Conclusion

" saikdon, hazaron talab achanak shunya se prakat nahi hue the. Inke peeche ek ikai thi banwane walon ki, to dahai thi banane walon ki. Yah ekai, dahai milkar saikda, hazar banti thi. Lekin pichle do sau barson mein naye kism ki thosdi si padhai padh gaye sama} ne is ikai, dahai, saikda, hazar ko hi shunya bana diya. Is naye sama} ke man mein itni sib hi utsukta nahi bachi ki usse pahle ke daur me in itne saare talab bhala kaun banata tha. Usne is tarah ke kaam ko karne ke liye, jo naya dhancha khada kiya hai, I T ka, civil engineering ka, us paimane se, us gaj se bhi usne pahle ho chuke is kaam ko naapne ki koi koshish nahi ki.

Wah apne gaj se bhi naapta to kum se kum uske man mein aise sawal to uthte ki us daur ki I T kahan thi? Kaun the uske nirdeshak? Kitna budget tha, kitne civil engineer nikalte the? Lekin usne sabko gaye zamane ka gaya, beeta kaam mana aur paani ke prashn ko naye dhang se hul karne ka vayda bhi kiya aur dawa bhi. Gaanvon, kasbon ki to kaun kahe, bade sharon ke nalon mein chahe jab bahne wala sannata is vayde aur dawe par sabse mukhar tippani hai. "

- Anupiull Mishra in Aaj Bhi Kharein Hian Talab

(Idiomatic Translation: Hundreds and thousands of ponds did not appear from

oblivion. There were some who commissioned work for these ponds and there

were many who actually constructed hundreds and thousands of them. But in

the last two hundred years they have been turned into zero by those who have

learnt a little from the new education. They are not even interested to know

from where thousands of these ponds emerged? Who were the people who

constructed these ponds? They did not even try to evaluate this work from their

own standards.

Conclusion

Even if they would have done this, they definitely would have asked

questions like, where was the IT those days, who were the directors of these

institutions and how many engineers they produced? What was their budget?

Instead they thought all this to be a work of past which does not hold any merit

now. They promised and tried to solve the question of water with their new

knowledge. But what to speak of the villages and towns, the screaming vacuum

in the taps ofthe big cities is one the most critical comment on this knowledge.)

This comment of Anupam Mishra sums up the reality, limitations and ironies of

our modem knowledge. Local communities in Rajasthan have been independent

in management of their natUral resources regardless of nature's apathy or

compassion and the rule of the times. An approach that had addressed all natural

resource-based needs of the villages, helped rural society to maintain ecological

prudence through local participation in conserving and regenerating village

ecosystems, lies in total disarray today. Government programmes have over the

years created a feeling of total dependence among the people. Today, villagers

not only expect the government to build roads and schools and give them

employment but also plant trees and grasses and look after their local water

sources like ponds and tanks. This has been self-defeating.

This study has tried to look into the factors that have been responsible

for this decomposition. But more importantly it has enquired into the new

processes which have been trying to re-establish the significance of this

approach and the role of these traditional institutions.

We have to look beyond the present times to find out the answers to

these questions of degeneration of the traditional systems, based on community

participation and indigenous wisdom. Mayank Kumar (2007) argues that the

linkages between environment, social structure, statecraft and cultural values

need to be examined to establish the necessity of state intervention in the

appropriation and management of water. In pre-colonial period people of this

region on their own initiative, and / or through community efforts, and / or by

state support had developed several mechanisms of water appropriation and

management to overcome the natural scarcity. By the time the Mughal Empire

186

Conclusion

collapsed in the beginning of the eighteenth century, the British East India

Company was more than a hundred years old. Without directly administering

most of Rajasthan, the Company, and later the Government of Great Britain,

indirectly ruled all of the princely states, including Marwar (Jain 1993; Spear

1986). While Mughal reforms had been in the interest of consolidating political

control, British reforms were designed to assure monopoly over resources and

trade (Bhattacharya 1972). This would lead to a very different strategy in

reforms, as the British sought to implement normalized legal system with

"modem" ideas of ownership, evidence, and public offence. While colonial

officials argued from the moral imperative of legal reform, much of the

institutional change was driven by the demands of British bankers and traders

who had difficulty recovering money or receiving contractually obligated goods

or services (Jain 1994). Through their efforts, central courts were established,

and local officials were pressed to circumvent traditional legal authorities. In

villages, the enforcement of this new legal code did a great deal to undermine

the power and authority of village panchayats. Dispute settlement continued to

be managed by local bodies to this day, however, and the power of traditional

laws was not destroyed entirely during the reform period (Gallanter 1989)

