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Symbols of Class StatusAuthor(s): Erving GoffmanSource: The British Journal of Sociology, Vol. 2, No. 4 (Dec., 1951), pp. 294-304Published by: Wiley on behalf of The London School of Economics and Political Science
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y m b o l s o
l a s s
t a t u s l
ERVING
GOFFMAN
tT>HE TERMS
Gatgs, osition,
and
role
havebeen usedinterchangeably
| to refer
o theset of
rightsand obligations
whichgoverns
he
behaviour
1 of
personsacting in
a given social
capacity.
In general, he
rights
and obligations
f a status are
fixed through ime
by
meansof external
sanctionsenforced
by law,
public
opinion,and threat
of socio-economic
oss, and
by internalized
anctions
of the kind
that
are
built
into a conception
of
self and pve rise
to guilt, remorse,
and shame.
A status
may
be
ranked
on a
scaRe f prestige,
according
o the amount
of social value
that is placed
upon it relative
to
other statuses
in the same
sectorof social
ife. An individual
may be
rated
on
a scale of esteem,
depend-
ing on how closelyhis performancepproacheshe idealestablished or that
particular
tatus.2
Co-operativectilrity
based
on a differentiation
nd ntegration
f statuses
is a
universal haracteristic
f social
ife.
This kind of harmony
equires
hat
the occupant
of each status
act toward
others in
a mannerwhich
conveys
the
impression hat
his conception
of himself
and of them
is the same
as
their conception
of themselves
and
him. A workiIlg
onsensus
of this
sort
therefore
requires
adequate
communication
bout conceptions
of
status.
The rights
and
obligationsof
a status are frequently
ll-adapted
o
the
requirements
f ordinary
communication.
Specialized
means of displaying
ones position requentlydevelop. Such sign-vehicles ave beencalled
statgs
symbols.3
They are
the cues
which select
for a personthe
status
that is to
be
imputedto him
and the way
in which others
are to
treat him.
Status symbols
visibly divide
the social
world nto categories
of persons,
therebyhelping
o
maintain olidarity
withina category
and hostility
between
differentcategories.4
Status
symbols must
be
distinguished rom collective
1 A modified
version
of this paper was
presented at the
annual meeting of
the University
of Chicago Society
for Social Research
in I949.
The writer
is grateful to W.
Lloyd Warner
for
direction and to Robert
Armstrong,
Tom Burns,
and Angelica Choate
for
criticism.
Analysis
of Stratification ,
Am.
Soc. Rev., VII, June I942,
pp. 309-2I.
3
The most general approachto the study of status symbols known to the wnter is to be
found in H.
Spencer, The Principles
of Sociology,
vol. II, part
IV, Ceremonial
Institutions 2'.
' See G.
Simmel, Fashion
, InternationatQnarterly,
vol.
X, pp. I3055.
294
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ERVING
GOFFMAN
295
symbols
which serveto deny the
differencebetween categones
in orderthat
members
of all categones may
be drawn together n
affirmation
f a single
moral community.l
Status symbolsdesignate he position which an occupanthas, not the
way in which he flllfils
t. They must therefore
be distinguished
romesteem
sytnbolswhich designate
he degree o which
a personperforms he
duties of
his position
in accordance
with ideal standards,
regardless f the
particular
rank of
his position. For example,
the
Victoria Crossis awarded
n the
British
Army for heroic
performance f a
task, regardless f what
particular
task it
is and regardless f the
rank of the person
who performs
t. This
is an esteem
symbol. It rates
above a similarone called
the GeorgeCross.
On the other hand,
there is an
insigniawhich designates
Lieutenant-Colonel.
It is a status symbol.
It tells us about the
rank of the personwho
vxearst
but teLlsus nothingabout the standardhe has achieved n performinghe
duties
of his rank. It rankshim
above a man who
wears the insigniaof a
Captain, lthough, n
fact, the Captain
maybe rated igher
han the Lieutenant-
Colonel
n terms of the esteem
that is accorded
o good soldiers.
