immigration and neighborhood revitalizationmysite.du.edu/~shibbs2/style/immigration and...

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Table of Contents Table of Contents……………………………………………………………...1 Abstract………………………………………………………………………..2 Introduction……………………………………………………………………3 Literature Review……………………………………………………………...4 Methodology…………………………………………………………………..5 Decline and Revitalization…………………………………………………….10 Demographic Transition………………………………………………………11 Refugee Revitalization………………………………………………………..15 Iroquois Manor………………………………………………………………..17 Conclusion…………………………………………………………………….19 References…………………………………………………………………….21 Appendix 1………………….………………………………………………...23 Appendix 2……………………………………………….…………………...25 1

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Page 1: Immigration and Neighborhood Revitalizationmysite.du.edu/~shibbs2/style/Immigration and Neighborhood... · Web viewFor this research study, my goal is to show the demographic change

Table of Contents

Table of Contents……………………………………………………………...1

Abstract………………………………………………………………………..2

Introduction……………………………………………………………………3

Literature Review……………………………………………………………...4

Methodology…………………………………………………………………..5

Decline and Revitalization…………………………………………………….10

Demographic Transition………………………………………………………11

Refugee Revitalization………………………………………………………..15

Iroquois Manor………………………………………………………………..17

Conclusion…………………………………………………………………….19

References…………………………………………………………………….21

Appendix 1………………….………………………………………………...23

Appendix 2……………………………………………….…………………...25

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Page 2: Immigration and Neighborhood Revitalizationmysite.du.edu/~shibbs2/style/Immigration and Neighborhood... · Web viewFor this research study, my goal is to show the demographic change

Abstract

Immigration has been shown through different studies to contribute to the reversal of

neighborhood decline. This article focuses on the once declining Iroquois Park

Neighborhood in Louisville, KY and the unique revitalization it has undergone over the

past decades from the addition of thousands of refugees from Vietnam, Cuba, Bosnia,

Africa, and the Middle East. I suggest how the process evolved over time, and why the

refugee groups have been so successful in transforming the demography of the

neighborhood and creating a multi-ethnic economy that is unlike anything else found in

the city.

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Introduction

Drive down South 3rd Street near Iroquois Park in the South End of Louisville, KY.

You might not notice it at first, but stop and take a look around and you will see and feel

something that might be different from anywhere else in Louisville, a neighborhood that

has been transformed by immigrants, where signs are marked with strange characters,

dozens of languages can be heard at any given moment, and store shelves are stocked

with foreign products from all over the globe.

Immigrants are a growing and important element of Louisville’s community and the

local economy and workforce. At the same time, the children of immigrants are a fast

growing segment of the metropolitan area’s school-age population (Capps et al. 2004).

Nowhere is this more evident than in the South End, most notably around the Iroquois

Manor shopping center, a place in which much of the city’s refugee population has been

resettled through the Wilson-Fish Program, a public-private partnership that provides

benefits and social services during refugees’ initial years in the United States (Capps et

al. 2004). I suggest that these immigrants over time have played an important role in

revitalizing a once declining neighborhood into a rich, diverse community.

For this research study, my goal is to show the demographic change that has occurred

over the years to transform the Iroquois Park community into a multiethnic enclave

within Louisville by using data from the U.S. Censuses, American Community Surveys,

and other sources. In addition, I will illustrate in what ways the change has been

responsible for helping to revitalize the neighborhood with observations and a series of

conversations with many residents (both native and foreign), business owners, refugee

resettlement agencies, and other relevant participants in the community.

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Literature Review

Through my research I have found that the amount of literature available pertaining to

the effects of immigration on urban areas is substantial. Sifting through it all to find

relevant information to my own research has been tedious at times. However, I have

found it to be very beneficial in helping guide me through my studies.

The main theme I have discovered that is prevalent in a majority of my researched

material is that immigration has a significant strengthening effect on urban economies

and can contribute to the revitalization of decaying neighborhoods (Hayduk 1998,

Waldinger 1989). This has been illustrated in previous urban neighborhood studies

conducted in Flushing, NY (Smith 1995); Manhattan, NY (Wilson 1987); Northern

Virginia (Wood 1997); Philadelphia, PA (Thorp 2004); Quebec City, Canada (Dorais

1991); and St. Paul, MN (Kaplan 1997).