The net results of the institutional changes brought by the British Raj to

Rajasthan included a decline in the power of local panchayat bodies and a

decrease in local villagers' control over an access to community land. Even so,

panchayat authority survived in the wake of these social and legal changes, and

even colonial representatives who contributed to the hegemony of central power

admitted to the pervasiveness of the "useful panchayats" during this period

(Todd, 1920: 171).

In last six decades the modem institutions like the irrigation and forests

department, new democratic institutions like that of panchayati raj institutions

and the department of land development have been made responsible for the

maintenance and control of commons. But their roots have remained in the

British rulebooks which have made them anti-people and they have been

contested and protested by the communities many a times in recent times.

187

Conclusion

Community based organisations and voluntary agencies are often cited

as effective agents for ensuring people's participation in development programs.

We have found that all good cases of environmental conservation undertaken by

community based organisations and voluntary agencies are invariably those

cases where they have set up an effective institution at the village level and then

give moral, technical and financial support to it. It is the creation of a village

level institution which brings the people together, spurs them into action and

ensures the protection and the deVelopment of the natural resource base.

Lyla Mehta (2000) furthers the above statement by stating that in recent

years community management has become a buzzword in the water sector.

There is a growing consensus that water scarcity often arises due to bad water

management practices that can be overcome with alternative forms of

management. Within policy circles, participatory decentralized farmer-managed

irrigation systems, indigenous techniques of water management and local water

user committees are being promoted as the best alternatives to the failed top­

down centralized water management systems of the past. The vision documents

also highlight these institutional approaches (e.g. Water Vision 2000: 2; Vision

21 :21)

Mayank Kumar also supports this argument but with some skepticism.

He states that in recent times traditional systems of water management have

been extensively examined in terms of their ecological relevance but wider

issues of socio-political dimensions have been neglected. The availability of

water in any region had been an important consideration in any pre-colonial

political formation (Wahi 1997: 267 - 84) and it was more of a concern in

Rajasthan due to peculiar environmental conditions. Contemporary records have

suggested that the peasantry managed most of their water requirement both for

the agricultural operations and potable purposes. Generally, the peasantry took

care of the water needs by adapting various indigenous methods of water

management, which evolved in response to the given environmental conditions.

Better management of water along with drought resistance agricultural

production has been a characteristic of pre-colonial Rajasthan. It is important to

note that a tendency towards cultivation of water - intensive cash crops became

188

Conclusion

evident only in the seventeenth century. However, it is only the wealthy sections

of the society, with the capacity for greater capital investment, practiced it. At

the same time, in the times of water scarcity, even they went back to the

cultivation of drought resistant crops (Gupta 1986; Singh 1990).

Summing up the Evaluation of Studied Cases

In defining and explaining "The Great Transformation" of the earth's surface

processes, Kates et a1. (1990) recognize normative and legal regulators of

behaviour as a driving force in environmental change, but they do not address

how these institutions function or how they modify landscapes. This is exactly

the problem encountered in theoretically discussing these efforts as an

integrated process. The normative social behaviour in form of cultural practices

and social sanctions and the authority of the village councils and religious,

semi- religious institutions are very difficult to bracket into any generalized

framework. They change from one region to another and in many cases from

one village to another. This problem has been countered during this study. The

three case studies of this research are aiming at one goal but their methods differ

in minute and bigger details. Methodology of Tarun Bharat Sangh is totally

different from that of Jal Bhagirathi Foundation though it is Rajendra Singh

who is present in both the institutions. In his own words, "If you want to know

the work in Gandhian style, like a commoner see my work and (f you want to see

Delhi style corporate work, see the work of Jal Bhagirathi Foundation." I do

not want to judge any of the works with this statement, but it shows the

differences in approach of two organisations working for same cause, with a

common person. Anupam Mishra is an example of a totally different typology.

