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Communist Party of China中国共产党

Zhōngguó Gòngchǎndǎng

The emblem of the Communist Party of China.

Chinese name 中国共产党

General Secretary Xi Jinping

PolitburoStandingCommittee

Xi Jinping

Li Keqiang

Zhang Dejiang

Yu Zhengsheng

Liu Yunshan

Wang Qishan

Zhang Gaoli

Founded 1 July 1921

Headquarters Zhongnanhai, Beijing

Newspaper People's Daily

Youth wing Communist Youth League

Armed wing People's Liberation Army

Membership (Bythe 18th NationalCongress)

82.6 million[1]

Ideology Communism, socialism with

Chinese Characteristics (see

"ideology" section)

Internationalaffiliation

Attends the International

Meeting of Communist and

Workers' Parties

National People'sCongress

Website

Communist Party of ChinaFrom Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The Communist Party of China (CPC)[note 1] is thefounding and leading political party of the People's Republicof China. The CPC is the sole governing party of China,although it coexists alongside 8 other legal parties that makeup the United Front. It was founded in 1921, chiefly by ChenDuxiu and Li Dazhao. The party grew quickly, and by 1949the CPC had defeated the Kuomintang in a 10-year civil war,thus leading to the establishment of the People's Republic.With a membership of 82.6 million, it is the largest politicalparty in the world.

The CPC is organized on the basis of democratic centralism,a principle conceived by Russian Marxist theoreticianVladimir Lenin which entails democratic and open discussionon policy on the condition of unity in upholding the agreedupon policies. The highest body of the CPC is the NationalCongress, convened every fifth year. When the NationalCongress is not in session, the Central Committee is thehighest body, but since the body meets normally only once ayear, most duties and responsibilities are vested in thePolitburo and its Standing Committee. The party's leaderholds the offices of General Secretary (responsible for civilianparty duties), Chairman of the Central Military Commission(responsible for military affairs) and state president (a largelyceremonial position). Through these posts the party leader isthe country's paramount leader. The current party leader is XiJinping, elected at the 18th National Congress (held in 2012).

While the CPC is still committed to communist thought,mainstream foreign opinion believes the party to be non-ideological. According to the party constitution the CPCadheres to Marxism–Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought,socialism with Chinese characteristics, Deng XiaopingTheory, Three Represents and the Scientific Outlook onDevelopment. The official explanation for China's economicreforms is that the country is in the primary stage of socialism,a developmental stage similar to the capitalist mode ofproduction. The planned economy established under MaoZedong was replaced by the socialist market economy, thecurrent economic system, on the basis that "Practice is theSole Criterion for the Truth" (i.e. the planned economy wasdeemed inefficient).

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english.cpc.people.com.cn

(http://english.cpc.people.com.cn/)

Party flag

Politics of the People's Republic of China

Political parties

Elections

Communist Party of China

Chinese name

Simplified Chinese 中国共产党

Traditional Chinese 中國共產黨

Hanyu Pinyin Zhōngguó Gòngchǎndǎng

Transcriptions

Mandarin

Hanyu Pinyin Zhōngguó

Gòngchǎndǎng

IPA [tʂʊ́ŋkwɔ̌ kʊ̂ŋtʂʰàntɑ̀ŋ]

Min

Hokkien POJ Tiong-kok Kiōng-sán-

tóng

Cantonese

Jyutping zung1gwok3

gung6caan2dong2

Abbreviated name

Chinese 中共

Hanyu Pinyin Zhōng Gòng

Transcriptions

Mandarin

Hanyu Pinyin Zhōng Gòng

IPA [tʂʊ́ŋkʊ̂ŋ]

Since the collapse of Eastern European communist regimes in1989 and the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, theCPC has emphasized its party-to-party relations with theruling parties of the remaining socialist states. While the CPCstill maintains party-to-party relations with non-rulingcommunist parties around the world, it has since the 1980sestablished relations with several non-communist parties,most notably with ruling parties of one-party states (whatevertheir ideology), dominant parties in democratic systems(whatever their ideology), and social democratic parties.

Contents

1 History

1.1 Founding and early history (1921–1927)

1.2 The Chinese Civil War and World War II

(1927–1949)

1.3 Ruling party (1949–present)

2 Governance

2.1 Collective leadership

2.2 Democratic centralism

2.3 Multi-party Cooperation System

3 Organization

3.1 National Congress

3.1.1 Constitution

3.1.2 Central Committee

3.1.3 Central Commission for

Discipline Inspection

3.2 Bodies of the Central Committee

3.2.1 Party leader

3.2.2 Politburo

3.2.2.1 Politburo Standing

Committee

3.2.3 Secretariat

3.2.4 Central Military Commission

3.2.5 National Security Commission

3.2.6 Subordinate organs

3.3 Lower-level organizations

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Min

Hokkien POJ Tiong Kiōng

Cantonese

Jyutping zung1 gung6

Tibetan name

Tibetan �ང་ག་ོ�ང་�ན་ཏང

Transcriptions

Wylie krung go gung khran

tang

Uyghur name

Uyghur جۇڭگو كوممۇن�ست�ك پارت�یھ

Transcriptions

Latin Yëziqi Junggo Kommunistik

Partiye

Yengi Yezik̡ Junggo Kommunistik

Partiyə

Siril Yëziqi Җуңго Коммунистик

Партийə

3.4 Members

3.4.1 Probationary period, rights and

duties

3.4.2 Composition of the party

3.5 Communist Youth League

4 Symbols

5 Ideology

5.1 Marxism–Leninism and Mao Zedong

Thought

5.2 Rationale for the reforms

5.2.1 The creation of a "Socialist

market economy"

5.3 Three Represents

5.4 Scientific Outlook on Development

5.5 Views on capitalism

5.6 Economics

5.7 Stance on religion

6 Party-to-party relations

6.1 Communist parties

6.1.1 Ruling parties of socialist states

6.2 Non-communist parties

7 See also

8 Notes

9 References

9.1 Footnotes

9.2 Bibliography

10 External links

History

Main article: History of the Communist Party of China

Founding and early history (1921–1927)

The CPC has its origins in the May Fourth Movement of 1919, during which radical ideologies like anarchism and

communism gained traction among Chinese intellectuals.[2] Li Dazhao was the first leading Chinese intellectual who

publicly supported Leninism and world revolution.[3] In contrast to Chen Duxiu, Li did not renounce participation in

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Flag of the Chinese Workers'

and Peasants' Red Army

the affairs of the Republic of China.[4] Both of them regarded the October Revolution in Russia as groundbreaking,

believing it to herald a new era for oppressed countries everywhere.[4] The CPC was modeled on Vladimir Lenin's

theory of a vanguard party.[5] Study circles were, according to Cai Hesen, "the rudiments [of our party]".[6] Severalstudy circles were established during the New Culture Movement, but "by 1920 skepticism about their suitability as

vehicles for reform had become widespread."[7]

The founding National Congress of the CPC was held on 23–31 July 1921.[8] While it was originally planned to be

held in Shanghai French Concession, police offers interrupted the meeting on 3 July.[8] Because of that, the

congress was moved to a tourist boat on South Lake in Jiaxing, Zhenjiang province.[8] Only 12 delegates attended

the congress, with neither Li nor Chen being able to attend.[8] Chen sent a personal representative to attend the

congress.[8] The resolutions of the congress called for the establishment of a communist party (as a branch of the

Communist International) and elected Chen as its leader.[8]

The communists dominated the left wing of the Kuomintang (KMT), a party

organized on Leninist lines, struggling for power with the party's right wing.[9]

When KMT leader Sun Yat-sen died in May 1925, he was succeeded by arightist, Chiang Kai-shek, who initiated moves to marginalize the position of the

communists.[9] Fresh from the success of the Northern Expedition to overthrowthe warlords, Chiang Kai-shek turned on the communists, who by now

numbered in the tens of thousands across China.[10] Ignoring the orders of theWuhan-based KMT government, he marched on Shanghai, a city controlled bycommunist militias. Although the communists welcomed Chiang's arrival, he

turned on them, massacring 5000 with the aid of the Green Gang.[10][11][12]

Chiang's army then marched on Wuhan, but was prevented from taking the city by CPC General Ye Ting and his

troops.[13] Chiang's allies also attacked communists; in Beijing, 19 leading communists were killed by Zhang Zuolin,

while in Changsha, He Jian's forces machine gunned hundreds of peasant militiamen.[14][15] That May, tens ofthousands of communists and their sympathisers were killed by nationalists, with the CPC losing approximately

15,000 of its 25,000 members.[15]

The CPC continued supporting the Wuhan KMT government,[15] but on 15 July 1927 the Wuhan government

expelled all communists from the KMT.[16] The CPC reacted by founding the Workers' and Peasants' Red Armyof China, better known as the "Red Army", to battle the KMT. A battalion led by General Zhu De was ordered totake the city of Nanchang on 1 August 1927 in what became known as the Nanchang Uprising; initially successful,they were forced into retreat after five days, marching south to Shantou, and from there being driven into the

wilderness of Fujian.[16] Mao Zedong was appointed commander-in-chief of the Red Army, and led four regiments

against Changsha in the Autumn Harvest Uprising, hoping to spark peasant uprisings across Hunan.[17] His planwas to attack the KMT-held city from three directions on 9 September, but the Fourth Regiment deserted to theKMT cause, attacking the Third Regiment. Mao's army made it to Changsha, but could not take it; by 15

September, he accepted defeat, with 1000 survivors marching east to the Jinggang Mountains of Jiangxi.[17][18][19]

The Chinese Civil War and World War II (1927–1949)

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Mao declared the establishment of the

People's Republic of China on 1

October 1949

Further information: Chinese Civil War and Second Sino-Japanese War

The near-destruction of the CPC's urban organizational apparatus, led to institutional changes within the party.[20]

The party adopted democratic centralism, a way to organize revolutionary parties, and established a Politburo