These studies have been helpful because they support my hypothesis that immigration

can result in a revitalization of a neighborhood that is similar to and involves immigrant

groups that are present in my study area in Louisville. They also provided a starting point

for my own research by revealing ideas and topics that could be incorporated into the

methodology of the study.

There is considerable evidence that the emerging ethnic enclaves in these

neighborhoods contain an ethnic community center, which is usually a once declining

retail center that has been revitalized through a process of ethnic place making (Wood

1997). These centers play an important role in community development and the creation

of ethnic economies (Kaplan 1997). This is the cultural center where the ethnic groups’

native customs and traditions are expressed. This area is not always noticed at first but

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can usually be identified by ethnic markers in store signs containing languages, pictures,

or flags from their native country.

My review of the literature base has also shown that immigration is not always

welcome in some neighborhoods. In several cases public discourse has accompanied the

new arrivals as conflicts emerged between immigrants and long-term residents and

between different ethnic groups (Cummins 2007, Skerry 2002, and Smith 1995).

Lastly I tried to focus my search on some literature that had to due with immigration

in Louisville. Luckily I have found that this city has a plentiful supply of immigrant

resources. From articles (Cummins 2007, Faurest 2004, and Hill 2003) to studies (Capps

et. al. 2006, Dakan 2005, and Izyumov et. al. 2001) to city government that embraces

immigrants and has set up several programs and a government department called the

Office of International Affairs to help them integrate into the community. It's also

significant that Louisville is one of the few cities in the country that has established a

governmental department with the sole purpose of dealing with international issues.

Methodology

For this study several data sources and both qualitative and quantitative research

methods are utilized. The purpose of using multiple and independent methods is to

provide a wider range of coverage that helps to strengthen the validation achieved when

different sources of data converge and are found to be congruent (Jick 1979, Bonoma

1985, and Duchon and Kaplan 1988).

The main data source is the U.S. Census Bureau. These data are from the Decennial

Census which is conducted by the U.S. government every 10 years, in years ending in

zero, to count the population and housing units for the entire United States. The specific

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data sets that were used were race, country of origin, and date entering U.S. at the census

tract level for tracts 44, 45, 46, 90, and 91.02 (1990) or 91.03 (2000) in Jefferson County,

KY, from the 2000 and 1990 censuses. These tracts were chosen based on the percentage

of foreign born in each tract for 2000 and for their proximity to the Americana

Apartments (Tract 56) and Iroquois Manor (Tract 46).

In addition, data from the American Community Surveys (ACS) and the US Office of

Refugee Resettlement (ORR) were used to estimate demographic data for 2006. I say

estimate because the smallest level of data from the ACS is at the county level and the

ORR only has data at the state level. The formulas for calculating the 2006 data are as

follows:

The equation for native and foreign born residents uses data from the 2006 ACS. To

convert this data set to my study area I calculated what percentage of the total selected

group for Jefferson County lived in my study area. Then I took the 2006 data and

multiplied it by that percentage to find out approximately how many were present for that

year.

(1)

The equation for ethnic groups uses data from the 2006 ORR. To convert this data set

to my study area I calculated what percentage of the total selected group for Kentucky

lived in my study area. Then I added up the ORR data of refugees entering Kentucky

from 2000 to 2006 and multiplied it by that percentage to find out approximately how

many of them were relocated to the study area. Finally I added the number of new

arrivals to the 2000 census amount for each ethnic group to find the total present for

2006.

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(2)

The definition for each term used in the equations are as follows: A stands for the total

population of the study area and B is the total population of Jefferson County, KY for the

group being calculated based on data from the 2000 census. C is the 2006 ACS total for

the foreign or native born population of Jefferson County, KY. D is the total population

of Kentucky for the group being calculated based on data from the 2000 census. And E is

the ORR total of refugees that had been relocated in Kentucky from 2000-2006.

It should be noted that while the census data have become more accurate over the

years, they are still not able to have a 100% representation. Many people, especially

recent immigrants who are not fluent in English, are confused by the questions in the

census or don't like to provide the government with information about themselves.

