Urban PlacesA study of Urban Dynamics, Megacities and World Cities

Contents o Introduction o World cities o Megacities Urban Dynamics

Urban Land Use Suburbanisation Exurbanisation Counterurbanisation Decentralisation Urban Decay Urban Renewal Urban Consolidation Urban Village Spatial Exclusion

o Urban Renewal Pyrmont Evidence of Renewa l Results of Urban Renewal Results: Social Structure Results: Economic Character Results: Culture of Place Results: Sustainability

o Large City Case Study- Sydney

© Steven Newman 2006, 2007, 2008, 2009, 2010

1

Introduction The word URBAN is often used to describe such places as:

URBANISED AREA: a continuously built up landscape defined by buildings and

population densities.

CITY a nucleated settlement that has many functions

(multifunctional), including an established Central Business

District (CBD), has residential land use and has non-

residential land use.

TOWN These are similar to cities whereby it has a CBD but it is

smaller in size and its functions are less complex than a city.

SUBURB: This refers to a secondary area outside a larger URBAN area.

It often has a specialised function such as being a residential,

industrial or a commercial area.

METROPOLITAN AREA: Refers to a large-scale functional entity often containing

several different types of urban areas.

URBANISATION: The process where a country’s population living in urban areas

increases.

2

WORLD CITIES1.0 The nature, character and spatial distribution

of world cities

1.1 The Nature of World Cities

The underlying process that has led to the development of world cities is globalisation.

What is globalisation? Economic, political and cultural activities across the world have

become interconnected and individuals and nations find

themselves influenced from a distance.

GLOBALISATION (To Globalise) can simply be defined as “The

process of going to a more interconnected world particularly by

making a single world economy dominated by western capitalist

models”.What is a World City? Patrick Geddes who coined the term World City in 1915:

“A ‘world city’ refers to those places where the bulk of the world’s most important business is conducted” However, this definition is limited as it does not take into account

globalisation and the fact that World Cities are connected to each other.

Therefore we can add an extra bit to the definition above:

“World Cities are the control or command centres in the network of cities around the world”. Thus the definition of a World City is

A ‘world’ city refers to those places where the bulk of the world’s most important business is conducted making them the control and command centres of the global economy (globalisation) in the network of cities around the world.

3

1.2 The Character of World Cities

Cities in general play an important role in society around it.

What makes World Cities characteristically different from other

cities is that they are connected to other cities around the world

and they control the flow of money and culture in an ever growing

globalised world.

The key characteristics of world cities are:

1. They are major FINANCIAL CENTRES2. They house the HEADQUARTERS OF MAJOR GLOBAL

CORPORATION (TNCs & MNCs)3. They are locations of ADVANCED PRODUCER SERVICES4. They are nodes for TELECOMMUNICATIONS5. They act as nodes for TRANSPORTATION6. They are the locations of Global CULTURAL

SPECTACTULARS.

4

1.2.1Major Financial Centres The first key characteristic of World Cities is that they are major

financial centres. This is best demonstrated by:

the location of world’s top banks;

the value of the stock exchange located in that city

5

a) Location of World’s Top Banks.Since World Cities are about regulating the flow of money in the global economy, it stands to reason

that banks are key in regulating this flow. As a result, leading banks are located in World Cities. The

table below highlights the cities with the most top 25 banks located in them. You should notice that the

first column shows generally accepted world cities.

GLOBAL BANKING SERVICE CENTRESPRIME MAJOR MINORFrankfurt Bangkok Abu DhabiHong Kong Beijing AmsterdamLondon Bogota BarcelonaMilan  Buenos Aires BostonNew York Caracas BratislavaParis Geneva BrusselsSan Fancisco Houston BudapestSingapore Jakarta CairoTokyo Johannesburg ChicagoZurich Kuala Lumpur Colombo

Labuan DallasLos Angeles DubaiLuxembourg DublinMadrid EdinburghManama GlasgowManila IstanbulMexico City LimaMiami LisbonMontreal LyonMoscow MelbourneMumbai MontevideoPrague MunichSao Paulo New DelhiSantiago OsakaSeoul  Rio de JaneiroShanghai RomeSydney TehranTaipei ViennaTorontoWarsaw

Data

Data for 10 of the top 25 banks in the world are used to define significant presences:

Standard Chartered (ranked 1): all branches listed with 5 or more fax numbers;

Credit Swisse (2) all branches listed except for Switzerland where two or more branches required for a city to be listed;

UBS (3) all branches listed except for Switzerland where two or more branches required for a city to be listed;

Compagnie Financiere de Paribas Sa (8) all branches listed;

Creditanstalt-Bankverein (10) all branches listed;

J P Morgan (12) all branches listed; Bankers Trust (13) all branches listed; NatWest Group (18) all offices of NatWest

Markets listed; Banco Bilbao Vizcaya (23) all branches

listed; Dresdner Bank Group (24) all branches

listed.Definitions

For each significant presence a city scores one point.

Prime centres: cities with scores of 8 or more

Major centres: cities with scores of 5 to 7 Minor centres: cities with scores of 2 to

4

6

b) Location of Top Stock Exchanges

World Cities also house the major stock exchanges. Much of the worlds financial flows are traded through stock exchanges. The table below shows the top Stock Exchanges and the cities they are located in.Twenty Major Stock Exchanges In The World: Market Capitalization & Year-to-date Turnover at the end of October 2007

Rank City Stock Exchange  Total Share Turnover

(trillions of US dollars)  

Market Value(trillions of US

dollars)  

1 New York NYSE Euronext 28.70 20.702 New York NASDAQ 12.40 4.393 London London Stock Exchange 9.14 4.214 Tokyo Tokyo Stock Exchange 5.45 4.635 Frankfurt Frankfurt Stock Exchange (Deutsche Börse) 3.64 2.126 Shanghai Shanghai Stock Exchange 3.56 3.027 Madrid Madrid Stock Exchange 2.49 1.838 Milan Milan Stock Exchange (Borsa Italiana) 1.98 1.139 Shennzen Shenzhen Stock Exchange 1.86 0.74

10 Hong Kong Hong Kong Stock Exchange 1.70 2.9711 Busan Korea Exchange 1.66 1.2612 Stockholm Nordic Stock Exchange Group OMX1 1.60 1.3813 Zurich Swiss Exchange 1.58 1.3314 Toronto Toronto Stock Exchange 1.36 2.2915 Sydney Australian Securities Exchange 1.00 1.4516 Mumbai National Stock Exchange of India 0.56 1.4617 Moscow Moscow Interbank Currency Exchange 0.49 0.97

18 Sao Paulo São Paulo Stock Exchange 0.48 1.4019 Johannesburg Johannesburg Securities Exchange 0.35 0.9420 Bombay Bombay Stock Exchange 0.26 1.61

1.2.2 House Corporate HeadquartersAnother Characteristic of World Cities is that they usually have the HQs of

Transnational and Multinational corporations, who have been the most influential

players in the world economy. Therefore, their presence in a city indicates the

importance of that city in the world. It is estimated that these corporations conduct

over 75% of the business around the globe. The Fortune 500 list shows where the

Top 10 ranked locations of TNCS and MNCs are housed.

City Rank City Country No. of Global 500 Companies

Revenues ($ millions)

1 Tokyo Japan 47 1,858,608

2 Paris France 25 1,419,933

3 London Britain 22 1,183,769

4 Beijing China 21 943,768

5 New York U.S. 20 1,166,469

6 Seoul South Korea 13 576,919

7 Toronto Canada 9 229,308

8 Madrid Spain 8 357,927

9 Zurich Switzerland 7 354,657

9 Munich Germany 7 455,821

9 Osaka Japan 7 267,296

10 Houston U.S. 6 344,028

11 Mumbai India 5 139,615

11 Amsterdam Netherlands 5 324,940

11 Atlanta U.S. 5 203,379

12 Düsseldorf Germany 4 271,317

12 Frankfurt Germany 4 229,903

12 Essen Germany 4 125,039

12 Rome Italy 4 223,729

12 Moscow Russia 4 222,815

12 Stockholm Sweden 4 90,264

12 Taipei Taiwan 4 126,440

12 Melbourne Australia 4 118,186

12 Brussels Belgium 4 373,862

12 Hong Kong China 4 87,765

1.2.3 Location of Advanced Producer ServicesWorld Cities have large corporations functioning in them, thus

they need specialised advanced producer services to support

their needs. These Advanced Producer Services are often

businesses that have multi-city and multi-country locations.

Globalisation has provided opportunities that have increased

the rise of specialist corporations servicing other globalising

firms. The main advanced producer services that are needed

for TNCs and MNCs are

o accountancy,

o advertising,

o legal firms.

Key Cities with International Accountancy Firms located in them.GLOBAL ACCOUNTANCY SERVICE CENTRESPRIME MAJOR MINORAtlanta Amsterdam AdelaideChicago Auckland AntwerpDusseldorf  Berlin Arhus Frankfurt  Birmingham Baltimore London Boston BolognaLos Angeles  Brisbane CalgaryMilan Brussels CaracasNew York Cologne ColumbusParis Copenhagen  DetroitSydney Dallas DresdenTokyo Hamburg DublinToronto Hong Kong Geneva

Washington DC Houston Genoa

Jakarta GothenburgJohannesburg HelsinkiLyon Kuala LumpurMadrid LeedsManchester LilleMelbourne LuxembourgMexico City MarseilleMontreal MiamiMoscow MinneapolisMunich New DelhiOsaka OsloPhiladelphia  SantiagoRome TurinRotterdam Utrecht

San FranciscoSao PauloSeoulSingaporeStockholmStuttgartTaipeiTel AvivThe HagueVancouverZurich

Beaverstock, J.V., Smith, R.G., and. Taylor, P.J (1999) A Roster of World Cities, Cities, 16 (6), , 445-458http://www.lboro.ac.uk/gawc/rb/rb5.html#t3

Data

Accountancy firms have amalgamated from eight firms into six to tighten their strangle-hold over the world market. Data for five of these six was available and significant presences are defined as follows:

Arthur Anderson (ranked 1) - all cities with two branches or offices;

Ernst & Young (2) - all cities with two banches or offices are listed;

KPMG Peat Marwick (4) - cities with branches in which 20 or more professional contacts;

Coopers and Lybrand (5) - cities with branches in which 20 or more professional contacts;

Price Waterhouse (6) - all cities with two branches or offices.

Definitions

Cities score one for each significant presence.

Prime centres: cities with a score of 5 Major centres: cities with a score of 4 or

3 Minor centres: cities with a score of 3 or

2.

GLOBAL ADVERTISING SERVICE CENTRES

PRIME MAJOR MINORChicago Amsterdam AucklandLondon Athens BangaloreMinneapolis Barcelona BangkokNew York  Boston Beijing Osaka Brussels BogotaParis Caracas BucharestSeoul Copenhagen BudapestTokyo Dusseldorf Buenos Aires

Frankfurt  Cape TownHelsinki DallasHong Kong DetroitIstanbul DublinLisbon GenevaLos Angeles HamburgMadrid JakartaMelbourne JohannesburgMexico City Kuala LumpurMilan LimaPrague ManilaSan Francisco MiamiSantiago MontevideoSao Paulo MontrealSingapore MoscowStockholm MumbaiSydney  New DelhiToronto OsloVienna Rio de JaneiroZurich Taipei

Tel AvivWarsawWellington

Beaverstock, J.V., Smith, R.G., and. Taylor, P.J (1999) A Roster of World Cities, Cities, 16 (6), , 445-458http://www.lboro.ac.uk/gawc/rb/rb5.html#t3

Data

(i) List of top 50 advertising firms/groups in the world by turnover   (ii) Offices of the following firms/groups:   Significant presence defined by one office recorded: O&MD, DMB&B, Lowe Howard Spink, Grey, and Abbott Mead Vickers. Important presence defined by two offices recorded: Publicis, Young & Rubican, and TMP.

Definitions

Prime centres: selected cities from top 50 list; sum of inverse ranks used (i.e. 1st = 50, etc.) to define leading 8 cities with scores 50 and above.

Major centres: remaining cities with top 50 headquarters plus cities in which 5, 6 or 7 of the specific firms/groups studied have an important presence in the city.

Minor centres: cities in which 2, 3 or 4 of the specific firms/groups studied have an important presence in the city.

GLOBAL LEGAL SERVICE CENTRESPRIME MAJOR  MINORBrussels Almaty Abu DhabiChicago Bangkok AmsterdamHong Kong Beijing AthensLondon Berlin AtlantaLos Angeles Budapest BarcelonaMoscow Cleveland BostonNew York Dallas BogotaParis Frankfurt BratislavaSingapore Geneva BraziliaTokyo Ho Chi Minh City Buenos AiresWashington Houston Bucharest

Kiev CairoMadrid CaracasMexico City DubaiMilan DusseldorfMinneapolis GuangzhouPrague HamburgRiyadh HanoiRome IstanbulSan Francisco JakartaSao Paulo Kansas CitySeattle MadridShanghai ManilaSydney MelbourneToronto MunichWarsaw PhiladelphiaZurich Richmond

Rio de JaneiroSt PetersburgSantiagoStockholmTaipeiTashkentTijiana

Beaverstock, J.V., Smith, R.G., and. Taylor, P.J (1999) A Roster of World Cities, Cities, 16 (6), , 445-458http://www.lboro.ac.uk/gawc/rb/rb5.html#t3

Data

(i) UK and USA headquarters of law firms with foreign branches.

(ii) Foreign branches of UK and USA law firms.

 

Definitions

This global producer service is hugely dominated by two countries, USA and UK, and therefore there has to be different rules for these two countries and the rest of the world (ROW).

Prime service centres:

ROW - cities with 26 or more US/UK law branches

US/UK - cities housing 7 or more law firms with foreign branches

Major service centres:

ROW- cities with 5-17 US/UK law branches

US/UK - cities housing 4 or 5 law firms with foreign branches

Minor service centres:

ROW: cities with at least 2-4 US/UK law branches

USA/UK: cities housing 2or 3 law firms with foreign branches

1.2.4 Telecommunication NodesAnother key characteristic of World Cities is that they are the

telecommunication nodes of the world economy.

Improvements in telecommunications has decreased the

problem of distance and helped in making economic activities

not as concentrated. However, advanced communications

need expensive infrastructure. The development of

specialised telecommunications networks such as internet

provision, mobile phone, and wireless internet such as Next G

have been concentrated in World Cities.

Rank CityNumber of networks

1 London 332 Frankfurt 322 New York 324 Paris 244 Amsterdam 244 Chicago 244 Atlanta 248 Los Angeles 238 Dallas 238 Washington 2311 Philadelphia 2112 Stockholm 2013 Vienna 1913 Brussels 1913 Berlin 1913 Hamburg 1913 Seattle 1913 Newark 1913 Detroit 1913 Baltimore 1913 Jacksonville 1913 Miami 1923 Copenhagen 1823 Düsseldorf 1823 Madrid 1823 Houston 1823 San Francisco 1828 Minneapolis 1728 Boston 1728 Cleveland 1728 Raleigh 1732 Prague 1632 Munich 1632 Zürich 1632 San Jose 1632 Sacramento 1632 San Diego 1632 Denver 1632 Orlando 1640 Milan 1540 St. Louis 1540 Buffalo 1540 Tampa 1540 Albany 1540 Austin 1540 Charlotte 1547 Lyon 1347 Budapest 1347 Rotterdam 1347 Oslo 1347 Warsaw 1352 Helsinki 1252 Marseille 1252 Strasbourg 1252 Stuttgart 1252 Bratislava 1252 Barcelona 1252 Geneva 12

Number and Rank of Total network

Providers in the USA and Europe

Rank CityNumber of networks

1 London 332 Frankfurt 322 New York 324 Paris 244 Amsterdam 244 Chicago 244 Atlanta 248 Los Angeles 238 Dallas 238 Washington 2311 Philadelphia 2112 Stockholm 2013 Vienna 1913 Brussels 1913 Berlin 1913 Hamburg 1913 Seattle 1913 Newark 1913 Detroit 1913 Baltimore 1913 Jacksonville 1913 Miami 1923 Copenhagen 1823 Düsseldorf 1823 Madrid 1823 Houston 1823 San Francisco 1828 Minneapolis 1728 Boston 1728 Cleveland 1728 Raleigh 1732 Prague 1632 Munich 1632 Zürich 1632 San Jose 1632 Sacramento 1632 San Diego 1632 Denver 1632 Orlando 1640 Milan 1540 St. Louis 1540 Buffalo 1540 Tampa 1540 Albany 1540 Austin 1540 Charlotte 1547 Lyon 1347 Budapest 1347 Rotterdam 1347 Oslo 1347 Warsaw 1352 Helsinki 1252 Marseille 1252 Strasbourg 1252 Stuttgart 1252 Bratislava 1252 Barcelona 1252 Geneva 12

Figure 1: Telcommunciations Traffic ( Source: www.telegeography.com)

http://www.telegeography.com/ee/free_resources/figures/index.php

1.2.5 Transportation NodesOne feature of Globalisation is the ability of people to access many parts of the world efficiently and quickly. Thus, another key characteristic of World Cities is that they are often the Transport nodes of travel; air travel is an excellent indicator.March 12 2008

Passenger Traffic 2007 PRELIMINARYLast update: March 12 2008

Rank City (Airport) Total Passengers % Change

1 ATLANTA, GA (ATL) 89 379 287 5.32 CHICAGO, IL (ORD) 76 159 324 ( 0.2)3 LONDON, GB (LHR) 68 068 554 0.84 TOKYO, JP (HND) 66 671 435 1.35 LOS ANGELES, CA (LAX) 61 895 548 1.46 PARIS, FR (CDG) 59 919 383 5.47 DALLAS/FT WORTH, TX (DFW) 59 784 876 ( 0.7)8 FRANKFURT, DE (FRA) 54 161 856 2.69 BEIJING, CN (PEK) 53 736 923 9.4

10 MADRID, ES (MAD) 52 122 214 14.011 DENVER, CO (DEN) 49 863 389 5.412 NEW YORK, NY (JFK) 47 810 630 12.213 AMSTERDAM, NL (AMS) 47 793 602 3.714 LAS VEGAS, NV (LAS) 47 595 140 3.015 HONG KONG, CN (HKG) 46 995 000 7.216 HOUSTON, TX (IAH) 42 978 617 1.017 PHOENIX, AZ (PHX) 42 197 080 1.818 BANGKOK, TH (BKK) 41 210 081 ( 3.7)19 SINGAPORE, SG (SIN) 36 701 556 4.820 ORLANDO, FL (MCO) 36 480 416 5.321 NEWARK, NJ (EWR) 36 391 911 1.822 DETROIT, MI (DTW) 36 126 555 0.423 SAN FRANCISCO, CA (SFO) 35 793 117 6.624 TOKYO, JP (NRT) 35 530 035 1.625 LONDON, GB (LGW) 35 218 399 3.126 MINNEAPOLIS/ST PAUL, MN (MSP) 35 160 505 ( 1.3)27 DUBAI, AE (DXB) 34 348 110 19.328 MUNICH, DE (MUC) 33 959 422 10.429 MIAMI, FL (MIA) 33 740 416 3.730 CHARLOTTE, NC (CLT) 33 383 812 12.4

Airports participating in the ACI annual traffic statistics collection.

Total Passengers:  total passengers enplaned and deplaned, passengers in transit counted once.Source: Airports Council International (2008) http://www.airports.org/cda/aci_common/display/main/aci_content07_c.jsp?zn=aci&cp=1-5-54-55_666_2__ (accessed 20/07/2008)

http://www.aci.aero/aci/aci/file/Press%20Releases/2007_PRs/PR_180707_TOP10.pdf

1.2.6 Location of Global Cultural Spectaculars Another key characteristic of World Cities is that they are

Cultural centres for Global Spectaculars.

Globalisation is as much a cultural phenomenon as an

economic one. Popular culture, and especially popular culture

produced in the west is one of the most visible aspects of the

emerging global culture.