(functioned as the standing committee of the Central Committee).[20] The result was increased centralization of

power within the party .[20] At every-level of the party this was duplicated, with standing committees know in

effective control.[20] After Chen Duxiu's dismissal, Li Lisan was able to assume de facto control of the party

organization by 1929–30.[20] Li Lisan's leadership was a failure, and by the end of it the CPC was on the brink of

destruction.[20] The Comintern became involved, and by late-1930 he had been taken away his powers.[20] By1935 Mao had become the party's formal leader, with Zhou Enlai and Zhang Wentian, the formal head of the party,

serving as his informal deputies.[20] The conflict with the KMT led to the reorganization of the Red Army, withpower now centralized in the leadership through the creation of CPC political departments charged with supervising

the army.[20]

The Second Sino-Japanese War caused a pause in the conflict between the CPC and the KMT.[21] The Second

United Front was established between the CPC and the KMT to tackle the invasion.[22] While the front formally

existed until 1945, all collaboration between the two parties had ended by 1940.[22] Despite their formal alliance,the CPC used the opportunity to expand and carve out independent bases of operations to prepare for the coming

war with the KMT.[23] In 1939 the KMT began to restrict CPC expansion within China.[23] This led to frequent

clashes between CPC and KMT forces.[23] It did not take long before the situation were deescalated, since none

of the parties considered a civil war an option at this time.[23] Despite this, by 1943 the CPC was again actively

expanding its territory at the expense of the KMT.[23]

From 1945 until 1949, the war had been reduced to two parties; the

CPC and the KMT.[24] This period lasted through four stages; the firstwas from August 1945 (when the Japanese surrendered) to June 1946

(when the peace talks between the CPC and the KMT ended).[24] By1945, the KMT three-times more soldiers under its command then the

CPC, and because of it, it looked early on like it was winning.[24] Withthe cooperation of the Americans and the Japanese, the KMT was able

to retake major parts of the country.[24] Around the same time, the CPClaunched an invasion of Manchuria, where they were given assistance by

the Soviet Union.[24] However, KMT rule over the reconquestedterritories would prove unpopular because of endemic corruption within

the party.[24] However, the main failure was that the KMT, with 2millions more troops than the CPC, failed to reconquer the rural

territories which made up the CPC's stronghold.[24] The second stage, lasting from July 1946 to June 1947, saw

KMT extend its control over major cities, such as Yanan (the CPC headquarter for much of the war).[24] TheKMT's successes were hollow, the CPC had tactically withdrawn from the cities, and instead attacked KMTauthorities by instigating protests amongst students and intellectuals in the cities (the KMT responded to these

events with heavy-handed repression).[25] In the meantime, the KMT was struggling with factional infighting and

Chiang Kai-shek's autocratic control over the party, which weakened the KMT's ability to respond to attacks.[25]

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Chinese communists celebrate

Joseph Stalin's birthday, 1949

The third stage, lasting from July 1947 to August 1948, saw a limited counteroffensive by the CPC.[25] The

objective was to clear "Central China, strengthening North China, and recovering Northeast China."[26] This policy,coupled with desertions from the KMT military force (by spring 1948 KMT military had lost an estimated 2 million

troops, having 1 million troops left) and the increasing unpopularity of KMT rule.[25] The result was hat the CPC

was able cuf of KMT garrisons in Manchuria and retake several lost territories.[26] The last stage, lasting fromSeptember 1948 to December 1949, saw the communist take the initiative and the collapse of KMT rule in

mainland China.[26] On 1 October 1949, Mao declared the establishment of the People's Republic of China, which

signified the end of the Chinese Revolution (as it is officially described by the CPC).[26]

Ruling party (1949–present)

The Chinese Revolution, directed by Mao Zedong and the CPC, led to the establishment of the People's Republic

of China (PRC) in 1949.[25] The PRC was founded on Marxist–Leninist principles, or more precisely, the

sinification of Marxism–Leninism (officially known as Mao Zedong Thought, or Maoism).[27] During the 1960s and

1970s, the CPC experienced a significant ideological separation from the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.[28]

By that time, Mao had begun saying that the "continued revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat"stipulated that class enemies continued to exist even though the socialist revolution seemed to be complete, leading

to the Cultural Revolution.[29]

Following Mao's death in 1976, a power struggle between CPC General

Secretary Hua Guofeng and Deng Xiaoping erupted.[30] Deng won the

struggle, and became the CPC paramount leader.[30] Deng, alongsideChen Yun and Li Xiannian, spearheaded the Reform and opening policy,and introduced the ideological concept of socialism with Chinese

characteristics.[31] In reversing some of Mao's "extreme-leftist" policies,Deng argued that a socialist state could use the market economy without

itself being capitalist.[32] While asserting the political power of the Party,

the change in policy generated significant economic growth.[2] The newideology, however, was contested on both sides of the spectrum, byMaoists as well as by those supporting political liberalization. With othersocial factors, the conflicts culminated in the 1989 Tiananmen Square

Protests.[33] Deng's vision on economics prevailed, and by the early 1990s the concept a socialist market economy

had been introduced.[34] In 1997, Deng's beliefs, referred to as Deng Xiaoping Theory, were embedded in the

CPC constitution.[35]

Jiang Zemin succeeded Deng as paramount leader in the 1990s, and continued most of his policies.[36] As part ofJiang Zemin's nominal legacy, the CPC ratified the Three Represents for the 2003 revision of the Party constitution,as a "guiding ideology" to encourage the Party to represent "advanced productive forces, the progressive course of

China's culture, and the fundamental interests of the people."[37] The theory has legitimized the entry of private

business owners and bourgeois elements into the party.[37] Hu Jintao, Jiang Zemin's successor as paramount leader,

took office in 2002.[38] Unlike Mao, Deng and Jiang Zemin, Hu laid emphasis on collective leadership and opposed

one-man dominance of the political system.[38] The insistence on focusing on economic growth has led to a wide

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range of serious social problems. To address these, Hu introduced two main ideological concepts: the Scientific

Outlook on Development and Harmonious Socialist Society.[39] Hu resigned from his post as CPC GeneralSecretary and Chairman of the Central Military Commission at the 18th National Congress held in 2012, and was

succeeded in both posts by Xi Jinping.[40]

Governance

Collective leadership

Currently, in a bid to curtail the powers of the individuals, collective leadership, the idea that decisions will be taken

through consensus, has become the ideal in the CPC.[41] The concept has its origins back to Vladimir Lenin and the

Russian Bolshevik Party.[42] At the level of the central party leadership this means that, for instance, all members of

the Politburo Standing Committee are of equal standing (each member having only one vote).[41] A member of thePolitburo Standing Committee often represents a sector; during Mao's reign, he controlled the People's Liberation

Army, Kang Sheng the security apparatus and Zhou Enlai the State Council and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.[41]

This counts as informal power.[41] Despite this, in a paradoxical relation, members of a body are ranked

hierarchically (despite the fact that members are in theory equal to each others).[41] In spite of this, the CPC is ledby an informal leader principle, each collective leadership is led by a core, that is a paramount leader; a person who

holds the offices of CPC General Secretary, Central Military Commission chairman and state president.[43] Before

Jiang Zemin's tenure as paramount leader, the party core and collective leadership were indistinguishable.[44] In

practice, the core was not responsible to the collective leadership.[44] However, by the time of Jiang, the party hadbegun propagating a responsibility system, referring to it in official pronouncements to the "core of the collective

leadership".[44]

Democratic centralism

Further information: Democratic centralism

The CPC's organizational principle is democratic centralism, which is based on two principles; democracy

(synonymous in official discourse with "socialist democracy" and "inner-party democracy") and centralism.[45] This

has been the guiding organizational principle of the party since the 5th National Congress, held in 1927.[45] In thewords of the party constitution, "The Party is an integral body organized under its program and constitution and on

the basis of democratic centralism".[45] Mao once quipped that democratic centralism was "at once democratic andcentralized, with the two seeming opposites of democracy and centralization united in a definite form." Mao claimedthat the superiority of democratic centralism laid in its internal contradictions, between democracy and centralism,

and freedom and discipline.[45] Currently, the CPC is claiming that "democracy is the lifeline of the Party, the lifeline

of socialism".[45] But for democracy to be implemented, and functioning properly, there needs to be

centralization.[45] Democracy in any form, the CPC claims, needs centralism, since without centralism there will be

no order.[45] According to Mao, democratic centralism "is centralized on the basis of democracy and democraticunder centralized guidance. This is the only system that can give full expression to democracy with full powersvested in the people’s congresses at all levels and, at the same time, guarantee centralized administration with the

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governments at each level exercising centralized management of all the affairs entrusted to them by the people’scongresses at the corresponding level and safeguarding whatever is essential to the democratic life of the

people".[45]

Multi-party Cooperation System

The Multi-party Cooperation and Political Consultation System is led by the CPC in cooperation and consultation

with the 8 parties which make up the United Front.[46] Consultation takes place under the leadership of the CPC,

with mass organizations, the United Front parties, and "representatives from all walks of life".[46] Theseconsultations contribute, at least in theory, to the formation of the country's basic policy in the fields of political,

economic, cultural and social affairs.[46] The CPC's relationship with other parties is based on the principle of "long-

term coexistence and mutual supervision, treating each other with full sincerity and sharing weal or woe."[46] This

process is institutionalized in the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC).[46] All the parties in

the United Front support China's road to socialism, and hold steadfast to the leadership of the CPC.[46] Despite all

this, the CPPCC is a body without any real power.[47] While discussions do take place, they are all supervised by

the CPC.[47]

Organization

Main article: Organization of the Communist Party of China

National Congress

Main article: National Congress of the Communist Party of China

The National Congress is the party's supreme organ, and is held every fifth year (in the past there were longintervals between congresses, but since the 9th National Congress in 1969, congresses have been held

regularly).[48] According to the party's constitution, a congress may not be postponed except "under extraordinary

circumstances".[49] A congress may be held before the given date if the Central Committee so decides, or if "one

third of the party organizations at the provincial level so request".[49] Under Mao, the delegates to congresses wereappointed; however, since 1982 the congress delegates have been elected, due to the decision that there must be

more candidates than seats.[50] At the 15th National Congress in 1997, for instance, several princelings (the sons ordaughters of powerful CPC officials) failed to be elected to the 15th Central Committee; among them were Chen