Sometimes the census forms are lost, or people forget to fill them out. Also the constant

rate of movement and change within this country makes it difficult to have data that are

completely accurate. This is notably evident today since there has been almost 8 years of

changes that are unaccounted for since the most recent census. The formulas using the

ACS and ORR data are used to try to fill in this gap. However, they can not be counted

on as completely accurate as they calculate the 2006 totals based on the 2000 census

percentages of the different groups living in the study area. Any change in those

percentages that have occurred since 2000 are not included. Also, the ORR data only

contain information on resettled refugees, meaning that all non-refugee immigrants,

including undocumented immigrants, which have migrated to the study area are

unaccounted for.

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Despite these flaws the decennial census data still provide the best and most accurate

data for my study area and it is the only census tract level data source, which allows me

to illustrate in much greater detail the significant demographic changes that have

occurred along the 3rd Street corridor over the last couple of decades and show how the

new population has contributed to the revitalization of this area.

The use of surveys, interviews, and personal observations are components of this

study as well. By talking with several of the key players in the neighborhood who are

involved in the revitalization, I got a better understanding of how the process is taking

shape, who is driving it, and who is being affected by it. Some of the respondents include

members of the different refugee resettlement agencies, immigrants’ assistance

organizations, ethnic groups, housing complexes in the area (including the Americana

Apartments), local businesses and business associations, and several residents (both

native and foreign born). All information given is strictly voluntary and every effort was

made to ensure that the interviewees were fully aware of the nature of the study and no

individual rights were violated. This is particularly important when dealing with different

ethnic groups (especially recent arrivals) who might not have become fully comfortable

in their new community.

Most respondents were selected through personal research or contacts. These included

business owners, different agencies and organizations, and housing complexes. After

selecting the candidates, I contacted and explained to each one the nature of my research

and inquired if they would be interested in participating in a voluntary interview. I gave

each a document stating the purpose, structure, confidentiality, and my personal contact

information if they had any future questions or concerns (Appendix 1). Then each one

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signed an Informed Consent form to indicate that they had voluntarily agreed to

participate but had the right to decline participation or answer any question at any time.

When conversing with residential subjects in the field I chose a different approach. I

randomly selected residents in different locations throughout my study area and gave

them a short survey (Appendix 2) that asked for ethnicity, time lived in the Iroquois

neighborhood, and opinions on the impact of different ethnic groups within the study

area. This survey served two purposes. First I compiled the data collected from the

surveys to gain a community opinion to the diversity in the area. Secondly I used this

opportunity to evaluate the residents and determine if they would be good candidates to

be asked additional questions. Some of the criteria that I looked for were diversity, length

of time living in neighborhood, and overall attitude. If they appeared to be a good

candidate then I asked if they would like to participate further in the research and went

through the same process of explaining the study and having them sign the voluntary

agreement form as with the other interviewees. If they were not then I thanked them for

their help and moved on.

The use of both quantitative and qualitative research methods for this study is crucial

to get an overall understanding of the revitalization that has occurred and how it is related

to the recent immigration influx into this area. By studying the census data I detected a

pattern of out migration of native (white) residents and a simultaneous in migration for

many different ethnic groups from decade to decade. These data are fairly accurate and

are much easier to come by than conducting a survey of all residents in the study area.

And firsthand accounts by the individuals and organizations that are a part of the

revitalization will benefit in providing a complete and detailed description of how this

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process took shape and what the current status is for the study area. Also it will help to

formulate some predictions as to what is the future direction for Louisville's, South End.

Both methods have their own benefits to them, but in the end this study would not be able

to cover the full spectrum of the research question if they were not incorporated together.

Decline and Revitalization

Like many older neighborhoods throughout the United States; the South End in

Louisville, KY, had been going through a period of decline starting around the 1960s as

many residents and business owners were choosing to migrate to bigger, more modern

neighborhoods (Faurest 2004). This population mainly consisted of white, Christian,

middle class residents who were either growing tired of the same old familiar

neighborhood and were looking to move somewhere new, or thought that the newer areas

would provide better opportunities for them.