Persons
n the same social
position tend to possess
a similax
pattern of
behaviour. Any item
of a person's behaviour
s, therefore,
a sign of his
social position.aA
sign of positioncan be
a status symbol only if
it is used
with some
regulaxity s a means
of placing socially
he person
who makes
it. Any
sign which provides
reliable evidence of its
maker's position-
whether
or not laymen or sociologists
use
it for evidenceabout
position
-may be called a test of status. This paper s concernedwith the pressures
that play upon behaviour
as a result of the
fact that
a symbol of status is
not always
a very good test
of status.
By
definition, hen, a status
symbol carries
categoricalignificance,
hat
is, it serves
to identify the social
status of the person
who makes
it. But
it may
also carry
expressive ignificance, hat
is, it may express
the point
of new, the style of
life, and the cultural
valtlesof the
personwho makes t,
or may satisfy needs
created
by the imbalanceof activity
in his particular
social position. For
example, n Europe
the practice of fighting
a duel of
honour
was for three centuries
a symbol of gentlemanly
tatus.
The cate-
goricalsignificance
f the practice
was so well known hat the nght of taking
or giving the kind
of offencewhich
led to a duel was
rarelyextended o the
lower classes.
The duel also
carried an important
expressivesignificance,
however; it vividly
portrayed he conception
hat a true
man was an object
of danger,
a being
with limited patience
who did not allow a love
of life to
check his devotion
to his principlesand to
his self-respect. On
the whole,
we must assume hat
any item of behaviour
s significant
o somedegree n
both a categorical
and an expressive
capacity.
Status symbols
are used because
they are better
suited to the require-
ments of communicationhan are the rightsand dutieswhich they signify.
1 See E. Durkheim,
The ElementaryForms of the
Religious Lip, trans. S. W.
Swain (New
York, I9Z6), especially
pp. 234.
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296
SYMBOLS
OF
CLASS
STATUS
This
very
fact,
however,
makes
t
necessary
or
status
symbols
o
be
distinct
and
separate
rom
that
which
they
signify.
It
is
always
possible,
herefore,
that
symbols
may
come
to
be
employed
n
a
fraudlllent
way,
i.e.
to
signify
a status
which
the
claimant
does
not
in
fact
possess.
We
may
say,
then,
thatcontinuinguseof statussymbols n socialsituations equiresmechanisms
for
restricting
he
opportunities
hat
arise
for
misrepresentation.
We
may
approach
he
study
of
status
symbols
by
classifying
he
restrictive
mechanisms
embodied
n
them.
With
this
approach
n
mind,
we
may
distinguish
between
wo
important
kinds
of
status
symbols:
occupation
symbols
and
class
symbols.
This
paper
is
chiefly
concerned
with
class
symbols.
There
appear
to
be
two
main
types
of
occupation
ymbols.
One
type
takes
the
form
of
credentials
which
testify
with
presumed
authority
to
a
person's
raining
aIld
work
history.
During
he
initiation
of
a
work
relation-
ship
reliance
must
frequently
be,placed upon symbolsof this kind. They
are
protected
rom
forgery
by
legal
sanctions
and,
more
mportantly,
by
the
understanding
hat
corroborative
nformation
will
almost
certainly
become
available.
The
other
type
of
occupation
ymbol
comes
into
play
after
the
rork
relation
has
been
established
and
serves
to
mark
off
levels
of
prestige
and
power
within
a
formal
organization.l
On
the
whole,
occllpation
ymbols
are
firmly
ied
to
an
approved
eferent
by
specific
and
acknowledged
anctions,
much
n
the
manner
n
which
symbols
of
social
caste
are
rigidly
bound.
In
the
case
of
social
class,
however,
ymbols
playa rolethat is lessclearlycontrolledby authorityandin somewaysmore
significant.
No
matter
how
we
deSne
social
class
we
must
refer
to
discrete
or
dis-
continuous
evels
of
prestige
and
privilege,
where
admission
o
any
one
of
these
levels
is,
typically,
determined
by
a
complex
of
social
qualifications,
no
one
or
two
of
which
are
necessarily
essential.