Yuan, Wang Jun and Bo Xilai.[51] The elections are carried out through secret ballots.[49] Despite this, certain seatsare not subject to elections; instead, the outgoing Central Committee "recommends" certain choices to the party

electorate.[52] These figures are mostly high-ranking members of the party leadership or special guests.[52] Forinstance, at the 15th National Congress, 60 seats were given to members who had joined the CPC before 1927,and some were given to the outgoing members of the 15th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI)

and the 15th Central Committee.[52]

The party constitution gives the National Congress six responsibilities: (1) electing the party's executive andlegislative branches, represented by the Central Committee; (2) electing the judicial branch, represented by theCCDI; (3) to examining the report of the outgoing Central Committee; (4) examining the report of the outgoing

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CCDI; (5) discussing and enacting party policies; and (6) revising the party's constitution.[52] However, thedelegates rarely discuss issues in length at the National Congresses; most discussion takes place before the

congress, in the preparation period.[52]

Constitution

Main article: Constitution of the Communist Party of China

According to the CPC-published book Concise History of the Communist Party of China, the party's first

constitution was adopted at the 1st National Congress.[53] Since then several constitutions have been written, such

as the second constitution, adopted at the 7th National Congress.[53] The constitution regulates party life, and the

CCDI is responsible for supervising the party to ensure that it is followed.[54] The constitution currently in force was

adopted at the 12th National Congress.[55] It has many affinities with the state constitution, and they are generally

amended either at party congresses or shortly thereafter.[56] The preamble of the state constitution is largely copied

from the "General Program" (the preamble) of the party constitution.[57]

Central Committee

Main article: Central Committee of the Communist Party of China

The Central Committee is empowered by the party constitution to enact policies in the periods between party

congresses.[58] A Central Committee is de jure elected by a party Congress, but in reality its membership is chosen

by the central party leadership.[58] The authority of the Central Committee has increased in recent years, with theleaders rarely, if ever, going against Central Committee, which often occurred during the early years of the People's

Republic.[49] The Central Committee is required to meet at least once every year;[59] however, in the early years ofthe People's Republic there were several years when it did not convene at all; 1951–53, 1960, 1963–65, 1967,

1971, 1974 and 1976.[60]

While the Central Committee is the highest organ in the periods between party congresses, few resolutions cite itsname. Instead, the majority of party resolutions refer to the "Communist Party Centre", an indirect way ofprotecting the powers of, and resolutions produced by, the Politburo, the Politburo Standing Committee and the

General Secretary.[59] This method shields the central party leadership from lower-level bodies, reducing

accountability, as lower levels can never be sure which body produced which resolution.[59] In contrast to theCentral Committee of the Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV), the CPC Central Committee does not have thepower to remove general secretaries or other leading officials, despite the fact that the party constitution grants it

those rights.[61] When the CPV dismissed its General Secretary Do Muoi, it convened a special session of itsCentral Committee, and when it chose its new general secretary, it convened another Central Committee

plenum.[61] In contrast, in China, when the CPC dismissed Hu Yaobang (in 1987) and Zhao Ziyang in 1989, the

Politburo, not the Central Committee, convened a special session.[59] Not only did the meeting itself breakconstitutional practices, since the CPC constitution clearly states that a Central Committee session must be called,but the meeting included several party veterans who were neither formal members of the Politburo nor of the

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Central Committee.[61] In short, the CPC Central Committee, in contrast to the CPV Central Committee, isresponsible to the higher bodies of the party (the Politburo and the Politburo Standing Committee), while in

Vietnam the higher bodies are accountable to the Central Committee.[62]

Central Commission for Discipline Inspection

Main article: Central Commission for Discipline Inspection of the Communist Party of China

The Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI) is responsible for monitoring and punishing CPC cadres

who abuse power, are corrupt or in general commit wrongdoing.[63] CCDI organs exist at every level of the party

hierarchy.[63] The CCDI is the successor to the Control Commission, abolished in 1968 at the height of the Cultural

Revolution.[64] Although the CCDI was originally designed to restore party morale and discipline, it has taken over

many of the functions of the former Control Commission.[65] The CCDI is elected by the National Congress, held

every fifth year.[65]

Bodies of the Central Committee

Party leader

Main articles: Chairman of the Communist Party of China and General Secretary of the Communist

Party of China

At the party's founding in 1921, Chen Duxiu was elected as the party leader, holding the position of Secretary ofthe Central Bureau. As the party expanded, the title changed several times over the next 3 years, until in 1925 the

title General Secretary was introduced.[66] The term General Secretary continued in general use until 1943, whenMao Zedong was elected as Chairman of the Politburo. In 1945, Mao was elected Chairman of the CPC Central

Committee, the title he held for the rest of his life.[66] The office of General Secretary was revived in 1956 at the 8th

National Congress, but it functioned as a lesser office, responsible to the office of the CPC Chairman.[67] At aparty meeting in 1959, Mao explained the relationship between the CPC Chairman and the CPC General Secretary

as follows: "As Chairman, I am the commander; as General Secretary, Deng Xiaoping is deputy commander."[68]

The office of CPC Chairman was abolished in 1982, and replaced with that of CPC General Secretary.[69]

According to the party constitution, the General Secretary must be a member of the Politburo Standing Committee(PSC), and is responsible for convening meetings of the PSC and the Politburo, while also presiding over the work

of the Secretariat.[70]

The party's leader holds the offices of General Secretary (responsible for civilian party duties), Chairman of theCentral Military Commission (responsible for military affairs) and state president (a largely ceremonial position).Through these posts the party leader is the country's paramount leader.

Politburo

Main article: Politburo of the Communist Party of China

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The Politburo of the Central Committee "exercises the functions and powers of the Central Committee when a

plenum is not in session".[71] It is formally elected at the first plenary meeting of each newly elected Central

Committee.[71] In reality, however, Politburo membership is decided by the central party leadership.[71] During his

rule, Mao controlled the composition of the Politburo himself.[71] The Politburo was de facto the highest organ of

power until the 8th National Congress, when the PSC was established.[67] The powers given to the PSC came at

the expense of the Politburo.[67] The Politburo meets at least once a month.[72] The CPC General Secretary is

responsible for convening the Politburo.[70]

From 2003 onwards, the Politburo has been delivering a work report to every Central Committee plenum, further

cementing the Politburo's status as accountable to the Central Committee.[73] Also, from the 16th National

Congress onwards, the CPC has been reporting on meetings of the Politburo, the PSC and its study sessions.[74]

However, the reports do not contain all the information discussed at the meetings; the end of the reports usually

notes that "other matters" were also discussed at the meeting.[74]

In the Politburo, decisions are reached through consensus, not votes.[75] In certain cases, straw votes are used tosee how many members support or oppose a certain case (these straw votes do not necessarily affect the ultimate

decision).[75] Every member has the right to participate in the collective discussion.[75] It is the CPC General

Secretary who convenes the Politburo and sets the agenda for the meeting.[75] Each Politburo member is told of theagenda beforehand, and is given materials by the General Secretary on the subject so as to be prepared for the

discussions.[75] The first person to speak at the meeting is the member who proposed the agenda.[75] After that,

those who know about the subject, or whose work is directly related to it, may speak.[75] Then those who doubt or

oppose the agenda speak.[75] Lastly, the General Secretary speaks, and he usually supports the agenda, as he

supported discussing it in the first place.[75] When the General Secretary is finished speaking, he calls for a vote.[75]

If the vote is unanimous or nearly so, it may be accepted; if the vote is nearly unanimous, but members who directly

work in the area discussed oppose it, the issue will be postponed.[76] When the Politburo enacts a decision without

all the members' agreement, the other members usually try to convince their opponents.[76] In many ways, the CPCPolitburo's policy decision-making is very similar to that of the Politburo of the Communist Party of the Soviet

Union after Nikita Khrushchev's removal.[77]

Politburo Standing Committee

Main article: Politburo Standing Committee of the Communist Party of China

The Politburo Standing Committee (PSC) is the highest organ of the Communist Party when neither the Politburo,

the Central Committee and the National Congress are in session.[78] It convenes at least once a week.[72] It wasestablished at the 8th National Congress, in 1958, to take over the policy-making role formerly assumed by the

Secretariat.[67] The PSC is "the primary decision-making body, though there is growing evidence of its being made

more responsive to the collective agreements of the entire Politburo."[79] Despite formal rules stating that a PSCmember must serve a term in the Politburo before advancing to the PSC, this rule has been breached twice, first in1992 when Hu Jintao was appointed to PSC, and again in 2007 when Xi Jinping and Li Keqiang were appointed

to it.[80] In reality, however, the PSC is not accountable to the Central Committee and has never been.[81]

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Secretariat

Main article: Secretariat of the Communist Party of China

The Secretariat of the Central Committee is headed by the General Secretary and is responsible for supervising the

central party organizations: departments, commissions, newspapers, etc.[82] It is also responsible for implementing

the decisions of the Politburo and the Politburo Standing Committee.[82] The Secretariat was abolished in 1966 and

its formal functions taken over by the Central Office of Management, but it was reestablished in 1980.[82] To beappointed to the Secretariat, a person has to be nominated by the Politburo Standing Committee; the nomination

must be approved by the Central Committee.[83]

Central Military Commission

Main article: Central Military Commission of the Communist Party of China

The Central Military Commission (CMC) is elected by the Central Committee, and is responsible for the PLA.[84]

The position of CMC Chairman is one of the most powerful in China, and the CMC Chairman must concurrently

serve as CPC General Secretary.[84] Unlike the collective leadership ideal of other party organs, the CMC

Chairman acts as commander-in-chief with the right to appoint or dismiss top military officers as he pleases.[84] The

CMC Chairman can deploy troops, controls the country's nuclear weapons, and allocates the budget.[84] The

promotion or transfer of officers above the divisional level must be validated by the CMC Chairman's signature.[84]

In theory, the CMC Chairman is under the responsibility of the Central Committee, but in practice, he reports only

to the paramount leader.[84] This is in many ways due to Mao, who did not want other Politburo members to

involve themselves in military affairs.[85] As he put it, "the Politburo's realm is state affairs, the CMC's is

military".[85] This state of things has continued until today.[85] The CMC has controlled the PLA through threeorgans since 1937: the General Staff Department, the General Political Department and the General Logistics

