episode 5b. head movement and the strength of features 5.4 cas lx 522 syntax i

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Episode 5b. Head movement Episode 5b. Head movement and the strength of features and the strength of features 5.4 5.4 CAS LX 522 CAS LX 522 Syntax I Syntax I

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Page 1: Episode 5b. Head movement and the strength of features 5.4 CAS LX 522 Syntax I

Episode 5b. Head movementEpisode 5b. Head movementand the strength of featuresand the strength of features

5.45.4

CAS LX 522CAS LX 522Syntax ISyntax I

Page 2: Episode 5b. Head movement and the strength of features 5.4 CAS LX 522 Syntax I

Merge, Adjoin, and …Merge, Adjoin, and …move?move?

The method by which we arrive at The method by which we arrive at structures for sentences is…structures for sentences is… Take some lexical items (a “numeration” or Take some lexical items (a “numeration” or “lexical array”)“lexical array”)

Combine any two of them (Merge) to make a Combine any two of them (Merge) to make a new item.new item.

Lexical items can have uninterpretable features. Lexical items can have uninterpretable features. Merge can check these features. All of the Merge can check these features. All of the uninterpretable features must be checked by the uninterpretable features must be checked by the end of the derivation.end of the derivation.

Attach one to another (Adjoin).Attach one to another (Adjoin). Adjoin does not check features.Adjoin does not check features.

Move stuff around.Move stuff around. What can you do? What What can you do? What can’t can’t you do? Does it check you do? Does it check features? Why do you do it? What’s really features? Why do you do it? What’s really happening?happening?

Page 3: Episode 5b. Head movement and the strength of features 5.4 CAS LX 522 Syntax I

MoveMove There are two basic kinds of movement. There are two basic kinds of movement. We’ve seen examples of each.We’ve seen examples of each.

One is One is head-movementhead-movement, where a head moves , where a head moves up to join with another head.up to join with another head. Examples: V moves to Examples: V moves to vv, {Perf/Prog/M} moves to , {Perf/Prog/M} moves to TT

The other is The other is XP-movementXP-movement, where a maximal , where a maximal projection (an XP) moves up to a specifier projection (an XP) moves up to a specifier of a higher phrase.of a higher phrase. Example: The subject moving to SpecTP.Example: The subject moving to SpecTP.

Page 4: Episode 5b. Head movement and the strength of features 5.4 CAS LX 522 Syntax I

Forced movement Forced movement (eviction?)(eviction?) We will assume that, like with Merge, Move We will assume that, like with Merge, Move

occurs to “solve a problem.”occurs to “solve a problem.” And the main problem our system has is unchecked And the main problem our system has is unchecked uninterpretable features.uninterpretable features.

So, Move must check features.So, Move must check features.

We have two ways to check features so far. We have two ways to check features so far. One of them is under sisterhood (Merge). One of them is under sisterhood (Merge). The other is “at a distance” (Agree).The other is “at a distance” (Agree).

The [The [uuN] feature of P, checked by Merging P and an NP.N] feature of P, checked by Merging P and an NP. The [The [uuInfl:] feature of Infl:] feature of vv, valued by the [tense] , valued by the [tense] feature of T.feature of T.

What kind of problem could Move solve?What kind of problem could Move solve? Well, for one thing, it must not be able to solve the Well, for one thing, it must not be able to solve the problem in place, without moving. Seems to need problem in place, without moving. Seems to need “closeness.”“closeness.”

Page 5: Episode 5b. Head movement and the strength of features 5.4 CAS LX 522 Syntax I

Agree and checking Agree and checking under sisterhoodunder sisterhood

Feature-checking (first version): c-Feature-checking (first version): c-selectionselection If X[F] and Y[If X[F] and Y[uuF] are sisters,F] are sisters,the [the [uuF] feature of Y is checked: Y[F] feature of Y is checked: Y[uuF]F]..

P has a [P has a [uuN] feature. Merge it with an N(P), and the N] feature. Merge it with an N(P), and the [[uuN] feature of P is checked.N] feature of P is checked.

Feature-checking (second version): Feature-checking (second version): inflectioninflection If X[F:val] c-commands Y[If X[F:val] c-commands Y[uuF:],F:],the [the [uuF:] feature of Y is valued and checked: F:] feature of Y is valued and checked: Y[Y[uuF:val].F:val].