He has inspired all such works and people revere him all over the country but he

has never taken any 'project' in his hands, except his work at the Gandhi Peace

Foundation, to which he is self-committed for life.

There are some fundamental questions about the pr~valence of factors

like hegemony of the elites, harmony of these institutions with others and issues

like role of caste and gender which have persisted through out the research.

They are most difficult to answer due to their inherent complexities. The

189

Conclusion

traditional authority of the Maharaja of Jodhpur has been out of question for

many villagers, but questionable when seen from the perspective of the

researcher. The Maharaja on the one hand is at the board of trustees of this ISO:

9000 certified organisation and on the other he receives nazrana from his

earstwhile zamindras and thaikanedars on his birthday. This dual role is

difficult to explain in any theoretical framework. By making available drinking

water to his praja, he is also establishing that he still cares for his people, which

is to an extent true. In case of TBS, Rajendra Singh does not belong to the

region, but many of his team members or karyakartas are from the dominant

castes of the region. One is not questioning the integrity of these people but

proximity with a prominent organisation of the region and their role in creating

new structures of self-reliance, gives them sufficient leverage in deliberations

and day-to-day affairs, which could not be quantified or described but could be

observed very clearly in their interactions with fellow villagers. Now we will be

discussing each case individually in context of aims and objectives and research

questions of the study.

Tarun Bharat Sangh

TBS has positioned its model as an alternative to the Government model of

drought proofing and drought mitigation. Using traditional knowledge and

peoples' participation to combat drought and water storage is a mantra that TBS

activists often talk about. The success that TBS has had in creating awareness

and mobilising participation among villagers has brought TBS to the attention

of a number of eminent persons, both within and outside the Government. Many

feel that the TBS approach will lead to better results than the more rigid

Guidelines for Watershed Development lay down by the Government. The

researcher, on the basis of field experience, feels that while on a small scale the

TBS model is very successful, a number of problems arise when efforts are

made to scale up or replicate the process in another area.

Making Water Everybody's Business (2001) quotes a 1996 study by G

D Agarwal, fonner head of the department of Civil Engineering, Indian Institute

of Technology, Kanpur, conducted in thirty six villages which hold that a Johad

190

Conclusion

with a storage capacity of 1000-1500 cubic meters per hectare has raised the

annual average groundwater table by about 5-6 meters. It can be said that water

conserved in structures lasts for a couple of months or more, depending on the

size of the structure and rainfall. And this has had a positive impact on

agriculture including increase in area cultivated and animal husbandry.

However, the avoidance of integrative and comprehensive land-water

management of a complete catchment and difficulties in sustainable institutional

arrangements like the TBS Gram Sabha have meant that there is insufficient

direction and focus in the scaling up process. TBS's lack of coordination, even

at the informal level, with the Government leads to many problems. TBS Gram

Sabhas are at times, positioned as substitutes to the official Panchayati Raj

Institutions, but they tend to become ineffective because they have no source of

income or authority.

Despite some shortcomings, the TBS approach does have many

positives that can be incorporated into Government projects. TBS awareness

creation methods are much more effective than the entry point activities of the

Government schemes. Also by giving private incentives for individual private

works, TBS is able to generate greater contributions and participation from the

community. TBS has generated leadership and built institutions which have

inspired many like Laxman Singh of Lapodiya and Maharaj Gaj Singh of Jal

Bhagirathi Foundation.

Jal Bhagirathi Foundation

JBF's strategy focuses on building the capacities of village-level institutions to

identify and address issues of ecological management and restoration. The

Foundation believes that villagers can attain this and much more only ifthere is

an effective village-level institution. This institution in form of Jal Sabha works

towards generating cohesion, motivating people, and providing a local platform

to control and manage the ecosystem and to resolve disputes. JBF emphasizes

on strengthening such institutions for facilitating democratic development

processes by partnering with primary stakeholders and local communities, and

limiting its own role to that of. a catalyst and facilitator. However, when one

191

Conclusion

examines these efforts sociologically, it is found that the traditional psyche has

not changed over the years. Many of the elders in villages still consider

Maharaja as the one whose authority is unchallenged. But they are happy that he

has revived his/ his family's responsibility towards their praja. There are

considerable changes in the younger generations who know about the processes

of democracy and they argue that it is the responsibility of the government to

take care oftheir need.