Department.[85] A fourth organ, the General Armaments Department, was established in 1998.[85]

National Security Commission

Main article: National Security Commission of the Communist Party of China

The Central National Security Commission (CNSC) was established at the 3rd Plenary Session of the 18th Central

Committee (held in 2013).[86] It has been established to "co-ordinate security strategies across variousdepartments, including intelligence, the military, foreign affairs and the police in order to cope with growing

challenges to stability at home and abroad."[86] The idea of establishing a CNSC was first mentioned in the 1980s,

but was muted "by vested interests that stand to lose power in a reshuffle".[86] Currently little is known of the bodyoutside of the CPC, but it is generally believed to have strengthened the party's control over the People's Liberation

Army (PLA), the Chinese armed forces.[87] On 24 January 2014 Xi Jinping, the current CPC General Secretary,was appointed CNSC Chairman, while Li Keqiang, the Premier of the State Council, and Zhang Dejiang, theChairman of the Standing Committee of the NPC (head of parliament), were appointed CNSC deputy

chairmen.[87]

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Subordinate organs

There are several organs under the auspices of the Central Committee. The following are the most important:[49]

General Office — The nerve center of the CPC. For instance, it handles classified documents and

information from party organs nationwide.[88]

Central Organization Department (COD) — Established in 1937, functioning like the Organizational

Bureau (Orgburo) of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU).[89] At the beginning, the COD was

principally occupied with creating files on the party's members, to see if they were committed communists or

not.[90] According to analyst Richard McGregor, the "The Central Organisation Department is [the CPC's]

third and least-known pillar of power".[91] The COD is responsible for personnel appointments throughout

the CPC.[92]

Central Publicity Department (CPD) — Controls news and information to the Chinese public.[92] It

functions to protect the interest of the CPC on the basis of the party line and the ideological concept of the

Four Cardinal Principles.[93]

Central International Liaison Department (CILD) — The CPC's "foreign affairs ministry", responsible

for relations with foreign parties as well as for gathering foreign intelligence.[94] During the Cold War, the

CILD fought for domination in the global communist movement against the CPSU's International

Department, but with the collapse of the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc, its responsibilities have widened

to include foreign relations with all types of parties: communists, socialists, liberals, etc.[94]

Central United Front Work Department (CUFWD) — Responsible for increasing the party's support

base outside its direct purview, in the business community and civil organizations.[92]

Central Policy Research Office (CPRO) — Responsible for researching issues of significant interest to

the central party leadership.[95]

Central Taiwan Work Office (CTWO) —The general office of the Central Leading Group for Taiwan

Affairs (CLGTA), responsible for preparing agendas for its meetings, coordinating paper flow and

communicating with other organs on the CLGTA's behalf.[96]

Central External Propaganda Office (CEPO) — The party version of the State Council Information

Office, responsible to the Central Leading Small Group for External Propaganda. This is a bureaucratic

duality, called in China "one organ, two signboards", literally two names for the same institution.[97]

Central Security Bureau (CSB) — Responsible for the security of top party leaders.[98]

Central Party School (CPI) — Provides political training and ideological indoctrination in communist

thought for high-ranking CPC cadres and rising CPC cadres.[99] It publishes the theoretical magazines

Seeking Truth from Facts and Study Times.[99]

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People's Daily — One of the most recognized Chinese media outlets, the newspaper functions as one of

the voices of the central party leadership.[100]

Party History Research Centre (PHSC) — Established in 1980 to set priorities for scholarly research in

universities, the Academy of Social Science and the Central Party School.[101]

Central Compilation and Translation Bureau (CCTB) — Established in 1953 with the aim of studying

and translating the classical works of Marxism.[102]

Lower-level organizations

Party committees exist at the level of provinces; autonomous regions; municipalities directly under the centralgovernment; cities divided into districts; autonomous prefectures; counties (banner); autonomous counties; cities not

divided into districts; and municipal districts.[103] These committees are elected by party congresses (at their own

level).[103] Local party congresses are supposed to be held every fifth year, but under extraordinary circumstancesthey may be held earlier or postponed. However that decision must be approved by the next higher level of the

local party committee.[103] The number of delegates and the procedures for their election are decided by the local

party committee, but must also have the approval of the next higher party committee.[103]

A local party congress has many of the same duties as the National Congress, and it is responsible for examiningthe report of the local Party Committee at the corresponding level; examining the report of the local Commission forDiscipline Inspection at the corresponding level; discussing and adopting resolutions on major issues in the givenarea; and electing the local Party Committee and the local Commission for Discipline Inspection at the

corresponding level.[103] Party committees of "a province, autonomous region, municipality directly under thecentral government, city divided into districts, or autonomous prefecture [are] elected for a term of five years", and

include full and alternate members.[103] The party committees "of a county (banner), autonomous county, city notdivided into districts, or municipal district [are] elected for a term of five years", but full and alternate members

"must have a Party standing of three years or more."[103] If a local Party Congress is held before or after the given

date, the term of the members of the Party Committee shall be correspondingly shortened or lengthened.[103]

A local Party Committee is responsible to the Party Committee at the next higher level.[103] The number of full and

alternate members at the local Party Committee is decided by the Party Committee at the next higher level.[103]

Vacancies in a Party Committee shall be filled by an alternate members according to the order of precedence,

which is decided by the number of votes an alternate member got during his or hers election.[103] A Party

Committee must convene for at least two plenary meetings a year.[103] During its tenure, a Party Committee shall"carry out the directives of the next higher Party organizations and the resolutions of the Party congresses at the

corresponding levels."[103] The local Standing Committee (analogous to the Central Politburo) is elected at the first

plenum of the corresponding Party Committee after the local party congress.[103] A Standing Committee is

responsible to the Party Committee at the corresponding level and the Party Committee at the next higher level.[103]

A Standing Committee exercises the duties and responsibilities of the corresponding Party Committee when it is not

in session.[103]

Members

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—Communist Party admission oath.[104]

Ordinary CPC members marking the

convening of the 18th National

Congress.

Probationary period, rights and duties

To join the party an applicant must be 18 years ofage, and must spend a year as a probationary

member.[104] In contrast to the past, whenemphasis was placed on the applicants' ideologicalcriteria, the current CPC stresses technical and

educational qualifications.[104] However, applicantsand members are expected to be both "red and

expert".[104] To become a probationary member,two current CPC members must recommend the

applicant to the local party leadership.[104] Therecommending members must acquaint themselves with the applicants, and be aware of the "applicant's ideology,character, personnel records and work performance" while teaching them about the party's program and

constitution, as well as the duties and responsibilities of members.[104] To this end, the recommending membersmust write a report to the local party leadership, reporting their opinion that the applicant is either qualified or

unqualified for membership.[104] To become a probationary member, the applicant must take an admission oath

before the party flag.[104] The relevant CPC organization is responsible for observing and educating probationary

members.[104] Probationary members have duties similar to those of full members, with the exception that they may

not vote in party elections nor stand for election.[104]

Before 1949, joining the CPC was a matter of personal commitment tothe communist cause. After 1949, people joined to gain goodgovernment jobs or access to universities, which were then limited to

CPC members.[104] Many joined the CPC through the Communist

Youth League.[104] Under Jiang Zemin, private entrepreneurs were

allowed become party members.[104] According to Article 3 of the CPCconstitution, a member must "conscientiously study Marxism–Leninism,Mao Zedong Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory and the important thoughtof Three Represents, study the Scientific Outlook on Development, studythe Party's line, principles, policies and resolutions, acquire essentialknowledge concerning the Party, obtain general, scientific, legal andprofessional knowledge and work diligently to enhance their ability to

serve the people."[103] A member, in short, must follow orders, be disciplined, uphold unity, serve the Party and the

people, and promote the socialist way of life.[103] Members enjoy the privilege of attending Party meetings, readingrelevant Party documents, receiving Party education, participating in Party discussions through the Party'snewspapers and journals, making suggestions and proposal, making "well-grounded criticism of any Partyorganization or member at Party meetings" (even of the central party leadership), voting and standing for election,and of opposing and criticizing Party resolutions ("provided that they resolutely carry out the resolution or policywhile it is in force"); and they have the ability "to put forward any request, appeal, or complaint to higher Party

organizations, even up to the Central Committee, and ask the organizations concerned for a responsible reply."[103]

No party organization, including the CPC central leadership, can deprive a member of these rights.[103]

"It is my will to join the Communist Party of China, upholdthe Party's program, observe the provisions of the Partyconstitution, fulfill a Party member's duties, carry out theParty's decisions, strictly observe Party discipline, guardParty secrets, be loyal to the Party, work hard, fight forcommunism throughout my life, be ready at all times tosacrifice my all for the Party and the people, and never betraythe Party."

