. The model included parent£il supervision, discipline, parenta l

    support, and family structure as significant predictors of early sexual

    onset. It was significant and classified correctly

     79.5%

     of youth as absti-

    nent or sexually active (Wilks' Lambda = .801, x'' (17) = 49.49, p <

    .001). It classified correctly 82% of abstinent teen s, compared to 60.7%

    of sexually active teens.

     IS USSION

    All family characteristics examined in the present study were sig-

    nificantly associated with early sexual onset in adolescence. These in-

    clude family characteristics such as parental supervision/monitoring,

    discipline, paren tal support/involvement, and p are nts ' miarital sta tus .

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    of family variables was incorporated into a model that significantly

    discriminated sexually active vs. abstinent 12- to 16-year-old youth.

    Results show significant associations between family characteristics

    such as parental supervision, discipline, and support with respect to

    early sexual onset. There is evidence for the important role of parents'

    involvement in their child's life, as well as the supervision, support

    and discipline they can provide. Religious involvement on the part of

    the family was

      lso

     associated with sexual abstinence.

    Less parental supervision was associated with being sexually active

    at an early age. Specifically, the quality of parent supervision was

    related to sexual behavior. In situations where parents know their

    children's whereabouts, know what they are doing, and spend time

    with them after school, it is less likely that these youths will be sexu-

    ally active. These results are consistent with those of studies which

    suggest that parents who supervise their children may help delay the

    onset of sexual activity (see Longmore et al., (2001) and Jacobson

    Crocket (2000).

    Our results also suggest a relationship between the disciplinary

    practices used by pare nts (as reported hy the youth) and whe ther their

    child is sexually active. Specifically, parents ignoring them or acting

    cold or indifferent was more common among youth with early sexual

    onset. Based on similar findings, Taris Semin (1998) proposed that

    parenting styles have an im portan t infiuence on teenage sexual hehav-

    ior. Specifically, they reported that parental involvement is associated

    with an increase in sexual self-efficacy, while indifference on the part

    of the paren ts was related to less self-efficacy. Others have suggested

    that parents who hold more conservative views about dating and em-

    ploy dating rules may delay the onset of sexual activity in their chil-

    dren (Hovell et al., 1994).

    The support provided by parents to their adolescent children and

    their involvement in their life also play an important role with respect

    to early sexual activity. It was more common among sexually active

    teens to say that they never discuss their problems w ith family mem-

    bers.

      Studies suggest that parental involvement and support are im-

    portant variables that need to be considered to better understand

    adolescent sexual behavior. Lynch (2001) proposes that higher levels

    of family interaction and attachment are associated with diminished

    adolescent sexual activity. Furthermore, Upchurch et al. (1999) report

    that adolescent males who receive more emotional support from their

    parents have lower rate s of sexual onset, while findings about females

    indicate that daughters who talk to their mothers more have less risk

    of getting pregnan t (Fox Inazu, 1980), and that mother-daughter

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    quency, is related to risky behavior in adolescents (Wilson

    Donenberg, 2004). Moreover, female adolescents who reported having

    good comm unication with the ir p are nts were less likely to initia te sex-

    ual activity; in this study, parent-child communication was a predictor

    of consistent condom use (Hutchinson, 2002).

    We observed that a slightly greater number of abstinent teens live

    in two-parent households, in comparison with sexually active teens.

    Some studies have suggested a relationsh ip hetween family structu re

    and adolescent sexual activity. For example, Upchurch et al. (1999)

    suggest that having both parents in the home is a factor associated

    with the delay of sexual onset, while Miller (2002) has suggested that

    living with a single parent is related to greater probability of sexual

    activity. Young Jen sen (1991) have proposed th at single-parent

    households may provide less stability or emotional support, or may

    serve to model nonmarital sexual behavior. However, results from

    other studies are not consistent with these findings (Hovell et al.,

    1994).

     An alternative view to explain a possible relation between par-

    ents'

     marital sta tus and sexual behavior takes into account the possible

    effect of diminished supervision, parental control or support that one

    person may be able to provide in a single-parent household.

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    Psychology

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