The Foundation promotes local representation with its village, block and

division level functional units. The effort is to inculcate in these units a spirit of

sharing resources, resolving conflicts and addressing their problems. JBF also

work towards eliciting their participation not only at the grassroots level, but

also at macro-level decision-making stages. This ensures the formation of a

cohesive and self-reliant community-based structure that can sustain the

activities of JBF on a permanent basis. Participation at the grassroots level is not

equal given the socio-political limitations and economic independence of the

disadvantaged sections of the region.

Moreover, it emphasizes on creating an enabling environment that

allows women's participation in the planning and resource management process.

Women's participation in the efforts of JBF is considerable fare given the socio­

cultural limitations of the region and the factors of development. It is true that

their participation and say in decision making at village level is still below the

level of statutory 33 percent (as per rules of Panchayati Raj Institutions), but at

least it is a good start;

Amrutam Jalam Abhiyan

The role of media as a 'social catalyst' is evident in this campaign. Firstly it is

an effort initiated by Rajasthan Patrika, a reputed daily whose founders have

shown intact commitment to social causes since its beginning. Secondly, the

affect of visual media was also observed. Rajasthan Patrika has given a lot of

space to the coverage of these efforts ssssson the local pages and on the front

page too. They publish photographs of these works from all the localities where

the work is going on with descriptive reports of the people present and the

192

Conclusion

organisations who have participated. If an effort is going on for five or ten days

or for two weeks, they have published their daily reports like progress report.

This had a great impact. Those who have missed a day or a few days in the

beginning, after reading the reports come to the spot where the work is going on.

Most of them come to contribute to the community cause. Picture in print has

great impact. Those who see their photo in the newspaper feel proud of it and

they inspire many others to take part in these efforts.

The amount and kind of space Rajasthan Patrika has given to Amrutam

J alam Abhiyan is commendable in these times of commercialism. They have

given almost half a page on the days when the Abhiyan is going on at more than

one place in the city. The role of media as 'social catalyst' has been realized

fully in these efforts.

Observations from the field suggest that Rajasthan Patrika has broken

the decadent image of today' s media. In the times of rhetoric of corporate social

responsibility, Rajasthan Patrika has tried to fulfill its 'duty' which, in the

conventional sense is more than mere 'responsibility'. People have praised its

efforts in many ways and it has further inspired many such efforts at different

levels. One of those efforts is the replication of this model by the Government

of Rajasthan itself. The government of Rajasthan started a campaign called Jal

Chetna Yatra in summers of 2006. The campaign was an emulation of the

Amrutam Jalam Abhiyan to raise the consciousness and awareness of the people

towards the traditional water bodies.

Discussing the significance of traditional institutions and structures of managing

the natural resources at the community level with villagers, activists and scholar

in all these years has given me a chance to review my own experiences related

to nature and human interactions.

I remember going to my nanihaal with my mother. Those days there

was no bus or jeep after Thengda and we had to walk about three to four

kilometers. On one such visit, I now recall, my mother stopped in front of an old

one-room structure. She grew nostalgic and told me that this was the place

where her father, my nanaji, used to sit in his old age and serve water to the

passer byes. I was amused at this, as I could not relate to this fact that my

193

Conclusion

Nananji, who was a landed peasant used to sit in this room and serve water to

people, like many of those who sit at many pyaoos due to their economic

compulsions. If I remember correctly, I asked her about this and she told me

that serving water to the passer-byes is punya and dharma. I think she did not

tell me more than this. Now after reading many books and theories on

environmentalism, I have understood that this is the way of life which is an

integral part of traditions and culture of this land.

I recall another episode. When I try to remember daily routine of my late

grandfather now, around two decades later, I recall that he used to bathe early in

the morning, giving water to tulsi and mahwa and reading the Geeta after that.

Around nine or ten in the morning, when he used to sit for his brunch - he used

to have early lunch and late breakfast Irke most other from his generation - he

used to call us, any of the children at home at that time to give half of the roti

from his thali to make little pieces of it and then giving it to sparrows or other

birds. The last piece of his meal was left to feed the dog, who used to sit

patiently outside the gate.