T has a [tense:past] feature.T has a [tense:past] feature. Strictly speaking [tense:past] doesn’t look like it’s a Strictly speaking [tense:past] doesn’t look like it’s a valued [Infl] feature. We need to valued [Infl] feature. We need to stipulatestipulate in addition in addition a list of things that can value [Infl] features.a list of things that can value [Infl] features.

Page 6: Episode 5b. Head movement and the strength of features 5.4 CAS LX 522 Syntax I

A more general AgreeA more general Agree Agree requires:Agree requires:

An uninterpretable featureAn uninterpretable feature A matching featureA matching feature Line of sight (c-command)Line of sight (c-command)

And results in:And results in: Valuing of unvalued features.Valuing of unvalued features. Checking of the uninterpretable features.Checking of the uninterpretable features.

Our first version of checking Our first version of checking (sisterhood) is a special case of this (sisterhood) is a special case of this more general conception of Agree.more general conception of Agree.

Except that we Except that we dodo want the [ want the [uuN] feature of P to be N] feature of P to be checked by directly Merging P and an NP—not “at a checked by directly Merging P and an NP—not “at a distance” like agreement.distance” like agreement.

Page 7: Episode 5b. Head movement and the strength of features 5.4 CAS LX 522 Syntax I

Strong featuresStrong features

In order to check the [In order to check the [uuN] feature of P N] feature of P onlyonly through Merge (sisterhood), we will through Merge (sisterhood), we will define a special kind of uninterpretable define a special kind of uninterpretable feature: the feature: the strongstrong feature. feature.

A strong feature can only be checked when A strong feature can only be checked when the matching feature is on an element the matching feature is on an element that shares the same mother node.that shares the same mother node.

We will write strong features with a *:We will write strong features with a *: P [P, P [P, uuN*]N*]

C-selection features are strong.C-selection features are strong.

Page 8: Episode 5b. Head movement and the strength of features 5.4 CAS LX 522 Syntax I

A more general AgreeA more general Agree Line of sight: c-command.Line of sight: c-command. Matching:Matching:

Identical features match. [N] matches [Identical features match. [N] matches [uuN].N]. Some features match several things. [Some features match several things. [uuInfl:] Infl:] can match [tense:value], as well as the can match [tense:value], as well as the category features [Perf], [Prog], [M].category features [Perf], [Prog], [M].

What if there are two options? We’ll see later What if there are two options? We’ll see later that only the closest one participates in that only the closest one participates in Agree.Agree.

Valuing/Checking:Valuing/Checking: An unvalued feature is always uninterpretable.An unvalued feature is always uninterpretable. Valuing a feature will check it.Valuing a feature will check it. A privative feature is simply checked when it A privative feature is simply checked when it matches.matches.

Page 9: Episode 5b. Head movement and the strength of features 5.4 CAS LX 522 Syntax I

A more general AgreeA more general Agree Other properties of Agree, relevant Other properties of Agree, relevant mainly after the midterm:mainly after the midterm: Strong features Agree first.Strong features Agree first.

Where a single head has more than one feature that Where a single head has more than one feature that must Agree, the strong ones go first.must Agree, the strong ones go first.

The system is lazy.The system is lazy. Agree always goes with the closest option it can Agree always goes with the closest option it can find in order to check an uninterpretable feature.find in order to check an uninterpretable feature.

If Agree locates a matching feature on X for one If Agree locates a matching feature on X for one uninterpretable feature, and X has a different uninterpretable feature, and X has a different feature that also matches, both features will be feature that also matches, both features will be checked.checked.

Examples are coming up later, but for cross-Examples are coming up later, but for cross-referencing: these properties are important for referencing: these properties are important for subject agreement.subject agreement.