In the 1980s and 1990s this area started to see a reversal of fortune at about the same

time that the first wave of immigrants arrived. They were Vietnamese refugees who were

relocated to escape the violence during the Vietnam War by resettlement agencies such as

Catholic Charities and Kentucky Refugee Ministries. It should be no surprise that this

area has been taking off ever since. Studies on other cities in the U.S. have shown how

immigration has countered trends of urban decline by contributing to repopulation,

revitalization, and economic development (Thorp 2004).

The South End was an ideal location for refugees because of the low cost of housing

in the area including the addition of multiple affordable apartment complexes. One of

them is the Americana Apartments, which viewed this resettlement as an opportunity to

quickly fill their vacancies and therefore were very eager to be at the center of the

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relocation. This area also benefited from a centralized location within Louisville and a

well established public transportation system allowing for easy access to the downtown

business district to the north, industrial district to the west, and newly constructed areas to

the south and east. Finally, there was the availability of housing and employment

opportunities due to the vacancies from the out-migration of the former residents.

The process of revitalization is not quick or easy. At first many hostilities were

reported between different ethnic groups and between ethnic groups and local residents

due to unfamiliarity and prejudice (Smith 1995). In the case of the Vietnamese (the first

refugee group to arrive in the area in significant numbers) there might have also been a

misconception that the new arrivals were Communists which became a growing

generalization among many Americans during this time period (Rutledge 2002). Over

time, as the foreign population continues to become more integrated into the community,

the negative responses from native born Louisvillians have subsided, creating an overall

atmosphere of acceptance (Cummins 2007).

Demographic Change

The main catalyst for the revitalization of the Iroquois neighborhood was the

demographic change that has taken place over the last several decades. Once a white

middle class neighborhood, this area has clearly been transformed into a diverse

multiethnic community with contributions from the Vietnamese, Cubans, Bosnians, and

several other ethnic groups.

Vietnamese

The most predominant ethnic group in the Iroquois neighborhood is the Vietnamese.

At first they arrived in waves during the 1980s and 1990s as they were placed in this area

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by the different refugee resettlement agencies. During the 2000’s the number of actual

refugees being resettled dropped to a slow trickle. In their place were Vietnamese who

were arriving as either non-refugee immigrants or as part of a secondary migration from

other cities and states, which has helped to keep the Vietnamese community strong.

These include family and friends of refugees who had been separated during the war or

resettlement process. The 2000 US Census shows that there are approximately 1,000

Vietnamese living in or around the Iroquois neighborhood. This number, along with the

high visibility of the Vietnamese, has prompted some people to refer to this area as Little

Saigon (Cummins 2007). However, the overall number of Vietnamese is probably

underestimated due to the difficulty in obtaining data on the amount of non-refugee

Vietnamese who have settled in the area since the 2000 census was conducted.

Cubans

Currently the fastest growing immigrant group in the Iroquois neighborhood is the

Cubans. They are relative newcomers to the area compared to the Vietnamese, only

beginning to arrive during the mid-90s. However, since then this area has become a

popular destination for Cuban refugees. Based on data from the United States Office of

Refugee Resettlement (ORR), Kentucky ranks as the third highest destination for Cuban

refugees since 2000, behind only Florida and Texas. Census and ORR data between 1990

and 2006 show that approximately 3,800 Cuban refugees have been resettled in Jefferson

County, KY, with an estimated 43% of them residing in the study area.

Bosnians, Africans, and Others

Due to the never ending number of conflicts that are taking place all over the world,

the stream of refugees coming into this area continues to grow. Other ethnic groups

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adding to the diversity in Louisville’s South End come from Eastern Europe (Bosnia,

Croatia), Africa (Somalia, Sudan), and the Middle East (Iraq, Iran) which can be seen

more clearly in Table 1. Like the Cubans, these groups are fairly new additions to the

neighborhood and haven’t established themselves in the community quite as much as the

Vietnamese. However, their inclusion is still no less significant as they bring even more

diversity and flavor into the area.