How to describe all these? To which theoretical perspective should I put

it into? Environmentalism - care for the environment - trees, animals and birds,

came very late to the social theory of the West. And what we had, the way of

life we have lived through ages, is not considered 'sociological'! Shall I limit

myself to the existing theoretical paradigms or shall I look for new ones? Or is

it necessary that we should keep it in one or other theoretical paradigm?

In the last ways of managing the water resources through people's

participation in Rajasthan could be summed up in these words of Anupam

Mishra from The Radiant Raindrops of Rajasthan:

"There is an ancient word for riti in the vocabulary of this place, va}. Voj means composition, system and solution but it also means competence, discernment and politeness mixed with humility. Thus it is that the people of Rajasthan did not measure their rainfall in inches or centimeters, not even in fingers and hence but in drops. They cherish these millions of golden drops which they gathered with vigilance according to the principle of voj in order to fulfill their needs in water: so doing they set up a tradition so marvelous that its course which starts in history flows towards the present turning the present itself into history, through the competence of voj."

194

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Interview Schedule

Tarun Bharat Sangh and Jal Bhagirathi Foundation

(There is little change in the caste composition and water harvesting structures for both case studies)

A. Basic Information about the Village:

1. Name of respondent: __________________________ _

2. Name of Village I Tehsil IDistrict:

3. Total population (Caste wise approximate):

Sr. No. Caste I Community Population apprx. Male Female 1 Brahmin 2 Rajput 3 Bania I Jain 4 Meena (ST) 5 Jat 6 Guriar 7 Yadav 8 Scheduled Castes 9 Meo 10. Any other

4. Total number of Household (Caste wise approximate)

Sr. No. Caste I Community Household apprx. Male Female 1 Brahmin 2 Rajput 3 Bania I Jain 4 Meena (ST) 5 Jat 6 Guriar 7 Yadav 8 Scheduled Castes 9 Meo 10. Any other

5. Total land area of the village (in hectares)

Land Type Irrie:ated N on- irrie:ated Agriculture Pasture Forest Revenue Waste

c

G. Drinking Water:

Number Government Taps Private Pipeline Private well Community Structure

H. Irrigation Facilities:

Area Irrigated (hectares) No. of Wells Canal Tube Wells Other Source

I. Shops I Enterprises in the village (Caste wise):

Sr. No. Caste I Community No. 1 Brahmin 2 Rajput 3 Bania I Jain 4 Meena (ST) 5 Jat 6 Gurjar 7 Yadav 8 Scheduled Castes 9 Meo 10. Any other

8. Livelihood I occupations caste wise:

Sr. Castel Agriculture Animal Labour Business Government Private Artisan Others No. Community Husbandry Job Job

1 Brahmin 2 Rajput 3 Bania I Jain 4 Meena (ST) 5 Jat 6 Gurjar 7 Yadav 8 Scheduled

Castes 9 Meo 10. Any other

d

9. Migration (Caste wise):

Sr. Castel Community Permanent Seasonal No. 1 Brahmin 2 Rajput 3 Bania I Jain 4 Meena (ST) 5 Jat 6 Gur.iar 7 Yadav 8 Scheduled Castes 9 Meo 10. Any other

B. Details of activities undertaken by TBS in the village

1. Water Harvesting Structure by TBS:

Structu Total New Repair Private Comm Year of Total TBS Village re No ed ly unity constru Cost Contri Contri

owned owned ctionlR bution bution epair

Johad Anicut Pond Medh Bandh Tanka Other

2. Water Harvesting Structure by sources other than TBS:

Structu Total New Repaired Private Comm Year of Total Implem Village re No ly unity constru Cost enters Contri

Owned Owned ction Contri bution Irepair bution

Johad Anicut Pond Medh Bandh

3. If possible the dimensions/capacity ofthe water harvesting structure may also be noted as well as thei r catchments and command area.

I

Structure Dimensions (metres)

Johad Anicut Pond Medh Bandh

e

4. Select 2-3 structures made by TBS in the village and proceed with the following questions on the detailed process of its construction.