Symbols
of
class
status
do
not
typically
refer
to
a
specific
source
of
status
but
rather
to
something
based
upon
a
configuration
f
sources.
So
it
is
that
when
we
meet
an
indi-
vidual
who
manipulates
ymbols
n
what
appears
o
be
a fraudulent
way-
displaying
he
signs
yet
possessing
nly
a
doubtful
claim
to
what
they
signify
-we oftencannot ustifyourattitudeby referenceo hisspeciSc hortcomings.
Furthermore,
n
any
estimate
we
make
of
a person's
lass
status,
the
multiple
determinants
f
class
position
make
it
necessary
or
us
to
balance
and
weigh
the
person's
avourable
ocial
qualiScations
gainst
his
less
favourable
ones.
As
we
may
expect,
in
situations
where
complex
ocial
judgments
re
required,
the
exact
social
position
of
a
person
s
obscured
nd,
in
a
sense,
replaced
by
a
margin
of
dissensus
and
doubt.
Self-representations
hich
fall
within
this
margin
may
not
meet
with
our
approval,
but
we
cannot
prove
they
are
misrepresentations
1
Examples
would
be
private
offices,
segregated
eating-rooms,
etc.
For
a
treatment
of
status symbols in formal organizations, see C. Barnard, Functions and Pathology of Status
Systems
in
Formal
Organizations
,
chap.
4,
pp.
46-83,
in
Indust7Zy
nd
Society,
ed.
W.
F.
Whyte
(New
York,
I
946)
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ERVING
GOFFMAN
297
No
matter how
we definesocial
class we must
refer to
rights which
are
exercised
and conceded
but are
not specifically
aid
down in
law or contract
and
are not invariably
recognized
n
practice.
Legal
sanctions
cannot be
appliedagainstthose who represent hemselvesas possessinga class status
which
an informed
majonty would
not accord
them.
Offenders
f this
kind
commit
a presumption,
ot
a crime.
Furthermore,
lass
gains typically
refer
to
attitudes
of superiority
which
are not
officially
or too openly
discussed,
and to
preferential
reatment s
regards
obs,services,
nd economic
xchanges
which
s not
openlyor officially
pproved.
We may agree
hat an
individual
has misrepresented
imself but,
in our
own class
interests,
we cannot
make
too
clear to ourselves,
o
him,
or to others
just how he
has
doneso.
Also,
we tend
to justify
our class
gains in terms
of Cultural
valueswhich
every-
one
in a given
society
presumably
respects-in
our society,
for example,
education,skill, and talent. As a result, those who offerpublicproof that
they
possess
the pet
values of
their society
cannot
be openly
refused
the
status
which
their symbols
permit
them to
demand.
On the
whole,
then, class
symbols serve
not so
much
to represent
or
misrepresent
one's
position,
but rather
to influence
n a
desired
direction
other
persons'
udgment
of it. We
shall
continue to
use the terms
mis-
representation
nd fraudulence ,
but as regards
matters of social
class
these terms
must be
understood
n the
weakened
ense in
which the above
discussion
eaves
them.
II
Every class
symbol
embodiesone
or
more devices
for restricting
mis-
representative
use
of it. The
following
restrictive
devices
are among
the
most
typical.
(I) Moral
Restrictions.
Just
as a system
of economic
contract
s
made
effectisre
y people's
willingness
o acknowledge
he legitimacy
of the rights
which
underlie he
system, so
the use of
certain
symbolsis
made effective
by inner
moral
constraints
which inhibit
people
from
misrepresenting
hem-
selves. This compunctions typicallyphrased n differentbut functionally
equivalent
ways.
For example,
n Western
ociety, some
of
the persons
who
can for
the first
time afford
o emulate
the conspicuous
onsumption
f the
upper
classes
refrain
rom doing
so
on the grounds
of religious
cruple,
cul-
tural disdain,
ethnic and
racial oyalty,
economic
and civic
propriety,
r even
undisguised
sense
of one'splace
'.1 Of course
hese
self-applied
onstraints,
however
phrased,
are reinforced
y the pressure
f the
opinion
both of
one's
original
group
and of the
class whose
symbols
one may
misemploy.