Page 10: Episode 5b. Head movement and the strength of features 5.4 CAS LX 522 Syntax I

A more general AgreeA more general Agree If:If:

X has feature [F1], Y has feature [F2]X has feature [F1], Y has feature [F2] X c-commands Y or Y c-commands XX c-commands Y or Y c-commands X [F1] and/or [F2] are/is uninterpretable.[F1] and/or [F2] are/is uninterpretable. [F1] matches [F2][F1] matches [F2] X and Y are close enough, meaning:X and Y are close enough, meaning:

There is no closer matching feature between X and Y.There is no closer matching feature between X and Y. If [F1] or [F2] is strong, X and Y share the same If [F1] or [F2] is strong, X and Y share the same mother nodemother node

Then:Then: Any unvalued feature ([F1] or [F2]) is valued.Any unvalued feature ([F1] or [F2]) is valued. The uninterpretable feature(s) is/are checked.The uninterpretable feature(s) is/are checked.

Page 11: Episode 5b. Head movement and the strength of features 5.4 CAS LX 522 Syntax I

Comments on AgreeComments on Agree That’s a general enough statement of That’s a general enough statement of Agree that it should work for the rest Agree that it should work for the rest of the semester, even as we introduce of the semester, even as we introduce new concepts.new concepts. It allows for several different It allows for several different configurations:configurations:

[[uuF]…[F]F]…[F] [F]…[[F]…[uuF]F] [[uuF]…[F]…[uuF]F]c-selectionc-selection InflectionInflection CaseCase

Strong features must be checked very Strong features must be checked very locallylocally..

Merge can provide this locality.Merge can provide this locality. Move can also provide this locality.Move can also provide this locality.

And And that’sthat’s why we’re talking about it now. why we’re talking about it now. Strong features are what motivates movement.Strong features are what motivates movement.

Page 12: Episode 5b. Head movement and the strength of features 5.4 CAS LX 522 Syntax I

What happens when V What happens when V moves to moves to vv??

When V moves to When V moves to vv, they combine in , they combine in a way that we have been writing a way that we have been writing just as V+just as V+vv. Let’s be more precise.. Let’s be more precise.

In fact, we assume that V In fact, we assume that V head-head-adjoinsadjoins (adjoins, head-to-head) to (adjoins, head-to-head) to vv. This is the same sort of . This is the same sort of structure that Adjoin creates structure that Adjoin creates between maximal projections.between maximal projections.

In the structure, the In the structure, the vv head is head is replaced by the replaced by the vv head with V head with V adjoined.adjoined.

Adjunction does not change Adjunction does not change projection levels—projection levels—vv is still a is still a minimal projection, still the head minimal projection, still the head of of vvP. But it is a P. But it is a complex headcomplex head (it’s a (it’s a vv with a V adjoined to it). with a V adjoined to it).

VP

NP

v

eatv

v

V[uV*, …]

<V>

Page 13: Episode 5b. Head movement and the strength of features 5.4 CAS LX 522 Syntax I

What happens when V What happens when V moves to moves to vv?? We should also consider what happens We should also consider what happens

to the VP from which the V moved.to the VP from which the V moved. It is still a VP, it must still have a It is still a VP, it must still have a

head.head. The features of the VP are the features The features of the VP are the features

of the head (recall for example, that of the head (recall for example, that checking the uninterpretable feature on checking the uninterpretable feature on the head is the same as checking the the head is the same as checking the uninterpretable feature on the uninterpretable feature on the projection of the head). The VP is projection of the head). The VP is still a still a VVP, its head is still a verb P, its head is still a verb (with category feature [V]), and (with category feature [V]), and presumably all the rest of the features presumably all the rest of the features as well.as well.

We notate the original location of the We notate the original location of the V by writing <V> (standing for the V by writing <V> (standing for the “trace” left behind by the original “trace” left behind by the original V).V).

But since <V> must still be a bundle But since <V> must still be a bundle of features, the same one that was of features, the same one that was there before movement, <V> is really there before movement, <V> is really just another copy (or, well, the just another copy (or, well, the original) of the verb.original) of the verb.

VP

NP

v

eatv

v

V[uV*, …]

<V>

Page 14: Episode 5b. Head movement and the strength of features 5.4 CAS LX 522 Syntax I

What happens when V What happens when V moves to moves to vv??

Moral:Moral: “Head-movement” can be “Head-movement” can be viewed as viewed as CopyCopy++AdjoinAdjoin.. A copy is made of V.A copy is made of V. The copy of V is adjoined to The copy of V is adjoined to vv.. The original The original vv is replaced by the is replaced by the syntactic object formed by syntactic object formed by Adjoining the copy of V to Adjoining the copy of V to vv..