A. What were the problems faced by the village before the TBS entry?

B. Details regarding the village first contact with TBS (How, When, Why, By whom)

C. Discussions held between TBS and the Village (Problem identification/Solution offered/Conditions laid down by TBS for further work)

D. How and why were this johad site selected/Criterion and process?

E. Who initiated the talk with TBS/ who took up the leadership?

F. How was the people opinion mobilized to build Johad and how were they motivated to contribute. (Role of Gram Sabha)?

G. Which people/community contributed the most? Why and How (In site selection, Monetary, Kind, Time, Other)?

H. Who did not contribute/participate and why?

5. Process of actual construction:

A. Who gives the technical input III designing the structure / how IS the quantity of earthwork decided?

B. How is the earthwork done, manually or by Machine? If done manually then who are the people who do it? Who decides about using machine and under what condition?

C. What records are maintained during the construction work and who does it. How are the wages decided? What is the system of measuring work and payments? Who handles the whole operation? Who decides?

6. What were the problems faced in the construction of the structure / any conflicts if any then how and by whom was it resolved.

7. Is the structure used by all irrespective of caste or controlled by a particular caste group?

8. Sustainability of the asset created:

A. How have the structures been maintained in the future (Old existing ones)?

B. Have the new and repaired structures been desilted or any other maintenance works undertaken after TBS withdrew. If yes then how many times ifno then why?

C. Have you created any system for the maintenance of Johads?

9. Gram Sabha:

A. How did you solve the village common problems before? Did any panch system exist in the village?

f

B. Do you have a gram panchayat? What role do they perform in the village development?

C. When was the Gram Sabha formed in the village? Why was it formed, how was it formed and who founded it. What is its new role? (Any role played by TBS)

D. How regularly are the meetings held and the attendance? If the Gram Sabha is not functioning then the reasons thereof?

E. Who are the present office bearers (Name, Caste, Age, Gender and relation among them). How are the office bearers selected. Any criteria for becoming a Gram Sabha member. (How many women member and office bearer)

F. What are the role and function of Gram Sabha, What are the records maintained, Bank Alc No if any?

G. What help (monetary, Training etc) the Gram Sabha gets from TBS for functioning effectively. How are the Gram Sabha activities financed?

H. Are the different Gram Sabha linked with one another?

I. What new changes Gram Sabha has brought in the village?

J. What is the working relation between TBS and Gram Sabha?

K. What are the various sub-committees (Gram Kosh, Forest Committee, etc) What are their role and function?

L. What is the process of laying down various rules & regulation? Who are the people who make these rules and regulation. How effectively they are implemented?

M. What are the problems being faced by the Gram Sabha. What is its future. Do you think this institution will sustain?

N. Is there any working relationship between Gram Panchayat and the Gram Sabha? O. Does the Gram Sabha interact with the Government Departments in the area?

P. What other initiatives the Gram Sabha has taken beside Johad construction work?

10. Tarun Bharat Sangh & its Staff:

A. How many TBS paid staff is working in the viII age? Their names.

B. How many volunteers are working in the village? Their names

C. How the staff recruited, training is provided, System of allotment of work, facilities given to the staff.

D. Are the staffs satisfied with there work. What kind of problems are faced by them in the implementation of work

E. Have you observed any change in the working style of TBS over the years? (Administrative, implementation of program, HRD and Organizational Structure)

F. Any other observations / comments.

g

11. Impact of Johads: (Select few plots lying in the command ofjohad and talk with their owners)

A. Do you migrate now?

B. Why, how many from the family, Where, What works they perform what are the month in which they migrate?

C. Any incident regarding a Household that had migrated before and has now come back. What was the position of migration earlier i.e. before the work on johad was done?

D. Water Security:

Total Before TBS After TBS Wells Wells revived Johads New Johads Months Johad retains water Change in Quality of water

E. Food Security:

For how many months does the food stock last? (Before and after johad construction)

2. For how many months does the food stock last? (Before and after johad construction)

3. Do you sell any surplus produce?

F. Agriculture Production:

1. Production of crops during Rabi, Kharif and Zaid ( Before & After). Change in cropping pattern.

2. Use of improved seed, fertilizer and modem Agricultural implements ( Pattern change in Agriculture).

G. Animal Husbandry:

1. Types of livestock- Local or Cross ( Income from livestock byproducts:

2. Change in the pattern of livestock keeping:

******