Global cultural spectacles such as the Olympic Games and

large arena pop concerts are often occurrences in World

Cities, this is due to the infrastructure in place for the large

amounts of money and expertise needed to host these events.Host and Candidate Cities for the Summer Olympic Games

Year Host City, Country Candidate City, Country1964 Tokyo, Japan Brussels, Belgium; Detroit, USA

1968 Mexico-City, Mexico

Buenos Aires, Argentina; Detroit, USA; Lyon, France

1972 Munich, FDR Detroit, USA; Madrid, Spain; Montreal, Canada1976 Montreal, Canada Los Angeles, USA; Moscow, USSR1980 Moscow, USSR Los Angeles, USA1984 Los Angeles, USA Seoul, Sth Korea

1988 Seoul, South Korea

Athens, Greece; Melbourne, Australia; Nagoya, Japan

1992 Barcelona, SpainAmsterdam, Netherlands; Belgrade,

Yugoslavia; Birmingahm, UK; Brisbane, Australia; Paris, France

1996 Atlanta, USAAthens, Greece; Melbourne, Australia;

Toronto, Canada; Belgrade, Yugoslavia; Manchester, UK

2000 Sydney, Australia Bejing, China

2004 Athens, Greece Rome, Italy; Cape Town, Sth Africa; Stockholm, Sweden; Buenos Aires, Argentina

2008 Beijing Istanbul (TUR), Osaka (JPN), Paris (FRA), Toronto (CAN)

2012 London Paris (FRA), Madrid (ESP), Moscow (RUS) and New York (USA)

U2 Vertigo Tour Destinations and Dates 2005-2006

North America 1st Leg//27.03.2005  San Diego, CA Sports Arena//31.03.2005  Anaheim, CA Arrowhead Pond//04.04.2005  Los Angeles, CA Staples Center//08.04.2005  San Jose, CA HP Pavilion//14.04.2005  Phoenix, AZ Glendale Arena//19.04.2005  Denver, CO Pepsi Center//24.04.2005  Seattle, WA Key Arena//27.04.2005  Vancouver, BC General Motors Place//11.05.2005  Chicago, IL United Center//13.05.2005  Philadelphia, PA Wachovia Center//16.05.2005  East Rutherford, NJ Continental Airlines Arena//20.05.2005  New York, NY Madison Square Gardens//21.05.2005  Philadelphia, PA Wachovia Center//23.05.2005  Boston, MA Fleet Center

Europe //09.06.2005  Brussels, Belgium King Baudouin Stadium//11.06.2005  Gelsenkirchen, Germany Schalke Stadium//13.06.2005  Manchester, UK City of Manchester Stadium//17.06.2005  London, UK Twickenham Stadium//20.06.2005  Glasgow, UK Hampden Park//23.06.2005  Dublin, Ireland Croke Park//28.06.2005  Cardiff, UK Millenium Stadium//01.07.2005  Vienna, Austria Ernst Happel Stadium//04.07.2005  Katowice, Poland Slaski Stadium//06.07.2005  Berlin, Germany Olympic Stadium//08.07.2005  Paris, France Stade de France//10.07.2005  Zurich, Switzerland Letzigrund Stadium//12.07.2005  Amsterdam, Holland Arena//19.07.2005  Milan, Italy San Siro//22.07.2005  Rome, Italy Olympic Stadium//26.07.2005  Oslo, Norway Vallehovin Stadium//28.07.2005  Gothenburg, Sweden Ullevi Stadium//30.07.2005  Copenhagen, Denmark Parken//02.08.2005  Munich, Germany Olympic Stadium//04.08.2005  Nice, France Parc des Sports Charles

Ehrmann//06.08.2005  Barcelona, Spain Camp Nou//08.08.2005  San Sebastian, Spain -//10.08.2005  Madrid, Spain Estadio Vicente Calderon//13.08.2005  Lisbon, Portugal Alvalade

North America 2nd Leg//11.09.2005  Toronto, Ontario Air Canada Center//20.09.2005  Chicago, IL United Centre//22.09.2005  Minneapolis, MN Target Center//24.09.2005  Milwaukee, WI Bradley Center//02.10.2005  Boston, MA Fleet Center//13.10.2005  New York, NY Madison Square Gardens//15.10.2005  Philadelphia, PA Wachovia Center//18.10.2005  Washington, DC DC MCI Center//21.10.2005  Pittsburgh, PA Mellon Arena//23.10.2005  Detroit, MI Palace of Auburn Hills//27.10.2005  Houston, TX Toyota Center//28.10.2005  Dallas, TX American Airlines Center//31.10.2005  Los Angeles, CA Staples Center//03.11.2005  Las Vegas, NV MGM Grand//07.11.2005  San Francisco, CA Oakland Arena//12.11.2005  Miami, FL American Airlines Arena//17.11.2005  Atlanta, GA Philips Arena//20.11.2005  New York, NY Madison Square Gardens//24.11.2005  Ottawa, ON Corel Centre//25.11.2005  Montreal, QC Bell Centre//03.12.2005  Boston, MA TD Banknorth Garden//06.12.2005  Hartford, CT Civic Center//08.12.2005  Buffalo, NY HSBC Arena//09.12.2005  Cleveland, OH Gund Arena//11.12.2005  Charlotte, NC New Charlotte Arena//13.12.2005  St. Louis, MO Savvis Center//14.12.2005  Omaha, NE Qwest Center//16.12.2005  Salt Lake City, UT Delta Center//18.12.2005  Portland, OR Rose Garden

South America and Pacific //11.02.2006  Monterrey, Mexico Estadio Tecnológico//14.02.2006  Mexico City, Mexico Estadio Azteca//19.02.2006  Sao Paulo, Brazil Morumbi Stadium//25.02.2006  Santiago, Chile Nacional Stadium//28.02.2006  Buenos Aires, Argentina River Plate Stadium//06.11.2006  Brisbane, Australia QSAC Stadium//09.11.2006  Sydney, Australia Telstra Stadium//15.11.2006  Adelaide, Australia AAMI Stadium//17.11.2006  Melbourne, Australia Telstra Dome//23.11.2006  Auckland, New Zealand Ericsson Stadium//28.11.2006  Tokyo, Japan Saitama Super Arena//08.12.2006  Honolulu, Hawaii Aloha Stadium

1.3 Spatial Distribution of World Cities

Where are world cities located? Are some cities more important than others?

A number of world cities can be easily identified based on the

characteristics outlined previously.

The first spatial pattern is that since World Cities are about the

flow of money, it is the rich developed countries that house

them

Secondly, the pattern we generally see is that some ‘world

cities’ have larger spatial articulations than others.

SPATIAL ARTICULATIONS refer to the space over which a

city has a clear and distinct influence. They can have influence

locally, nationally, or globally.

Based on this sphere of influence (spatial articulation) world

cities have been given a hierarchy.

This hierarchy is often based on a cities financial power and to

some extent cultural influence

There have been a number of research reports which identify

where world cities are located based on the Spatial articulation

hierarchies, two are generally accepted:

1. World City Hypothesis

The World City Hypothesis identifies three types of World Cities:

a. The Dominant World City- These are considered the

control centres of the world economy

b. Major World City- These are groups of world cities where

they have major multinational articulations.

c. Secondary World City- These are cities that have important roles

at the national and sub-national level

Hierarchy City

Dominant World Cities London, Tokyo, New York

Major World City Frankfurt, Amsterdam, Paris, Singapore, Los Angeles, Miami

Secondary World City

Munich, Zurich, Milan, Barcelona, Madrid, Lyon, Moscow, Mumbai, Hong Kong, Seoul, Sydney, Osaka-Kobe, Vancouver, Montreal, Toronto, Seattle, San Francisco, Chicago, Houston,

Boston, Mexico City, Sao Paulo, Buenos Aires

2. The GaWC Inventory of World Cities The GaWC (Global and World City study group) have

developed a list of World Cities

They give a score between 1-12 based on the ADVANCED

PRODUCER SERVICES a city can provide for the large

corporations.

The four main Advanced Producer Services they score are:

o accountancy,

o advertising,

o banking,

o legal firms.

They then named the three types of world cities in terms of the

score based on the amount of Advanced Producer Services:

o Alpha world cities- a city scoring 10 or more must be

a global centre for all four services

o Beta World Cities- a city scoring 7-9 must be a global

centre for at least 3 of the services

o Gamma World Cities- cities scoring 4 to 6 as must be

global service centres for at least two sectors and at

least one of those must be a major service provision

As can be seen from the GaWC inventory, most world

cities are located in the Northern Hemisphere.

Europe hosts the most then North America and then

Asia.

Most importantly, it appears to be a phenomenon that

occurs mainly in DEVELOPED COUNTRIES.

Using the Dominant World City Table and The GaWC inventory of world cities diagram complete this table.

Dominant World City

hierarchy

Cities GaWC Inventory Cities

Dominant World City

Alpha World City

Major World City

Beta World City

Secondary World City

Gamma World City

Answer the following in your workbooks.

1) What cities are recognised by both systems as the cities with the highest SPATIAL ARTICULATION?

2) Describe the spatial distributions of these world cities. Is there any pattern to these distributions?

3) What regions of the World are underrepresented in both these lists?

4) What are some reasons you believe why these regions are under represented in these lists?

2.0 The role of world cities as powerful centres of economic and cultural authority

World cities play a major role in the international economy both as powerful centres of economic authority and cultural authority.World cities have become the command points for the linkages and interconnections that keep the contemporary world economy, social and political systems going. They are integral in the globalisation process and this is reflected in their characteristics and functions. As such, their key characteristics highlight how they have both economic and cultural authority in the globalised world.

World Cities demonstrating Economic AuthorityThe economic authority of world cities refers to how they influence many aspects of the global economy from flow of money, business decisions, setting market trends. World Cities demonstrate they have economic authority through the following characteristics:

Act as Financial Centres. All of the major stock exchanges and futures exchanges are located in world cities. New York is the major city in the world for the trading of equities (shares in companies) and government bonds. Much of the trading for equities and bonds is done in cyberspace with stock exchanges around the world linked by computer networks. World cities are also centres for banking and associated financial services. The largest banks in the world have their headquarters in world cities. London, Tokyo, New York, Paris, Hong Kong, San Francisco, Boston and Zurich are major banking cities.

Headquarters for many TNCs and large national corporations. TNCs have an enormous influence on the global economy. They dominate decision making because individual TNCs not only decide what they will produce, but also where production will take place. TNCs, will, over time, locate their production and distribution facilities to reduce costs and maximise access to global markets.World cities are also the headquarters for most of the IGOs that play a major role in the global economy. These include the World Trade Organisation in New York, and the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) in Paris.

Key locations for Advance Producer Services. These have replaced manufacturing as the leading economic sector in world cities. These firms are involved in national and international activities in finance, law, accounting, and advertising. They also can include insurance, transport, training and conferencing, tourism, information and research and innovation.World cities provide a place in which key people can gather information, often face-to-face, and develop networks of contacts and monitor agreements and contracts. They also provide conditions for innovation and creativity to thrive.

Markets for a vast range of goods and services. They are areas of massive accumulations of wealth and high incomes. The purchasing power of people in major world cities is extraordinary. The importance of these cities as markets is shown by patterns of concentrated retailing in high-order consumer goods, such as clothing, jewellery and art. Streets such as Fifth Avenue in New York and the Champs de Elysee in Paris are famous for their retailing of very expensive goods.

World Cities demonstrating Cultural AuthorityEven though technology can place people in the middle of the Sahara and allow them to run a multi billion dollar company, the key to successful business is the handshake, most decisions are made face to face. World cities provide the means for that to occur thus giving them cultural authority.

Built environment has a social infrastructure that facilitates contact between people. This in order for people to exchange information face-to-face and to develop global social networks. World cities have office buildings, international hotels, conference centres, apartment blocks and prestige residences of distinct architectural design. They also have specialised land-use areas where these buildings are located. This social infrastructure is supported by sophisticated transport and information systems. This includes:

Centres for a range of prestigious cultural facilities and entertainment. World cities have theatres, opera houses, large entertainment centres and sports facilities. They host major cultural and sporting events ranging from art exhibitions to tennis tournaments and the Olympics. These are the places to be seen and to meet people. These cater for a variety of international, national and local events. World cities have many famous centres such as Wimbledon and Wembley (London), the Louvre (Paris), La Scala (Milan), Forest Hills (New York), ANZ Stadium (Sydney) and Hollywood Bowl (Los Angeles). All of the world cities host major international cultural, entertainment and sporting events that cater for the needs of locals, national and international visitors.The cultural facilities complement the social infrastructure as they provide another means for interactions to occur for business. Consider the corporate sponsorship and boxes at many of these venues. Not only iare they being entertained, but create the opportunity for chance meetings to occur and to further develop global networks.

World cities provide the opportunity for a distinctive cultural lifestyle. Generally, people with money want to live with other people with money. They want to be where you can spend it and flaunt it. Thus, world cities are full of people with money and the cultural lifestyle associated with that. Like other cities, they also have low-income earners who have little opportunity to participate in the world class cultural and entertainment activities and facilities that they provide.

This has been adapted form a text book somewhere!mrstevenenwman.com

Case Study : London as a Powerful Centre of Economic and Cultural Authority

London has been an important city for nearly one thousand years. By 1800, it was the largest city in the world and a major centre of trade, commerce and government. London, at the start of the third millennium, was one of the three dominant world cities, a major centre of economic authority, and a major centre of cultural authority.

Centre of Economic AuthorityAlong with New York and Tokyo, London is one of the three main financial centres in the world. Since the Euro (European currency) was implemented in 1999, it has become the major city for Euro trading.London's development into such an important economical centre is based on:

its trading culture the quality of its specialised service firms - its

skills base its time zone its language its regulatory environment.

London has a strong global position in a full range of financial markets. These include banking, foreign exchange, insurance, derivatives, fund management, maritime services, bullion market and securities dealing.

The banking sector in the UK originates more cross-border bank lending than any other country. London has nearly 480 foreign banks; more than any other city.

The UK insurance industry is the third largest in the world. The UK is the global market leader in aviation and marine insurance, with a combined market share of nearly 25 per cent. London is the main skill centre for world reinsurance business.

The London foreign exchange market is the largest in the world, with a global share of around 30 per cent.

London is the largest market in the world for derivatives traded over-the-counter, with around 35 per cent of world turnover. London Metal Exchange is the largest in the world.

London is the world's largest fund management city. It is also the leader in the management of overseas clients' non-domestic portfolios.

The most comprehensive range of specialist maritime services is found in London. This covers legal services, ship broking, financial services, insurance, ship classification and publishing.

London is the most important global centre for gold trading.

London has more foreign companies listed on the stock exchange than any other city. It is the major centre for the international bond market.

Centre of Cultural AuthoritySocial networking (building a circle of useful

contacts and developing trust within this group) is an important activity in World Cities and is highly developed in London, where it has long been a feature of doing business. Social networking has always been seen as an important way to obtain social knowledge, build trust and gain entry into areas of exclusive knowledge.

Since the rapid globalisation of economic activity, social networking in London and other World Cities has become even more important. This is because of:

the increased amounts of knowledge of all kinds that circulates

the need to interpret this knowledge the need to keep certain kinds of knowledge,

such as private knowledge, exclusive the need to snap up unexpected business

opportunities.These things are best done on a face-to-face basis

Much of this social interaction has been formalised. Five formalisations can be identified in London. They are:

the use of business card the use of the business lunch as one of the

main ways in which knowledge is exchanged and social contacts maintained

conventions and conferences the electronic exchange of information through

the telephone, fax, email and pager as important backups to person-to-person interactions

an attempt to build up long-term networks through the exchange of personnel with other firms or with overseas offices.

London also has many significant cultural facilities and entertainment to encourage social networking. Some of the world’s best theatres are found in London’s West End. Shows such as Cats, Lion King, and Phantom of the Opera made their world debuts in this area. World class sporting venues such as Wimbledon are also found in London. Also, some of the world’s best museums and galleries with world class exhibitions are located there, including the British Museum which houses the best collection of Egyptian Artefacts outside of Egypt.

The culture of London is also significant. As many of the people associated with globalisation choose to live there for the lifestyle. Shopping for some of the best designer clothes can be done just off Oxford Street in New Bond Street and Old Bond Street. Tailor made clothing for that wealthy business person can be done in Saville Road. Places to be seen are Soho for the cafes and restaurants, Notting Hill, Mayfair, and Piccadilly for those really expensive restaurants and exclusive clubs.

These cultural factors encourage people to come to London. By encouraging them to come to London business can be controlled there. Thus, having cultural authority goes hand in hand with maintaining the economic authority..

World Cities as economic and cultural

authority

Economic Authority Cultural Authority

Examples from London

mrstevennewman.com

3.0 The Operation of Global Networks The most important thing to remember about world cities is that they control the flow

of money, ideas, culture and people.

For this flow to occur there need to be networks in place.

‘Networks’ refers to the links that are in place that join the world cities and other cities

together to allow the flow to happen.

There are many types of networks that could help us demonstrate the operation of

global networks, like some of the characteristics we covered earlier

(telecommunication infrastructure and air transport) However, the GaWC has

provided a useful way of showing how world cities are inter-connected especially in

the globalised world. They measure the interlocking networks of the Advanced

Producer Services between world cities.

Inter-locking network of Advanced Producer Services. According to Saskia Sassen, a renown geographer, it is advanced producer service

firms who are the key players in world city formation and in developing global

networks. Through their worldwide activities they create an inter-locking network.

This inter-locking network formation occurs through the location decisions of the firms

as they attempt to provide a seamless service to their clients across the world.

They do this by creating a global network of offices in cities around the world. Each

office network represents a firm’s global strategy for dispensing its services. It is the

myriad of flows between offices of information, data, instructions, ideas, plans, and

people that demonstrates the major operation of the global network.

Advance Producer Service Firms are therefore the network ‘inter-lockers’, linking

cities together in the day-to-day practice of their business, not the cities themselves.

London Using London as an example, from the diagram and the tables we can see that it is

clearly networked to many other cities globally at varying degrees.

What is evident is that the Advanced Producer Services of finance, law, advertising

and accounting have created strong global networks with London.

What is important here, is the ability to recognise that a global network has been

determined by measuring the interlocking network between the offices of each

Advanced Producer Service.

As mentioned previously, service firms offer a seamless service across their office networks. This means that the geographical distribution of their offices, and their scope and range, are important selling points in attracting new clients. Offices are assessed and coded individually by asking what is the importance of this office in this city within the firm's overall office network? These codes become the quantitative input into determining the interconnectivity between cities. The coding ranges from

0 (firm having no office in a city) 1 (firm having a minor office in a city)2 (standard or typical offices of a firm in a city) 3 (a firm has a major office in a city), 4 (exceptionally important offices of a firm such as regional headquarters in a city).5 (a city housing the actual headquarters of a firm);

The assumption that is made is that the more important an office the more working flows it will generate between like cities. Therefore two important offices will generate a much higher level of flow between their respective cities than two minor offices between their respective cities. These data and this assumption are combined to generate estimates of inter-office working flow levels between cities for each firm; they are not actual working flows, but potential working flows, indirect measures derived from the data and the model assumptions . Aggregating all potential working flows for all firms located in a city generates estimates of its working flow relations with other cities; when this is done for all cities it constitutes the world city network

Operation of Global Networks through Advanced Producer Services with London

The following table show Cities with major levels of linkage to LondonFor each Advanced Producer Services Category

Accountancy: (% of maximum possible (= 15)

Percent City

93 Dusseldorf, New York, Paris, Tokyo, Toronto

87 Chicago, Milan, Sydney, Washington, DC

80 Atlanta, Brussels, Frankfurt, San Francisco

73 Amsterdam, Dallas, Hamburg, Hong Kong,

67 Berlin, Boston, Copenhagen, Madrid, Melbourne, Mexico City, Rotterdam, Seoul, Stockholm, Zurich

60 Birmingham, Jakarta, Lyon, Manchester, Philadelphia, Rome, Sao Paulo, Santiago, Stuttgart, Vancouver

Advertising :(% of maximum possible (= 21)

Percent City

90 New York

76 Brussels, Madrid, Sydney, Toronto

71 Milan, Paris

67 Los Angeles, Singapore, Stockholm

62 Amsterdam, Auckland,

Copenhagen, Istanbul, Lisbon

57 Athens, Dusseldorf, Melbourne, Prague, San Francisco, Vienna, Zurich

52 Barcelona, Helsinki, Hong Kong 48%: Bangkok, Frankfurt, Mexico City, Montreal

43 Beijing, Caracus, Jakarta, Manila, San Francisco, Santiago, Seoul, Taipei, Tokyo,

Warsaw

38 Budapest, Buenos Aires, Hamburg, Johannesburg, Kuarla Lumpur, Miami,

Moscow, Mumbai, Oslo

Law:

(% of maximum possible (= 65)

Percent City

68 New York

60 Washington DC

54 Brussels, Hong Kong

48 Paris

34 Los Angeles

32 Tokyo

31 Singapore

28 Moscow

23 Frankfurt

20 Chicago

18 San Francisco, Warsaw

17 Budapest

15 Beijing

14 Dallas, Houston, Prague

Banking/Finance:(% maximum possible (= 38)

Percent City

95 New York

79 Singapore

76 Hong Kong, Tokyo

66 Frankfurt

61 Paris, Zurich

55 Madrid,

50 Milan, Taipei

47 Mexico City, Seoul

45 Sao Paulo

42 Jakarta, Los Angeles

39 Buenos Aires, Dubai, Kuala Lumpur, Moscow, San Francisco, Toronto

37 Bangkok, Dubai, Geneva

34 Luxembourg, Manama, Manila, Mumbai

32 Abu Dubai, Athens, Chicago, Johannesburg, Labuan, Melbourne, Prague, Santiago, Shanghai

29 Barcelona, Rio de Janeiro

26 Amsterdam, Beijing, Brussels, Cairo, Caracas, Houston, Miami, Warsaw

 

The GaWC Index of London's External Relations

Focusing on just the other 54 world cities, the levels of linkage to London are brought together in the diagram where average scores across the four producer services are computed to define the GaWC Index of London's External Relations (Beaverstock, Smith and Taylor 2000). The 54 world cities (i.e. other than London) are arrayed in five groups. The overall dominance of the London-New York link, with score out on its own at 87, is designated as London's 'prime link'. The next two highest links (Paris-London at 68 and Hong Kong-London at 64) each connect London to the other two major world regions and are designated 'major links'. Other connections scoring over 50 then become 'important links' with two lower levels of links also identified. The clear message of this diagram is worldwide scope of London's linkages and this is neatly confirmed by a regional analysis.

The 54 world cities fall neatly into 5 world regions plus an additional British Commonwealth non-contiguous class of cities: 16 are in Western Europe, 12 are from Pacific Asia, 11 are from the USA, and there are five each from Eastern Europe, Latin America, and the old Commonwealth (Australia, Canada, South Africa). Average levels of connection for these groups of cities are shown in Table 7. Perhaps the lack of major variation in average scores is the main feature of this table, which confirms London's worldwide reach. The highest score for the old Commonwealth indicates longer-term linkages than contemporary globalization but the three main 'globalization arenas' (Western Europe, Pacific Asia and the USA) have very similar scores. This shows that London is much more than just 'Europe's representative', articulating Europe into the world-economy, in a 24-hour globalizing financial market. The

geographical reach of London confirms its location in the contemporary space of flows as truly, using Sassen's (2001) terminology, a global city (Beaverstock, Smith and Taylor 2001).

In summary, this is not only the first time

London as a major world city has been

analyzed comprehensively in terms of its

linkages with other world cities, it is the first

time this type of analysis has been done for

any world city.

Air Networks-

From the London and Stansted airport websites:

Heathrow Airport, 15 miles from central London, is regarded as the hub of the aviation world. Flying to over 180 destinations in over 90 countries, some 90 airlines have made Heathrow their base. The airport is owned by BAA, who also owns Stansted, Southampton, Glasgow, Edinburgh and Aberdeen airports.

Stansted is Britain's third-busiest airport, offering flights to more than 160 destinations in over 30 countries.

4.0The relationships of dominance and dependence between

world cities and other urban centres and the changing role of regional centres and the demise of the small town.

A good way of understanding the concept of dominance and

dependence is to look at Central Place Theory. This theory shows that

places have an hierarchy

where small central

places would offer a

limited range of everyday

goods and services to a

small surrounding

population, and large central places would offer a large

number of goods and services, many of them specialised in

nature, to a large surrounding population. Thus the SPATIAL

ARTICULATION of the large central places would be greater in

extent than that of the small central places.

Therefore, some urban areas have greater economic

dominance over others while some are dependant on the

larger urban area.

For example, think about where you live:

o How far will you travel to buy milk? How far will you travel

to buy clothes? How far will you travel to buy a car?

This idea is generally applied at the regional scale i.e. Hunter

Region but the concept applies in some way to World Cities

4.1 The relationship of dominance and dependence between world cities and other urban centres

Applying Central Place Theory helps understand dominance and

dependence in World Cities.

DOMINANCE World cities have more control over many other urban places

World cities dominate because they have Cultural and

Economic Authority.

o They are the centres of corporate decision-making and

investment decisions

o They attract talent and expertise that generate new ideas

and technologies.

o They create fashion and culture.

o They are centres of global transport and communications.

DEPENDENCE

Refers to the ways in which less powerful urban centres rely

upon more powerful urban centres.

Dependence is greatest at the bottom of the global urban

hierarchy.

For example, cities in less developed countries are dependent

on the control exerted by cities (world cities) in the developed

world.