If If vv has a [ has a [uuV*] feature, this V*] feature, this puts V close enough to puts V close enough to vv to check to check that feature. This is that feature. This is why why we move we move V.V.

Note: Note: This appears to make a This appears to make a change change insideinside the object. Merge the object. Merge always happens at the root. always happens at the root. However:However: Think about the root. It Think about the root. It has the features of has the features of vv, its head. , its head. It is a projection of It is a projection of vv. There is . There is a sense in which this is still a sense in which this is still affecting only the root node, it’s affecting only the root node, it’s adjunction to its head.adjunction to its head.

VP

NP

v

eatv

v

V[uV*, …]

<V>

Page 15: Episode 5b. Head movement and the strength of features 5.4 CAS LX 522 Syntax I

What happens when V What happens when V moves to moves to vv??

We always move V to We always move V to vv..

Reason:Reason:vv always has a [ always has a [uuV*] feature.V*] feature.

But why wasn’t this checked when But why wasn’t this checked when we Merged we Merged vv and VP? (Like the and VP? (Like the [[uuN*] feature of P is checked N*] feature of P is checked when we Merge P and NP…)when we Merge P and NP…)

The Hierarchy of Projections says The Hierarchy of Projections says that that vv > VP: When you finish VP, > VP: When you finish VP, you Merge it with you Merge it with vv. Only then do . Only then do you Move and Merge with other you Move and Merge with other things. The HoP takes priority.things. The HoP takes priority. When you Merge two nodes in order When you Merge two nodes in order

to satisfy the HoP, you don’t get to satisfy the HoP, you don’t get to Agree. You have to move to the to Agree. You have to move to the next step (Merge or Move).next step (Merge or Move).

VP

NP

v

eatv

v

V[uV*, …]

<V>

Page 16: Episode 5b. Head movement and the strength of features 5.4 CAS LX 522 Syntax I

What happens when V What happens when V moves to moves to vv??

That’s craziness, isn’t it? Now instead That’s craziness, isn’t it? Now instead of one V, we have two identical copies. of one V, we have two identical copies. Why don’t we get Why don’t we get Pat Pat ate ate lunchPat Pat ate ate lunch??

We need both copies (the higher one to We need both copies (the higher one to check the feature, the lower one to head check the feature, the lower one to head the original projection of V). But on the original projection of V). But on the other hand, the verb was picked from the other hand, the verb was picked from the lexicon just once. the lexicon just once.

A-P interface: Only the highest copy is A-P interface: Only the highest copy is pronouncedpronounced..

This is just a precise way to spell out This is just a precise way to spell out the idea that you “move it but leave a the idea that you “move it but leave a trace.”trace.”

Highest copy = the one that is not c-Highest copy = the one that is not c-commanded by another copy.commanded by another copy.

A head V adjoined to another head A head V adjoined to another head vv c- c-commands the same nodes that commands the same nodes that vv did. did.

This is a stipulation, but if we define c-This is a stipulation, but if we define c-command in a more complicated way, it comes command in a more complicated way, it comes to this. A general property of adjuncts is to this. A general property of adjuncts is that they are “just as high” in the tree as that they are “just as high” in the tree as the thing they adjoined to, so they “see” the thing they adjoined to, so they “see” (c-command) the same parts of the structure (c-command) the same parts of the structure as the thing they adjoined to.as the thing they adjoined to.

VP

NP

v

eatv

v

V[uV*, …]

<V>

Page 17: Episode 5b. Head movement and the strength of features 5.4 CAS LX 522 Syntax I

A note on node labelsA note on node labels

A node is labeled as a maximal A node is labeled as a maximal projection (XP) if there are no projection (XP) if there are no more more strongstrong features left to features left to check.check. Notice that Notice that v v has [has [uuInfl:] even when Infl:] even when we’re finished with it and Merge it we’re finished with it and Merge it with the next head up (M, Perf, Prog, with the next head up (M, Perf, Prog, Neg, or T). But we still want there to Neg, or T). But we still want there to be a be a vvP.P.