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Composition of the party

As of the 18th National Congress, farmers, workers and herdsmen make up 31 percent of the party membership; 9

percent are workers.[105] The second largest membership group, "Managing, professional and technical staff in

enterprises and public institutions", makes up 23 percent of CPC membership.[105] Retirees make up 18 percent,"Party and government staff" make up 8 percent, "others" make up another 8 percent, and students are 3 percent of

CPC membership.[105] Men make-up 77 percent of CPC membership, while woman make up 23 percent.[106]

The CPC currently has 82.6 million members.[1]

Communist Youth League

Main article: Communist Youth League of China

The Communist Youth League (CYL) is the CPC's youth wing, and the largest mass organization for youth in

China.[107] According to the CPC's constitution the CYL is a "mass organization of advanced young people underthe leadership of the Communist Party of China; it is a school where a large number of young people learn aboutsocialism with Chinese characteristics and about communism through practice; it is the Party's assistant and reserve

force."[103] To join, an applicant has to be between the ages of 14 and 28.[107] It controls and supervises Young

Pioneers, a youth organization for children below the age of 14.[107] The organizational structure of CYL is an exactcopy of the CPC's; the highest body is the National Congress, followed by the Central Committee, Politburo and

the Politburo Standing Committee.[108] However, the Central Committee (and all central organs) of the CYL work

under the guidance of the CPC central leadership.[103] Therefore, in a peculiar situation, CYL bodies are both

responsible to higher bodies within CYL and the CPC, a distinct organization.[103] As of the 17th National

Congress (held in 2013), CYL has 89 million members.[109]

Symbols

According to the Article 53 of the CPC constitution, "the Party emblem and flag are the symbol and sign of the

Communist Party of China."[103] At the beginning of its history, the CPC did not have a single official standard forthe flag, but instead allowed individual party committees to copy the flag of the Communist Party of the Soviet

Union.[110] On 28 April 1942, the Central Politburo decreed the establishment of a sole official flag. "The flag of theCPC has the length-to-width proportion of 3:2 with a hammer and sickle in the upper-left corner, and with no five-pointed star. The Political Bureau authorizes the General Office to custom-make a number of standard flags and

distribute them to all major organs".[110] According to People's Daily, "The standard party flag is 120 cm in lengthand 80 cm in width. In the center of the upper-left corner (a quarter of the length and width to the border) is ayellow hammer-and-sickle 30 cm in diameter. The flag sleeve (pole hem) is in white and 6.5 cm in width. Thedimension of the pole hem is not included in the measure of the flag. The red color symbolizes revolution; thehammer-and-sickle are tools of workers and peasants, meaning that the Communist Party of China represents the

interests of the masses and the people; the yellow color signifies brightness."[110] In total the flag has fivedimensions, the sizes are "no. 1: 388 cm in length and 192 cm in width; no. 2: 240 cm in length and 160 cm inwidth; no. 3: 192 cm in length and 128 cm in width; no. 4: 144 cm in length and 96 cm in width; no. 5: 96 cm in

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—Ye Xiaowen on the role of Marxist thought.[113]

length and 64 cm in width."[110] On 21 September 1966, the CPC General Office issued "Regulations on theProduction and Use of the CPC Flag and Emblem", which stated that the emblem and flag were the official symbols

and signs of the party.[110]

Ideology

Main article: Ideology of the Communist Party of China

It has been argued in recent years, mainly by foreign commentators, that the CPC does not have an ideology, and

that the party organization is pragmatic and interested only in what works.[111] This simplistic view is wrong in many

ways, since official statements make it very clear the party does have a coherent worldview.[111] For instance, HuJintao stated in 2012 that the Western world is "threatening to divide us" and that "the international culture of the

West is strong while we are weak ... Ideological and cultural fields are our main targets".[111] The CPC puts a great

deal of effort into the party schools and into crafting its ideological message.[111] Before the "Practice Is the SoleCriterion for the Truth" campaign, the relationship between ideology and decision-making was a deductive one,

meaning that policy-making was derived from ideological knowledge.[112] Under Deng this relationship was turned

upside down, with decision-making justifying ideology and not the other way around.[112] Lastly, Chinese policy-makers believe that one of the reasons for the dissolution of the Soviet Union was its stagnant state ideology. Theytherefore believe that their party ideology must be dynamic to safeguard the party's rule, unlike the Soviet Union's

communist party, whose ideology became "rigid, unimaginative, ossified, and disconnected from reality."[112]

Marxism–Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought

Main articles: Marxism–Leninism andMaoism

Marxism–Leninism was the first official ideology ofthe Communist Party of China, and is acombination of classical Marxism (the works ofKarl Marx and Friedrich Engels) and Leninism (the

thoughts of Vladimir Lenin).[114] According to theCPC, "Marxism–Leninism reveals the universallaws governing the development of history ofhuman society." To the CPC, Marxism–Leninismprovides a vision of the contradictions in capitalist society and of the inevitability of a future socialist and communist

societies.[114] Marx and Engels first created the theory behind Marxist party building; Lenin developed it in practice

before, during and after the Russian Revolution of 1917.[114] Lenin's biggest achievement came in party-building,

through concepts such as the vanguard party of the working class and democratic centralism.[114] According to the

People's Daily, Mao Zedong Thought "is Marxism–Leninism applied and developed in China".[114]

Mao Zedong Thought was conceived not only by Mao Zedong, but by leading party officials.[115] According toXinhua, Mao Zedong Thought is "an integration of the universal truth of Marxism–Leninism with the practice of the

Chinese revolution."[115] Currently, the CPC interprets the essence of Mao Zedong Thought as "Seeking truth from

"I am a Marxist. The essence of Marxism is change, [...]Barack Obama beat Hillary Clinton by stressing change. TheMarxist in China today is not a stubborn, dogmatic, andoutdated 19th-century old man, but a dynamic, pro-change,young thinker. We have a flexible approach: if Marx's wordsare still applicable, we will use them; for things he did notarticulate clearly, we will spell them out; for what he did notsay, we will boldly come up with something new."

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A monument dedicated to Marx (left)

and Engels (right) in Shanghai, China

facts": "we [CPC] must proceed from reality and put theory into practice in everything. In other words, we must

integrate the universal theory of Marxism–Leninism with China's specific conditions."[115]

While analysts generally agree that the CPC has rejected orthodoxMarxism–Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought (or at least basic thoughts

within orthodox thinking), the CPC itself disagrees.[116] Some Westerncommentators also talk about a "crisis of ideology" within the party; they

believe that the CPC has rejected communism.[116] Wang Xuedong, theDirector of the Institute of World Socialism, said in response, "We knowthere are those abroad who think we have a 'crisis of ideology,' but we

do not agree."[116] According to Jiang Zemin, the CPC "must neverdiscard Marxism–Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought.” He said that “if

we did, we would lose our foundation.”[117] He further noted thatMarxism in general "like any science, needs to change as time and

circumstances advance."[117] Certain groups argue that Jiang Zeminended the CPC's formal commitment to Marxism with the introduction of

the ideological theory, the Three Represents.[118] However, partytheorist Leng Rong disagrees, claiming that "President Jiang rid the Partyof the ideological obstacles to different kinds of ownership [...] He didnot give up Marxism or socialism. He strengthened the Party byproviding a modern understanding of Marxism and socialism—which iswhy we talk about a ‘socialist market economy’ with Chinese

characteristics."[118] Marxism in its core is, according to Jiang Zemin,methodology and the goal of a future, classless society, not analyses of

class and of the contradictions between different classes.[119]

Karl Marx argued that society went through different stages of development, and believed that the capitalist mode

of production was the third stage.[120] The stages were: ancient, based mostly on slavery; feudal; capitalist; socialist;

and the communist mode of production.[120] The attainment of true "communism" is described as the CPC's and

China's "ultimate goal".[121] While the CPC claims that China is in the primary stage of socialism, party theoristsargue that the current development stage "looks a lot like capitalism". Alternately, certain party theorists argue that

“capitalism is the early or first stage of communism.”[121] In official pronouncements, the primary stage of socialism

is predicted to last about 100 years, after which China will reach another developmental stage.[121] Some have

dismissed the concept of a primary stage of socialism as intellectual cynicism.[121] According to Robert LawrenceKuhn, a China analyst, "When I first heard this rationale, I thought it more comic than clever—a wry caricature ofhack propagandists leaked by intellectual cynics. But the 100-year horizon comes from serious political

theorists".[121]

Rationale for the reforms

Main article: Reform and opening up

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China's nominal Gross Domestic Product

(GDP) trend from 1952 to 2005

Reform and opening up would not have been introduced if not for the work of

Deng Xiaoping (left), Chen Yun (centre) and Li Xiannian (right). The

relationship between Deng Xiaoping, Chen Yun and Li Xiannian, was described

as "two and a half" in the 1980s; with Chen being considered roughly as

Deng's equal, and with Li Xiannian "being half a step behind".[125]

While it has been argued by Westerners that the reforms introduced by the CPC under Deng were a rejection of

the party's Marxist heritage and ideology, the CPC does not view it as such.[122] The rationale behind the reformswas that the productive forces of China lagged behind the advancedculture and ideology developed by the party-state. In 1986, to endthis deficiency, the party came to the conclusion that the maincontradiction in Chinese society was that between the backwardproductive forces and the advanced culture and ideology of

China.[122] By doing this, they deemphasized class struggle, andcontradicted both Mao and Karl Marx, who both considered that

class struggle was the main focus of the communist movement.[122]

According to this logic, thwarting the CPC's goal of advancing

productive forces was synonymous with class struggle.[122] Theclassical goal of class struggle was declared by Deng to have been

achieved in 1976.[122] While Mao had also emphasized the need to

develop productive forces, under Deng it became paramount.[123]

Party theoretician and former Politburo member Hu Qiaomu in his thesis "Observe economic laws, speed up the

Four Modernizations", published in 1978, argued that economic laws were objective, on par with natural laws.[124]

He insisted that economic laws were no more negotiable "than the law of gravity".[124] Hu's conclusion was that the

Party was responsible for the socialist economy's acting on these economic laws.[124] He believed that only aneconomy based on the individual would satisfy these laws, since "such an economy would be in accord with the

productive forces".[124] The CPC followed his line, and at the 12th National Congress, the party constitution was

amended, stating that the private economy was a "needed complement to the socialist economy."[124] Thissentiment was echoed by Xue Muqiao; "practice shows that socialism is not necessarily based on a unified public

ownership by the whole society."[124]

The official communiqué of the3rd plenum of the 11th CentralCommittee included the words:"integrate the universal principlesof Marxism–Leninism–MaoZedong Thought with the concretepractice of socialist modernizationand develop it under the new

historical conditions."[126] With thewords "new historical conditions",the CPC had in fact made itpossible to view the old, Maoistideology as obsolete (or at least

certain tenants).[126] To know if apolicy was obsolete or not, theparty had to "seek truth fromfacts" and follow the slogan

"practice is the sole criterion of the truth".[126] At the 6th plenum of the 11th Central Committee, the "Resolution on

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— Deng Xiaoping during a conversation with Yang Shangkun

and Premier Li in 1990.[136]

Certain Questions in the History of Our Party Since the Founding of the People's Republic of China" was

adopted.[127] The resolution separated Mao the person from Maoism, claiming that Mao had contravened Maoism

during his rule.[127] While the document criticized Mao, it clearly stated that he was a "proletarian revolutionary"