They are dependant on the decisions by TNCs and other key

NGOs located in world cities that affect their well being.

World cities are in the developed world and predominantly are

involved in Tertiary sector type of employment (advanced

producer services)

Cities in the developing world are characteristically

manufacturing based and owned by TNCs that function in

World cities. As such decisions that dominate in world cities

affect the dependant cities in developing countries.

Dominance (core) and Dependence (periphery) – World System Theory

World system theory helps describe and explain the impacts of

dominance and dependence because of globalisation.

The theory argues that:

o The modern world system is a world economy, which has

been brought about by globalisation.

o Under this world system two or more regions become

interdependent on each other economically.

o The interdependence is not an equal exchange as one region

often becomes the core (dominance) while others become the

periphery (dependence).

o This divide between core and periphery is based on a

“DIVISION OF LABOUR” - that is a divide between the type of

work that is predominant in each region.

o In the core (dominant) areas they control the money (capital)

and as such their labour is primarily based on sophisticated

jobs such as banking, finance, accounting and other high end

jobs.(Advanced Producer Services)

o In contrast at the periphery (dependence) the labour is

LABOUR INTENSIVE, that is factory work. (Primary and

Secondary Sector)

o What has emerged is that those with the capital (money)

dominate over those with the labour.

Globalisation has predominantly been the spread of the western

capitalist model, consequently it has come at a cost to the

periphery areas.

To put it simply, the core regions exploit the periphery regions

and dictate the terms of the exchange.

This is very evident in the world city network. There are key

cities in which economic decisions are made which affect the

lives and economy of other cities especially in the developed

world.

Consider, large TNCs, such as Nike, do their decision making in

a World City (core- that’s where their HQ is located). Their

factory however is in a city in the developing world (periphery).

This is a common spatial pattern and what has become evident,

in the globalisation process and the development of world cities,

is that World cities dominate over poor periphery cities located

in the developing world. They are the central place of the

globalised world.

4.2 The changing role of regional centres World Cities have become important metropolitan areas for the

globalised world. As a result of their growth and development,

other urban areas morphology have changed especially in

rural areas and regional centres.

Globalisation of the world economy has consequently led to

the growth of some urban areas at the expense of another.

For example, regional centres are taking over many functions

and as a consequence, small towns are losing human

activities associated with those functions and thus, lose control

over their rural surroundings.

Role of Large Metropolitan Areas Large Metropolitan areas such as London and Sydney have

many functions, which are complex. The activities range from

functions such as:

Economic Education Health services Entertainment. Decision making that affects social and economic

change in a country.

Centres of innovation and ideas and help spread

these throughout a nation.

Role of Regional Centres

A regional centre is similar to large metropolitan area however

its functions are less complex and its influence is less than that

of a large metropolitan area.

Their role has changed significantly in recent times.

They are becoming the central place for many essential

services in a geographical location. Such as hospitals,

banking, and governance.

Hinterlands are the areas outside a city or town but are still

influenced by a city or town.

Hinterland areas are becoming more dependant on Regional

centres for health, education, financial services, and retailing

services

TEXT BOOK page 128

4.3 The Demise of Small country Towns As outlined previously Regional centres are becoming more central to

some essential services such as finance and health etc.

As a consequence many small towns are losing functions to these

regional centres and are becoming more dependant on them.

National Cities(Major metropolitan area)

Regional Centres

Hinterland

Thus, many small towns are starting to disappear as the populations

move from them because of the limited functions they perform.

For example, in 2001 the Geographical Names Board of NSW deleted

two towns off their list- Adelong (near Wagga Wagga) and Glen Davies

(near Lithgow).

Case Study: Changing Role of Dubbo as a Regional City Dubbo is a city of around 31000, located on the western slopes of New South Wales, a little over 400 kilometres north-west of Sydney. It began as a small settlement on the banks of the Macquarie River, serving as a river crossing and a central place for its rural hinterland.Dubbo has grown rapidly, at the expense of many small towns in the area, because it made full use of its natural advantages:

its location at the crossroads of the Newell Highway and the Mitchell Highway its position at the intersection of two rail routes its situation in the middle of an area of mostly prosperous farming and

grazing.Dubbo has been able to transform these advantages into economic growth associated with transport, retailing and service industries. It has established itself as a generalist centre for that part of the state.Dubbo is very much a regional centre. It plays a very prominent part within the local economy, but has also been able to link with national processes and markets to foster growth.

Sheep for the abattoir come from a number of states. The flow of traffic along the Newell Highway has made the city a

transport centre of national significance. It is the location of one of Australia's built wildlife sanctuaries, the

Western Plains Zoo. Dubbo is not a specialist centre for any one industry.

Nearly half the workforce is employed in wholesale and retail activities and community services

Around 10 per cent of workers are employed in financial services.

The abattoir is the largest employer, employing about 700 people.

The base hospital is the next largest employer. There are over thirty motels servicing tourists and

business people.The city performs a variety of roles and its continuing ability to encompass a number of functions will almost certainly result in its further growth.

Demise of the small town around DubboRecent developments in transport and communications have made it more difficult for small towns and villages with limited functions and small populations to survive. The widespread ownership of cars in developed nations has made

people increasingly mobile and prepared to travel longer distances to buy goods and services.

The rapid development of communications, including e-commerce, has made it possible for people in small towns to have access to immediate information from all round the world. This is resulting in an increasing tendency for people to purchase goods and services globally.

The declining returns from agricultural production have reduced the incomes of rural households relative to those in booming large cities.

The hierarchy associated with the regional city of Dubbo shows that small towns have been affected by these developments. During the 1950s and 1960s, for example, the Dubbo district developed a system of sealed roads. This increased the distance people were prepared to travel to buy goods or services, which meant by-passing the small local towns and going to larger towns, such as Dubbo.

As regional cities like Dubbo have grown, local small towns and villages have declined. With locals shopping and using services in regional centres, at first shops and job opportunities leave the small towns. The population declines and then the decline accelerates with the loss of essential infrastructure, such as banks and hospitals. Bank closures make it very difficult for many other services to

survive. Hospital closures, and the loss of doctors and pharmacies, often

results in older people retiring to the larger regional centres. These losses have a strong impact. The population drops below the threshold or minimum

population needed to maintain a service, resulting in other closures.

People in all age groups gradually leave the small towns and villages.

This is very apparent in the Dubbo district as most small towns around it are in steady decline, while Dubbo continues to grow.

Wellington a Hinterland of Dubbo

When Tim Maxfield started work at Gersbach's Garage in Wellington in 1971, it was one of eight car dealers in the town. Now there are only two.`We would have been selling four times as many motor vehicles then as we are now.' he says.

...The central western NSW town is among those most reliant on employment in agriculture and pastoralism. Such towns have high unemployment, low income and static populations.

`I think it's just that the man on the land is not making the money he used to make, and there's less employment in the town,' he says. `The farmers aren't getting the prices for their wheat and wool that they used to.'

In the 1970s, Gersbach's Garage would sell about 25 used and 16 new cars a month, compared with perhaps 10 used and six new cars now. Mr Maxfield says.

Across the road from Gersbach's Garage is Bryant's Butcher, which has asimilar story to tell. Col Bryant says business has halved since he took over the shop from his father in 1969.

People buy more take-away food now and he suspects farmers are killing their own meat to save money.

Gordon Tindall, executive officer of the Wellington-Orana Business Enterprise Centre, says many locals drive half an hour to Dubbo to shop, further depriving the town of income.Source: The Australian, 2 November 1999

KeyDecline

Growth

1. Calculate the percentage change in population for each town in the Dubbo district. Write your answers next to each

2. Colour code the 1996 column showing decline and growth in population

Using Information from the handouts and your textbook pages 186-193 complete the following.

1) Draw a diagram that categorises metropolitan areas, regional centres, and hinterlands using the following urban places

Sydney, Dubbo, Wellington, Warren, Mendooran, Newcastle, Shortland, Beresfield, Wallsend

2) Why have Regional Centres changed their roles?…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

3) Explain why Dubbo has grown rapidly?…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

4) Why have the small towns around Dubbo declined?………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

5) What is the percentage change in population of Wellington from 1991to 1996?

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6) What factors have led to this change in Wellington?………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………7) Describe how this decline has affected two businesses in the town.……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

Use the Topographic map and aerial map on pages 192-193 of your text book to complete the following.

8) What type of agricultural land use takes place in this area? Give evidence from the map and photograph to support your answer.

………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………9) How would have the Macquarie and Bell Rivers influenced the location and development of

Wellington?………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………10)Calculate the scale of the aerial photograph. You must show your working out process.

11)Draw a cross-section from GR798954 to GR848973 with a vertical scale of 1:5000. Fill in the transect above the cross-section with the most significant features from the built environment.

Built Env.

VE=

WORLD CITIES1. What is a world city?

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2. Name the process that has been responsible for the development of World Cities.

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3. Briefly explain what this process is and how it has influenced the development of

World Cities.

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4. Complete the table to show the characteristics of a World CityCharacteristics of a World City

Characteristic Brief Explanation Example from a World City

5. What regions of the world are World Cities found in?

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6. Where are World Cities NOT found?

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7. Why do you think this is the case?

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8. Why are World Cities considered centres of economic authority of the world? Give

examples from a specific World City.

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9. Why are World Cities considered centres of cultural authority of the world? Give

examples from a specific World City.

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10. World cities are connected to each other by a number of networks. Identify and

briefly explain three specific networks that connect World Cities.

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11. Some World Cities are more powerful than others. Two systems of classifying World

Cities have identified three World Cities as being the most influential. Which three are

they?

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12. What does the term SPATIAL ARTICULATION mean?………………………………………………………………………………………

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13. What are the functions of large metropolitan areas such as Sydney, London, New York

etc?

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14. What are Regional Centres?

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15. What have Regional Centres experienced in recent times?

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16. What term is used to describe the areas around a regional centre?

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17. What impacts are Regional Centres having on small towns? Give an example from an

Australian Regional Centre and Town.

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MEGACITIES1.0 The Nature, Character, and Spatial Distribution of

Megacities in the Developing world

A quick definition of the Developing World:

Development is the improvement of a country’s economy, social well being, political structure , and environment

Therefore, the ‘developing world’ is those places where development is still occurring.

The term URBAN AGGLOMERATION is another way of saying large urban areas.

1.1 The Nature of Megacities in the Developing World

A MEGACITY is an urban place with a population of over TEN MILLION people (United Nations). However, the Board of

Studies also accepts that Megacities are cities with

populations over 8 million (Old UN definition).

Of the 26 urban agglomerations that have over 8 million or

more people, 20 (77%) are in the developing world or 16 of the

20 that are over 10 million (80%) are in the developing world.

Therefore, Megacities are seen as an urban phenomenon

that occurs mainly in the developing world.

Megacities developed in the later half of the 20th century for

a number of reasons:

Firstly, world population growth has doubled numerous

times within the twentieth century. Much of this population

growth occurred in the developing world.

Secondly, urbanisation has increased. The main cause of this

in developing nations has been rural to urban migration.

As a consequence of increased population growth and high

urbanisation rates, large cities have formed in the developing

world. These large cities are known as Megacities.

The problem in many developing nations is that the rapid

rate of growth in the cities could not be catered for as 1) there

was no infrastructure to begin with and 2) the country was too

poor to build new infrastructure. These factors are the underlying reasons behind the distinct characteristics that

Megacities in the developing world have.

1.2 The Character of Megacities in the developing world

As well as fulfilling the basic functions of other major cities

such as financial and commercial hubs and links to other cities

around the world, ALL Megacities in the Developing world

have the following characteristics:

Housing problems

Traffic problems

Water and power supply problems

Employment problems

Health problems

Large social divisions

The above are known as challenges and these will be covered

in some more detail in the next chapter.

Megacities in the developing world also have

Large informal economies (non-taxed or unregulated

businesses)

Large manufacturing base (factory based)

1.3 The Spatial Distribution of Megacities

Megacities are mainly found in the developing regions of the

world.

If using the 10 million population criteria 20 cities were

considered Megacities. 16 of these were located in the

developing world.

If using the 8 million criteria, 26 cities are considered

Megacities and 20 of them are located in the developing world.

TaskOn the world map mark the location of the Megacities based on the table below. Use different colours for ones located in the developed world and the developing world.

Table 1: Rank and estimated population of largest urban agglomerations (millions) in 2005.Rank City Country Population

(millions)1 Tokyo Japan 35.3272 Mexico City Mexico 19.0133 New York-Newark USA 18.4984 Mumbai (Bombay) India 18.3365 São Paulo Brazil 18.3336 Delhi India 15.3347 Calcutta India 14.2998 Buenos Aires Argentina 13.3499 Jakarta Indonesia 13.194

10 Shanghai China 12.66511 Dhaka Bangladesh 12.56012 Los Angeles-Long Beach-Santa Ana USA 12.14613 Karachi Pakistan 11.81914 Rio de Janeiro Brazil 11.46915 Osaka-Kobe Japan 11.28616 Cairo Egypt 11.14617 Lagos Nigeria 11.13518 Beijing China 10.84919 Metro Manila Philippines 10.67720 Moscow Russian Federation 10.67221 Paris France 9.85422 Istanbul Turkey 9.76023 Seoul Republic of Korea 9.59224 Tianjin China 9.34625 Chicago USA 8.71126 Lima Peru 8.180

Source: United Nations (2003) World Urbanization Prospects: 2003 Revision

2.0 The Challenges of Living in Megacities in the Developing world

As outlined previously the rapid population growth and urbanisation

rates have led to some serious challenges that are

characteristically Megacity problems in the developing world.

2.1 Housing Challenges

All Megacities in the developing world experience problems

with housing.

In many Megacities there is not enough suitable housing so,

makeshift housing is developed usually on marginal (poor quality)

land. These make shift housing communities have a number of

different names: slums, flavella, shanties, villas mierias,

bidonvilles,.

Another aspect of housing is that apartment style living is the

only option in Megacities. For example, in Shanghai, China many

people are forced to live in cramped apartments with little to no free

space with an average of 5.7 persons per room,

2.2 Challenges of traffic All Megacities in the developing world

have problems associated with traffic

infrastructure.

Many Megacities still have the road

structure from the beginning of the

1900s.

Because the traffic infrastructure is of

a poor quality many Megacities suffer

severe traffic congestion. For example, traffic congestion in

Bangkok is so bad that the average commute in 1996 took

three hours.

The problem is that the existing infrastructure does not meet

present needs.

For instance the car usage in Shanghai China increased

360% in a 20 year period but the corresponding infrastructure

did not improve.

Furthermore, public transport is very limited or non-existent thus,

adding to the traffic problems.

2.3 Challenges of Water and Power Supply (Utilities)

Water Supply Almost all of the Megacities face major fresh water challenges.

Access to clean fresh drinking water is becoming difficult

because the rapid increase of population and housing has

grown faster than the authorities can provide the infrastructure.

For example, half of Mumbai’s metropolis’ population lacks

running water.

Furthermore, Megacity residents, crowded into unsanitary

slums, are also subject to serious disease outbreaks because

of the poor access to water. The Megacity of Lima in Peru

suffered a cholera outbreak in the late 1990s partly because,

“Rural people [who migrated to Lima]…live in houses without

running water and use the outhouses that dot the hillsides

above.” Consumption of unsafe food and water subjects these

people to life-threatening diarrhoea and dehydration.

Power Supply

The major problem with power supply is that most of the illegal

housing that has developed does not have access to the power

grid as no infrastructure has been built.

Another problem is that there are often power shortages due to

the large strain on the Grid. With “grey outs” being common

place. For example in Shanghai, the increase in Power

consuming industries and population expansion has created a

shortage of approximately 1.09 million kilowatts of electricity.

2.4 Challenges of Sanitation Sanitation services ensure that a city remains clean and

reduces the onset of disease through removal of rubbish

and human waste through sewerage systems.

The disposal of solid waste (rubbish) is an issue for many

Megacities. The large populations have created large

amounts of waste, which are difficult to dispose of.

For example in Mexico City officials estimate that, of the

10,000 tons of waste generated each day, at least one quarter

is dumped illegally.

Most Megacities often do not have effective sewerage

systems.

For example, three million of Mexico City’s residents at the

edge of the city do not have access to sewers. Untreated

waste from these locations is discharged directly into water

bodies or into the ground, where it can contaminate ground

water. Only 50 percent of residents in squatter settlements

have access to plumbing, and these residents are more likely

to suffer from health effects linked to inadequate sanitation

such as dysentery (chronic diarrhoea).

2.5 The Challenges of Employment High unemployment rates are

another challenge that most

Megacities in the developing world

face.

Many rural-urban migrants see

Megacities as a potential source of

employment because

manufacturing is the predominant industry. However, there are

not enough vacancies in the factories to cater for the rapid

increase in migrants and native born. For example the

unemployment rate in Istanbul was 8% in 1999.

Another aspect is that since there is an oversupply of workers,

the people who are employed are paid poorly.

Furthermore, since most of the population in Megacities tend

to have low education levels and little skills they are

vulnerable to fluctuations in the demand for the manufactured

goods produced in that city.

For example, in Shanghai, Government owned enterprises

laid off a total of 1.5 million redundant personnel between

1991-1998. Many of these people had low education and no

skills beyond their industry, and no idea of how to apply for

another job. This caused many to reduce their standard of

living in order to survive and support their families.

The current Global Economic Crisis (GEC) is having adverse

effects on employment in many mega cities around the world.

2.6 Health Challenges. Since Megacities characteristically have had rapid population

increases, all of them experience a substantial strain on the

health care system. Hospitals are under sourced and the

spread of disease is common.

Respiratory disorders are common in many Megacities

because of poor air quality. In New Delhi 23 hospitals

between 1977-1980 were set up to cater for respiratory

disorders alone.

Due to poor sanitation other diseases which are rare in

developed countries run rife in Megacities. For instance in

New Delhi people suffer intestinal diseases such as

gastrointestinal infections (diarrhoeas and dysentery).

Furthermore, many hospitals that are set up are from foreign

countries that offer higher quality care. However, these are

commonly reserved for tourists and those who pay high

prices.

2.7 Social and other issuesSocial Divisions

Megacities often have large

social divisions.

There is a clear distinction

between rich and poor in

Megacities. Middle-class

and well-off people enjoy a

lifestyle similar to that of

people living in developed

countries. This is often juxtaposed with extremely poor

communities.

Air Pollution Megacities in the developing world experience high levels

of Air Pollution.

one factor is that Manufacturing is

predominant in these cities. They

produce high levels of CO2 emissions

and other dangerous particulate matter.

Particulate matter is the major cause of

respiratory disease.

Combine the CO2 emissions from manufacturing with traffic

congestions and the air quality has dwindled.

The high levels of air pollution are directly linked to the high

levels of respiratory aliments reported by many in

Megacities.

http://www.nae.edu/Publications/TheBridge/Archives/V29-4UrbanizationEngineering/MegacitiesandtheDevelopingWorld.aspx

Megacities and the Developing World George BugliarelloVolume 29, Number 4 - Winter 1999The large urban agglomerates we call megacities are increasingly a developing world phenomenon that will affect the future prosperity and stability of the entire world

he concentration of the world’s population in urban areas is growing at an enormously rapid rate, and within

that phenomenon, projections call for even more rapid growth of megacities, currently defined by the United Nations (UN) as cities of over 10 million people.1 From 1975 to 2015, the number of megacities will have grown from five -- three of them in the developing world -- to 26 -- all but four in the developing world (UN, 1998).

The definition of what is a megacity is clearly arbitrary, as the population concentration that differentiates megacities from other urban areas changes with time and context. In the ancient world, Rome, with its over 1 million inhabitants, was a megacity, and today, London or Chicago could be considered megacities, even if they fall below the 10 million UN threshold.

Although there are numerous examples in the developed world, megacities are primarily a phenomenon of the developing world. If one considers population projections for the 11 largest urban agglomerates in 2015 (Figure 1), in 15 years most of the largest cities of the world will be in the developing world, a significant change from the largest city populations in 1980 and 1994. Although Tokyo will remain the largest city in the world, New York, at second place in 1980 and 1994, is projected to be at the bottom of the list by 2015, while Mumbai will have climbed from sixth to second place, and Jakarta from last to fifth place. Both Tokyo and New York are experiencing relatively modest population increases, and a number of other large cities in the developed world are experiencing population declines. In contrast, the populations of developing world megacities are typically growing from one to five percent per year, although these rates are expected to abate somewhat in the next 15 years (UN, 1998). However, if all the megacities of the world -- developed and developing alike -- have one factor in common, it is the great diversity in many of

T their salient indices, from cost of living to mobility, that often reflects differing approaches to public policies (Parker, 1995).

Despite the fact that megacities are increasingly a phenomenon of the developing world, there are three major reasons why the developed world needs to pay attention to them. First, what happens in the megacities of the developing world affects the rest of the world. The combination of high population density, poverty, and limited resources makes the developing world megacity an environment which favors the incubation of disease, from cholera to tuberculosis to sexually transmitted infections, that in an age of rapid communication can almost instantaneously be propagated to the rest of the world. Vulnerability to terrorism, natural hazards, ecological disasters, war conditions, and food scarcity are also exacerbated in the megacities of the developing world. As recent episodes have shown, attacks against embassies, businesses, and travelers directly affect the developed world, particularly the United States.

Megacities, both in the developed and the developing world, are places where social unrest often originates, as demonstrated currently in Jakarta, and historically in Paris and St. Petersburg, the megacities of their time that sparked the French and Russian Revolutions. Such unrest affects the rest of the world, as do other phenomena of megacities, including the rate at which their residents emigrate to other areas, and the competitive challenge presented by their cheap labor forces. Last but not least, the ecological impacts of sprawling megacities extend to other regions of the world, as seen with the air pollution generated by millions of households burning soft coal, or with the disposal of waste, a universal problem epitomized by the odyssey of New York City’s waste-laden barges.

The second major reason to pay attention to megacities is that they are key instruments

of social and economic development. In a world concerned with the growth of the global population, megacities are strong indicators of both present and future conditions: they have become instruments for dramatic birthrate reductions in comparison to other regions of the countries in which they are situated; they are instruments to promote human genome diversity because they attract diverse populations; they are the site of cultural and educational institutions that promote social development; they often set the tone for a nation’s social values; and they are powerful instruments of economic concentration (for example, today Karachi generates 20 percent of Pakistan’s gross domestic product and provides 50 percent of government revenues).

A third reason to pay attention to megacities is that they offer new market opportunities to both the developing and developed world alike, as discussed further below.