But the
efficacy
of these
external
sanctions
s due in
part to the
readiness
with which
they
are reinforced
by internalized
moral
constraints.
1 Moral restrictionsapply to many types of status symbols other than class. For example,
in
Western
society, women
feel that it
is seemly to refrain
from
using symbols
of sexual attrac-
tiveness
before reaching
a given age and
to abstain progressively
from
using
them after attaining
a
given age.
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298
SYMBOLS OF CLASS STATUS
(2) Intrinsic Restrictions. One solution o the problemof misrepresenta-
tion is basedon the kind of symbolwhichperceptiblynvolvesan appreciable
se of the very rights or characteristics hich it symbolizes. We symbolize
our wealth by displaying t, our powerby using it, and our skill by exerciF
ing it. In the case of wealth, for exampRe,acIng tables, large homes, and
jewelleryobviously mply that the ownerhas at least as much moneyas the
symbols can bring on the open market.
The use of certainobjectsas intrinsic ymbolsof wealthpresentsa special
problem, or we must considerwhy it is that a very high marketvalue can
be placed upon them. Economists ometimes ay that we have here a case
of effectivescarcity , that is, a small supply in conjunctionwith a large
demand. Scarcity alone, however,does not qualify an object for use as a
status symbol,since there is an unlimitednumberof differentkindsof scarce
objects. The paintingsof an unskilledamateurmay be extremelyrare, yet
at the same time almost worthless. Why, then, do we place great value on
examples of one kind of scarce object and not upon examplesof another
kind of similar and equally scarce object?
Sometimesan attempt is made to account for great differencesn the
market value of objects that are of similarkind and are equally scarce by
pointing o the expressive difference etween hem. (The same rational-
ization is sometimesemployed to expLain he difference n market value
between originals and reproductions .) In many cases an identifiable
difference f this kind not only exists but can also be used to rankthe objects
on a scale in accordancewith some recognized esthetic r sensuous tandard
of judgment. This differencen experiential alue betweenrelatively imilar
objects does not, however,seem to be importantenough n itself to justify
the widely differentmarketvalue placedupon them. We must account for
the high price placed upon certain scarce objects by referg to the social
gains that their ownersobtainby showing hese possessions o other persons.
The expressive uperiority f an object merelyaccounts or the fact that it,
rather than some other equally scarce object, was selected for use as a
status synabol.
(3) Natural Restrictions.
The limited supply of some kinds of objects
can be increasedwith relative ease but is not increasedbecausepersonsdo
not have a motive for doing so or because here is a strong social sanction
against doing so. On the other hand, the limited supply of certainkinds of
objects cannot be increasedby any means remotely availableat the time,
even though there may be a motive for doing so. These objects have been
called natural scarcities .
The natural scarcity of certain objects providesone kind of guarantee
that the numberof personswho acquire hese objects will not be so large
as to renderthe objects useless as symbols for the expressionof invidious
distinction. Naturalscarcity,therefore, s one factor which may operate n
certain symbols of status. Again we may note that not all scarce kinds of
objects are valued highly. We must also note that not all highly vallled
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ERVING
GOFFMAN
299
scarce objects
are status
symbols, as
may be seen,
for example,
n
the case
of certain
radioactive
minerals.
Bases
of scarcity
n the
case of certain
tatus
symbols
nevertheless
present a
distinct analytical
problem.
If we think
of
it in this way we can appreciate he fact that while scarcityplays its most
obvious
role as
an element
n intrinsic
symbols
of wealth,
there are
symbols
of status
which are
protected
by the
factor of
natural scarcity
and which
cannot
be directly
bought
and sold.
On the
whole,
the bases
of natural scarcity
may be sought
in certain
features
of the
physical
production
r physical
tructure
f the
symbol.
More
than one
basis, of
course, may
be found
combined
n the
same
symbol.