C-selection features (like the [C-selection features (like the [uuN*] N*] feature(s) of V, or the [feature(s) of V, or the [uuN*] feature N*] feature of P) are always strong.of P) are always strong.

Page 18: Episode 5b. Head movement and the strength of features 5.4 CAS LX 522 Syntax I

Movement of the subjectMovement of the subject We’ve now looked at the details of why we We’ve now looked at the details of why we do head movement:do head movement: V moves to V moves to vv because because vv has a [ has a [uuV*] feature.V*] feature.

The other kind of movement we’ve seen is The other kind of movement we’ve seen is movement of the subject, from Specmovement of the subject, from SpecvvP to P to SpecTP.SpecTP. This will be handled the same way: T has a [This will be handled the same way: T has a [uuN*] N*] feature (always). Moving the subject (making a feature (always). Moving the subject (making a copy and Merging it with T) put the N feature of copy and Merging it with T) put the N feature of the subject close enough to T for the [the subject close enough to T for the [uuN*] N*] feature to be checked.feature to be checked.

As for why you don’t satisfy the [As for why you don’t satisfy the [uuV*] feature of V*] feature of vv the same way, by moving VP into Specthe same way, by moving VP into SpecvvP, we could P, we could speculate, but there’s no particularly satisfying speculate, but there’s no particularly satisfying answer. We’ll set that aside.answer. We’ll set that aside.

Page 19: Episode 5b. Head movement and the strength of features 5.4 CAS LX 522 Syntax I

Auxiliaries moving to TAuxiliaries moving to T

One last case, that introduces a wrinkle.One last case, that introduces a wrinkle. I do not eat green eggs and ham.I do not eat green eggs and ham. I have not eaten green eggs and ham.I have not eaten green eggs and ham. I have not been eating green eggs and ham.I have not been eating green eggs and ham. I would not have been eating green eggs and I would not have been eating green eggs and ham.ham.

Notice:Notice: There is a set of things that move to T.There is a set of things that move to T. Auxiliaries: Auxiliaries: havehave, , bebe, modals., modals. Main verbs Main verbs do notdo not move to T. move to T. Only the Only the toptop auxiliary moves to T. auxiliary moves to T.

Movement is driven by strong features.Movement is driven by strong features.

Page 20: Episode 5b. Head movement and the strength of features 5.4 CAS LX 522 Syntax I

Auxiliaries moving to TAuxiliaries moving to T Auxiliaries: Auxiliaries: havehave, , bebe, modals., modals. The top auxiliary moves to T.The top auxiliary moves to T. Main verbs Main verbs do notdo not move to T. move to T.

Auxiliaries must be differentiated from Auxiliaries must be differentiated from main verbs.main verbs.

Thus: They have the feature [Aux]Thus: They have the feature [Aux] ““they have the property of being they have the property of being auxiliaries”auxiliaries”

Movement is driven by a strong feature.Movement is driven by a strong feature. [[uuAux*] on T? No. That does not work.Aux*] on T? No. That does not work. [[uuT*] on Aux? No. That would not be T*] on Aux? No. That would not be promising.promising.

Page 21: Episode 5b. Head movement and the strength of features 5.4 CAS LX 522 Syntax I

Auxiliaries moving to TAuxiliaries moving to T Auxiliaries: Auxiliaries: havehave, , bebe, modals., modals. The top auxiliary moves to T.The top auxiliary moves to T. Main verbs Main verbs do notdo not move to T. move to T.

Auxiliaries have a [Auxiliaries have a [uuInfl:] feature, Infl:] feature, valued by the next thing up.valued by the next thing up.

The topmost auxiliary has its [The topmost auxiliary has its [uuInfl:] Infl:] feature valued by T.feature valued by T.

The topmost auxiliary is the only The topmost auxiliary is the only auxiliary that moves to T.auxiliary that moves to T.

An auxiliary whose [An auxiliary whose [uuInfl:] feature is Infl:] feature is valued by T will move to T.valued by T will move to T.

Movement is driven by strong features.Movement is driven by strong features.