Megacity Dynamics

To understand the role of the megacities in our world today, we need to understand their dynamics. A megacity is a complex organism and its development is largely a spontaneous process. It is not an entity that can be totally designed, as has been learned from a number of planning failures, exemplified by Brasilia, or, in New York and several other U.S. cities, by the so-called projects for low-income tenants. However, if it cannot be totally designed, the megacity can be guided in its evolution through realistic planning.

The first question, in terms of dynamics, is: Why do megacities attract? Why do such large populations flow to them and want to live in them? In the developing world, megacities attract those who are seeking a better life -- a higher standard of living, better jobs, fewer hardships, and better education.

The second question is: Why, if they have such force of attraction, do megacities have what appears to be a formidable set of increasingly intractable problems? The problems of megacities include:

Explosive population growth.

Alarming increases in poverty that contradict the reasons why a megacity attracts (World Bank, 1991). A concentration of the poor and jobless occurs both in the developing world and,

on a smaller scale, in the developed world, as evidenced by the number of unemployed in New York City.

Massive infrastructure deficits in the delivery of telecommunications services, the availability of transportation, and the presence of congestion. For example, traffic congestion in Bangkok is so bad that the average commute now takes three hours (World Resources Institute, 1996).

Pressures on land and housing. China concentrates 5.7 persons per room, as compared to 0.5 persons in the United States.

Environmental concerns, such as contaminated water, air pollution, unchecked weed growth due to the destruction of original vegetation, and overdrawn aquifers. For instance, Mexico City’s aquifer is being overdrawn and is sinking by about 1 meter per year (World Resources Institute, 1996).

Disease, high death rates, drug-resistant strains of infection, and lethal environmental conditions. For example, 12.6 percent of the deaths in Jakarta are related to air pollution causes (World Resources Institute, 1996).

Economic dependence on federal or state governments that constrains the independence of megacity administrations.

Capital scarcity, the factor that shapes the economy of the megacity and aggravates its other problems, from infrastructure to environmental deterioration.

These problems are increasingly intractable because megacities are experiencing very rapid growth with which they cannot cope. Coincident with rapid growth, these problems are occurring in environments where the populations, having flocked to the megacities in hopes of a better life, have ever higher expectations which are generally greater than the ability of a megacity to respond to them.

Megacity problems are exacerbated by what are usually serious deficits in the realm of knowledge. These are deficits in the generation of knowledge, such as the research necessary to address the problems of the megacity, and in the dissemination of knowledge, e.g., in the educational systems. Equally serious are deficits in the utilization of knowledge by the relatively poor and uneducated populations of the megacities. Since megacities are larger than many a nation, they need to address these crucial deficits in knowledge with the same seriousness with which nations address them, through research, education, and other instruments for the generation, diffusion, and utilization of knowledge.

Of all the challenges confronting the megacities, one of the most difficult and urgent for their stability, and for that of the rest of the world, is employment. Today there are 1.5 billion jobless people in the world. One billion more jobs will have to be provided in the next 25 years, a substantial portion of them in the megacities. This will be an enormous challenge, as it calls for a drastic transformation of the work picture in the megacities of the developing world. Today those megacities are characterized by substantial unemployment, low productivity among those who are employed, a large service sector, a small manufacturing sector, and a large and generally inefficient government sector. There is also a large informal sector of employment in family enterprises and small enterprises, from peddlers to small retail stores, which is quite different from the formal sector of large companies and the government.

The employment difficulties are compounded by limited job mobility, inadequate transportation to jobs for poorer citizens, and the lack of legal protection for workers, particularly in the informal sector. This lack of jobs, coupled with the lack of housing and the conditions of life at the margins of the megacity, physically speaking in the barrios and favelas, and figuratively speaking in the lack of sufficient attention to needs, has led to the growth of a fundamentalism, the roots of which are mainly economic rather than religious.

To understand the dynamics of the megacities is also to understand their dilemmas. Dilemmas confront all large cities, but they are much more dramatic in the megacities of the developing world. The first set of dilemmas could be called "mayor’s dilemmas" -- how to balance growth and stability and how to avoid vicious circles in development. Balancing growth and stability entails questions of equity versus efficiency, efficiency versus jobs, and equity versus global competition. A megacity exists in a global market which, if the city is to get its share, constrains the ability to continue to offer economically inefficient jobs to the population -- the very jobs that are needed to maintain internal stability.

Development Challenges

A vicious circle in the development of a megacity is that of attraction, growth, and disattraction, as exemplified by Bangalore, a city that offers a good base for growth in terms of a favorable climate, a skilled population, and a good transportation system (Niath, 1996). That base has led to a strong migration into Bangalore, which, in turn, has led to high real estate costs, the creation of slums, health care problems, environmental problems, and shortages of water and energy. This is not exclusively a problem of a developing world megacity. It is often encountered, in different ways, in developed world environments such as the Research Triangle Park in North Carolina. It is, however, far more serious in the developing world, if the hopes that major urban conglomerates be key instruments of social and

economic development, rather than of despair, are not to be dashed.

The mayor’s dilemmas are often exacerbated by an excessive dependence of the megacity -- typical in the developing world -- on central federal or state governments (World Bank, 1995). How to lessen that dependence is a challenge both for the megacity and for the nation in which it is embedded. A fundamental rethinking of the city-nation relationship is required, if the nation is to draw the maximum benefit from the megacity and the megacity is to attempt to solve successfully its key problems.

Another facet of this problem is the national dilemma of the balance of focus between a megacity and the rest of the country; that is, the extent to which megacities should receive the lion’s share of attention, as often happens to the detriment of other urban areas and the rest of the country. A corollary question is how to slow down the growth of megacities in order to give them the breathing space necessary to provide adequate jobs and infrastructure to their existing populations. Part of the national dilemma is how to find alternatives to megacities by creating or strengthening smaller cities that would offer most of the advantages of a megacity but fewer problems, or by finding other ways of anchoring to the countryside the population that would like to migrate to the megacities. Many experiments to deflect growth from the megacities have failed, however, so the growth continues irrepressibly with serious social consequences -- alienated populations that can find neither jobs nor adequate shelter. A recent example that does not seem to have worked as intended is the attempt by Turkey to create a number of new universities away from the major cities like Istanbul, Ankara, and Izmir, as instruments for catalyzing growth and anchoring population there (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development [OECD], 1995).

Keys to Solutions

The solutions to the problems and dilemmas of developing world megacities are complex. However, some approaches are essential, such as adopting "efficiency" policies, focusing on appropriate education, developing credit and capital, encouraging community participation, and focusing on technology.

Policies aimed at using more efficiently the resources of the megacities and at developing more efficient systems include the obvious fiscal discipline; the necessity to create financial reforms and to facilitate self-help activities and the work of entrepreneurs; the removal of institutional barriers such as those to home ownership; and the development of more efficient public-private interfaces. They also include the implementation of municipal service subsidies only for persons in need, instead of for services as a whole (usually a recipe for infrastructure deterioration); the deregulation, within limits that do not destroy social stability, of a highly

regimented labor market; and essential cross-sectoral integrations, such as those of jobs and transportation and of land use and housing.

The importance of education, as well as of developing adequate credit and capital, is self-evident. The importance of intelligently designed community participation in decisions about the level, quality, and cost of services cannot be sufficiently stressed. Participatory planning does not mean that the community as a whole plans, but that it gets heard and involved in the planning process. This is a powerful, if often inadequately used, mechanism for avoiding costly solutions or solutions that fail to satisfy the needs of the population, for making the role of the megacity government more efficient, and, above all, for enabling the users of the megacity infrastructure, from transportation to schools to housing, to acquire a sense of ownership.

In solving the problems of the megacities, technology is key to providing more choices, to making available better tools to address the challenges, and to generating new markets and thus new opportunities for economic development and employment (Bugliarello, 1994; OECD, 1992). In order to carry out this role, a set of issues needs to be addressed in a different context from that of the developed world. One such issue is the adoption of appropriate standards that provide for the sufficient safety and protection of the users and consumers, but that do not unduly inhibit economic development by forcing the adoption of approaches that are too costly. A second set of policy issues includes the extent to which new technologies are needed, as opposed to technologies that may be already in existence elsewhere but are locally new. That is, existing technologies can be provided in new packages to better respond to the needs of megacities, and locally produced technologies can be used instead of imported ones.

Policies are also needed to preserve the coexistence of new and older technologies (for instance, motorized transportation, bicycles, and animal transportation); to develop joint efforts with other cities to solve common problems that are beyond the capabilities of a single megacity; and to determine the appropriate balances between what can be done at a household level and what can be built at the city level (for instance, the extent to which housing can be built with self-help, rather than with large city intervention, or the extent to which energy can be generated, or waste can be processed at the household level, rather than through city networks). Policies must also decide on the balances between soft and hard solutions, for example, the extent to which human labor can be used instead of machines, or whether traffic instrumentation and controls can lessen the need for road construction. Other needed balances are between local and regional focus, such as suburban versus central city development, as well as between the needs of the residents and those of commuters, which often represent a substantial element of the daily population of the

megacity (in Cairo, for example, there are 2 million commuters versus 11 million inhabitants [Rodenbeck, 1999]). Finally, policies need to establish an appropriate balance between free market activities and interventions, a balance difficult to attain because of its impacts on social stability.

An important aspect of the quest for a proper balance between efficiency and stability is the issue of subsidies. Experience in developing countries shows that subsidization of an entire service often leads to its deterioration when it overburdens a city budget and the city cannot maintain the service at an adequate level. Thus, both efficiency and sound technological development demand that users should pay for the services they receive, and only those users who cannot pay should be subsidized.

In terms of technological needs, developing world megacities demand a philosophy for standards and specifications that is different from that of the developed world. In developing world megacities, standards and specifications should favor low-cost technologies that require little maintenance and are easy to repair, instead of more advanced, high-performance technologies. Too often, imports from the developed world fall rapidly into disrepair because they tend to require high maintenance and may be hard to repair. There is little point, for instance, to require air conditioning in transit vehicles if after a while the inability to adequately maintain it leads the passengers to open or even break the windows of the vehicles. "Good enough" technologies are called for, that is, technological solutions that are adequate for the needs of the megacities, but not so refined as to entail high engineering, construction, or operational costs.

A Different Equation

Technologies must also account for a different labor-machine equation than would be found in a highly developed economy. For instance, the sorting of material from urban waste is a significant and traditional source of employment in the poorer cities; it should be replaced by machines only when alternate and more favorable job opportunities are created. Until that occurs, mechanizing the process may be technically elegant and aesthetically pleasing, but could be socially destabilizing, even if it goes against the grain of a developed world engineering and social view. In brief, differences in social and physical environments and customs make it imperative to focus in appropriate ways on the social and environmental acceptability of a technology. Lastly, the export potential of a given technology introduced or developed in a megacity has to be considered; if there is a potential market for the technology, it could enhance the economic viability of the megacity.

Examples of needed technologies range from simpler vehicles with high local content to local energy transformers, cheap people-movers, and flexible multimodal systems for transportation, water supply, and

waste removal. In each of these cases, the trunk systems -- whether streetcars, gas pipelines, water mains, or sewers -- need to be extended by flexible systems that provide services to those poorer segments of the population that are often concentrated at the margin of the megacity, as in the barrios or favelas. Those margins tend to expand more rapidly than the ability of the city to expand its trunk infrastructure -- particularly water supply and sewage systems, as well as expressways and rail systems -- to reach the periphery. In due time, some poor regions of a megacity improve economically and the trunk systems can be extended to them; but new marginal areas will arise that again will require flexible systems.

Given the importance of self-help initiatives, megacities need materials, supplies, methods, and organization to enable their citizens to help themselves. Finally, "per use" systems are needed to make it possible to charge those who are capable of paying for the use of expressways, water systems, and other services, while subsidies are provided only for those who cannot afford to pay the full rate.

Technologies and products to respond to the needs of the developing world megacities represent major market opportunities for both the megacities themselves and for the rest of the world. Those markets can be satisfied by products from inside the megacities or by products coming from anywhere else. However, for products coming from more advanced industrial economies, the market represented by developing world megacities cannot be viewed just as an extension of domestic markets, as seems often to be the case today. A megacity is a new kind of market that has new requirements, but also, given its large size, offers substantial opportunities to whomever, in either the developing or the developed world, recognizes it and has the skills and patience to pursue it. The market opportunities can be enhanced by aggregating the markets of several megacities, and by devising new appropriate technologies.

Global Market Strategies

Strategies that the developing world megacities need to consider in order to encourage these opportunities include creating effective interfaces between public and private sectors, providing incubators for new or locally new appropriate technologies, and developing joint efforts with other megacities to create a consolidated market, starting with a program of research and development to support the technology needs they have in common (World’s Scientific Academies, 1996). An idea of the size and growth of the megacities market is conveyed by the size of the population of the 11 largest agglomerates in Figure 1, which is projected to go from 162 million in 1994 to 240 million in 2016 -- an increase of 80 million people in just those 11 cities.

An important element of a global market strategy for a megacity is the development of educational thrusts

oriented toward that market. Computer education is already making many developing world megacities into sources of software for the developed world. Low labor costs give developing world megacities an advantage when it comes to people-intensive services such as tourism, maintenance, or even, possibly, some aspects of health care. There is no reason, for instance, why megacities could not become places for doing the labor-intensive tasks required to maintain technologies of the developed world, or for providing low-cost, personnel-intensive health care assistance for certain chronic diseases.

In conclusion, the large urban agglomerates we call megacities are increasingly a developing world phenomenon that will affect the future prosperity and stability of the entire world. It is important for both the developing world and the developed world to understand megacities’ dynamics, their immense problems and needs, and the economic and market development opportunities they may offer. The evolution of megacities in the developing world will shape patterns of national and global economies, will continue to affect the settlement of vast populations, and will influence the social and political dynamics of the world. Although the megacities are not different in many respects from other urban concentrations, they play a key role on the global stage by virtue of their very size. The megacities of the developing world, confronted by nearly intractable problems, have a pervasive and crucial need for policies and socio-technological and socio-economic approaches that must be devised in a different context than that of the developed world -- a context with different settings, different needs, different challenges, and different opportunities.

References

Bugliarello, G. 1994. Technology and the city. Pp. 131-146 in Mega-city Growth and the Future, R. J. Fuchs, E. Brennan, J. Chamie, F. Lo, J. I. Uitto, eds. Tokyo: United Nations University Press.

Niath, I. 1996. Urbanization in India-challenges and some solutions. Paper presented at Inter-Academy Forum Meeting, United Nations Habitat II Conference, Istanbul, June.

Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). 1992. Cities and New Technologies. Paris: OECD.

OECD. 1995. Reviews of National Science and Technology Policy-Turkey. Paris: OECD.

Parker, J. 1995. A survey of cities: Turn up the lights-many-splendoured things. The Economist 336(7925).

Rodenbeck, M. 1999. Cairo, the City Victorious. New

York: Knopf.

United Nations. 1998. Trends in urbanization and the components of urban growth. In Proceedings of the Symposium on Internal Migration and Urbanization in Developing Countries, 22-24 January 1996. New York: United Nations Population Fund.

World Bank. 1991. Urban Policy and Economic Development: An Agenda for the 1990s. Washington, D.C.: World Bank.

World Bank. 1995. Better Urban Services: Finding the Right Incentives. Washington, D.C.: World Bank.

World Resources Institute. 1996. World Resources, 1996-97. New York: Oxford University Press.

World’s Scientific Academies. 1996. Science and technology and the future of cities. Statement to United Nations Habitat II Conference, Istanbul, June 1. Online: http://science.org.au/policy/statemen/habitat2.htm.

Notes

1. The literature on megacity issues is very large. The United Nations, The World Bank, and the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development are among the major sources of information on the subject. This paper has also drawn from an unpublished National Research Council study of megacities, for which I chaired the Synthesis Committee and Judith Bale was the project director.

About the AuthorGeorge Bugliarello is chancellor, Polytechnic University, and interim editor-in-chief of The Bridge. This article is a revised version of his presentation given 5 October 1999 at the NAE Annual Meeting Technical Symposium.

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3.0 The responses to these challenges

3.1 Self Help Projects A self-help project is where local inhabitants help

themselves to overcome the challenges of living in a

Megacity.

For example, a self-help project occurring in Jakarta

is the communal purchase of land by poor people. In this

self-help project, poor people pool their funds and purchase

land that can be used to grow crops on, which can then

either be sold or consumed by the local community. This not

only provides residents with a source of income, but also

allows them to become self-sufficient.

3.2 Community Self –Government Community self-Government is associated with communities

managing their own interests with support from the Government.

Since Megacities are confronted with many

challenges, many of their governments are opting for a

ground-up management approach. It is believed since the

locals see their immediate problems they can allocate

resources more effectively than a bureaucrat official in

parliament.

For example, Shanghai established self-

governing laws called the Organic Law of Village Committees.

the city is divided into little villages where each

elects representatives. These representatives determine what

the needs are for the area and consult with the larger

government.

3.3 Cooperation from NGOs NGO stands for Non Government

Organisation.

A NGO is usually a non-profit group that

acts outside of government and pursues matters of interest

to its members by lobbying governments or through direct

action.

There are a number of NGO’s that respond

to the challenges of living in Megacities in the developing

world. They do this usually for humanitarian reasons. Some

well known NGO’s are the United Nations, World Bank,

Caritas, World Vision, International Red Cross, Amnesty

International.

One example of a NGO addressing the

challenge of sanitation in Megacities is the World Bank

providing finance for its improvement in Jakarta. Between

1983 to 1991 the World bank provided (US) 22.4 million

dollars in developing a sewerage system in Jakarta under its

Urban Development Project. The project covered sewerage

and sanitation improvements including: (a) a basic water-

borne sewerage system; (b) drainage improvements; (c)

sanitation improvements.(source: World Bank http://web.worldbank.org/external/projects/main?pagePK=64283627&piPK=73230&theSitePK=40941&menuPK=228424&Projectid=P003827

3.4 Urban Protest Urban protest is where citizens of

Megacities publicly display their disapproval of the

challenges they face. By doing this they hope to make

policy makers aware of their situation in order to change it.

For example, in May 2006 Sao

Paulo Brazil experienced civil

unrest whereby criminal gangs ran

riot throughout the city.

The conditions for this to occur

were said to be the large social

divide between the rich and the poor and the corruption

associated with this divide.

As result of this event Between 1,500 and 2,000 protesters

showed up for a march in Sao Paulo called “National Day of

Dignity”, to protest about politicians failure to alleviate poverty

and crack down on corruption and organized crime.

3.5 Operation of the Informal Economy

In most of the cities in the developing

world the urban poor survive through work in the informal

economy.

Informal economies are unregulated and

unregistered industries that operate in a city. Common

“informal economy” activities include street vending,

garbage picking, and informal housing (slums). The role of the informal economy to help the urban poor can

not be underestimated. Since many Megacities experience high unemployment and

poverty, people do things to survive. For instance the following table shows the value

of the informal economy in some developing countries.

Country% of informal

economy as source of employment

% of GDP from informal economy

India 96.4% 90.0%

Indonesia 93.0% 77.2%

Philippines 73.1% 52.3%Source: Charmes, Jacques. 1999. in WIEGO (2002) Great Cities, Great Markets Conference NYC, USA Panel on Street Vending: Markets or Mayhem? (http://www.wiego.org/papers/ppt/vendors/street_vend.html downloaded 30/07/2006)

The informal economy plays a vital role

overcoming many challenges experienced by Megacities.

Garbage pickers help in recycling waste and keep the city

clean. Street vendors supply cheap and affordable goods

that are consumed by the poor and slums help in providing

cheap housing to the working poor. Low priced goods and

cheap housing help in reducing labour costs.

For example, in Mexico City it was estimated that there were a

total of 121,738 street vending stalls in the Mid 90s which

employed at least 185,600 individuals in full time employment.

Add another 50% to this figure which will then include

temporary vendors who occasionally sell in the street or who

add to the numbers during peak commercial seasons.(source: ILO WOMEN AND MEN IN THE INFORMAL ECONOMY:A statistical picture, 2002 (http://www.wiego.org/publications/women%20and%20men%20in%20the%20informal%20economy.pdf)

The stresses of slum life manifest themselves in myriad ways—drugs, crime, family violence, disease, fires, and hopelessness—that can frustrate and even defeat grandiose municipal schemes. But in most big cities in the world, scores of private organizations, some foreign, many homegrown, are working at street level to provide what the government isn't able to.

I visited many such projects: In São Paulo the nuns at Monte Tabor run a school and a farm, where growing corn and nurturing the baby goats helps the tense children become more gentle themselves; or the Ashoka Foundation (www.ashoka.org/home/index.cfm), where Leonardo Pessina has spent 30 years helping the formerly homeless build their own houses and, at the same time, build a sense of community. These nonprofit, multifaceted organizations fill in the gaps in city life that fast development and uneven distribution of benefits have torn open.

Bangkok's Duang Prateep Foundation (web.sfc.keio.ac.jp/~thiesmey/duangprateep.html) is an excellent example, with the added benefit that its founder, Prateep Ungsongtham Hata, was born and grew up in Bangkok's oldest and largest slum, Khlong Toei. Now a national senator, Prateep met me in the national parliament building. "When I was five my mother took me to play on the swings at Lumpini Park," she recalled, referring to a park in an upscale section of Bangkok. "I wondered why I couldn't have that every day. But I only did that one time when I was a child."

Certain facilities in Khlong Toei are better now—paved streets, coin laundries, even an Internet café—but the quality of the services is still a problem, especially lack of schools in the poor areas. Prateep, a former teacher, is concerned with how education shapes the future. "How to help the young children is to show them how to have a vision for their own future," she said. "They don't have that. Because if we are poor we need to develop ourselves to get a better future, not just give up and get some money easily." I deduced that she was referring to crime and drug trafficking, much worse now than when she was a child. To help nurture that vision of the future, the Duang Prateep Foundation has established numerous projects, ranging from kindergartens, school lunch programs, and a credit union, to vocational training, care for the elderly and disabled, and health education, including an AIDS project to raise awareness about prevention as well as training volunteers to help care for the ill at home. Puppet shows, art camps, and offering help with legal and other problems combine to fulfill the foundation's name: "beacon of hope."

— Erla Zwingle

MEGACITIES1. What is a Megacity?………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………2. Describe where most Megacities are found in the world?………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………3. Identify and explain the two processes that have been responsible for the development

of Megacities in the 20th century?

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4. List the common characteristics of a Megacity in the developing world.

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5. Complete the table below on the Challenges of living in a Megacity.Challenges of living in a Megacity in the Developing World

Challenge Explanation Example/s

6. Complete the table below on the responses to challenges in living in Megacities

Responses to Challenges in Megacities in the Developing WorldResponse Explanation Example/s

Self-help project

Community self-government

NGO help

Urban Protest

Operation of Informal economies

Urban Dynamics

1.0 The Urban Dynamics of Change When geographers investigate how large cities are

spatially organised they take particular notice of the

processes responsible for the changes taking place.