Ethnicity 1990 2000 2006*

Born in U.S. 23801 21019 19597

Foreign Born 653 3213 4405

Vietnamese 414 978 1005

Cuban 0 842 1669

Bosnian 0 407 628

African 0 183 268

Middle Eastern 36 229 238

* Estimate based on data from Census, American Community Surveys, and Office of Refugee Resettlement.

Table 1. Comparison of ethnic composition within study area since 1990.

In total, the addition of thousands of immigrant refugees from several different ethnic

groups to the Iroquois Park neighborhood has helped to stabilize the population by

cancelling out the decline of the native born residents. Between 1990 and 2006 data from

the census, American Community Surveys, and the Office of Refugee Resettlement

(ORR) shows that the study area has lost a net total of 4204 native born residents and

gained 3752 foreign born resulting in a net loss of only 452 people. Although, the 1990

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and 2000 data come from the census, the 2006 data is an estimate based on the ORR

number of foreign refugees resettled in the Iroquois neighborhood and does not take into

account non-refugee immigrant. Therefore the number is probably underestimated.

The Americana Apartments (located in Jefferson County census tract 56) are usually

the first haven for many of the resettled refugees due to its location, low rent, and

willingness to take on refugees. Over the years, as the refugees are able to establish

themselves, many choose to move out of the apartment complex but remain within the

neighborhood by purchasing individual homes nearby. It is also evident that there is a

distinct dispersal pattern for the foreign born residents to the census tracts south and east

of the Americana Apartments, away from the city (Figure 1).

1990 2000

Figure 1. Percentage of Foreign Born Population in Louisville’s South End Using GIS.

For those refugees who do choose to relocate to a differnt part of town, they remain

attached to their initial settlement in the Iroquois neighborhood, returning on occasions to

meet with old friends, buy ethnic products from the many stores in the area, and attend

religious services in the buddhist temple or in one of the ethnic churches.

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Refugee Revitalization

It is important to note that refugees are not the same as voluntary

migrants. The main difference between refugees and voluntary

migrants is the reluctance to uproot oneself, and the absence of

positive original motivations to settle elsewhere, which characterizes

all refugee decisions and distinguishes the refugee from the voluntary

migrants (Kunz 1981). Hence, the key idea necessary to understand

the refugee in flight is that of the “push” (Lee 1966). While ordinary

immigrants are more likely to be “pulled” by the attraction of the

opportunity to fashion a better life, as Barry Stein (1981, 322) defines

it, “the refugee is not pulled out; he is pushed out. Given the choice, he

would stay.” Because of this reality, many of the refugees were not prepared to face

the challenges of integrating into a new community in an unfamiliar land.

That is where having the Vietnamese as the first main immigrant group into the

Iroquois neighborhood has been so beneficial. As a group they are a very culturally

oriented people who have a strong belief in the importance of family and community. For

them, social adjustment in their new environment first consists of establishing their own

networks of social relations and other institutions, which will help them find a place in

the host country without forfeiting their cultural identity (Dorais 1991). Immigrants

express their culture through their own social and institutional community networks, and

it is the community as a whole that integrates them with the larger society (Rex and

Josephides 1987). This reliance on community is what has helped them to overcome the

hardships of being refugees (leaving their friends and family, spending several years in

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refugee camps, and coming to a place with a completely different language and set of

customs) to successfully make a place for themselves in the Iroquois neighborhood while

at the same instance maintaining their heritage.

Another aspect of the Vietnamese culture that has helped them is their willingness to

do hard work (Haines et. al. 1981). They are instilled with a Vietnamese concept called

“tran can cu” which combines hard work, patience, and tenacity into a relentless drive to

survive or be successful (Rutledge 2002). As many Vietnamese in the community

mentioned to me, it was this drive that got them out of the difficulties that they faced

during their initial resettlement to the level of success that they are having in the

community today.