(i.e. not all of his views were wrong), and that without Mao there would have been no new China.[127] Su Shaozi, aparty theoretician and the head of the Institute of Marxism–Leninism–Mao Zedong Thought, argued that the CPCneeded to reassess the New Economic Policy introduced by Vladimir Lenin and ended by Stalin, as well as Stalin's

industrialization policies and the prominent role he gave to class struggle.[128] Su concluded that the "exploiting

classes in China had been eliminated".[129] Dong Fureng, a Deputy Director at the Institute of Economics, agreedwith the reformist discourse, first by criticizing Marx and Friedrich Engels' view that a socialist society had toabolish private property, and secondly, accusing both Marx and Engels for being vague on what kind of ownership

of the means of production was necessary in socialist society.[129] While both Su and Dong agreed that it was thecollectivization of agriculture and the establishment of People's Communes which had ended rural exploitation,

neither of them sought a return to collectivized agriculture.[130]

The creation of a "Socialist market economy"

Main articles: Socialist market economy and Deng Xiaoping Theory

The term "socialism with Chinese characteristics" was added to the General Program of the party's constitution at

the 12th National Congress, without a definition of the term.[131] At the 13th National Congress, held in 1987,Zhao Ziyang, the CPC General Secretary, claimed that socialism with Chinese characteristics was the "integrationof the fundamental tenets of Marxism with the modernization drive in China" and was "scientific socialism rooted in

the realities of present-day China."[132] By this time the CPC believed that China was in the primary stage of

socialism, and therefore needed market relations so as to develop into a socialist society.[133] Two years earlier, Suhad tried to internationalize the term "primary stage of socialism" by claiming that socialism contained three different

production phases.[133] China was currently in the first phase, while the Soviet Union and the remaining Eastern

Bloc countries were in the second phase.[133] Because China was in the primary stage of socialism, Zhao arguedthat in "[China] for a long time to come, we shall develop various sectors of the economy, always ensuring the

dominant position of the public sector."[133] Further, some individuals should be allowed to become rich "before the

objective of common prosperity [pure communism] is achieved."[134] Lastly, during the primary stage of socialism,planning would no longer be the primary means of organization of the economy. Upon hearing this remark, Chen

Yun, a conservative and the second-most powerful politician in China, walked out of the meeting.[135]

Both Chen Yun and Deng supported the formationof a private market. At the 8th National Congress,Chen first proposed an economy where thesocialist sector would be dominant, with the private

economy in a secondary role. [137] He believedthat by following the "Ten Major Relationships", anarticle by Mao on how to proceed with socialistconstruction, the CPC could remain on the socialist

road while also supporting private property.[138]

"Why do people support us? Because over the last ten yearsour economy has been developing ... If the economystagnated for five years or developed at only a slow rate – forexample, at 4 or 5 percent, or even 2 or 3 percent—whateffects would be produced? This would be not only aneconomic problem but also a political one."

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Private ownership of the means of

productions were allowed as a result

of the reforms.

Chen Yun conceived of the bird-cage theory, where the bird represents the free market and the cage represents acentral plan. Chen proposed that a balance should be found between "setting the bird free" and choking the bird

with a central plan that was too restrictive.[139]

Between the time of the 13th National Congress and the Tiananmen Square incident and the ensuing crackdown,

the line between right and left within the CPC became clearer.[140] The rift became visible in the run-up to the 7th

plenum of the 13th National Congress (in 1990), when problems arose concerning China's 8th Five-Year Plan.[141]

The draft for the 8th Five-Year Plan, supervised by Premier Li Peng and Deputy Premier Yao Yilin, openly

endorsed Chen Yun's economic view that planning should be primary, coupled with slow, balanced growth.[141] Liwent further and directly contradicted Deng, stating, "Reform and opening up should not be taken as the guiding

principle; instead, sustained, steady, and coordinated development should be taken as the guiding principle."[141]

Because of this stance, Deng rejected the Draft for the 8th Five-Year Plan, claiming that the 1990s was the "best

time" for continuing with reform and opening up.[142] Li and Yao even went so far as to try to annul two keyresolutions passed by the 13th National Congress: the theory of socialist political civilization, and the resolution that

central planning and markets were equals.[142] Deng rejected the idea of reopening discussions on these subjects,

and restated that reforms were essential for the CPC's future.[142] Not accepting Deng's stance, party theorist Deng

Liqun, along with others, began promoting "Chen Yun Thought".[142] After a discussion with General Wang Zhen, asupporter of Chen Yun, Deng stated he would propose the abolishment of the Central Advisory Commission

(CAC).[142] Chen Yun retaliated by naming Bo Yibo to succeed him as CAC chairman.[142] Indeed, when the 7thplenum of the 13th Central Committee did in fact convene, nothing notable took place, with both sides trying not to

widen the ideological gap even further.[143] The resolution of the 7th plenum did contain a great deal of ideologicallanguage ("firmly follow the road of socialism with Chinese characteristics"), but no clear formulation of new policy

was uttered.[143]

Chen Yun's thoughts and policies dominated CPC discourse from 1989

until Deng's Southern Tour in 1992.[144] Deng began campaigning for hisreformist policies in 1991, managing to get reformist articles printed in the

People's Daily and Liberation Army during this period.[144] The articlescriticized those communists who believed that central planning andmarket economics were polar opposites, instead repeating the Dengistmantra that planning and markets were only two different ways in which

to regulate economic activity.[145] By that time, the party had begun

preparing for the 14th National Congress.[146] Deng threatened towithdraw his support for Jiang Zemin's reelection as CPC General

Secretary if Jiang did not accept reformist policies.[146] However, at the8th plenum of the 13th Central Committee, in 1991, the conservatives

still held the upper hand within the party leadership.[146]

To reassert his economic agenda, in the spring of 1992, Deng made his famous southern tour of China, visitingGuangzhou, Shenzhen, and Zhuhai, and spending the New Year in Shanghai. He used his travels to reassert his

economic policy ideas after his retirement from office.[147] On the tour, Deng made many speeches and generatedlarge local support for his reformist platform. He stressed the importance of economic reform in China, and

criticized those who were against further reform and opening up.[147] The tour proved that amongst the party's

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Numerous books (as seen in the

picture) about the Three Represents

have been published.

grassroots organizations, support for reform and opening up was firm.[147] Because of this, more and more leading

members of the central party leadership converted to Deng's position, amongst them Jiang Zemin.[148] In his speech"Deeply Understand and Implement Comrade Deng Xiaoping's Important Spirit, Make Economic Construction,Reform and Opening Go Faster and Better" to the Central Party School, Jiang said it did not matter if a certain

mechanism was capitalist or socialist, the key question was whether it worked.[34] Jiang's speech is notable since it

introduced the term socialist market economy, which replaced Chen Yun's "planned socialist market economy".[34]

In a later Politburo meeting, members voted unanimously, in old communist fashion, to continue with reform and

opening up.[34] Knowing that he had lost, Chen Yun gave in, and claimed that because of new conditions, the old

techniques of the planned economy were outdated.[34]

At the 14th National Congress, the thought of Deng Xiaoping was officially dubbed Deng Xiaoping Theory, and

elevated to the same level as Mao Zedong Thought.[35] The concepts of "socialism with Chinese characteristics"

and "the primary stage of socialism" were credited to him.[35] At the congress, Jiang reiterated Deng's view that itwas unnecessary to ask if something was socialist or capitalist, since the important factor was whether it

worked.[149] Several capitalist techniques were introduced, while science and technology were to be the primary

productive force.[149]

Three Represents

Main article: Three Represents

The term ″Three Represents″ was first used in 2000 by Jiang Zemin in a

trip to Guangdong province.[150] From then until its inclusion in theparty's constitution at the 16th National Congress, the Three Represents

became a constant theme for Jiang Zemin.[150] In his speech at theanniversary of the founding of the People's Republic of China, JiangZemin said that "we [the CPC] must always represent the developmenttrend of China's advanced productive forces, the orientation of China'sadvanced culture, and the fundamental interests of the overwhelming

majority of the people in China."[150] By this time, Jiang and the CPChad reached the conclusion that attaining the communist mode ofproduction, as formulated by earlier communists, was more complex thanhad been realized, and that it was useless to try to force a change in themode of production, as it had to develop naturally, by following the

economic laws of history.[151] While segments within the CPC criticized the Three Represents as being un-Marxistand a betrayal of basic Marxist values, supporters viewed it as a further development of socialism with Chinese

characteristics.[152] The theory is most notable for allowing capitalists, officially referred to as the "new socialstrata", to join the party on the grounds that they engaged in "honest labor and work" and through their labour

contributed "to build[ing] socialism with Chinese characteristics."[153] Jiang contended that capitalists should be able

to join the Party on the grounds that;[153]

"It is not advisable to judge a person’s political orientation simply by whether he or she owns propertyor how much property he or she owns [...] Rather, we should judge him or her mainly by his or herpolitical awareness, moral integrity and performance, by how he or she has acquired the property,

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—Xi Jinping, the CPC General Secretary, on the inevitability

of socialism.[158]

how it has been disposed of and used, and by his or her actual contribution to the cause of buildingsocialism with Chinese characteristics."