These processes are known as URBAN DYNAMICS.

This section of the unit focuses on some of the Urban

Dynamics that shape the MORPHOLOGY (the

functional form and character of an urban place) of

large cities in the developed world (rich countries).

There are nine different Urban Dynamics that will be

covered.

Urban Land UseThere are three models of Urban Land Use that have been used to describe how land is used in urban areas.

a) Concentric Zone Model (Burgess Model):

The concentric zone model was among the early descriptions of urban form. Originated by Earnest Burgess in the 1920s, the concentric zone model depicts the use of urban land as a set of concentric rings with each ring devoted to a different land use. Burgess identified five rings of land use that would form around the CBD. These rings were originally defined as the (1) Central business district, (2) Zone of transition, (3) Zone of independent workers’ homes, (4) Zone of better residences and (5) Zone of commuters. An important feature of this model is the relationship between socio-economic status of households with distance from the CBD -- more affluent households were observed to live at greater distances from the central city. Burgess described the changing spatial patterns of residential areas as a process of "invasion" and "succession" .As the city grew and developed over time, the CBD would exert pressure on the zone immediately surrounding it (the zone of transition). Outward expansion of the CBD would invade nearby residential neighbourhoods causing them to expand outward. The process was thought to continue with each successive neighbourhood

moving further from the CBD. He suggested that inner-city housing was largely occupied by immigrants and households with low socio-economic status. As the city grew and the CBD expanded outward, lower status residents moved to adjacent neighbourhoods, and more affluent residents moved further from the CBD.

b) Sector ModelSoon after Burgess generalised about the concentric zone form of the city, Homer Hoyt modified the concentric ring model. While recognizing the value of the concentric ring model, Hoyt also observed some consistent patterns in many American cities. He observed, for example, that it was common for low-income households to be found close to railroad lines, and commercial establishments to be found along business thoroughfares. In 1939, Hoyt modified the concentric zone model to account for major transportation routes. Historically most major cities evolved around the nexus of several important transport facilities such as railroads, sea ports, and tram lines that emanated from the city's centre. Recognising that these routes (and later highways) represented lines of greater access, Hoyt theorised that cities would tend to grow in wedge-shaped patterns, or

sectors, emanating from the CBD and ran along major transportation routes. Higher levels of access translate to higher land values. Thus, many commercial functions would remain in the CBD, but manufacturing activity would develop in a wedge surrounding transport routes. Residential land use patterns also would grow in wedge-shaped patterns with a sector of lower-income households bordering the manufacturing/ warehousing sector (traffic, noise and pollution making these less desirable locations to live) and sectors of middle- and higher-income households located away from industrial sites. In many respects, Hoyt's sector model is simply a concentric zone model modified to account for the impact of transportation systems on accessibility.c) Multiple Nuclei Model:By 1945, it was clear to two geographers Chauncy Harris and Edward Ullman that many cities did not fit the traditional concentric zone or sector model. Cities of greater size were developing substantial suburban areas and some suburbs, having reached significant size, were functioning like smaller business districts. These smaller business districts acted as satellite nodes, or nuclei, of activity around which land use patterns formed. While Harris and Ullman still saw the CBD as the major centre of commerce, they suggested that specialized cells of

activity would develop according to specific requirements of certain activities, different rent-paying abilities, and the tendency for some kinds of economic activity to cluster together. At the centre of their model is the CBD, with light manufacturing and

wholesaling located along transport routes. Heavy industry was thought to locate near the outer edge of city, perhaps surrounded by lower-income households, and suburbs of commuters and smaller service centres would occupy the urban periphery.

1.1 The Urban Dynamic of SUBURBANISATION(Urban Sprawl)

SUBURBANISATION is the movement of people, employment and

facilities away from the inner city towards outer urban areas.

For a long time cities remained very compact. Many people could walk to

any part of it in a reasonable amount of time. (WALKING CITIES)

The period after WWII saw a boom time in many Western Developed

regions of the world especially in Australia and the USA.

The income levels of people increased and as a result many people were

able to become homeowners.

Furthermore, people started to believe the ideal place for raising children

was in a house with a good play area and a garden.

However, a problem was that cities could not provide the land for the

necessary population explosion and the new ideal of housing. But the jobs

remained in the city.

The key factor in SUBURBANISATION was the development of transport

technologies. Transport modes could bring people back and forth into the

city from the peripheries.

First railways could bring people in from out the peripheries. So,

many housing developments were based along railway routes.

Then the introduction of trams and buses started filling in the areas

Trains did not service.

But it was the ability of households to afford cars after WWII that

made the biggest change to the urban landscape and that

suburbanisation really took affect.

A simple Star Model can show the development of Suburbanisation

and its link to transport technologies.

Nowadays, suburbanisation is occurring on Greenfield land,

a term used to describe a piece of previously undeveloped

land on the fringes of a city or rural area, either currently used

for agriculture, landscape design, or just left to nature. A good

example of this is all the land being suburbanised out on

Greenfield land at Lochinvar!

1.1.3 McMansions the ‘new suburbansiation’

Crowded land of giants (McMansions)

August 26, 2003

This article was first published in Good Weekend in August

The biggest house on the smallest block for the lowest price... That's the rationale behind the new suburbia, complete with triple garages, faux facades and tiny backyards. So is it heaven or an architectural horror? Janet Hawley visits the crowded land of the giants.

Welcome to McMansion Land ... gasp, gasp, GASP! On both sides of freeways leading west outside of Sydney and Melbourne, the undeveloped land of old is disappearing under brick-and-tile seas of huge, cookie-cutter, double-storey project houses with triple garages, packed onto small blocks of land, with barely a tree in sight.

For years we've watched the middle-class gentrification of the inner city. Now it's the turn of the once straggly outer-urban fringes to be gentrified. Join in the mad race to buy a bulldozed-bare, handkerchief-sized lot, lay a concrete slab, build a cavernous trophy home in 20 weeks, and settle into the new heartland of the aspirational voter.

For many people, their initial reaction on first viewing this recent evolution of the great Australian dream is one of horror. Veer off the freeway and drive around the maze of new developments crammed with McMansions (a term coined in the US to describe the outsize mansions burgeoning there) and, at first, all of this raw, oversized new housing feels overwhelming and bizarre.

Streetscapes are virtual walls of neat, look-alike, fridge-magnet, big-hair houses dominated by wow factors: big garage doors, big front doors with vaulted entries, feature porticos

and columns, big windows with stick-on yellow fake windowpane strips, stick-on shutters, stick-on chimneys, glassy towers, gazebos and gable ornamentation galore.

Houses loom as if on steroids and seem weirdly out of proportion, waists sucked in to squeeze inside the boundaries. There's a few metres of back courtyard, and the narrow fenceless front garden is dominated by the stencilled concrete driveway, with a manicured lawn, row of small matching plants, and feature letterbox.

Curious pitched roofs have no eaves, and fit on top of houses like caps, rather than shady hats, allowing walls to be jammed closer to the boundaries.

Pause in a quiet cul-de-sac of McMansions in Kellyville, Baulkham Hills or Castle Hill to Sydney's north-west, or Camden, Narellan or Macquarie Fields in the south-west, and it feels like a studio lot for an American sitcom: you almost expect happy families to bound out the front door, theme music and credits rolling.

So who are the masses flocking to McMansion Land to build their four-bedroom, spiral staircase, open-plan kitchen-family-dining-lounge, multiple bathroom, study, games room, rumpus room, big-screen media room, barbecue, spa, multi-garage bigger-is-beautiful-is-better houses?

Sociologist Gabrielle Gwyther, now in her third year of research on this topic, observes: "They go there because they want to live amongst 'people like us'. They are all upwardly mobile, middle-to-high-income earners, tremendously houseproud, raising their nice children to share their high aspirations, get good educations and good careers, and not get into trouble with teenage gangs. They love cocooning inside their McMansions, which are like castles, fun

factories and mini resorts in one."

Bob Hamilton, managing director of property developer Mirvac, says: "It's all about pride, personal pride - to say they have arrived."

Obviously they do not consider their homes vulgar or bloated, and are fiercely defensive when "elitist" architecture critics write withering pieces about their concept of a patch of paradise. When The Sydney Morning Herald's Elizabeth Farrelly described Kellyville's aesthetics in terms that included "heartbreakingly, wrist-slittingly ... ugliness ... obesity ... leaden the soul", locals struck back.

Kellyville resident Joe Pereira shot off a letter to the editor, telling Farrelly: "My wife and I know perfectly well how to brief an architect, but at the moment we'd rather put our resources elsewhere. In the end we must do what is best for our kids, and that's where Kellyville shines ... Sneer through the steaming haze of your decaf soyaccino if you wish, but homogeneity brings a certain comfort, security, and a sense of true community that other Sydneysiders can only dream about. Dare to be similar."

The McMansion trend began in the late 1980s in the US, where there's also a trend to herding together in partially self-governing gated communities, dubbed privatopias.

Gated communities and master-planned communities which are virtual privatopias are gaining popularity here, too.

Leading architect Andrew Andersons muses: "Superficially, you think, my God, this is a whole lot of kitschy, fake-bourgeois crap. And it's astoundingly contradictory to go all the way out to this new outer suburbia but have no more

land or privacy than if you're living in inner-urban houses in Paddington or Leichhardt. Plus the place appears totally environmentally unsustainable, with no shady trees, clipped eaves, houses cooking in the afternoon western sun, everyone's air-conditioners and dryers churning away.

"But this is not suburban wasteland: the planners are putting genuine effort into making it a sustainable community. Some of the best planning that's ever happened in suburbia is occurring right now - which isn't what you'd think as you drive past it."

Indeed, mixed in with the rash of woeful new developments are islands of other well-considered, master-planned neighbourhoods, with innovative house designs, albeit on small blocks, and excellent lifestyle facilities shared under a community title. Obviously it costs more to buy into one of these sanctuaries.

Andersons continues: "The problem, particularly in Sydney, is that much of the housing has been built before the infrastructure of amenities, services, new public schools and particularly public transport supply, so everyone drives themselves and their children everywhere, and inadequate roads are often choked. Even the limited amount of trees and greenery hasn't had a chance to grow yet and soften the impact of all those bricks and tiles."

The iconic quarter-acre suburban block (1000 square metres), apparently deemed a thing of the past, now exists in Sydney only in the well-established middle-suburban ring. Because of the shortage of available land around the city, when outer land is released and rezoned from rural to urban, Planning NSW requires developers to create 15 home sites per hectare, including roads, parks and amenities.

These new urban fringe blocks are half, or even less, the size of the traditional block - only 500, 400, even 300 square metres. New blocks in Melbourne, which has more land, are larger, about 600 square metres. So we have this inverse doughnut effect of dense inner city, spacious middle suburbia, and increasingly dense outer suburbia.

"Higher density saves on the cost of infrastructure like roads, power, water, and tightens sprawl," says Andersons. "But the negating effect from this not-properly-assessed good intention is that these oversized houses consume huge amounts of energy and create huge greenhouse emissions. Also, there's the anomalous situation of creating suburbia without the benefits of suburbia.

"Big houses on small blocks, with narrow footpaths and narrow roads, allow little space to plant trees, as branches will hit houses, roots get into drains, and leaves drop on manicured lawns. Houses are so close that you must keep windows shut, have tinted glass, or blinds and curtains drawn, and the air-conditioning on, to get visual and acoustic privacy."

The traditional backyard has gone, along with its trees, garden, vegie patch, often pool, washing line and shed, where children could let their bodies and imaginations run free and build tree houses, cubbyhouses, billycarts, dig in the dirt and invent games. Now it's indoor computer games, and, given there's no room for a decent run-up in most McMansion courtyards, children are driven to sport and formally organised activities most days of the week.

Several major changes have occurred in the house and land equation in the past 15 years.

A house used to cost twice as much as the land. Now that land prices have

skyrocketed, land costs twice the price of the house.

Average house sizes have increased 60 per cent since 1990, from 169 square metres to 270 square metres. But in Baulkham Hills Shire in Sydney's north-west, the average new home size last year was 418.5 square metres. McMansion owners now live in a two-storey house more than twice the size of the modest single-storey house most grew up in with their parents. Yet average household sizes are shrinking - from 3.7 people in 1981 to 2.7 in 2001.

Moving into McMansion Land is not as cheap as it used to be, especially in NSW. Established Kellyville houses sell at auction for $750,000 to $800,000, and in Castle Hill, more than $1 million is common.

A 450 square metre block of land sells in Kellyville for $390,000. Last month in Castle Hill, 20 unusually large blocks, from 700 to 928 square metres, with some mature trees, sold on the first day of release for $530,000 to $635,000.

An "absolute glamour" mega McMansion in Castle Hill, with five bedrooms, private theatre, gymnasium, four garages, large pool, floodlit tennis court and Zen-inspired gardens, on half a hectare, also sold last month - for $2.1 million.

The prices for building these huge off-the-peg houses, however, seem surprisingly low.

"The project home industry is so competitive that mass-produced houses are really dirt cheap per square metre," says Andersons. "You pay $2000 a square metre for an individual architect-designed house or, because of different construction costs, for an inner-city high-rise apartment. Project homes cost $500 to $550 per square metre. So you get a huge amount of house for your money, more bang for your buck.

"People who care about architecture and design aren't going to live here. But others will rationalise: why would I want to live in an artful city shoebox when for the same price I can buy something four times as big and fantastic? No amount of ideological debate will change this while the price differential is so gigantic."

Graham Jahn, past president of the Royal Australian Institute of Architects, concurs: "The Americanisation of global house design has become so ingrained that builders will tell you the house market demands 'the biggest house on the smallest site at the lowest price'. These buildings owe nothing to lifestyle but everything to image. Image has become more important than quality."

To understand the McMansions mentality, the best place to start is the newly opened HomeWorld 4, which claims it is the world's largest display home village.

HomeWorlds 1, 2, 3 and now 4 are in Kellyville, in Sydney's north-west growth area. Once a sleepy-hollow semi-rural belt with orchards, cow paddocks, scattered older houses and established gardens, it was rezoned in the mid-to-late 1990s and its population has been growing at 14,000 a year. Everyone builds McMansions.

It's both aspirational voter heartland and Bible belt. At Hillsong Church's 3500-seat auditorium at Baulkham Hills, a phenomenal 12,000 people attend the charismatic "prosperity preaching" services each weekend. Across the boulevard is the showplace Norwest Business Park, now the size of a suburb. Newly opened church-run private schools, vast new shopping centres and sports complexes are booming.

Says sociologist Gabrielle Gwyther: "No longer do the outer metropolitan areas act as mere dormitory

suburbs supplying the city core and inner suburbs with workers.

The 'money-go-round' of the local economy creates its own network of local jobs."

Professor Bill Randolph, head of the Urban Frontiers Program at the University of Western Sydney, says: "The old idea that the western urban fringe is filled with battlers from diverse, less affluent groups and struggling first-home buyers is now totally wrong. It's been replaced by an undiverse monoculture of middle-to-higher-income families. These new residents are not the 'white flight' leaving the inner city, but rather are the wave of upgrading aspirational locals, leapfrogging sideways from old fibro cottages and modest home areas into the new frontier of mega-mansions."

Most are second- or third-home buyers, many are couples with nought to three young children. There are some empty-nesters and retirees, some single parents, but almost no singles. A high proportion are managers, administrators and professionals; one-fifth of households earn more than $2000 a week. One-fifth of households own three or more cars; the area has the highest car usage in Australia and the third-highest computer and internet usage.

Mark Latham, Labor shadow treasurer and federal member for Werriwa in Sydney's south-west, has been beating the drum on his point that the new affluence in the west has redrawn the political map, and that the west no longer automatically votes Labor.

"When I grew up in Green Valley in the 1970s, our values were based on the politics of us versus them - the working class versus the old money," he recently wrote. "Now when a person grows up in my electorate, they can see prosperity in the neighbourhood next

door. Social mobility has become more tangible and achievable. The politics of envy has been replaced by the politics of aspiration."

And so to HomeWorld 4, with its 120 display dream homes, by 20 different builders, priced from $80,000 to $600,000.

In five years' time it will be sold off, and HomeWorld 5 built.

More than 10,000 people visit the village every week, and given that more than 80 per cent of new homes built in Sydney are project homes, the designs that sell at HomeWorld will shape the future look of the city.

Frank Death, chief executive of HomeWorld, explains: "What usually happens is that a couple will visit up to 15 times before they decide which home they love best, and it's mostly the woman who decides. Buyers are better informed and more sophisticated today, they ask a lot more questions. Then they go and buy a block to build it on. Due to the shortage of land, only 10 to 20 per cent of new homes are built on greenfield [undeveloped] sites; up to 90 per cent of business is knock-down and rebuild.

"People are recognising that the cost of renovating is so high. Why pay $120,000 to get two new bedrooms, a new bathroom and kitchen, and still have an old house with old plaster, old plumbing and wiring, when for the same price you can get a beautiful four-bedroom brand-new house?"

Understated, streamlined, minimalist are not the go at HomeWorld; overstated it is.

Most of the popular builders offer six or more facades that can be fitted to the same interior. You can whack on faux French Provincial, Tuscan, Georgian, Federation, Victoriana, Colonial, American Colonial,

Australian traditional or modern.

"In HomeWorld 3, the Heritage and Federation theme was most favoured. Here, it's more Tuscan, Georgian, less face brick, and more adventurous painted finishes on bagged brick and cement render," says Death.

"In previous days the double and triple garage was the dominant feature, but builders have responded to the criticism and now garages are recessed or relieved and the external entry is the dominant feature, with porticos, columns, even verandas above (like Juliet balconies). We're also encouraging people to become more aware of their block orientation when selecting a house, and builders will mirror-reverse and adapt house plans to achieve the best solar orientation."

Once you're inside the double-height entry, many of the new display homes feel the same - that is, hardly any walls or doors, just flowing open space all the way through to the rear glass doors and courtyard patio. Cosiness is out. A lot of it feels like dead space that would never be used and would be difficult to furnish, though interior designers have done a lot with feature ornaments on pedestals. You won't need too many pictures, as there are no walls to hang them on.

A void above the front entry and the grand staircase lift your gaze to the upper level. Downstairs, formal dining and living rooms have given way to more informal living spaces. The big open-plan kitchen/family room/rumpus room is the command post of the house.

Practical concerns, such as whether the house is going to cost a fortune to heat as there's nowhere to close off, and how to control noise flow from one section of the building to another, appear not to rate. All houses come with a list of

optional extra upgrades, such as state-of-the-art stainless-steel kitchen fixtures, granite benches, gold powerpoints and bathroom taps, more insulation, higher-grade tiles and/or bricks.

"There's a house in here to suit every taste," promises Death, and finally I spot one, a streamlined house with lots of verandas and no ungainly kitsch, one that puts quality ahead of quantity. But, ouch, it costs $540,000 on your land.

In the Beechwood Homes display, design consultant Howard Dewhurst says cheerily: "You'd be amazed how many people come in, say they've spent the last year working and arguing with their architect, and have already put in a new kitchen and bathroom, but are prepared to write off the lot, knock down and rebuild, as they'll still be ahead.

"And forget about empty nesters downsizing - it's a myth. Every day we see parents whose kids have all left, who want to knock down their old small house and build a big new model, all fresh and clean and low-maintenance."

But not everyone speaks in glowing terms about the value of McMansions, which are often scorned as "slums of the future".

Professor Jim McKnight, 49, head of the school of psychology at the University of Western Sydney, who's also been a licensed builder since his 20s, says, "I think some of them are complete rubbish. Look, project home builders are geniuses at what they do. They get a big, smart-looking house to stand up, by using the minimum possible materials.

"There's no way a quality private builder can compete with these guys.

They're geniuses at managing the cost of materials and labour. Everything is pre-cut, and a builder and his gang will go in and lay a slab in two

days, and frame up the house in the next two days.

"This absurd fad of roofs with no eaves cost-cuts on many metres of roof tiles and batons. Most now use plastic pipes glued together instead of copper pipes, and polystyrene frames for the slabs.

"They're totally legal, but I still reckon some of these houses are flimsy and will age very quickly. I give them a 25-year use-by date; then the owners will want to knock them down and build a new one. We've seen built-in obsolescence in everything else, so why not in project houses?"

Driving through McMansion Land with McKnight, he brakes to point out cracking walls, shoddy crooked brickwork, short cuts in materials, design and finish.

Walking into a display home, he remarks: "Windows are cheaper than bricks, so some of these homes are almost all windows.

People forget they'll need to spend a fortune on blinds and curtains." He disapproves of the rattly hollow-core doors, easily finds less-than-perfect carpentry, plasterwork, plumbing, and grunts: "And these are their display homes - you think they'd try better."

A tall man, McKnight indicates visual tricks that interior designers use to make the low ceilings look higher, and big interiors look bigger. He sits on a dining room chair and says, "See, they cut the legs off the chairs and the table. And note all the tall, skinny vertical vases and candles, to lead the eye upwards." Upstairs he lies on the low beds, his feet hanging over the end. "They even use short beds."

McKnight dislikes the overcrowding of mega-mansions, and feels that instead of encouraging neighbourliness, it does the reverse. "Put four guys in a prison cell together and

you often find they never talk to each other. It's the only way to maintain some private space."

But he praises the more thoughtful master-planned communities, like Harrington Park, which has tree-laden streets and parks, and excellent neighbourhood and lifestyle facilities.

Newbury, a 157-hectare new estate between Kellyville and Parklea, master-planned by Landcom and developed by Mirvac, is also receiving praise. (Landcom is a NSW state-owned corporation which drives government policy on urban development and urban consolidation, and enters into joint ventures with developers.)

Stuart McCowan, Landcom's development director, urban development, explains: "Newbury will have 1800 residential homes, divided into eight neighbourhoods. Each of these has its own private clubhouse, swimming pool and tennis court, held under a community title, and residents pay a levy of $600 a year for upkeep. The infrastructure will all be provided upfront, along with parks, walking tracks, bike tracks and tree planting on footpaths.

"To get a successful community, you need communication happening, and Newbury has been designed to make it easy for people to meet each other in an attractive and safe environment."

Or that's the theory, anyway. Like Harrington Park, Newbury has a community welcome program, with an officer who helps neighbours meet, arranges functions, and helps to get a community association flourishing.

Well aware of criticism of McMansions, Newbury is trying to find better design solutions for fitting a sizeable house and garage on a small block in an aesthetically pleasing

manner, and which also take into account solar access, overshadowing, privacy and noise.

Says sociologist Gabrielle Gwyther: "Master-planned communities market a set of values within a bounded site, a different sort of aesthetic to a normal land development, which is just blocks and streets. People will happily pay more to buy into one, as it's a greater safeguard of their social and economic status.