The infusion of hard working immigrants into the Iroquois neighborhood occured at a

time when the area was going through an urban decline. This gave the Vietnamese the

space needed to establish a close knit community and plently of opportunities to use their

natural determination to make a place for themselves without giving up their culture. This

is significant because it allowed them to create buisnesses that reflected thier Vietnamese

heritage, instead of conforming to existing American ones that would have taken more

time for them to comprehend. And the growing ethnic community provided the demand

and support for these buisnesses while the preexisting residents were trying to figure out

what to make of these new changes. More recently, as other refugee groups (Cubans,

Bosnians, etc.) were resettled into the Iroquois neighbohood, they have started to follow

the same formula as the Vietnamese. By using hard work and community to make their

place, they have further contributed to the revitalization process and added new

dimensions to the already diverse neighborhood.

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While it was not a planned goal of the refugees to revitalize this area, they had been

placed here without any say in the matter and were just trying to reestablish their lives

and make a living. However, in the process of doing so they contributed to the reversal of

the population decline and created a new ethnic economy.

Iroquois Manor

Once an ethnic group is established (usually takes several years) it begins to transform

the community. The transformation begins with the creation of what I call a central ethnic

district (CED) which is usually a shopping center or strip mall that becomes the heart of

the ethnic community. Within the CED are several ethnic businesses that range from

restaurants to grocery stores to jewelry shops. In the South End, the Iroquois Manor

shopping center located on South 3rd Street has become this neighborhood’s CED, and

since the Vietnamese community is the most established (Figure 2), it has played the

biggest role in shaping the CED and therefore is the most visible. However, in the past

decade there has been a large increase in the number of refugees from Cuba, Bosnia, and

Africa; as they are becoming more established, their influence and visibility should

continue to grow.

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Figure 2: Vietnamese stores located along S. 3rd Street near Iroquois Manor.

In addition to the several ethnic buisnesses that have sprung up over the last decade,

many of the non-ethnic buisness owners, managers, and employees expressed to me that

they needed to adapt their buissnesses as well in order to survive and satisfy the

increasingly diverse population. Banks, medical offices, and refugee assitance

organizations in the CED now have multi-lingual employees able to assist customers who

speak a variety of languages such as Spanish, French, Bosnian, Vietnamese, and

Somalian.

The best example of this adaptation is the anchor store of Iroquois Manor,

ValuMarket. This location was an ordinary grocery store a little more than a decade ago,

no different from any other ValuMarket. With the increase of the ethnic population in the

their market area this grocery store was forced to meet the needs of its changing

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customers. As the manager explained, “the goal of any buisness is to be profitable, and

for us to be profitable we had to adapt to the community that we are serving.” That has

meant creating a store that is appealing to both American and foreign residents. At first,

like the initial presence of foreign residents in the community, this change was faced with

some uncertainty. Over time it gradually became accepted and now is a staple of the

foreign presence in the Iroquois area.

Diversity brings more attention and buissness to the area (both from ethnic groups and

natives). On the whole, the impact of immigration on urban economies is generally

agreed to be positive (Hayduk 1998). The number of ethnic buisnesses in the Iroquois

neighborhood is a direct result of the demand for these services by the different ethnic

groups in the area. As this ethnic economy has grown it has garnered more notoriety. The

ethnic offerings at Iroquois Manor have drawn people from outside the neighborhood

(Hill 2003). And whether it be curiousity or a sense of adventure to try something new,

they made the journy to the Iroquois Manor. Now the trip has become a routine part of

their week as they just can't get enough of the area's ethnic flavor. Sometimes, as I found

out from one Iroquois Manor regular, coming from as far away as Fort Knox, KY.

Conclusion

The evidence presented in this study confirms that immigration and refugee

resettlement has created a demographic change in the South End resulting in the

revitalization of the neighborhood. Catholic Charities, Kentucky Refugee Ministries, and

other refugee resettlement organizations have relocated several thousand immigrants and

refugees from all over the world to this area. This has altered the look and feel of the area

and jump started the revitalization process. However, it was not until the foreign residents

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began to establish themselves within the community that the process was visible. The

establishment stage occurred when the foreign residents began to make places for

themselves by reconfiguring the geography of the places they inherited in the community

by opening their own businesses (most of which had an ethnic theme) in place of the

many abandoned or declining ones in the area (Wood 1997).

The new residents have reenergized the community by turning it into a vibrant mix of

cultures and languages. The threat of assimilation and erosion of cultural traditions by the

American mainstream is always present, but so far the strong ethnic community has

slown the acculturation of its members by providing a reference base where the values,

attitudes, and cultural patterns are still considered worthwhile (Rogg 1971).