Scientific Outlook on Development

Main article: Scientific Outlook on Development

The 3rd plenum of the 16th Central Committee conceived and formulated the ideology of Scientific Outlook on

Development.[154] This concept is generally considered to be Hu Jintao's contribution to the official ideological

discourse.[155] It is considered a continuation and creative development of ideologies advanced by previous CPC

leaders.[155] To apply the Scientific Outlook on Development on China, the CPC must adhere to building a

Harmonious Socialist Society.[156] According to Hu Jintao, the concept is a sub-ideology of socialism with Chinese

characteristics.[157] It is a further adaptation of Marxism to the specific conditions of China, and a concept open to

change.[157]

Views on capitalism

The CPC don't believe that they have abandoned

Marxism.[159] The party views the world asorganized into two opposing camps; socialist and

capitalist.[159] They insist that socialism, on thebasis of historical materialism, will eventually

triumph over capitalism.[159] In recent years, whenthe party has been asked to explain the capitalistglobalization occurring, the party has returned to

the writings of Karl Marx.[159] Marx wrote thatcapitalists, in their search for profit, would travelthe world in a bid to establish new international markets – hence, its generally assumed that Marx forecasted

globalization.[159] His writings on the subject is used to justify the CPC's market reforms, since nations, according

to Marx, have little choice in the matter of joining or not.[159] Opting not to take part in capitalist globalizationmeans losing out in the fields of economic development, technological development, foreign investment and world

trade.[159] This view is strengthened by the economic failures of the Soviet Union and of China under Mao.[160]

Despite admitting that globalization developed through the capitalist system, the party's leaders and theorist argue

that globalization is not intrinsically capitalist.[160] The reason being that if globalization was purely capitalist, it

would exclude an alternate socialist form of modernity.[160] Globalization, as with the market economy, therefore

does not have one specific class character (either socialist or capitalist) according to the party.[160] The instancethat globalization is not fixed in nature, comes from Deng's insistence that China can pursue socialist modernization

by incorporating elements of capitalism.[160] Because of this there is considerable optimism within the CPC thatdespite the current capitalist dominance of globalization, globalization can be turned into a vehicle supporting

socialism.[161] This event will occur through capitalism's own contradictions.[161] These contradictions are,according to party theorist Yue Yi from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, "that between private ownershipof the means of production and socialised production. This contradiction has manifested itself globally as the

"[...] their theory that capitalism is the ultimate has beenshaken, and socialist development has experienced a miracle.Western capitalism has suffered reversals, a financial crisis, acredit crisis, a crisis of confidence, and their self-convictionhas wavered. Western countries have begun to reflect, andopenly or secretively compare themselves against China’spolitics, economy and path."

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following contradictions; the contradiction between planned and regulated national economies and the unplannedand unregulated world economy; the contradiction between well-organized and scientifically managed TransnationalCorporations (TNCs) and a blindly expanding and chaotic world market; the contradiction between the unlimitedincrease of productive capacity and the limited world market; and the contradiction between sovereign states and

TNCs."[162] It was these contradictions, argue Yue Yi, that led to the dot-com bubble of the 1990s, that has

caused unbalanced development and polarization, and widened the gap between rich and poor.[163] These

contradictions will lead to the inevitable demise of capitalism and the resultant dominance of socialism.[163]

Economics

Further information: Economy of China

Deng Xiaoping, the leading figure in the reform era, did not believe that the fundamental difference between thecapitalist mode of production and the socialist mode of production was central planning versus free markets. Hesaid, "A planned economy is not the definition of socialism, because there is planning under capitalism; the marketeconomy happens under socialism, too. Planning and market forces are both ways of controlling economic

activity".[32] Jiang Zemin supported Deng's thinking, and stated in a party gathering that it did not matter if a certain

mechanism was capitalist or socialist, because the only thing that mattered was whether it worked.[34] It was at thisgathering that Jiang Zemin introduced the term socialist market economy, which replaced Chen Yun's "planned

socialist market economy".[34] In his report to the 14th National Congress Jiang Zemin told the delegates that the

socialist state would "let market forces play a basic role in resource allocation."[164] At the 15th National Congress,the party line was changed to "make market forces further play their role in resource allocation"; this line continued

until the 3rd Plenary Session of the 18th Central Committee,[164] when it was amended to "let market forces play a

decisive role in resource allocation."[164] Despite this, the 3rd Plenary Session of the 18th Central Committeeupheld the creed "Maintain the dominance of the public sector and strengthen the economic vitality of the State-

owned economy."[164]

Stance on religion

Further information: Religion in China, Marxism and religion and Atheism in Marxism–Leninism

The CPC, as an officially atheist institution, prohibits party members from belonging to a religion.[165] Although

religion is banned for party members, personal beliefs are not held accountable.[165] During Mao's rule, religious

movements were oppressed, and religious organizations were forbidden to have contact with foreigners.[166] All

religious organizations were state-owned and not independent.[166] Relations with foreign religious institutions were

worsened when in 1947, and again in 1949, the Vatican forbade any Catholic to support a communist party.[166]

On questions of religion, Deng was more open than Mao, but the issue was left unresolved during his

leadership.[167] According to Ye Xiaowen, the former Director of the State Administration for Religious Affairs, "Inits infancy, the socialist movement was critical of religion. In Marx’s eyes, theology had become a bastionprotecting the feudal ruling class in Germany. Therefore the political revolution had to start by criticizing religion. It

was from this perspective that Marx said ‘religion is the opium of the people’."[168] It was because of Marx's

writings that the CPC initiated anti-religious policies under Mao and Deng.[168] The Marxist view that religion

would decline as modern society emerged was proven false with the rise of Falun Gong.[167]

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The CPC remains an

atheist organization, and

promotes atheist values.

This propaganda poster,

published in 1999, reads;

"uphold science,

eradicate superstition"

The popularity of Falun Gong, and its subsequent banning by state authorities, led tothe convening of a three-day National Work Conference for Religious Affairs in

1999, the highest-level gathering on religious affairs in the party's history.[169] JiangZemin, who had subscribed to the classical Marxist view that religion would witheraway, was forced to change his mind when he learnt that religion in China was in fact

growing, not decreasing.[170] In his concluding speech to the National WorkConference, Jiang asked the participants to find a way to make "socialism and

religion adapt to each other".[171] He added that "asking religions to adapt to

socialism doesn’t mean we want religious believers to give up their faith".[171] Jiangordered Ye Xiaowen to study the classical Marxist works in depth to find an excuse

to liberalize the CPC's policy towards religion.[171] It was discovered that Friedrich

Engels had written that religion would survive as long as problems existed.[171] With

this rationale, religious organizations were given more autonomy.[171]

Party-to-party relations

Communist parties

The CPC continues to have relations with non-ruling communist and workers' parties and attends international

communist conferences, most notably the International Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties.[172] Delegatesof foreign communist parties still visit China; in 2013, for instance, the General Secretary of the PortugueseCommunist Party (PCP), Jeronimo de Sousa, personally met with Liu Qibao, a member of the Central

Politburo.[173] In another instance, Pierre Laurent, the National Secretary of the French Communist Party (FCP),

met with Liu Yunshan, a Politburo Standing Committee member.[174] While the CPC retains contact with major

parties such as the PCP,[173] FCP,[174] the Communist Party of the Russian Federation,[175] the Communist Party

of Bohemia and Moravia,[176] the Communist Party of Brazil,[177] the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist

−Leninist)[178] and the Communist Party of Spain,[179] the party also retains relations with minor communist and

workers' parties, such as the Communist Party of Australia,[180] the Workers Party of Bangladesh, the CommunistParty of Bangladesh (Marxist–Leninist) (Barua), the Communist Party of Sri Lanka, the Workers' Party of Belgium,the Hungarian Workers' Party, the Dominican Workers' Party and the Party for the Transformation of Honduras,

for instance.[181] In recent years, noting the self-reform of the European social democratic movement in the 1980s

and 1990s, the CPC "has noted the increased marginalization of West European communist parties."[182]

Ruling parties of socialist states

The CPC has retained close relations with the remaining socialist states still espousing communism: Cuba, Laos,

North Korea and Vietnam and their respective ruling parties.[183] It spends a fair amount of time analyzing thesituation in the remaining socialist states, trying to reach conclusions as to why these states survived when so manydid not, following the collapse of the Eastern European socialist states in 1989 and the dissolution of the Soviet

Union in 1991.[184] In general, the analyses of the remaining socialist states and their chances of survival have been

positive, and the CPC believes that the socialist movement will be revitalized sometime in the future.[184]

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The ruling party which the CPC is most interested in is the Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV).[185] In general the

CPV is considered a model example of socialist development in the post-Soviet era.[185] Chinese analysts onVietnam believe that the introduction of the Doi Moi reform policy at the 6th CPV National Congress is the key

reason for Vietnam's current success.[185]

While the CPC is probably the organization with most access to North Korea, writing about North Korea is tightly

circumscribed.[184] The few reports accessible to the general public are those about North Korean economic

reforms.[184] While Chinese analysts of North Korea tend to speak positively of North Korea in public, in officialdiscussions they show much disdain for North Korea's economic system, the cult of personality which pervadessociety, the Kim family, the idea of hereditary succession in a socialist state, the security state, the use of scarce

resources on the Korean People's Army and the general impoverishment of the North Korean people.[186] Thereare those analysts who compare the current situation of North Korea with that of China during the Cultural

Revolution.[187] Over the years, the CPC has tried to persuade the Workers' Party of Korea (or WPK, North

Korea's ruling party) to introduce economic reforms by showing them key economic infrastructure in China.[187]

For instance, in 2006 the CPC invited the WPK General Secretary Kim Jong-il to Guandong province to

showcase the success economic reforms have brought China.[187] In general, the CPC considers the WPK and

North Korea to be negative examples of a communist ruling party and socialist state.[187]

There is a considerable degree of interest in Cuba within the CPC.[185] Fidel Castro, the former First Secretary ofthe Communist Party of Cuba (PCC), is greatly admired, and books have been written focusing on the successes of

the Cuban Revolution.[185] Communication between the CPC and the PCC has increased considerably since the

1990s, hardly a month going by without a diplomatic exchange.[188] At the 4th Plenary Session of the 16th CentralCommittee, which discussed the possibility of the CPC learning from other ruling parties, praise was heaped on the

PCC.[188] When Wu Guanzheng, a Central Politburo member, met with Fidel Castro in 2007, he gave him apersonal letter written by Hu Jintao: "Facts have shown that China and Cuba are trustworthy good friends, goodcomrades, and good brothers who treat each other with sincerity. The two countries' friendship has withstood the

test of a changeable international situation, and the friendship has been further strengthened and consolidated."[189]

Non-communist parties

Since the decline and fall of communism in Eastern Europe, the CPC has begun establishing party-to-party relations

with non-communist parties.[94] These relations are sought so that the CPC can learn from them.[190] For instance,the CPC has been eager to understand how the People's Action Party of Singapore (PAP) maintains its total

domination over Singaporean politics through its "low-key presence, but total control."[191] According to the CPC'sown analysis of Singapore, the PAP's dominance can be explained by its "well-developed social network, whichcontrols constituencies effectively by extending its tentacles deeply into society through branches of government and

party-controlled groups."[191] While the CPC accepts that Singapore is a democracy, they view it as a guided

democracy led by the PAP.[191] Other differences are, according to the CPC, "that it is not a political party basedon the working class—instead it is a political party of the elite ... It is also a political party of the parliamentary

system, not a revolutionary party."[192] Other parties the CPC studies and maintains strong party-to-party relationswith are the United Malays National Organisation, which has ruled Malaysia democratically since 1957, and the