The
most
obvious basis
of scarcity,
perhaps,
can
be found
in objects
which are
made from
matenal
that is
very infreqllently
ound n the
natural
world
and which
cannot
be manufactured
ynthetically
rom
matenals
that
are less scarce. Thisis the basis of scarcity, orexample, n the caseof very
large flawless
diamonds.
A
basis of scarcity
s
found n what
might be
called
historical
losure .
A high
value may
be placed
on products
which
derive in
a verifiable
way
from agencies
that
are no
longerproductive,
on
the assumption
hat it is
no longer
physically
possible
to increase
he supply.
In New England,
for
example,
family connection
with
the
shipping rade
is a safe
thing to use
as
a
symbolof
status because
his trade,
in its
relevant
sense, no longer
exists.
Similarly,
llrnitllre
made solidly
from
certain
hardwoods,
egardless
of
style or workmanship,
s
used as a symbol
of status.
The trees which
supply
the material
ake so
long
a timeto grow
that, in
termsof the
current
market,
existing
forests
can
be considered
as a closed
and
decreasing
upply.
Another
basis
of natural
scarcity
is found
in objects
whose
production
requires
an appreciable
raction
of the total
available
means
of production.
This provides
assurance
on purely physical
grounds
hat a
large
numberof
duplications
will not
appear.
In non-industrial
ocieties,for
example,
arge
buildings
mbodya
significant
ortion
of the total
labourand
buildingmatenal
available
n
a given region
at a given
time. This
condition
also
applies in
the case
of some
artistsand
craftsmerl
hose otal
life-output
akes
the formof
a smallnumber f distinctiveobjectswhichare characteristicf theirproducer.
We
may consider,
finally,
the fact that
the
person
who acquires
the
symbol
may himself
possess
characteristics
hich
connecthim
with
the pro-
duction
of the symbol
n a relatively
xclusiveway.
This,for
example,
s the
relation
of its
creator o
a workof art
that has
become
a symbol
of status.
Similarly,
children
may share,
in part, the
status
of their
parents not
only
because
he connection
s demonstrable
ut also
because he
number
of
children
a woman
can bear
is strictly
limited.
The family
name
may then
be used
as a symbol
of
status on
the assumption
hat it
can
be acquired
legally
only by birth
or by the
marriage
f a
womanto a
son of the
house.
A similarbasis of scarcity s foundin the characteristicsf social inter-
action.
Generally
peaking,
personal
association
with
individuals
of high
status
is used
as a symbol
of status.
The fact
that there
is a physical
imit
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3oo
SYMBOLS OF CLASS STATUS
to the numberof personswith whomany specific ndividual an be intimately
related is one reason why this is possible. The limitation s based on the
fact that personalrelations mply mutual integrationover a wide band of
activities, and on the groundsof time and probabilityan individualcannot
be related in this way to a large numberof persons.
Finally, a play producedby a given cast must play to an audience
of limited size. This is relatedto the limitationsof humanvision and hear-
ing. The cast may repeat their performanceor a differentalldience,but
the performance annot be reproducedn the sense that is possiblewith a
cinematicperformance. It is only in the cinema hat the same performance
may be given at differentplacessimultaneously. Play-going an thus be
used as a symbolof statuswhereas visit to the cinema,on the whole,cannot.
(4) SocializationRestrictions.An importantsymbol of membershipn
a given class is displayedduring nformal nteraction. It consistsof the kind
of acts which impressothers with the suitability and likeableness f one's
generalmanner. In the minds of those present,such a person s thought to
be one of our kind . Impressions f this sort seem to be built upon a
response o many particlesof behaviour. These behaviours nvolve matters
of etiquette,dress,deportment, esture, ntonation,dialect,vocabulary, mall
bodilymovements ndautomatically xpressed valuations oncerning oththe
substanceand the detailsof life. In a mannerof speaking, hese behaviours
constitute a social style.
Status symbols based on social style embody restrictive mechanisms
whichoften operate n conjunctionwith each other. We tend to be impressed
by the over-allcharacter f a person'smanner o that, in fact, we can rarely
specify and itemize the particular cts which have impressedus. We find,
therefore, hat we are not able to analyse a desiredstyle of behaviour nto
partswhichare smalland definite nough o makesystematic earning ossible.