Commitments to old values, together with a strong identification with their home country

and their past lives, have been the most potent forces working against the refugees’

assimilation into the United States (Portes 1967), and have aided them in maintaining a

sense of familiarity and comfort within the community. Iroquois Manor has played a

pivotal role in the revitalization and ethnic strengthening of the South End by providing a

haven for the many different ethnic cultures and businesses to come together and flourish.

This would never have been possible in an area where a demand for an ethnic market did

not exist.

In the future, it remains to be seen whether or not the different groups will be able to

coexist and thrive off one another like they have up to this point, especially with the

Cubans becoming the majority ethnic group in the area, surpassing the Vietnamese.

However, the successes that have been achieved in the South End neighborhood can be

directly attributed to the ethnic place-making that has occurred. And if the neighborhood

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wants to continue to grow it should embrace its ethnic roots and try to strengthen the

multicultural niche that it has created.

References

Bonoma, T.V. 1985. Case research in marketing: opportunities, problems, and a process. Journal of Marketing Research 22(2): 199-208.

Capps, R. F. K..; W. Zimmermann; W. Bullock; and E. Henderson. 2004. A Profile of the Foreign-Born in the Louisville Metropolitan Area. The Urban Institute, Louisville Metro Office for International Affairs.

Cummins, P. 2007. Continuity and Change in Louisville's Ethnic Communities. Kentucky Folkweb, Western Kentucky University. Available at http://www.wku.edu/kentuckyfolkweb/KYFolklife_Cummins.html. (last accessed 09 December 2007)

Dakan, W. 2005. Emerging Ethnic Patterns in Louisville, KY. Changes in the Heartland. Louisville, KY. 367-377.

Dorais, L. 1991. Refugee Adaptation and Community Structure: The Indochinese in Quebec City, Canada. International Migration Review. 25(3): 551-573.

Duchon, D. and B. Kaplan. 1988. Combining Qualitative and Quantitative Methods in Information Science. MIS Quarterly. 12(4): 571-586.

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Page 22: Immigration and Neighborhood Revitalizationmysite.du.edu/~shibbs2/style/Immigration and Neighborhood... · Web viewFor this research study, my goal is to show the demographic change

Faurest, K. 2004. Eclectic Mix of Homes Reflects Evolution of Area that Began as a Shady Summer Haven. Courier Journal. Louisville, KY.

Haines, D.; D. Rutherford; and P. Thomas. 1981. Family and Community Among Vietnamese Refugees. International Migration Review. 15(1/2). 310-319.

Hayduk, R. 1998. Immigration, Race and Community Revitalization. The Aspen Institute Roundtable on Comprehensive Community Initiatives. Available at http://www.aspeninstitute.org/atf/cf/%7BDEB6F227-659B-4EC8-8F84-8DF23CA704F5%7D/Hayduk.pdf. (last accessed 09 December 2007).

Hill, T.R. 2003. Retail Smorgasbord. Business First of Louisville. Article written Friday, November 14 2003. Available at http://louisville.bizjournals.com/louisville/2003/11/17/story3.html (last accessed 21 November 2007)

Izyumov, A; B. Nahata; and P. Coomes. 2001. Attracting Immigrant Talent to the Louisville Metropolitan Area: Recommendations. The C. E. & S. Foundation. Louisville, KY.

Jick, T. 1979. Mixing Qualitative and Quantitative Methods: Triangulation in Action. Administrative Science Quarterly. 24: 602-611.

Kaplan, D. H. 1997. The Creation of an Ethnic Economy: Indochinese Business Expansion in Saint Paul. Economic Geography 73(2): 214-233.

Kunz, E. F. 1981. Exile and Resettlement: Refugee Theory. International Migration Review 15:42-51.

Lee, E. S. 1966. A Theory of Migration. Demography 3: 47-57.

Portes, A. 1969. Dilemmas of a Golden Exile: Integration of Cuban Refugee Families in Milwaukee. American Sociological Review 34(4): 505-518.