Liberal Democratic Party in Japan, which dominated Japanese politics from 1955 to 2009.[193] The Kuomintang is

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Xi Jinping (second from left) with

Enrique Peña Nieto (second from

right), the current President of

Mexico and a leading member of the

social democratic Institutional

Revolutionary Party

another case entirely, where party-to-party relations are retained so as to strengthen the probability of the

reunification of Taiwan with mainland China.[194] However, several studies have been written on the Kuomintang'sloss of power in 2000, after having ruled Taiwan since 1949 (the Kuomintang officially ruled China, then called the

Republic of China, from 1928 to 1949).[194] In general, one-party states or dominant-party states are of special

interest to the party, and party-to-party relations are formed so that the CPC can study them.[194] For instance, thelongevity of the Syrian Regional Branch of the Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party is attributed to the personalization ofpower in the al-Assad family, the strong presidential system, the inheritance of power, which passed from Hafez al-

Assad to his son Bashar al-Assad, and the role given to the Syrian military in politics.[195]

In recent years, the CPC has been especially interested in Latin

America.,[195] as shown by the increasing number of delegates sent to

and received from these countries.[195] Of special fascination for theCPC is the 71-year-long rule of the Institutional Revolutionary Party

(PRI) in Mexico.[195] While the CPC attributed the PRI's long reign inpower to the strong presidential system, tapping into the machismoculture of the country, its nationalist posture, its close identification withthe rural populace and the implementation of nationalization alongside the

marketization of the economy, [195] the CPC concluded that the PRIfailed because of the lack of inner-party democracy, its pursuit of socialdemocracy, its rigid party structures that could not be reformed, itspolitical corruption, the pressure of globalization, and American

interference in Mexican politics.[195] While the CPC was slow torecognize the Pink tide in Latin America, it has strengthened party-to-

party relations with several socialist and anti-American political parties over the years.[196] There may have been

some irritation over Hugo Chavez's anti-capitalist and anti-American rhetoric on the CPC's part.[196] Despite this,in 2013 the CPC reached an agreement with the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV), the party founded by

Chavez, for the CPC to educate PSUV cadres in political and social fields.[197] By 2008, the CPC claimed to have

established relations with 99 political parties in 29 Latin American countries.[196]

European social democracy has been of great interest to the CPC since the early 1980s.[196] With the exception ofa short period in which the CPC forged party-to-party relations with far-right parties during the 1970s in an effortto halt "Soviet expansionism", the CPC's relations with European social democratic parties were its first serious

efforts to establish cordial party-to-party relations with non-communist parties.[196] The CPC credits the European

social democrats with creating a "capitalism with a human face".[196] Before the 1980s, the CPC had a highlynegative and dismissive view of social democracy, a view dating back to the Second International and the Leninist

and Stalinist view on the social democratic movement.[196] By the 1980s that view had changed, and the CPC

concluded that it could actually learn something from the social democratic movement.[196] CPC delegates were

sent all over Europe to observe.[198] It should be noted that by the 1980s most European social democratic parties

were facing electoral decline, and were in a period of self-reform.[198] The CPC followed this with great interest,laying most weight on reform efforts within the British Labour Party and the Social Democratic Party of

Germany.[198] The CPC concluded that both parties were reelected because they modernized, replacing traditional

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state socialist tenets with new ones supporting privatization, shedding the belief in big government, conceiving a newview of the welfare state, changing negative views of the market, and moving from their traditional support base of

trade unions to entrepreneurs, younger members and students.[199]

See also

Politics of the People's Republic of China

Notes

1. ^ Sometimes referred to as the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).

References

Footnotes

1. ̂a b "CPC membership swells to 82.6 million" (http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2012cpc/2012-

11/05/content_15876262.htm). China Daily. China Daily Group. 5 November 2012. Retrieved 13 December 2013.

2. ̂a b "History of the Communist Party of China" (http://news.xinhuanet.com/english2010/china/2011-

04/29/c_13851746.htm). Xinhua. 29 April 2011. Retrieved 4 January 2014.

3. ^ Van de Ven 1991, p. 26.

4. ̂a b Van de Ven 1991, p. 27.

5. ^ Van de Ven 1991, pp. 34–38.

6. ^ Van de Ven 1991, p. 38.

7. ^ Van de Ven 1991, p. 44.

8. ̂a b c d e f Gao 2009, p. 119.

9. ̂a b Schram 1966, pp. 84, 89.

10. ̂a b Feigon 2002, p. 42.

11. ^ Schram 1966, p. 106.

12. ^ Carter 1976, pp. 61–62.

13. ^ Schram 1966, p. 112.

14. ^ Schram 1966, pp. 106–109, 112–113.

15. ̂a b c Carter 1976, p. 62.

16. ̂a b Carter 1976, p. 63.

17. ̂a b Carter 1976, p. 64.

18. ^ Schram 1966, pp. 122–125.

19. ^ Feigon 2002, pp. 46–47.

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20. ̂a b c d e f g h i Leung 1992, p. 72.

21. ^ Leung 1992, p. 370.

22. ̂a b Leung 1992, p. 354.

23. ̂a b c d e Leung 1992, p. 355.

24. ̂a b c d e f g h Leung 1992, p. 95.

25. ̂a b c d e Leung 1992, p. 96.

26. ̂a b c d Leung 1996, p. 96.

27. ^ Leung 1992, p. 407.

28. ^ Kornberg & Faust 2005, p. 103.

29. ^ Wong 2005, p. 131.

30. ̂a b Wong 2005, p. 47.

31. ^ Sullivan 2012, p. 254.

32. ̂a b Deng, Xiaoping (30 June 1984). "Building a Socialism with a specifically Chinese character"

(http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/dengxp/vol3/text/c1220.html). People's Daily. Central Committee of the

Communist Party of China. Retrieved 13 January 2013.

33. ^ Sullivan 2012, p. 25.

34. ̂a b c d e f g Vogel 2011, p. 682.

35. ̂a b c Vogel 2011, p. 684.

36. ^ Sullivan 2012, p. 100.

37. ̂a b Sullivan 2012, p. 238.

38. ̂a b Sullivan 2012, p. 317.

39. ^ Sullivan 2012, p. 329.

40. ^ "Hu Jintao, Xi Jinping meet delegates to 18th CPC National Congress"

(http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/special/18cpcnc/2012-11/16/c_131977530.htm). Xinhua. 16 November 2011.

Retrieved 4 January 2014.

41. ̂a b c d e Unger 2002, p. 22.

42. ^ Baylis 1989, p. 102.

43. ^ Unger 2002, pp. 22–24.

44. ̂a b c Unger 2002, p. 158.

45. ̂a b c d e f g h Chuanzi, Wang (1 October 2013). "Democratic Centralism: The Core Mechanism in China’s

Political System" (http://english.qstheory.cn/politics/201311/t20131113_290377.htm). Qiushi. Central Committee

of the Communist Party of China. Retrieved 5 January 2014.

46. ̂a b c d e f "IV. The System of Multi-Party Cooperation and Political Consultation"

(http://www.china.org.cn/english/Political/29034.htm). China.org.cn. Retrieved 5 January 2014.

47. ̂a b Mackerras, McMillen & Watson 2001, p. 70.

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48. ^ Liu 2011, p. 48.

49. ̂a b c d e Mackerras, McMillen & Watson 2001, p. 228.

50. ^ Mackerras, McMillen & Watson 2001, pp. 228–229.

51. ^ Li 2009, p. 8.

52. ̂a b c d e Mackerras, McMillen & Watson 2001, p. 229.

53. ̂a b Leung & Kau 1992, p. 74.

54. ^ Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development 2005, p. 117.

55. ^ Broodsgaard & Yongnian 2006, p. 79.

56. ^ Broodsgaard & Yongnian 2006, pp. 79–80.

57. ^ Broodsgaard & Yongnian 2006, p. 81.

58. ̂a b Mackerras, McMillen & Watson 2001, p. 66.

59. ̂a b c d Abrami, Malesky & Zheng 2008, p. 26.

60. ^ Mackerras, McMillen & Watson 2001, p. 67.

61. ̂a b c Abrami, Malesky & Zheng 2008, p. 27.

62. ^ Abrami, Malesky & Zheng 2008, pp. 28–29.

63. ̂a b Joseph 2010, p. 394.

64. ^ Mackerras, McMillen & Watson 2001, p. 86.

65. ̂a b Mackerras, McMillen & Watson 2001, p. 68.

66. ̂a b Wang & Zheng 2012, p. 12.

67. ̂a b c d Li 2009, p. 64.

68. ^ Li 2009, p. 65.

69. ^ Liu 2011, p. 41.

70. ̂a b Staff writer (13 November 2012). "General Secretary of CPC Central Committee"

(http://english.cri.cn/6909/2012/11/13/53s732392.htm). China Radio International. Retrieved 8 December 2013.

71. ̂a b c d Mackerras, McMillen & Watson 2001, p. 85.

72. ̂a b Joseph 2010, p. 169.

73. ^ Miller 2011, pp. 1–2.

74. ̂a b Miller 2011, p. 2.

75. ̂a b c d e f g h i j Miller 2011, p. 5.

76. ̂a b Miller 2011, pp. 5–6.

77. ^ Miller 2011, p. 6.

78. ^ Miller 2011, p. 7.

79. ^ Abrami, Malesky & Zheng 2008, p. 19.

80. ^ Köllner 2013, p. 18.

81. ^ Abrami, Malesky & Zheng 2008, p. 21.

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82. ̂a b c Fu 1993, p. 201.

83. ^ Ogden 2013, p. 24.

84. ̂a b c d e f Mackerras, McMillen & Watson 2001, p. 74.

85. ̂a b c d e Mackerras, McMillen & Watson 2001, p. 75.

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Republic of China. University Press of America. ISBN 076183074X.

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External links

People's Daily (http://english.peopledaily.com.cn), official mouthpiece

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