Page 22: Episode 5b. Head movement and the strength of features 5.4 CAS LX 522 Syntax I

Auxiliaries moving to TAuxiliaries moving to T Auxiliaries: Auxiliaries: havehave, , bebe, modals., modals. The top auxiliary moves to T.The top auxiliary moves to T. Main verbs Main verbs do notdo not move to T. move to T.

An auxiliary whose [An auxiliary whose [uuInfl:] feature is valued by T Infl:] feature is valued by T will move to T.will move to T.

Movement is driven by strong features.Movement is driven by strong features.

It appears that we need to say this:It appears that we need to say this: If a head has the feature [Aux], andIf a head has the feature [Aux], and If that head’s [If that head’s [uuInfl:] feature is valued by Infl:] feature is valued by T,T,

Then the feature is Then the feature is valued as strongvalued as strong.. The auxiliary must move to T to be checked.The auxiliary must move to T to be checked.

T[tense:pres] … T[tense:pres] … bebe[Aux, [Aux, uuInfl:]Infl:] T[tense:pres] … T[tense:pres] … bebe[Aux, [Aux, uuInfl:pres*]Infl:pres*] T[tense:pres]+T[tense:pres]+bebe[Aux, [Aux, uuInfl:pres*] … < Infl:pres*] … < be be >>

Page 23: Episode 5b. Head movement and the strength of features 5.4 CAS LX 522 Syntax I

French vs. EnglishFrench vs. English In English, adverbs cannot come In English, adverbs cannot come between the verb and the object.between the verb and the object. *Pat *Pat eatseats oftenoften apples. apples. Pat Pat oftenoften eatseats apples. apples.

In French it’s the other way around.In French it’s the other way around. Jean Jean mangemange souventsouvent des pommes. des pommes.Jean eats often of.the applesJean eats often of.the apples‘Jean often eats apples.’‘Jean often eats apples.’

*Jean *Jean souventsouvent mangemange des pommes. des pommes. If we suppose that the basic If we suppose that the basic structures are the same, why might structures are the same, why might that be?that be?

Page 24: Episode 5b. Head movement and the strength of features 5.4 CAS LX 522 Syntax I

French vs. EnglishFrench vs. English Similarly, while only auxiliaries in Similarly, while only auxiliaries in English show up before negation (English show up before negation (notnot))…… John does John does notnot lovelove Mary. Mary. John John hashas notnot eaten apples. eaten apples.

……all verbs seem to show up before all verbs seem to show up before negation (negation (paspas) in French:) in French: Jean (n’)Jean (n’)aimeaime paspas Marie. Marie.Jean (ne) loves not MarieJean (ne) loves not Marie‘Jean doesn’t love Marie.’‘Jean doesn’t love Marie.’

Jean (n’)Jean (n’)aa paspas mangé des pommes.mangé des pommes.Jean (ne)has not eaten of.the applesJean (ne)has not eaten of.the apples‘Jean didn’t eat apples.’‘Jean didn’t eat apples.’

Page 25: Episode 5b. Head movement and the strength of features 5.4 CAS LX 522 Syntax I

V raises to T in FrenchV raises to T in French What it looks like What it looks like is that both V and is that both V and auxiliaries raise auxiliaries raise to T in French.to T in French.

This is a This is a parametric parametric differencedifference between between English and French.English and French.

A kid’s task is to A kid’s task is to determine whether V determine whether V moves to T and moves to T and whether auxiliaries whether auxiliaries move to T.move to T.

T values [uInfl:] on Aux

T values [uInfl:] on v

English Strong Weak

French Strong Strong

Page 26: Episode 5b. Head movement and the strength of features 5.4 CAS LX 522 Syntax I

vv

Jean (n’) appelle pas Jean (n’) appelle pas MarieMarie

First, build the First, build the vvP just as in English.P just as in English. Merge Merge téléphonetéléphone and and MarieMarie to form the VP, Merge to form the VP, Merge vv and VP to satisfy the HoP, move V to adjoin to and VP to satisfy the HoP, move V to adjoin to vv to to check check vv’s [’s [uuV*] feature, Merge V*] feature, Merge JeanJean and and vv..