Rex, J. and S. Josephides. 1987. Asian and Greek Cypriot Associations and Identity. Immigrant Associations in Europe. 11-41.

Rogg, E. 1971. The Influence of a Strong Refugee Community on the Economic Adjustment of its Members. International Migration Review 5(4): 474-481.

Rutledge, P. J. 2002. The Vietnamese Experience in America. Bloomington and Indianapolis, IN: Indiana University Press.

Skerry, P. 2002. Beyond Sushiology: Does Diversity Work? The Brookings Institute.

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Smith, C. J. 1995. Asian New York: The Geography and Politics of Diversity. International Migration Review 29(1): 59-84.

Stein, B. 1981. The Refugee Experience: Defining the Parameters of a Field of Study. International Migration Review 15: 322.

Thorp, E. 2004. Immigration and Urban Revitalization in Philadelphia: Immigrant Entrepreneurship and Improving Opportunity in the Local Economy. Philadelphia, PA. Welcoming Center for New Pennsylvanians: 46.

Waldinger, R. 1989. Immigration and Urban Change. Annual Reviews Sociology 15: 211-232.

Wilson, D. 1987. Urban Revitalization on the Upper West Side of Manhattan: An Urban Managerially Assessment. Economic Geography 63(1): 35-47.

Wood, J. 1997. Vietnamese American Place Making in Northern Virginia. Geographical Review 87(1): 58-72.

Appendix 1

Immigration and Neighborhood Study

Researcher: Shawn Hibbs, Undergraduate Student at the University of Louisville, Department of Geography/GeosciencesPhone Number: 502-836-8435Email Address: [email protected]

Introduction and Purpose

This is a study, conducted as part of a student research project, which is intended to look at the

impact of immigration within the Iroquois Neighborhood. Over the years growing numbers of different

ethnic groups have settled in and around the South End of Louisville and become part of this community.

My goal is to better understand how they have effected and helped to revitalize this area.

Voluntary Participation

Taking part in this study is voluntary. If you decide to participate in this study you will be asked to

sign an informed consent form, however you may still opt-out at any time that you like. All questions are

voluntary and you may refuse to answer any question that you do not feel like answering.

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Confidentiality

All personal information given will be kept anonymous. No names or personal identifiable

information will be used in the final report or shared with any other person, group, or organization unless

required to by law. All information collected for this study will be held in a secure location.

Interview Information

Interviews will usually last between 15-30 minutes and will be conducted at a time and place of

the interviewees choosing.

Questions or Concerns

If you have any questions or concerns, please feel free to contact me via phone or email. All

contact information is provided at the top of the page.

Informed Consent Form

The previous page tells you what the study is about and what will happen during the study if you

choose to take part. Your signature means that this study has been discussed with you, that your questions

have been answered, and that you have agreed to take part. This informed consent form is not a contract.

You are not giving up any rights by signing this informed consent form and you may still refuse to take part

in the study at any time after you have signed this form.

_________________________________________________________

Signature of Subject Date

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Appendix 2 Immigration and Neighborhood QuestionnaireResearcher: Shawn Hibbs, Undergraduate Student at the University of Louisville, Department of Geography/GeosciencesPhone Number: 502-836-8435Email Address: [email protected]

1. Where were you born?

2. What is your ethnicity? (Circle One)

White Black Asian Hispanic Other

3. How long have you lived in the Iroquois Neighborhood? (Circle One)

Do not live here Less than 1 year 1-5 years 6-10 years More than 10 years

4. How often do you visit Iroquois Manor?

Never 1 – 2 times a month 1 – 2 times a week More than twice a week

5. Why do you visit Iroquois Manor? (select all that apply)

Grocery Shopping Retail Shopping Dining/Restaurants Other

6. How much impact have people of ethnic descent (Hispanic, Asian, African, or Eastern European)

had in the Iroquois Neighborhood?

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None Little Somewhat A Lot

7. What is your overall satisfaction with ethnic groups in this Iroquois Neighborhood?

Extremely Low Low Average High Extremely High

8. What do you like or dislike most about the ethnic diversity in and around Iroquois Neighborhood?

9. Additional Comments (optional)

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