We also find that symbolicvalue is given to the perceptibledifference
betweenan act performed nthinkingly nder he invisibleguideof familianty
and habit, and the same act, or an imitationof it, performedwith conscious
attention to detail and self-conscious ttention to effect.
Furthermorehe mannerprescribedor the membersof a class tends to
be an expression n miniatureof their style of life, of their self-conception,
and of the psychological eeds generatedby their daily activity. In other
words, ocialstyle carriesdeepexpressive ignificance. The style and manners
of a classare,therefore, sychologicallyll-suited o thosewhose ife experiences
took place in anotherclass.
Finally, we must note that members f a class frequently xerciseexclu-
siveness in just those situationswhere the categorical igniScance f a par-
ticular act is taught. This accounts n part for the common ocial fact that
one class may use as a symbol an act which anotherclass does not know is
being used in this way.l One-sided ymbolismof this kind can occur even
1 Perhaps the structural model for this kind of symbol is found in the password and
fraternal sign.
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ERVING
GOFFMAN
30I
in cases
where
the
persons
who
do
the act
are the
ones
who
do not
know
of its significance.
(5)
C?4ltivatior
estrictions.
n
many
societies,
avocational
pursuits
n-
volvingthe cultivationof arts, tastes , sports,and handicrafts ave been
used as
symbols
of class
status.
Prestige
s accorded
he
experts,
and
expert-
ness
is based
upon,
and requires,
concentrated
ttention
over
a long
period
of time.
A command
of foreign
languages,
or example,
has
provided
an
effective
source
of this
sort of
symbol.
It is
a truism
to say
that
anything
which
proves
that a
long span
of
past
time has
been
spent
in non-remunerative
ursuits
s
likely to
be used
as a
class
symbol.
Time-cost
s
not,
however,
he
only
mechanism
f restric-
tion
which
stands in
the way
of cultivation.
Cultivation
also requires
dis-
cipline
and
perseverance,
hat
is,
it requires
f
a person
hat
he exclude
rom
the lineof hisattentionall the distractions, eflections, ndcompetingnterests
which come
to
plaglle an
intention
carried
over
an extended
period
of
time.
This
restriction
n the
improper
cquisition
of
symbols
s
especially
effective
where
the period
from
preparation
o
exhibition
s
a long
one.
An
interesting
xample
f cultivation
s found
n
the quality
of restraint
upon which
classes
n many
different
ocieties
have
placed
high
value.
Here
social use
is
made
of the discipline
equired
o
set aside
and
hold
in check
the
insistent
stimuli
of
daily life
so
that attention
may be
free
to tarry
upon
distinctions
nd
discriminations
hich
would
otherwise
be overlooked.
In
a
sense,
restraint
s a form
of negative
cultivation,
for
it involves
a studied
withdrawal f attentionfrommanyareasof experience. An example s seen
in Japanese
ea ceremonies
uring
he
Zen period
of
Buddhism.
In
Western
society
the
negative
and
positive
aspects
of cultivation
are typically
combined
in
what
is called
sophistication
oncerning
ood,
drink,
clothes,
and
furnishings.
(6)
Organic
estrictions.
estrictions
elated
to
manner
and
cultivation
provide
evidence
by
means
of relevant
symbols
as to how
and where
an indi-
vidualhas
spent
a
great deal
of
his past
time.
Evidence
concerning
revious
activity
is crucial
because
lass
status
is based
not only
on social
qualifications
but
also on
the length
of time
a person
has possessed
hem.
Owing
o the
natureof biologicalgrowthand development, cquiredpatternsof behaviour
typically
provide
a much
less
reliable
view
of a
person's
past than
is
pro-
videdby
acquired
hanges
n
his physical
tructure.l
In
Britain,
or
example,
condition
of hands
and
height
in
men, and
secondary
exual
characteristics
in
women,
are symbols
of status
based
ultimately
on the long-range
hysical
effects
of diet,
work,and
environment.