"Residents at Harrington Park love the place, they're rapt in the neighbourly stuff, like everyone going for a walk at dusk, taking the bottle of chardonnay down to sit at the edge of the lake. Every day there is like a celebration of the fact that they've worked their way up from their working-class roots, and made it. They say they never have to go out. Between their big houses and what the estate provides, it's all they need." But others who live not in estates but in the normal Kellyville-type streets of McMansions shoe-horned onto small blocks seem to love it, too.

Joe Pereira, 33, who wrote the soyaccino letter, is a community relations manager with the Roads and Traffic Authority; his wife, Kris, 28, is a teacher, on maternity leave after the birth of their third child. They leapfrogged sideways from their older, modest first home in 2000.

In the airy open-plan family room of their four-bedroom home on a 450 square metre block, kids tumbling on the floor, Joe explains: "We saw it as a great chance to build a brand-new home to raise our family. We knew the area was going to boom, and we felt we were moving into a place that shared similar values and aspirations, even spiritual beliefs, to ours. Yes, it's the Bible belt; we go to the Catholic church.

"We met all our neighbours when we were all building our new homes at the same time, and we all

really like each other. Most have kids, and we're always helping each other out."

Kris adds: "It would be lovely to have more greenery around, but we're planting trees, and it will come in time. We're in the beginning stages of a very exciting suburb."

Joe admits: "Yes, you can bag the architecture, the houses do have a conformity, but it doesn't bother us in the slightest as we have so much room inside. If we are supposed to be so miserable living in these awful McMansions, then I wonder what it's like to be happy.

"We sometimes joke that the only thing missing from our house is the white picket fence. We have the nuclear family - mum at home with three kids, dad going to work, the station wagon in the garage. We love it all, and why not? We're here to stay."

A few blocks away lives Anne Kirman, in her mid-40s, a dietician now studying for a bachelor of education degree at Macquarie University. Her husband, David, works in IT. The couple moved sideways into Kellyville six years ago, buying an existing four-bedroom display home on an unusually large 800 square metre battleaxe block for $340,000.

As her two daughters whiz around on in-line skates, she explains: "We're so glad we did, because you can't even buy the land alone for that now. Coming here allowed us to buy a big, comfortable house without going into hock for a $500,000 mortgage. I've got my own study full of books, the kids have heaps of space for their junk, we've planted lots of trees and a vegie patch in the backyard.

"Our house isn't perfect by any means. We face west, and the upper storey was a hotbox until we installed awnings and extra insulation.

"There are lots of homes around here I don't like, but I've seen just as many bad ones in Glebe and Paddington. Sure, we'd love to live in an architect-designed house - if we could get it for the same price as a project house. But what the heck, we'd rather live in a McMansion than a terrace house. There's a great focus on family and education in this district, and heaps of activities for kids, and to us, that's what it's all about. My sister lives in Cherrybrook, one of the first McMansion suburbs, and I remember when it was first built, it looked ghastly, all scorched brown earth and bare. Now Cherrybrook's filled with trees and it looks no different to Wahroonga."

I admit to Kirman that after visiting McMansion Land umpteen times over the previous weeks, I'm becoming brainwashed to regard ostentatious, faux-look, over-decorated houses as normal - ditto the no-tree look. In fact, when you suddenly spot a more restrained, streamlined house, or one like hers, with trees, it looks almost out of place.

"Yes," she laughs, "I do know what you mean. But I'd like to educate the developers to leave every tree standing, and design some better-looking McMansions."

After almost four years studying master-planned communities in McMansion Land, Gabrielle Gwyther has become very fond of the people, but reflects on those little pieces of paradise: "I still feel they're selling the sizzle, rather than the steak. But these people are so happy with it - and who has the answers in life, anyway?"

This story was found at: http://www.smh.com.au/articles/2003/08/26/1061663776473.html

QuestionsAnswer in your workbooks.

1. What is the ratoinale behind the ‘New Suburbia’?

2. Describe a McMansion.

3. Where are Mc Mansions found in Sydney? What about in the Hunter Valley?

4. According to Gabrielle Gwyther, who are moving to McMansions?

5. When and where did McMansion style housing begin?

6. According to Anderson, what is the particular problem with McMansion suburbs in Sydney?

7. What size block of land was the norm for a suburban block and what is the size now?

8. Explain the term doughnut effect? Draw a digaram to help your explanation.

9. According to Anderson, what is the effect of oversized housing?

10. One reason for the original devolpoment of suburbanaistion was people wanted to move out of the city to have bigger yards to raise a family. How have McMansions contradicted this?

11. Describe what has happened to the average house size and household size?

12. According to Graham Jahn, what has been the result of the ‘Amercianisation of global house design’?

13. Describe the demography of McMansion suburbs in Sydney.

14. Why do McMansions have large windows?How can this impact on energy?

15. Why does McKnight dislike the overcrowding style of McMansions?

1.2 The Urban Dynamic of EXURBANISATION (commuter towns)

Exurbanisation is a process where people, usually well off,

move from the city to rural areas but continue to maintain an

urban way of life either through long-distance commuting or

technology.

The expression "exurb" (for "extra-urban") was coined in the

1950s, to describe the ring of prosperous rural communities

beyond the suburbs that are commuter towns for an urban

area. These residents want the rural ideal but still want the

contact with large metropolitan life mainly through work. Thus,

they are often willing to commute.

The following have helped Exurbanisation occur:

The expansion of rapid transport systems such as electric

trains and freeways to fringe areas. The fast electric trains

between Sydney and Melbourne and the opening of the

Mooney Mooney Bridge on the F3 between the Central

Coast and Sydney has helped open the Central Coast up

to exurbanites.

The move from having manufacturing, office, professional

services, and retailing activities from the centre of the city

(CBD) to outer areas in a process called

DECENTRALISATION, meant that many workers did not

have to commute all the way to the CBD or adjacent areas

to conduct business. Thus, people who wanted to live in

semi-rural residential environment but still desired to work

in or interact with a major city can live further out because

of reduced travelling time.

1.3 The Urban Dynamic of COUNTERURBANISATION(Sea Change or Urban to Rural migration)

This is where people move out of a large metropolitan area into

a non-metropolitan area (urban to rural migration) and have little

to no contact with large metro areas.

This dynamic became evident slowly in the 60s and in the mid

80s but slowed in the 90s in the USA, UK and Australia.

There were several factors that made Counterurbanisation

possible especially in Australia:

Firstly, people became more affluent in this period and

had the disposable income to invest in holiday homes or

retirement homes. (Sea Change)

Secondly, peoples retirement funds became higher thus

they were not attached to cities for employment (i.e. they

had good regular income after they stopped working)

Thirdly, many people are living longer and thus are

looking after themselves more in retirement. They are

also retiring earlier because they are more affluent. Thus

retirees tended to migrate to coastal areas.

Fourthly, with many older people moving to new areas with money,

they stimulated a demand for persons employed in community services to service the retirees. These people in turn created local demand for business, retailing, entertainment and other services. These people were often younger and brought their families that in turn stimulated demand for other community services especially educational facilities. In New South Wales between 1971 and 1991, coastal towns retirees accounted for 20% of the population growth but people aged between 16-60 (labour force) accounted for 70% and children and adolescents about 10% of growth.

1.4 The Urban Dynamic of DECENTRALISATION DECENTRALISATION is the scattering of activities and people

from a centralised large urban area and moving them to smaller

urban areas or rural communities.

The following are factors why DECENTRALISATION occurred:

PUSH FACTORS: The centre of cities have had problems

with traffic congestion, lack of space and rising land

values. These then pushed many manufacturing and other

activities out of the CBD. Bid Rent Theory shows the cost

associated with land in relation to the CBD.

The bid rent theory is a geographical economic theory that refers to how the price and demand for real estate changes as the distance towards the Central Business District (CBD) increases. It states that different land users will compete with one another for land close to the city centre. This is based upon the idea that retail establishments wish to maximise their profitability, so they are much more willing to pay more money for land close to the CBD and less for land further away from this area. This theory is based upon the reasoning that the more accessible an area (i.e., the greater the concentration of customers), the more profitable.

PULL FACTORS: Many businesses have been attracted

(pulled) to the outer areas by cheap and abundant land,

low land taxes associated with the cheap land (or

incentives by local governments), and good highway and

railway access- these last few factors have attracted

manufacturing and warehousing especially.

DECENTRALISATION was encouraged by many western

governments to relieve the pressure off cities.

In Australia it was encouraged to move people out into sparsely

populated areas.

We can see the effects of DECENTRALISATION by the many

industrial parks found on the edge or end of freeways and

suburbs.

With decentralisation we saw the dynamic of exurbanisation

increase and to some degree counterurbanisation as people

were able to move to the fringes and only have short distances

to travel to work rather than travel long distances to the CBD

Another good example of DECENTRALISATION is the

movement of government offices from major city’s CBD to

regional and rural areas. The move of the Infringement

Processing Bureau (the fines office) to Maitland is an example

of this.

1.5 The Urban Dynamic of URBAN DECAY This is the deterioration of the built environment over a period of

time, often residential and industrial buildings and sites become

neglected and DILAPIDATED (run down).

Urban decay also includes the disused factories, railway yards

and dockyard areas.

Working class people housed many inner-city residential areas.

Thus, housing was small and cheap. They lived there because it

was close to their work (walking city).

The main types of industry in the inner cities for unskilled

workers were manufacturing and warehousing.

Many of the warehouses stored commodities and goods for the

shipping industry.

Three significant factors can be identified for the cause of Urban

Decay of inner city areas such as what happened in Sydney.

DECENTRALISATION: The factories and warehouses

moved from the inner city to the outer areas. Thus

employment ceased. People moved to where the jobs

were.

CONTAINERISATION: In the 1960s the invention of

shipping containers made it possible to move

warehouses from the inner city to outer areas, and also

reduced the need for large warehouses. For instance

many woolsheds in Sydney and Newcastle became

obsolete.

SUBURBANISATION: The move out of the city to the

fringe areas was desirable as the notion of living in a

city was ‘dirty’ started to take hold. These three factors saw inner city areas slowly deteriorate with empty

warehouses and old factories falling into disrepair, and poor people began taking over the old residential housing (they were unable to afford to repair their old existing housing). Sometimes the residential housing become so bad that they were abandoned.

1.6 The Urban Dynamic of URBAN RENEWAL This is the redevelopment of an area that experienced

Urban Decay and is initiated by a government policy

The decay has been reversed by:

GENTRIFICATION, the renovation and occupation of old

residential areas especially inner city terrace style and

cottage style housing. A key characteristic of

gentrification is that young, high-income workers with no

children are the main people who move in. The reason

they move in is that they are often highly educated and

skilled workers whose jobs are usually found in the city.

Thus, they like the life and vibrancy of the city and are

close to work.

ADAPTIVE REUSE: converting an old industrial site into

housing or a commercial precinct. Old Woolsheds are

converted into large apartment blocks,

CONVERTING OLD INDUSTRIAL SITES OR

DOCKLANDS INTO COMMERCIAL PRECINCTS such

as Honeysuckle in Newcastle, Darling Harbour in

Sydney, Southbank in Brisbane etc.

PUBLIC SPACE/ GREENING- An important factor in

urban renewal is for many areas to be accessible to the

public.

Urban Renewal is usually instigated by governments to

revitalise the inner city areas.

There are a number of reasons for encouraging Urban

Renewal:

As mentioned above gentrification occurs because of the

demand by young urban professionals wanting to live

near a city because of work and lifestyle. They seem to

like the old charm of the old workers cottages

Urban sprawl has become a concern as many cities such

as Sydney are reaching their physical limits. Thus, the

need to utilise existing housing and infrastructure seemed

to be a sensible option

Aesthetic reasons : The old dilapidated areas were an

eyesore and with cities competing for tourist dollars and

world city status they pursued urban renewal strategies to

clean the areas up and add vibrancy to them. Darling

Harbour and Honey Suckle in Newcastle are examples.

1.7 The Urban Dynamic of URBAN CONSOLIDATION This is the encouragement of higher population densities in

established urban areas, usually through government policies

and planning regulations allowing more dwelling units on a

given area of land by subdividing existing land (splitting it up) or

granting strata title to smaller lots and apartments.

The key features of URBAN CONSOLIDATION are medium to

high-density style living. Examples include townhouses,

duplexes, and tall apartment buildings (very tall apartments are

sometimes referred to as VERTICAL VILLAGES) The reasons for the encouragement of

Urban Consolidation are:

URBAN SPRAWL has caused

many serious problems such as

the reaching the physical limits of a

city.

POOR PUBLIC TRANSPORT INFRASTRUCTURE has made

cities car dependant thus contributing significantly to

greenhouse gas emissions and global warming.

POOR URBAN INFRASTRUCTURE in the suburbs. The

infrastructure needed to service the fringes is stretched

thin and is often expensive to maintain. E.g. Schools,

hospitals, essential services (water, electricity, sewerage,

sanitation)

SUBURBAN GHETTOS: Many outer suburbs are so

isolated that they have created problems especially for

the young who have no means of transport.

DEMAND FOR INNER CITY HOUSING by young

professionals working and wanting to enjoy the lifestyle of

the city.

Established areas often have the infrastructure such as public

transport, health care, schools, essential services to sustain an

increase in population.

Often it is cheaper to upgrade the existing infrastructure to

maintain the demand than to construct new infrastructure.

1.8 The Urban Dynamic of URBAN VILLAGES An urban village is a distinctive residential or commercial district

whose function and character is closely identified with its local

community.

Urban Villages form because people living in them see

themselves as a community in which they share:

Common identification with space and location. People

share a community space by getting involved in and

participate in the local area.

Common social identification. Basically, there is a shared

social organisation and interest.

Combining these two aspects has seen many Urban Villages

pop up around Sydney some examples include:

King Street, Newtown a mix of University Students and

Young professionals

Norton Street, Leichhardt a distinctly Italian culture mixed

with sharing public space through a café culture.

Oxford Street, Darlinghurst, A distinctly Gay and Lesbian

community

Many Geographers believe Urban Villages are becoming

popular again within cities because many people are trying to

roll back time to create a situation that existed in traditional

European Villages before mass urbanisation occurred.

A village is traditionally a small place where everyone knows

one another.

Many people believe that modern urban living has lost the

human factor in interacting, and are they are desperate to get

that back. Thus many Urban Villages are developing in the

western world.

1.9 The Urban Dynamic of SPATIAL EXCLUSION SPATIAL EXCLUSION is the protection of luxury lifestyles, which has

resulted in applying restrictions on the access and movement of urban

dwellers in a particular location either through shutting people out or

pressuring them to leave.

One form of SPATIAL EXCLUSION is through gated suburbs to shut

people out and to keep only desired people in. These are often

developed for a particular social and cultural class who have similar

housing requirements.

These gated suburbs (‘GATED

COMMUNITIES’ or WALLED

COMMUNITIES’ or PRIVATOPIAS)

have a number of features:

They are often enclosed within

walls and can only be entered by

fancy entrance gates that in some instances require security-

swipe cards.

They often use closed-circuit television cameras, security guards

and alarm systems to protect them.

They are often developed in a consistent housing style, being

mastered planned and constructed by a single developer.

They have community owned recreational facilities such as tennis

courts, swimming pools and golf courses.

These type of communities have developed out of the United States.

They developed because many cities have cultural differences, larger

income gaps, growing unemployment which has led to social unrest. The

media often focus on these aspects and people believe that they need

protection to maintain their luxurious lifestyle.

Gated suburbs are often marketed as offering protection from these

factors and offer the status of an exclusive social standing.

Another subtle form of SPATIAL EXCLUSION, that is a little more

sinister, is the pressuring of undesirables out of an area.

For example, many newly revitalised areas have had affluent people

move in. These areas housed many homeless people as they were

previously marginal areas. Some councils in these new areas have

removed park benches or placed arm rests in the middle so that

homeless people can not sleep on them. This slowly forces them out.

Another example of this is

using video surveillance

cameras in public spaces,

usually targeting

teenagers. Brisbane uses

this technique in its public

malls, and festival

precincts such as South

Bank in Brisbane

Urban Dynamic Definition Causes Example Key terms

Urban Dynamic Definition Causes Example Key terms

3.0A case study of the results of the urban dynamics in a large

city from the developed world-SYDNEY METROPOLITAN REGION

LARGE CITIES have populations over 1 million people The Greater Sydney

Metropolitan Region (GSMR)

includes

o the Sydney Metropolitan Region,

o Illawarra Region,

o Central Coast Region,

o and the Lower Hunter Region

The GSMR consists of 54

State Local Areas (SLAs)

The GSMR has a population

over 5.2 million people (est

2006)

For this topic we are only

interested in the Sydney Metropolitan Region (SMR)

The SMR is a large city as it has a population over 3.9 million people

and it is a city in the developed world

Figure 1. Map of the Greater Sydney Metropolitan Region

The Sydney Metropoliatan Region (The City of Cities) The SMR is situated within the Sydney Basin

which covers an area of 1,580 sq km, forming

a rough semicircle that includes numerous

suburban areas. It extends 25 km north to

beyond Hornsby, 50 km west to Penrith, and

42 km southwest to Campbelltown. It has 43

SLAs located within its boundaries

The SMR can be best viewed as the City of Cities as there are 5 key cities that act as hubs in the SMR. Sydney and North Sydney are two key areas that link Australia to the global economy. Three others are the economic and entertainment centres for the suburbs, each linked by Rivers; Penrith (Nepean River), Parramatta (Parramatta River), Liverpool (Georges River). These are collectively known as River Cities.

The Sydney Metropolitan Region has experienced the 9 urban dynamics of change outlined previously

. Figure 1 Sydney Metropolitan Region- The City of Cities

Source: NSW Department of Planning, 2008. City of Cities: A Plan for Sydney’s Future. P.8

Also,

Figure 2. Map of the Greater Sydney Metropolitan Region

Suburbanisation has occurred in the west and south west of the metropolitan region since WWII.

Exurbanisation is occurring on the fringes especially around Katoomba, Southern Highlands, Central Coast, and even in the Lower Hunter region.

Counterurbanisation is also occurring as there are people moving out to other regions to escape the rat race that’s evident in Sydney.

Decentralisation has been experienced in the centre of Sydney with the moving out of many industries to the fringes of the metropolitan area or even out of the metropolitan area. Pyrmont is one example

Urban Decay has been significant in the inner areas of Sydney especially in old industrial areas and Dockland areas that have been affected by decentralisation.

Urban Renewal and Urban consolidation are occurring in much of the inner city areas and Dockland Areas of Sydney Harbour

Urban Villages are found in many inner city areas around Sydney. These are often as a result of Urban renewal where gentrifiers are trying to create country hamlets within the city. Pyrmont, Summer Hill, Leichhardt are good examples.

Spatial exclusion is an event occurring more and more especially in the inner- west, Eastern and Northern Suburbs of Sydney where the many of the wealthy live

As a result of these dynamics Sydney’s social structure, economic character, residential landscape, commercial and industrial development, and its culture of place have produced distinct spatial patterns.

Furthermore, some predications can be made about Sydney’s growth, development, future trends and ecological sustainability because of these dynamics.

Suburbanisation

DecentralisationUrban DecayUrban RenewalUrban ConsolidationUrban VillageSpatial Exclusion

ExurbanisationCounterurbanisation

Task 1:Spatial Patterns of Sydney1. Identify and describe the TWO Regions considered to be Sydney?

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2.What region are we interested in for the Urban Places Unit and describe its spatial patterns?

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3.Why is the SMR called a City of Cities?

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4.Describe where:a. Suburbanisation occurred in the SMR?

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b. Exurbanisation has occurred in the SMR?

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c. Counterurbanisation has occurred in the SMR?

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d. Decentralisation has occurred in the SMR?

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e. Urban Decay has occurred in the SMR?

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_____________________________________________________________________f. Urban Renewal has occurred in the SMR?

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g. Urban Consolidation has occurred in the SMR?

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h. Urban Villages has occurred in the SMR?

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i. Spatial Exclusion has occurred in the SMR?

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3.1 SYDNEY’S SOCIAL STRUCTURE and spatial patterns of advantage and disadvantage, wealth and poverty, ethnicity

Analyse the map extracts from the Australian Bureau of Statistics’ Sydney: A Social Atlas 2001 for the effects of urban dynamics on the social structure of Sydney and complete the table below.

Social Structure

ABS-Indicator

Spatial Description Dominant Urban Dynamic in Area

Patterns of Advantage

and Disadvantage

Occupation

Blue Collar

White Collar

Unemployed

Education

Vocational

University

No-Skill

Housing

Rented -Government

Rented- private

Social Structure

ABS-Indicator

Spatial Description Dominant Urban Dynamic in Area

Patterns of Wealth and

PovertyIncome

High Income

Low Income

Patterns of Ethnicity Ethnicity

Not Fluent in English

Born in South East

Asia

Speaking Arabic

Speaking Chinese

3.2SYDNEY’S changing economic character, nature and location of residential land, commercial and industrial

development.

This dot point is concerned with the following:

Sydney’s economic characterEconomic character refers to the industries that are dominant and the employment structure.

Commercial and industrial developmentNature and location of commercial operations and types and patterns of industry.

Nature and location of residential landWhat types of housing are there and where?

3.2.1 SYDNEY’S changing economic character Globalisation is a process that has affected Sydney’s

economic character.

Globalisation has had TWO broad impacts on the economic

character of Sydney Metropolitan Region:

1) Decline in Manufacturing:

Sydney used to be a manufacturing city with many factories

found in the inner-city area.

Globalisation forced the manufacturing industries to become

very competitive in the global market, but developing

nations can run manufacturing cheaper than developed

countries because of cheaper labour and less regulations.

Consequently:

I. The proportion of Sydney’s population employed

in manufacturing has significantly reduced.

II. Decentralisation and suburbanisation of

manufacturing and similar industries occurred, as

it was too expensive to stay in the inner city areas

to effectively compete in the global market.

2) Gateway for international investments: A key aspect of globalisation is the flow of money through

investments between countries. Subsequently, Sydney has

become the ‘gateway’ to these flows of investments in

Australia and surrounding region.

As a result of being the ‘gateway’ of money and

investments, Sydney’s employment structure has changed

to suit this new role. There has been an increase in:

KNOWLEDGE WORKERS associated with globalisation.

In particular the following observations have been made:

a) ‘Retail’ and ‘Property and Business Services’ had the

highest proportion of employment and the highest growth

rate in.

b) Growth has also been recorded in Construction’,

‘Accommodation sectors.

c) ‘Cafes and Restaurants’, ‘Finance and Insurance’ and

‘Cultural and Recreation Services’ have also experienced

significant growth.