NPMarie[N]

<V>vagent[v, uN*, uV*,uInfl:]

VPv

Vappelle

[V]

vvPP

NPJean[N]

Negpas

T[tense:pres, T, uN*, …]

Page 27: Episode 5b. Head movement and the strength of features 5.4 CAS LX 522 Syntax I

vv

Jean (n’) appelle pas Jean (n’) appelle pas MarieMarie

Merge Neg with Merge Neg with vvP to form NegP (following the P to form NegP (following the HoP).HoP).

T[tense:pres, T, uN*, …]

NPMarie

<V>vagent[v, uN*, uV*,uInfl:]

VPv

V appelle

vvPP

NPJean

NegPNegP

Negpas

Page 28: Episode 5b. Head movement and the strength of features 5.4 CAS LX 522 Syntax I

vv

Jean (n’) appelle pas Jean (n’) appelle pas MarieMarie Merge T with NegP to form TMerge T with NegP to form T (again, following the (again, following the

HoP).HoP). Now T with its [tense:pres] feature c-commands Now T with its [tense:pres] feature c-commands vv and and its [its [uuInfl:] feature. They Match. Infl:] feature. They Match. But But in French, in French, when [when [uuInfl:] on Infl:] on vv is valued by T it is is valued by T it is strongstrong. So…. So…

T[tense:pres, T, uN*, …]

NPMarie

<V>vagent[v, uN*, uV*,uInfl:pres*]

VPv

V appelle

vvPP

NPJean

Negpas

NegPNegP

TT [tense:pres, T, uN*, …]

Page 29: Episode 5b. Head movement and the strength of features 5.4 CAS LX 522 Syntax I

vv

Jean (n’) appelle pas Jean (n’) appelle pas MarieMarie vv has to move to T. Notice that at this point has to move to T. Notice that at this point

vv has V adjoined to it. has V adjoined to it. You can’t take them You can’t take them apart.apart. The whole The whole complex headcomplex head moves to T. moves to T.

NPMarie

<V>

VP<v>

vvPP

NPJean

Negpas

NegPNegP

v[uInfl:pres*]

v

V appelle

T

T

TT [tense:pres, T, uN*, …]

Page 30: Episode 5b. Head movement and the strength of features 5.4 CAS LX 522 Syntax I

vv

Jean (n’) appelle pas Jean (n’) appelle pas MarieMarie And then, we move the subject up to SpecTP to And then, we move the subject up to SpecTP to

check the final uninterpretable (strong) check the final uninterpretable (strong) feature of T, [feature of T, [uuN*].N*].

NPMarie

<V>

VP<v>

vvPP

<Jean>

Negpas

NegPNegP

v[uInfl:pres*]

v

V appelle

T

T

TT [tense:pres, T, uN*, …]NPJean

TP

So, French is just like English, except that evenv moves to T.

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SwedishSwedish Looking at Swedish, we can see that not Looking at Swedish, we can see that not only do languages vary on whether they only do languages vary on whether they raise main verbs to T, languages also raise main verbs to T, languages also vary on whether they raise auxiliaries vary on whether they raise auxiliaries to T:to T: ……om hon om hon inteinte harhar köpt boken köpt boken whether she not has bougt book-the whether she not has bougt book-the‘…whether she hasn’t bought the book.’‘…whether she hasn’t bought the book.’

……om hon om hon inteinte köpteköpte boken bokenwhether she not bought book-thewhether she not bought book-the‘…whether she didn’t buy the book.’‘…whether she didn’t buy the book.’

So both parameters can vary.So both parameters can vary. Remember the light box: By saying these were Remember the light box: By saying these were parameters, we predicted that we would find these parameters, we predicted that we would find these languages.languages.

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Typology of verb/aux Typology of verb/aux raisingraising

Interestingly, there Interestingly, there don’t seem to be don’t seem to be languages that raise languages that raise main verbs but not main verbs but not auxiliaries.auxiliaries. This double-binary This double-binary

distinction predicts distinction predicts there would be.there would be.

It overgenerates a It overgenerates a bit.bit.

This is a pattern This is a pattern that we would like to that we would like to explain someday, explain someday, another mystery about another mystery about Aux to file away.Aux to file away. Sorry, we won’t have Sorry, we won’t have

any satisfying any satisfying explanation for this explanation for this gap this semester.gap this semester.