III
Persons
n the same
socialposition
behave n
many
ways
that are
common
to all the occupantsof the positionas well as particularo them. From the
1 The use
of inherited
characteristics
as symbols
of status
is typically
found, of
course,
in a
society of
castes
not classes.
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302 SYMBOLS OF CLASS STATUS
wide rangeof this activity certain tems are selectedand used for the special
purposeof signifying tatus. These items are selected nstead of other pos-
sible ones partly because they carry a strong expressivecomponentand
embody mechanisms or limiting misrepresentative se of them. The kind
of class-consciousnesshichdevelops n a society can be understoodn terms
of the divisionbetween tems of characteristic onduct hat are employedas
status symbols and those items which could be employed n this way but
are not.
Six generaldevices or restrictingmisuseof class symbolshave been out-
lined. It must be said, however, hat there is no single mode of restriction
which can withstand too many contingencies,nor is there any restriction
which s not regularly nd systematically ircumventedn some fashion. An
exampleof this is the Public School System in Britain, which may be seen
as a machine or systematically e-creatingmiddle-class eople in the image
of the aristocracy a task in which twenty-six CharmSchools in Chicago
are similarlyengaged,but with a somewhatdifferentclientele and a some-
what different deal image.
The presenceof routine methods of circumventionmay partly explain
why stable classes end to designate heir positionby meansof symbolswhich
rely on many different ypes of restrictivedevices. It wouldappear hat the
efficacyof one type of restriction cts as a check upon the failureof another
In this way the groupavoidsthe danger,as it were, of putting all theirsym-
bols in one basket. Conversely, ocial situations or which analysisof status
symbols s importantcan be classifiedaccording o the type of mechanism
upon which membersof a class may be overZependent r which they may
neglect.
From the point of view taken in this paper, problems n the study of
class symbols have two aspects, one for the class from which the symbol
originates nd the otherfor the class which appropnatest. As a conclusion
to this paper,referencewill be made o three of these two-sidedproblem reas.
(I) Class Movement. Social classes as well as individualmembersare
constantlyrisingand falling n terms of relativewealth, power,and prestige.
This movement ays a heavy burdenupon class symbols, ncreasing he ten-
dency for signs that symbolizepositionto take on the role of conferringt.
This tendency, n connectionwith the restrictions hat are placed upon the
acquisitionof status symbols, retards the rise to social eminenceof those
who have lately acquired mportance n power and wealth and retards he
fall of those who have lately lost it. In this way the continuityof a tradition
can be assuredeven though there is a change in the kind of personswho
maintainthe tradition.
As already suggested,we find that sources of high status which were
once unchallenged ecomeexhaustedor find themselves n competitionwith
new and different ourcesof status. It is therefore ommon or a wholeclass
1 The extreme case is found in so-called ritual transmission of charisma. See Max Weber
Theory of SociaG nd EconomxcOrganization, rans. T. Parsons (London, I947), p. 366.
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ERVING GOFFMAN
3o3
of persons to find themselves with symbols and expectationswhich their
economicand political positionC>n no longer support. A symbol of status
cannotretain or ever ts acquired ole of conferringtatus. A time is reached
when social declineaccelerateswith a spiral effect: membersof a declining
class are forcedto rely more and more upon symbolswhich do not involve
a currentoutlay, while at the same time their associationwith these symbols
lowers the value of these signs in the eyes of others.
The other aspect of this problem urns upon the fact that new sources
of high status typically permitthe acquisitionof costly symbolsbeforesym-
bols based on cultivationand socialization an be acquired. This tends to
induce in the rising group expectationswhich for a time are not warranted
and tends to undermine he regard in which costly symbols are held by
membersof other classes.l
(2)
CxwatorGroxts. Wherever he symbolizingequipment of a class
becomeselaboratea curatorpersonnelmay developwhosetask it is to build
and service this machineryof status. Personnelof this kind in our society
includemembers f such occupational ategories s domestic ervants, ashion
experts and models, interiordecorators,architects,teachers n the field of
higher learning,actors, and artists of all kinds. Those who fill these jobs
are typically recruited rom classes which have much less prestigethan the
class to which such services are sold. Thus there are people whose daily
work requiresthem to become proficient n manipulating ymbols which
signify a positionhigher han the one they themselvespossess. Here, then,
we have an institutionalized ource of misrepresentation,alse expectation,
and dissensus.