There is a distinct pattern evident from the above observations. It is a logical progression:

I. ‘Knowledge workers’ earn more money and they want to

spend it. Thus, creating a consumption lifestyle.

II. This creates a demand for Retail, Cafes and Restaurants,

and Cultural and Recreational Services type jobs to cater

for the consumption lifestyle of the ‘knowledge workers’.

(these workers also participate in the consumption

lifestyle)

III. All these people need to be housed near their work which

happens to be the Sydney CBD and the surrounding

areas.

IV. This creates a demand for new buildings thus

construction and property sector jobs are created.

V. This creates a perpetual cycle as all the new jobs create

more money to be spent in the area.

Consequences of Globalisation on the Spatial Patterns of Sydney’s Economic Character

Because of these TWO broad impacts, two clear Spatial

Patterns can be observed from Sydney’s changing

economic character:

Firstly, as evident from the changing social structure

‘knowledge workers’ can be found around the harbour,

Eastern Suburbs, Inner-Western Suburbs, and the Kurringai

Corridor.

Secondly, there is a SECOND SYDNEY to the west which is

characterised by lower occupation classifications, greater

likelihood of part-time employment and lower income levels.

This has been primarily caused by decentralisation and

suburbanisation as many manufacturing and like industries

have suburbanised by moving to the western suburbs into

industrial parks such as Wetheril Park etc.

3.2.2 SYDNEY’S Commercial and Industrial Development

Sydney’s Commercial Development Those involved in commerce sell goods.

As a result of globalisation and becoming the ‘gateway’ for the globalisation

process, Sydney’s commercial character has changed. The following have been

observed:

1. INCREASE OF REGIONAL HEADQUARTERS OF TNCs / MNCs

TNCs and MNCs are the major players in globalisation and Sydney has a number of

regional headquarters for this global companies. The Commonwealth and New

South Wales governments have a regional headquarters program to provide

incentives for TNCs to locate their Asia-Pacific regional headquarters in New South

Wales, particularly Sydney. While most have located in the central business district

and North Sydney, some have located elsewhere.

2. INCREASE OF ADVANCED PRODUCER SERVICES

These are the highly specialised service industries required by TNCs and advanced

local organisations. Such services include accountancy, advertising and law firms.

3. CENTRALISATION OF FINANCIAL SERVICES

The Headquarters for the major banks and insurance agencies are located almost

exclusively in Sydney’s CBD and North Sydney.

4. GROWTH OF COMERCIAL DISTRICTS

With the continued growth of Sydney because of its status as a World City, other

commercial districts have grown. Many commercial activities have moved to the

suburbs. The major commercial centres in the Sydney Metropolitan Region include

North Sydney, Chatswood, Parramatta, and Blacktown,

5. RETAIL ENVIRONMET HAS SUBURBANISED

There has also been the widespread suburbanisation of shopping. The large

commercial centres and new shopping malls, such as Westfield’s Shopping Centres,

cater for a suburban population who drive cars and do not heavily rely on

commercial transport. The Sydney CBD now hosts some of the more high end

market retail stores such as Tiffany’s, Gucci etc.

-

- .

Sydney’s Industrial development Edge Cities 1. Sydney’s Industrial development

1. Suburbanisation of Industry-Edge Cities Immediately after World War II (1945-) Sydney grew rapidly as

an industrial city.

This was due to the manufacturing industries being protected by

high tariffs (taxes on imports).

However, Sydney’s industrial landscape has changed since then

because of decentralisation. Decentralisation occurred because:

- From the mid-1970s through to the 1990s, Australian manufacturing was exposed to greater global competition as tariffs and other forms of trade restriction were removed. Sydney lost much of its manufacturing capacity in cars, clothing, textiles and chemicals (Morris Minors used to be made there).

- The success of producer and financial services, with their well above average income levels, made it very difficult for manufacturing to compete for labour and land as they could not pass on the increased costs to their buyers.

- There is an increasing share of import-export activities in transport, storage and wholesaling that have stimulated air and road transport activity in the inner-city area, resulting in the closing and relocating of manufacturing from traditional inner-city areas out to the suburbs.

- The demand for better quality housing in the inner-city areas also put greater pressure on traditional manufacturing activities by competing for land; urban renewal changing many old industrial suburbs.

As a result of these forces, the location of industries has moved to the western

suburbs. What is being observed is that there has been a process called THE

SUBURBANISATION OF INDUSTRY whereby the development of Industrial Parks in suburbs such as Wetherill Park, Baulkham Hills, Blacktown and

Campbelltown are the norm.

2. Development of High-Tech Industrial Suburbs

The high-tech industry is also suburbanised. The main high-tech location is the area from North Ryde through to North Sydney. This area is known as SYDNEY'S SILICON CORRIDOR. It is the location of over 500 high-tech companies, including Microsoft,

IBM and CSIRO research laboratories. Activities include Internet services, computers, electronics, pharmaceuticals, medical services, publishing, telecommunications, film, television and universities.

3.2.3 Nature and Location of Residential Land in SYDNEY

The nature and location of residential land in Sydney has been affected by

the following factors:

The physical geography of the Sydney Metropolitan Area. It is

situated within the Sydney Basin which is surrounded by the Great

Dividing Range. Also, the position of the harbour has divided the city

into two broad areas. They are:

The hilly area to the north of the harbour, which is most

attractive for residential development

The area to the south and west of the harbour, which is less

attractive for residential development.

In 2002, around 70% of new residences in Sydney were in the

suburbs, whereas, 30% were in areas experiencing urban

consolidation

Suburbanisation has resulted in the sprawl of residential areas

from the original settlement around the present-day central

business district out North West and South West. These are

typically ¼ acre block with a medium density style living.

However, the type of housing in the suburbanisation process

has changed. Since the early 1990’s, larger houses are built on

smaller blocks (McMansions) creating a higher density style of

living in the suburbs (creating an inverse donut effect).

Urban Decay and Urban Renewal has resulted in the

development of new residential areas closer to the CBD through

the use of Urban Consolidation making settlement in the inner

city area becoming more intense.

The 2001 census data showed that the rate of gentrification in the

inner city suburbs was pushing renters into outer suburbs and

further north towards Gosford and Wyong.

Sydney’s Economic Character

Process Influencing Economic Character

Commercial Development

Industrial Development

Nature and Location of Residential Land

3.3 SYDNEY’S culture of place (sense of place) There are THREE Sydney’s- One is in the Northern, Eastern and inner city suburbs the other is the Western and South Western Suburbs. Each have a distinct sense of place

AspectDefinition

Inner Ring

Middle Ring

Outer Ring

Architecture and Heritage

The style of

buildings and

structure

Streetscape

The features of the street

eg. Plants, street width,

bus stops, mall, rotundas,

cafes

Noise The noises you can hear?

Construction, cups and plates

chinking, cars, trucks, boats,

busking

Colour The colours you can see and

are used.

Energy and

VitalityIs it busy or laid back

Street Life

What’s happening on the

streets? Work, play,

busking etc

Lifestyles

The way people live in the

area.

residence, income,

clothing, leisure etc.

3.4 SYDNEY’S growth, development, future trends and ecological sustainability

3.4.1 SYDNEY’S growth, development, and future trends

Using the two satellite pictures from 1984 and 2004: Construct two précis maps showing the change in the urban development of the

Sydney Metropolitan Region. (Your key should use two variables- one for housing the other for vegetation)

On your précis map label: Sydney Harbour Botany Bay Prospect Reservoir Nepean River Parramatta Blacktown Liverpool

Write a paragraph describing and explaining the change in the two précis maps.

Read the two newspaper extracts Using information from the précis maps and the newspaper articles

complete the table.

HISTORY OF SYDNEY'S GROWTH Source: http://www.metrostrategy.nsw.gov.au/dev/uploads/paper/introduction/index.html 30/10/2008

The structure of Sydney - its beaches, harbour, mountains, transport system and distinctive communities-presents special challenges for planning. There is a need to understand the history of the city and how it has evolved to be able to imagine how it might and should develop in the future.

The Greater Metropolitan Region occupies most of the Cumberland Basin bounded by the Pacific Ocean, and the extensive national parks of mountains and bushland to the north, south and west. These physical elements present a natural barrier to endless outward expansion.

Aboriginal people have continuously occupied the Sydney area for over 20,000 years (at least 1,000 generations). The traditional owners of the wider Sydney region belong to several major language groups including Dharug, Dharawal/Tharawal, Gundungurra and Gurringgai. They developed the knowledge and skills to harness the resources provided by the rivers and surrounding lands while maintaining the natural vegetation and wildlife. Middens and campsites were usually located close to the many river foreshores, nearby to food and clean water. Many of Sydney City's main thoroughfares, such as George Street, Oxford Street and King Street Newtown followed Aboriginal tracks which served as trading routes between farmed grasslands or bountiful fishing areas.

If the first fleet had settled at Parramatta rather than Circular Quay, Sydney would be a more typical global city, such as London and Paris, with the CBD in the middle of the urban area on relatively flat ground next to a river that could be bridged easily. These other global cities grew from trading hubs and their transport systems radiated out like spokes on a wheel, with high density residential areas forming around train and tram lines.

Sydney, however, grew from a town perched on the harbour at the eastern edge of the Sydney basin, then spread quickly to the more fertile areas south and west along the rivers, across the flatter lands to the west, and eventually north across the harbour.

Early in the 19th century, the population of the agricultural settlements of Parramatta, Windsor, Liverpool, Richmond and Pitt Town exceeded that of the main settlement around Sydney Cove. Development continued on the flatter, more fertile terrain on the south side of the harbour which also allowed easier road construction.

By the middle of the 19th century, 'Sydney' extended to the municipalities of Glebe, Randwick, Waverley, Woollahra, and Marrickville, Newtown, Paddington and Balmain and had a population of 100,000, which was still only approximately a quarter of the State population. These suburbs were linked to the city centre by the emerging tram network.

The transport of bulk materials by water meant large industrial areas were established on peninsulas to the west of the city. The extensive tram and rail network that was developed encouraged the rapid expansion of the city in the latter part of the century.

Up until the 1950s, the pattern of the city continued to be dominated by access to the rail and tram network. Urban expansion in linear corridors along major transport routes, principally the rail network, was encouraged. Nevertheless, the 1970s brought an increasing reliance on the private car that changed Sydney, with new lower density suburbs distant from the fixed public transport networks. Buses replaced trams in the early 1960s and the city grew to almost 70km wide east to west and 60km north to south.

FIGURE 11 SYDNEY'S URBAN GROWTH HISTORY

The areas north to the northern beaches, Pittwater and the lower reaches of the Hawkesbury River, and south to Botany Bay, the Georges River and Port Hacking developed during the 20th century as the suburban hinterland in unique environmental settings.

The 1949 Cumberland Plan marked these areas out and identified a 'green belt' to moderate additional urban expansion to the west. By the end of the 20th century these eastern, northern and southern areas were mature, but subject to renewal and redevelopment through infill and intensification.

In the late 1960s, Parramatta and Campbelltown were nominated as other major city centres for the rapidly expanding Western Sydney region. Parramatta has consolidated its role as Sydney's second CBD in the geographic heart of the city, and is now a focal point for business, shopping and entertainment in Western Sydney and a key transport hub. Campbelltown has become a significant centre in the South West.

Over the last 15 to 20 years, the global economic corridor - described as Sydney's 'global arc' - the concentration of linked jobs and gateway infrastructure from Macquarie Park through Chatswood, St Leonards, North Sydney and the CBD to Sydney Airport and Port Botany- has emerged as a critical feature of Sydney and Australia's economy.

This corridor has been built on the benefits that businesses involved in such areas as finance, legal services, information technology, engineering and marketing have derived from being near to each other and to transport infrastructure such as the airport.

It has been reinforced by the motorway system focused on the Eastern Distributor linking across the harbour, and by the high amenity and services available in and around the CBD.

Within the existing areas of the city, new medium density development has increased. Many inner city areas, including Surry Hills, Ultimo, Glebe, Erskineville and Marrickville, have become desirable locations and shops and village centres have been revitalised.

Old industrial sites have been converted to residential development. Much of this development has been backed up with new infrastructure such as at Homebush Bay for the Olympics, the new Airport link and new road connections.

The city has continued expanding westwards, with areas between the corridors filling in. With the addition of the North West and South West growth centres, new subregions in Western Sydney are emerging.

The area, or subregion, around Parramatta, referred to as West Central in this Strategy, currently has a residential density of approximately half that of the eastern suburbs and the lower north shore. In the medium term, this area is likely to become a focus for intensification and renewal in centres and corridors around public tranport nodes as people and jobs are attracted to the services and amenity of Sydney's second centre. In the longer term, the regional cities of Liverpool and Penrith are likely to create a similar pattern of increased densities close to the improved amenity and services offered by these consolidated cities.

The inherited structure and form of the city cannot be rapidly changed. The challenge is to learn from how geography, environment, transport and the economy have shaped the city and how, over time, we can work with these elements of the city to provide maximum benefits and opportunities for future development across the Sydney region .

Sydney’s Amazing Growth Sun-Herald 25 July 2004 page 11

Sydney grows by 54,000 people a year. The city's population of 4.29 million swells to 4.9 million when

the Central Coast, Lower Hunter and Illawarra are included in what planners call the Greater Metropolitan Region.

By 2020 Sydney will have 5 million residents By 2050 Sydney will have 6:5 million residents. By 2031 Sydney will 'have 64:6 per cent of the NSW population,

up from the current 62.8 percent. A city the size of Canberra is added to Sydney every six years. Each Sydney household has, on average, 2.6 people living in

it. Thirty years ago the average was more than three people per household.

Thirty percent of new housing over the next 15 years will come from vacant Greenfield’s land: The rest is consolidation of existing urban land.

Over the next 15 years the fastest growing household types will be couple-only and lone person households. They are expected to increase by more than 400,000 in this period.

New suburbs of Sydney since 1984: Pemulwuy; Beaumont Hills; Lane Cove North; Lane Cove West; Huntieys Cove; Wolli Creek; Kellyville Ridge; Sun Valley; Blair Athol; Clemton Park; Englorie Park; Newington; Bardwell Valley; Liberty Grove; Abbotsbury; Acacia Gardens; Agnes Banks; Arndell Park; Barden Ridge; Bar Point; Bligh Park; Canoelands; Cecil Hills; Colebee; Currans Hill; Dean Park; Denham Court; Edmondson Park; Grasmere; Hassall Grove; Horningsea Park; Jamisontown; Kirkham; Maianbar; Mount Annan; Mount Vernon; Shalvey; Smeaton Grange; Spring Farm; Stanhope Gardens; Werrington County.

4102.0 - Australian Social Trends, 2006

Housing in Sydney – Consolidation and Spread

Between 1991 and 2005, the geographical outer ring of Sydney experienced the greatest increase (21%) in population compared to the middle (10%) and inner (12%) rings.

Home ownership remains a feature of the Australian identity and has for generations underpinned prosperity and individual wealth (see Australian Social Trends 2006, Components of household wealth). Demand for housing is affected by a number of factors including population growth and the ageing population. There has been a move to fewer people in each household with the average size of 2.6 persons per Australian household in 2001 projected to decrease to between 2.2 and 2.3 persons per household by 2026. The decrease in household size is partly driven by the ageing of the population which tends to result in more single and two person households.

Australia is a highly urbanised country with three-quarters of the population living in urban centres in 2004. There has been debate over the balance between consolidating housing within a city's boundaries and new greenfield developments on the fringe of existing cities. Greenfield developments are more likely to provide separate houses (rather than higher density housing such as apartments). On the other hand, consolidation has been promoted as having the potential to address some wider urban problems including reducing the use of cars and increasing access to employment.

In this article, Sydney Statistical Division is used as a case study. Changes in population density and housing at the local government area (LGA) level are examined as Sydney's LGA boundaries have remained fairly stable over time. The sprawling nature of Sydney, the costs associated with this and the question of how long this expansion can continue influence the balance between consolidation of housing and greenfield development. The NSW Government's metropolitan strategy provides a broad framework to facilitate and manage the growth and development of Sydney over the next 25 years. It contains a housing strategy which includes objectives aimed at providing 60–70% of new housing in existing urban areas, with the remaining 30–40% of new housing to be in land release areas.

In this article, LGAs in Sydney's Statistical Division have been divided among 3 rings: inner, middle and outer.

The inner ring includes: Ashfield, Botany, Lane Cove, Leichhardt, Marrickville, Mosman, North Sydney, Randwick, South Sydney, Sydney City, Waverley and Woollahra. The middle ring includes: Auburn, Bankstown, Burwood, Canterbury, Concord and Drummoyne (now Canada Bay), Hunters Hill, Hurstville, Kogarah, Ku-ring-gai, Manly, Parramatta, Rockdale, Ryde, Strathfield and Willoughby. The outer ring includes Baulkham Hills, Blacktown, Blue Mountains, Camden, Campbelltown, Fairfield, Gosford, Hawkesbury, Holroyd, Hornsby, Liverpool, Penrith, Pittwater, Sutherland, Warringah, Wollondilly and Wyong.

POPULATION DENSITY

In 2005, Sydney's population was estimated to be 4.3 million which was 63% of the NSW population and around one-fifth (21%) of the Australian population. To aid analysis in this article, Sydney's LGAs have been divided into three geographical rings: outer, middle and inner. In 2005, it was estimated that the outer ring contained over 2.3 million people (55%), the middle ring over 1.2 million (28%) and the inner ring over 700,000 (17%).

As would be expected, on average in both 1991 and 2005 the LGAs in the inner ring of Sydney had a higher population density (people per square kilometre) than LGAs in the outer ring. This is consistent with the greater proportion of units and apartments in the inner ring which accommodate more people per square kilometre. In 2005, Waverley (inner ring) had the highest population density with 6,647 people per square kilometre and Wollondilly (outer ring) had the lowest density (16 people per square kilometre) compared with all other LGAs. To put the population density of Sydney in perspective, in 2002 inner London had a population density of 8,980 while in outer London there were 3,582 people per square kilometre.

Between 1991 and 2005, Sydney's population grew by over half a million (582,000). The majority (68%) of the growth occurred in the outer ring, which increased by 21% in the fourteen years to 2005. Over the same period, growth in the denser middle and inner rings was more modest with increases of 10% and 12% respectively.

Within the outer ring, Camden and Liverpool experienced the greatest proportional growth in population between 1991 and 2005 (119% and 68% respectively), while Wyong's population increased by over one-third (37%).

Around half of the LGAs in the middle ring experienced a growth in population under 10% and the other half between 11% and 30% in the 1991–2005 period. Concord (now part of Canada Bay) grew by one-third (33%). In this same time period, most of the LGAs in the inner ring had increases in population of 10% or less. Three of the LGAs in the inner ring increased by more than 10%: Sydney City by 369%, South Sydney by 41% and North Sydney by 18%. The rapid growth in Sydney City was the result of an increase in the number of higher density dwellings in this LGA.

WHO LIVES IN OUTER, MIDDLE AND INNER SYDNEY?...AGEIn 2004, a greater proportion of the population in the outer (22%) and middle ring (19%) were dependent children (aged 0–14 years) than in the inner ring (13%). By comparison, the inner ring (23%) had a greater proportion of people aged between 25–34 years compared with the middle and outer rings (15% and 14% respectively).

AGE PROFILE OF SYDNEY — 2004

...HOUSEHOLD COMPOSITION Around three-quarters (77%) of households in the outer ring were family households compared with just over two-thirds (70%) in the middle ring and just over one half (52%) in the inner ring. There was a similar proportion of couple family households without children among the three rings (around 22%). However, couple families with children were more common in the outer (41%) and middle (35%) rings than in the inner ring (19%). A greater proportion of households in the inner ring were lone person households (31%) compared with the middle (22%) and outer (18%) rings. Around one in ten households (9%) in the inner ring were group households.

...DWELLING TYPE

Not surprisingly, in 2001 the vast majority of dwellings in the outer ring were separate houses (80%) compared with the middle (59%) and inner (23%) rings where land was at a premium. Flats, units and apartments were much more common in the inner ring (55%) compared with the middle (30%) and outer (11%) rings.

...TENURE TYPE

In 2001, almost three-quarters (73%) of dwellings in the outer ring were either fully owned or being purchased, compared with almost two-thirds (65%) of the dwellings in the middle ring and half (50%) of the dwellings in the inner ring. Renting was the most common tenure type in Sydney's inner ring.

...HOME AND WORK LOCATION The majority (61%) of people in Sydney in 2001 lived and worked in the same geographical ring. However, a greater proportion of people both lived and worked in the inner ring (83%) where there were concentrations of employment, than lived and worked in either the middle (50%) or outer ring (58%). A considerable number of people (over 320,000) travelled from the outer and middle rings to the inner ring to work.

The 2003 NSW Household Travel Survey found that the distance people travelled was related to the trip's purpose with trips to work being the longest on average.(EndNote 8)

Source: ABS. 2007, 4102.0 - Australian Social Trends, 2006 http://www.abs.gov.au/AUSSTATS/abs@.nsf/bb8db737e2af84b8ca2571780015701e/6aab27cb0021d597ca2571b00016e4fd!OpenDocument# accessed 27/05/2008

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Sydney population to reach 6 million by 2036 2:22PM Monday Oct 20, 2008

SYDNEY - The population of NSW will soar to over nine million people, an increase of 33 per cent, by the year 2036, while Sydney will surge to nearly 6 million people, up 40 per cent.

NSW planning minister Kristina Keneally released the figures today and said they represent an increase of 440,000 people on the 2005 projection of the state's population.

Sydney will need an extra 636,000 houses by 2031, she said, and has instructed her department to determine projected population increases for local government areas across the state.

"It's clear the increase in the NSW population and decline of our household size will impact on everything from the location of future housing estates to the type of buildings they include," Ms Keneally said in a statement.

"Our challenge is to keep working with the federal government, across the NSW government, with the private housing sector and, in particular, with local councils to build the homes and provide the services for our growing population."

- AAP

City with a future Excerpt SMH 15/05/2004 pge 33

THE BIG 6 MILLIONAs a global city; Sydney risks becoming a victim of its own success. Since 1997 it has experienced its strongest growth since the 1960s, with an average of 47,700 people a year choosing to call it home. About 75 per cent are newly arrived migrants, but there is also significant internal migration. By 2021 Sydney's population will be at 5 million and by midway through the next century it will be nudging 6 million. Sydney needs 25,500 new dwellings a year to cope with the growth.Crunch

HOMES CRUNCHEven if Sydney's population was not growing, we would need more homes. Household size is shrinking -its 2.7 people a household - because of the ageing of the population, people delaying having children, and families dissolving. For the city which embraced the quarter-acre block in the 1950s, this means a rethink on housing types -more units and higher densities near infrastructure such as hospital and public transport. But where and how? The aging population

will also pose new social problems.