T values [uInfl:] on Aux

T values [uInfl:] on v

English Strong Weak

French Strong Strong

Swedish Weak Weak

Unattested

Weak Strong

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IrishIrish In Irish, the basic word order is VSO (other In Irish, the basic word order is VSO (other languages have this property too, e.g., Arabic)languages have this property too, e.g., Arabic) PhógPhóg Máire an lucharachán. Máire an lucharachán.kissed Mary the leprechaunkissed Mary the leprechaun‘Mary kissed the leprechaun.’‘Mary kissed the leprechaun.’

We distinguish SVO from SOV by supposing that We distinguish SVO from SOV by supposing that the head-complement order can vary from the head-complement order can vary from language to language (heads precede complements language to language (heads precede complements in English, heads follow complements in in English, heads follow complements in Japanese).Japanese).

We may also be able to distinguish other We may also be able to distinguish other languages (OVS, VOS) by a parameter of languages (OVS, VOS) by a parameter of specifier order.specifier order.

But But nono combination of these two parameters can combination of these two parameters can give us VSO.give us VSO.

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IrishIrish But look at auxiliary verbs in Irish:But look at auxiliary verbs in Irish:

TáTá Máire ag- Máire ag-pógáilpógáil an lucharachán. an lucharachán.Is Mary ing-kiss the leprechaunIs Mary ing-kiss the leprechaun‘Mary is kissing the leprechaun.’‘Mary is kissing the leprechaun.’

We find that if an We find that if an auxiliaryauxiliary occupies occupies the verb slot at the beginning of the the verb slot at the beginning of the sentence, the main verb appears between sentence, the main verb appears between the subject and verb:the subject and verb:Aux S V OAux S V O..

What does this suggest aboutWhat does this suggest about The head-parameter setting in Irish?The head-parameter setting in Irish? How VSO order arises?How VSO order arises?

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SVO to VSOSVO to VSO Irish appears to be essentially an SVO Irish appears to be essentially an SVO language, like French.language, like French.

Verbs and auxiliaries raise past the Verbs and auxiliaries raise past the subject to yield VSO.subject to yield VSO.

We can analyze the Irish pattern as being We can analyze the Irish pattern as being minimally different from our existing minimally different from our existing analysis of French— just one difference, analysis of French— just one difference, which we hypothesize is another which we hypothesize is another parametric difference between languages.parametric difference between languages.

V and Aux both raise to T (when tense V and Aux both raise to T (when tense values the [values the [uuInfl:] feature of either Infl:] feature of either one, [one, [uuInfl:] is strong) in Irish, just Infl:] is strong) in Irish, just as in French.as in French.

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vv

French vs. IrishFrench vs. Irish Remember this step in the French derivation before?Remember this step in the French derivation before?

I’ve omitted negation to make it simpler.I’ve omitted negation to make it simpler. What if we stopped here?What if we stopped here?

In French it would crash (why?).In French it would crash (why?). But what if it didn’t crash in Irish?But what if it didn’t crash in Irish? What would have to be different?What would have to be different?

NPMarie

<V>

VP<v>

vvPP

NPJean

v[uInfl:pres*]

v

Vappelle

T

T

TT [tense:pres, T, uN*, …]

Page 37: Episode 5b. Head movement and the strength of features 5.4 CAS LX 522 Syntax I

Parametric differencesParametric differences We could analyze Irish as being just like We could analyze Irish as being just like French except without the strong [French except without the strong [uuN*N*] feature ] feature on T.on T. Without that feature, the subject doesn’t need to Without that feature, the subject doesn’t need to move to SpecTP. The order would be VSO, or AuxSVO.move to SpecTP. The order would be VSO, or AuxSVO.

So, languages can vary in, at least:So, languages can vary in, at least: Head-complement orderHead-complement order (Head-specifier order)(Head-specifier order) Whether [Whether [uuInfl:] on Aux is strong or weak when valued Infl:] on Aux is strong or weak when valued by Tby T

Whether [Whether [uuInfl:] on Infl:] on vv is strong or weak when valued is strong or weak when valued by Tby T

Whether T has a [Whether T has a [uuN*] feature or notN*] feature or not

Page 38: Episode 5b. Head movement and the strength of features 5.4 CAS LX 522 Syntax I