An interestingcomplication rises when the specialistprovidessymbol
service or a large numberof personsand when the symbolto whichhe owes
his employment t the same time calTiesa stronglymarkedexpressive om-
ponent. This is the case, for example,with the fashionmodel and interior
decorator. Under these circumstanceshe curatorcomes to play much the
same sacredrole as those entrustedwith the collectivesymbolsof a society.
It then becomes possible for the improperexpectationsof the curatorto
be realizedand for the status and security of the patron class itself to be
correspondingly iminished.
(3) Circulation f Symbols. The systematic circumvention f modes of
restriction eads to downward nd upwardcirculation f symbols.2 In these
cases, apparently, he objectivestructureof the sign-vehicle lways becomes
1 This has been referred to as the problem of the nouveau riche, of which the comrnunity
of Hollywood provides an example. See Leo Rosten, Hollywood(New York, I94I), especially
pp. I63-80. See also Talcott Parsons, The Motivation of Economic Activity , Essays in
SociologicalTheory (Glencoe, I948), p. 2I5. An extreme case in the U.S.A. is the decrease in
social value of the type of expensive car favoured by the rich criminal classes.
2 It is not rare for practices which originate in one class to be adopted by the members
of a higher one. Cases in point would be the argot of criminal, ethnic, and theatrical groups
and such fugitive social crazes as the Lambeth Walk. In most cases these adopted practices
serve only an expressive function and are not used as status symbols. Sometimes practices
of low repute are adopted as status symbols in order to comment on those who cannot aflord
to be associated with them.
u
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3o4
SYMBOLS OF CLASS STATUS
altered. A classification f these alterations r modesof vulgarizationwould
be interesting o pursuebut is beyond the scope of this paper.
From the point of view of this paper, circulationof symbols has two
majorconsequences. First, those with whom a symbol originatesmust turn
from that which is familiar o them and seek out, again and again, some-
thing which s rlot yet contaminated. This is especially rue of groupswhich
are smallerand more specialized han social classes groupswhose members
feel inclinedto separatethemselves rom the* originalsocial class, not by
movingup or down but by movingout. This may be seen, for example, n
the attempt of jazz musicians o create a monthly quota of new fashionto
replace tems of their action and speech which laymen have appropriated.
The second consequence s perhaps the more significantof the two.
Status symbolsprovide he cue that is used in orderto discover he status
of others and, from this, the way in which others are to be treated. The
thoughts and attention of persorls ngaged n social activity therefore end
to be occupiedwith these signs of position. It is also a fact that status
symbolsfrequentlyexpressthe whole mode of life of those from whom the
symbolicact onginates. In this way the individual inds that the structure
of his experience n one sphereof life is repeated hroughouthis experiences
in other spheresof life. Affirmation f this kind inducessolidarity n the
group and richnessand depth in the psychic life of its members.
As a resultof the circulation f symbols,however,a sign which s expres-
sive for the class in which t originates omesto be employedby a different
class a class for which the symbol can signify status but ill express t. In
this way conscious ife may becomethin and meagre, ocusedas it is upon
symbols which are not particularly ongenial o it.
We may close with a plea for empirical tudieswhich race out the social
careerof particular tatus symbols--studies imilar o the one that Dr. Mueller
has given us concerning he transferof a given kind of musical aste from
one social grouping o another.2 Studies of this kind are useful in a period
when widespread ultural communication as increased he circulationof
symbols, he powerof curatorgroups,and the rangesof behaviour hat are
acceptedas vehicles for symbols of status.
1 From conversations vrith Howard Becker.
2
J. H. Mueller, Methods of Measuremerlt f Aesthetic Folkways , Am. J. Soc., vol. LI,
pp. 27682.