LINKING SYDNEYSydney's transport system was designed as a radial network. In 2001, 11 per cent of all weekday trips were made by public transport, higher than in Melbourne. As the city has spread, however, new job centres, such as Parramatta and North Ryde, have emerged. The challenge is to ensure Sydney does not become a Los Angeles, with high car dependence. To avoid this means expanding the public transport network. To avoid long journeys to and from work, jobs need to be nearer where people live.

GREEN AND CLEANSydney's problem with its water supply is well known, thanks to months of water restrictions. But more sustainable practices are going to be costly. Sydney returns 90 per cent of its waste water to the ocean. A huge re-engineering of the system is needed to avoid building a new dam. Air quality has improved since the 1980s, thanks to better emission technology, but car use continues to increase. Another issue is preserving green space in the face of pressure for more urban development.

RICH AND POORBetween 1996 and 2003 house prices in Sydney rose by 100 per cent while average weekly earnings grew by just 3.6 per cent a year. By 2001 169,000 households were in housing stress, spending more than 30 per cent of their income on housing costs. Some areas are crying out for urban renewal projects, particularly public housing. Other areas have become realms for the affluent. Getting the social mix right and making housing more affordable will be a big challenge.

FOOTING THE BILLThe big difference between this and other planning exercises is that the Government wants to identify funding for infrastructure at the time that it plans it. A big part of the metropolitan strategy is to look at how levies on land releases along with debt and private sector funding can be used to meet future infrastructure needs. For example, can superannuation funds be enticed into investing in projects - like a recycled water plant - if they can be assured of revenue from the project?

3.4.2 SYDNEY’S ecological sustainabilityOpinion: Sydney's ecological footprint - a size 11 problem?Wednesday August 28th 2002 source: http://www.uts.edu.au/new/releases/2002/August/28.html (28/08/2004)

Albert Dennis, spokesman for the Australian Population Institute, argues that Australia should have a 'threshold' population of 30-50 million by 2050. Some politicians appear to agree. The only way we can ensure that tax will provide money for government and maintain defence, it has been argued, is to dramatically increase the number of people living on this, the driest continent on earth. The aging population, the declining rate of reproduction, the sparseness of our population in our northern shores and the need to expand our economy have all been highlighted as reasons justifying a dramatic increase in population numbers for Australia.

In contrast, many ecologists (Tim Flannery for one) argue we should have a population much smaller than we currently have - perhaps even as low as 8-12 million.

But how do we think about this problem rationally and with reference to the facts? Is there an overarching philosophy that can help us make some informed decisions about Australia's sustainable population size?

The concept of the Ecological Footprint (EF) is the answer. What is an EF? Ecological footprinting is a way of understanding our impact on the Earth - it gives us a measure of how many resources we use to maintain our lifestyle. It requires information readily available to the public and to governments. How much energy (all forms) is used by

people (and industry), how much food (and of what type) is consumed, how many resources are used in infrastructure (schools, roads, houses) and how many resources are being used to deal with all the waste produced (all forms, from the euphemistically named biosolids, to paper and food waste)? The beauty of the EF is that it can be calculated for individual houses, cities, States and entire countries. It is expressed as the amount of bioproductive land required to produce the food, wood, energy and other materials used in our daily life.

There are about 10 billion hectares of bioproductive land in the world. There are about 6 billion people on this earth. Therefore, everyone is entitled to about 1.7 hectares of this bioproductive land to support them. If you need much more, you are using someone else's resources.

Some countries have an average EF of about half of one hectare. Some countries have an EF of about 13 hectares. The global average is almost 3 hectares. Energy consumption is a major determinant of the EF. Not surprisingly, the USA leads the world in energy consumption per person in the population. What is perhaps not well known is that Australia is the third largest consumer of energy (per person). Canada is second.

It comes as no surprise therefore, that the top three countries in the footprint stakes are - the USA, Canada

and yes - Australia. Australia's footprint is 7 8 hectares - that is almost 3 times the global average.

What of Sydney itself? Sydney's footprint is about 7 hectares. Therefore the population of Sydney requires about 26 million hectares of land to provide the food, water, energy and waste disposal for its population.

How does this help us think about Australia's sustainable population size? It tells us that if we halve our energy consumption we will halve our footprint. If we want to have an EF more in line with the global average, we could halve our population size and do nothing to our rate of energy consumption (per person), or maintain our current population size and halve our rate of energy use. If we want to double our population to about 40 million we will have to consume one quarter of the energy we currently use (per person). Personally, I really can't see Australians consuming one quarter of our current energy use, given our lifestyle preferences for maintaining households with 2 cars, 2 fridges and 3 TVs. No matter how well our economy may grow with an expanding population, our supplies of water, agricultural soil and fossil fuels remain limited. Time to think seriously about footprints and see if we can fit a size 6. We've stomped around for long enough in a size 11.

Ecological footprint analysis of NSW Source: EPA http://www.epa.nsw.gov.au/soe/soe2003/chapter1/chp_1.1.htm (28/08/2004)

'Ecological footprint' analysis is a technique that attempts to give hard numbers on the ultimate impact of economic activity on the environment. It was first used for NSW in the report State of the Environment 1997. The technique estimates the area of land required to provide the range of goods and services consumed. Land area is used as a common unit of measure to allow comparisons across time and different populations. Estimates include the land required for water collection, waste disposal, food and energy production, transport, residential occupation and the like.Refinements to the methodology since 1997 have allowed an update of the earlier footprint estimates for NSW and comparisons with recent data. These show that the NSW community increased its total footprint by 15% in the five years between 1993–94 and 1998–99. During this period NSW’s population grew by 7% and Sydney’s grew by 8 %. Table 2.4.2.1 shows the results expressed on a per capita basis. Residents of the greater metropolitan area are estimated to generate a footprint that is 5% larger than those living in rural areas. Ecological footprint analysis is useful for communicating the relative environmental impact of individuals making up the population

Table 2.4.2.1: NSW and Sydney per capita Ecological Footprint1993–94 (hectares) 1998–99 (hectares) Change

NSW 6.10 7.02 Up 15%Sydney Greater

Metropolitan Area6.36 7.40 Up 16%

.

Sydney’s Ecological FootprintSource: Owens, Paine &Reid (2003) Macquarie Revision Guides-HSC Geography p.144

Sydney’s Ecological SustainabilityQuestion Answer

What does the term ECOLOGICAL SUSTAIBABILTY mean?

What is an Ecological FootprintHow much bioproductive land is available

worldwide?What is the current population of the world?

How much bioproductive land is available per person in the world?

How much bioproductive land is actually being used per person?

What three countries are using the most bioproductive land per person?

What is Australia’s Ecological Footprint?What was NSW’s Ecological Footprint in 1994 and

1999?What was Sydney’s Ecological Footprint in 1994

and 1999?What was NSW’s population growth rate for that

period?What was Sydney’s population growth rate?

How much more bioproductive land was used in NSW?

How much more bioproductive land was used in Sydney

What conclusions can you come up with from the last four questions?

Do you feel Sydney is Ecologically Sustainable? Why?.

Sydney’s

Future Trends

DevelopmentGrowth

Sustainability

2.0 A case study showing ONE of the urban dynamics operating in a country town or suburb.

Suburb: PyrmontUrban Dynamic: URBAN RENEWAL

Location: Absolute: Latitude 33 51’S and Longitude

151 12’ E (NSW Australia)

Relative: The suburb of Pyrmont is located

on the Pyrmont Peninsula within the

Sydney Metropolitan Region off the

Sydney Harbour surrounded by

Darling Harbour, Johnstons Bay, and

Blackwattle Bay. It is approximately

1.5km from the Sydney CBD.

Brief history of the Suburb Pyrmont was originally inhabited by the GADIGAL

ABORIGINAL people. They named it ‘Pirrama’ meaning

rocking stone.

A young lady who thought the Peninsula reminded her of

Pyrmont in Germany named it Pyrmont in 1806.

The peninsula was subdivided in the 1860s with sandstone

cottages and terraces being the common residential style

housing. Early industries included the Atlas iron Works and

Castlemaine Brewery.

Pyrmont soon became a VERY INDUSTRIAL SUBURB with

wool being shipped from its wharves, sugar refined, flour

milled, bottled milk dispatched and electricity generated to

light up Sydney and run its trams.

By the 1950s the suburb fell into decline with industries

moving out and residents leaving because of decentralisation

and suburbanisation. The area experienced URBAN

DECAY.

It was to be a run down DILAPIDATED area for some time.

In 1994 the URBAN RENEWAL process began

2.1 Evidence of Urban Renewal

For Urban Renewal to occur the following are essential:

o Government Policy

o Urban Decay

o Urban consolidation

o Gentrification

o Adaptive reuse

o Public Space/ gardens/ parks

Government Policy The URBAN RENEWAL process in Pyrmont began in 1994.

This occurred because the Federal, State and Local

governments targeted the area for urban renewal under the

Building Better Cities Program. This was a long-term program initiated by the

Commonwealth Government in 1991. Its major

objectives were to improve the economic

efficiency, social equity and environmental

sustainability of Australia's cities.

At the time, the Urban Renewal process in Pyrmont was the

biggest urban renewal program in the world.

The group responsible originally for Pyrmont’s renewal was

called City West Development Corporation

The new governing body overseeing the Urban Renewal

process in Pyrmont is the Sydney Harbour Foreshore Authority. These government bodies master plan the area to

ensure that everyone follows the requirements of the planned

urban renewal process in Pyrmont.

Evidence of urban decay Pyrmont went from a prosperous industrial working class

suburb to one of urban decay.

Residential development began in Pyrmont in 1859 when the

area was subdivided and it accelerated in the 1880s.

By 1891 the population of the Pyrmont-Ultimo area was

19,177, in 3,966 dwellings (calculate the population density).

The population peaked at around 30,000 in 1900. However,

the construction of factories, quarries, wool stores and a power

station in the early 20th century saw the demolition of

hundreds of houses, which saw a steady decline in residential

population but an increase in the working population.

It was a good site for warehouses because of its proximity to

Darling Harbour.

However, a steady decline occurred in the Post WWII era. By

1954, the population of Pyrmont and Ultimo was 5,000, and by

1978 it was just 1,800 and by 1981 it reached a low of 1,590.

Many industries began to move to cheaper land further from

the CBD, and the decline of the wool industry and

containerisation made the 15 wool stores in both Pyrmont and

Ultimo redundant.

Consequently, as industry suburbanised so did the residential

population and the area became dilapidated with empty

warehouses, factories and residents who could not afford to

upkeep their houses. It experienced urban decay.

Evidence of Urban Renewal http://www.censusdata.abs.gov.au/ABSNavigation/prenav/ProductSelect?

newproducttype=QuickStats&btnSelectProduct=View+QuickStats+

%3E&collection=Census&period=2006&areacode=SSC11823&geography=&method=&productlabel=&producttype=&topic=&n

avmapdisplayed=true&javascript=true&breadcrumb=LP&topholder=0&leftholder=0&currentaction=201&action=401&textversio

n=false

There is plenty of evidence that shows Pyrmont has

experienced Urban Renewal.

Population: Pyrmont’s population growth is evidence of Urban

Renewal:

In 1981 Pyrmont’s Population was 1,590,

By 1992 its population increased to 3,200.

In the 2006 census there were 11,088 residents

Gentrification: This is the restoring of old style housing into its

original form with some minor modifications. This mainly

occurs because young high-income earning people move in.

Numerous terrace housing have been restored within Pyrmont

Adaptive Reuse: Old factory buildings, warehouses etc are

converted into something else rather than being pulled down.

They are often not torn down because of heritage listing.

There are numerous examples of adaptive reuse in Pyrmont.

For example:

The old Pyrmont Public School has been converted

into a community centre

Tablet House (where the sugar used to be bagged)

has been converted into a modern office building

The old Rum House has been converted into luxury

apartments

The old heavy industrial railway line has been

converted into light passenger rail

Public Space, Parks and Gardens: the greening of an area is also another indicator of urban

renewal. Pyrmont use to have approximately 7.7 hectares of

parks and gardens. Through the urban renewal process there

is now over 25.8 hectares of parks and gardens with a further

7.1 hectares proposed.

2.2 The results of Urban Renewal in PyrmontSocial Structure In the late part of the 19th and first half of the 20th centuries

Pyrmont was a predominately working class industrial suburb.

Decentralisation and suburbanisation caused the industries to

leave and for most of the second half of the 20th century the

area was renowned for its low socio economic status.

As a result of the Urban Renewal process, Pyrmont’s Social

structure has changed.

Pyrmont’s residents are predominantly young couples with no

children who earn an average $693.30 a week from a

professional occupation. It is an area of relative advantage

and wealth.

The suburb has grown younger-48% of population were aged

between 20 and 34

The area has also become multicultural whereas previously it

was predominantly Anglo-Saxon in orientation. The 2001

census revealed that:

35% of residents were Australian born (in 1991 47%

of residents were born in Australia)

8% of the population were born in China

7% from the United Kingdom

5% were Indonesian Born

Other frequent birthplaces are New Zealand, South

Korea and Malaysia.

Economic Character Pyrmont’s industrial, commercial and employment character

has changed significantly.

It has transformed from an industrial area into a high tech

suburb.

Gone are the old smoking stacks. The industries that

predominate are telecommunications and entertainment

companies. For example:

Telecommunication companies such as Nokia

Entertainment industries such as:

Network 10

ABC

Foxtel

Australis

Galaxy TV

Star City Casino

Radio Stations Nova, 2SM, and 2GB.

Educational institutions are also prevalent. For example:

University of Technology Sydney, Sydney TAFE, and

the Power House Museum

Many People who live there are employed in the above

industries.

The retail environment has transformed into a café restaurant

precinct especially along Harris St.

Another famous commercial identity in Pyrmont is the Sydney

Fish Markets

Pyrmont turns into booming media precinct

Carolyn Cummins Commercial Property Editor April 12, 2008

WITH the arrival later this year and into next year of the internet company Google and global management consulting company Accenture, Pyrmont will have one of the largest clusters of media and related tenants in the country.Fuelling the development is the fact that rents remain relatively stable in the district for groups that need more space but do not wish to pay the spiralling levels being demanded in the core of the CBD.A recent Knight Frank report said that rents in the city fringe, inner west and south-west rose by an average 4 per cent last year and in the remaining regions rose by 2 to 3 per cent.Accenture has agreed to lease space at GPT's new workplace6, an 18,000-square-metre waterfront office complex, while Google has taken levels four to six. Both are long-term leases, and with the new tenants will come cafes, eateries and other services.John Sears, head of forecasting services for the research and consulting arm of Jones Lang LaSalle, said demand conditions remain solid and, while supply in most CBD office markets remains limited over the next few years, vacancy rates will be below long-term averages.Those conditions will lead to more demand for space in the fringe areas. "The relatively low vacancy rates will continue to generate solid rental growth," Mr Sears said. "Looking at the fundamentals, there is every reason to believe that the current storm, while dramatic, will soon pass and Australian property markets will return to steady growth later in the year."Analysts say Pyrmont has become a strong performer in the city fringe commercial property market, with rents growing strongly and expectations of further growth over the next 12 months despite the tightening credit market.Sales of commercial strata offices there have taken off in the past six months, lifting more than 5 per cent as companies seek to base their operations closer to the CBD and on main road transport routes, such as the Cross City Tunnel, the M5 and Anzac Bridge.Barry Goldman, principal of the city fringe specialist agency Portfolio Realty, said Pyrmont is now recognised as the media and advertising hub of the city, with the television stations Channel 10, Channel 7, UBI World TV and Fox Sports, and the radio stations 2GB, Vega and Nova all relocating to the suburb.The advertising agency BMF and a range of smaller agencies are now there, and Channel 10's digital operations have signed a long-term lease for just under 500 square metres in Winten

Property Group's landmark 55 Miller Street commercial building.The suburb is also the new home for Fairfax Media, publisher of the Herald."Pyrmont is the perfect location in the city fringe for the media outlets, with great access to the CBD and inner west and major road transport routes to all parts of the city," Mr Goldman said.He added that the light rail line and improved bus services have made the area more accessible, and it is a 12-minute walk across Pyrmont Bridge to the city centre.Leading the surge in commercial property is 55 Miller Street, which has sold about 60 per cent of the 111 strata office suites in the 9000-square-metre, seven-storey building in 12 months.Mr Goldman said sales of office suites from 45 to 500 square metres have proved very popular, with chartered accountants, architects, event management companies and design companies committed to the building.

Source: http://www.smh.com.au/business/pyrmont-turns-into-booming-media-precinct-20080411-25lb.html

Culture of PlacePyrmont has developed a distinct Culture of place since the urban renewal process

Aspect Definition In Pyrmont

Architecture and Heritage

The style of buildings and

structure

Streetscape The features of the street eg. Plants,

street width, bus stops, mall, rotundas,

cafes

Noise That noises you can hear? Construction,

cups and plates chinking, cars, trucks,

boats, busking

Colour The colours you can see and are used.

Energy and Vitality Is it busy or laid back

Street Life What’s happening on the streets? Work,

play, busking etc

Lifestyles The way people live in the area.

residence, income, clothing, leisure etc.

Growth (past), development (present), future trends (future) Pyrmont’s population had experienced rapid decline, but with

the urban renewal process it has seen a reversal of this

trend:

In 1901 the population was 19,000

In 1981 it reached a low of 1,590

Because of Urban Renewal:

In 1992 the population increased to 3,200

In the 2006 census there were 11,088 residents

Future projections estimate that by 2011 the population will

likely increase to 17,000 and will eclipse the 1901 record with

over 20,000 in the year 2021.

Many residential constructions are nearly complete and the

Sydney Harbour Foreshore Authority is working towards the

amenity of the suburb.

Such amenity projects are increase of public green spaces

and a foreshore walk that will link Sydney Harbour Bridge to

the ANZAC Bridge.

Other developments include:

The building of an Aquatic Centre for the community

Development of the old Water Police Site (Public

Space)

And development of the Darling Island site into a

commercial building

Pyrmont’s Ecological Sustainability Benefit of Urban Consolidation Much of the urban renewal program in Pyrmont has seen urban

consolidation occur in the suburb.

By its very nature urban consolidation is seen as an ecologically

sound urban strategy as the same piece of land is used to house

many people and it encourages close proximity to peoples

employment reducing the need for transport.

Energy Consumption the types of industries moving in are high tech and require

massive amounts of electricity.

Some buildings such as the Nokia building have integrated solar

energy panels so to minimise its environmental impact.

Transport Pyrmont’s relative location to its residents’ employment,

encourage walking and the use of public transport.

Public transport is extensively used and reliable: For

example:

Ferry Services run from Pyrmont with 23 services a day

3 bus services run from Pyrmont to the city with the STA

estimating that 32,000 people use them a week

Light rail links Pyrmont’s workers directly to Central

Station with services every 5 minutes in peak periods.

Some Statistics on Transport Use 35% of all types of trips was through walking to work;

The proportion of Pyrmont residents using private vehicles

had declined from 33% in 1991 to 30% in 2001

30% of Pyrmont residents in the workforce were employed in

Central Sydney, whilst a further 24% were employed in the

area immediately surrounding central Sydney and 4.1% were

working from home.

Of the people who worked in central Sydney 55% walked to

and from work,

53% of those who worked in the surrounding areas choose to

walk;

Travel to Pyrmont for employment by car declined from

around 62% down to 52% between 1991 and 2001

Bus usage as a proportion of all work related trips declined,

possibly attributable to the introduction of light rail;

Travelling to work by bicycle increased by 400% between

1991-2001

Only 1.9% of Pyrmont residents who worked in central

Sydney used the light rail service in 2001 while 4.3% of those

who worked in the surrounding areas chose this mode.

Car ownership remains high with 66.4% of people owning a

motor vehicle. This means that during the week, resident cars

are likely to be garaged during the week with higher usage on

weekends.

High-rise residents big energy guzzlersBy Sherrill Nixon Urban Affairs EditorMay 30, 2006

LAT dwellers are the city's biggest energy guzzlers, says an official study that casts

doubts over whether the State Government should review its policy to increase energy-saving targets for high-rise apartment blocks.

FThe Minister for Planning, Frank Sartor, is expected to announce within a fortnight whether the Government will heed calls from the building industry for the target not to be lifted from July 1.The Herald revealed this month that the Government was reviewing its plan to force developers

of new housing to improve energy efficiency - by 40 per cent, instead of the current target of 20 per cent for flats and 25 per cent for houses - as part of the BASIX scheme.While the industry is happy for the house target to be increased, it says lifting the apartments target would push the price of units too high because it costs more to install energy-saving measures in flats.But environmental groups and urban planners say units must be included in energy- and water-saving efforts because they will make up two-thirds of the city's new housing in the next 25 years.Their conviction is strengthened by a Department of Planning and Energy Australia study that shows high-rise buildings emit more greenhouse gases per dwelling and per person than smaller blocks of flats, townhouses or detached homes.High-rise apartment blocks emit 10.4 tonnes of carbon dioxide a year, compared with nine tonnes for detached homes and 5.1 tonnes for townhouses.When divided by the average number of residents in different types of housing, flat-dwellers came out the highest energy offenders - 5.4 tonnes of greenhouse gases a person, compared with 2.9 tonnes for residents of detached homes.The report, published on the department's website, says electrically heated swimming pools and inefficient lighting and ventilation systems in common areas were found in many of the apartment blocks audited."With more thoughtful selection of common area technologies, many high-rise buildings could enjoy large energy and greenhouse savings," it said.The director of the Total Environment Centre, Jeff Angel, said developers should spend less on apartments' fit-outs rather than scrimp on energy-saving measures.He also encouraged the use of cogeneration plants in new apartment blocks, which work by

taking the heat created by a power generator and using it for extra energy supply.Bill Randolph, who heads the University of NSW City Futures Research Centre, said letting apartment developments "off the hook sends all the wrong messages"."Seventy per cent of the next generation of Sydney's property is going to be medium- and high-density," Professor Randolph said. "We have to make sure that whatever is built is up to the highest environmental standards."The Property Council wants the Government to introduce incentives for builders to meet higher energy targets, such as guaranteed assessment times for development applications.Other incentives could include allowing higher density to generate additional profit to cover the cost of the energy measures, or rebates on water and energy infrastructure.The council's state executive director, Ken Morrison, said it already cost about $15,000 a unit to meet the current target, and lifting it higher would make units unaffordable."Apartments are actually more complicated in terms of their energy and water usage than what the Government first envisaged," he said. "I just don't see how the Government can lift the existing target for apartments."

1) Complete the table on the features of Pyrmont’s Sustainability.

2) Discuss Pyrmont’s Ecological Sustainability.

Features that make Pyrmont Sustainable Features that Make Pyrmont Unsustainable