title family behavior of japanese and slovak …...this paper is concerned with the comparative...

Title Family Behavior of Japanese and Slovak Populations :Similarities and Differences( 本文(Fulltext) )

Author(s) KOBAYASHI, Koji; MLADEK, Jozef; SIROCKOVA, Jana;KOBAYASHI, Tsukiko

Citation [Geographical review of Japan] vol.[79] no.[12] p.[644]-[663]

Issue Date 2006-10-01

Rights The Association of Japanese Geograhpers (日本地理学会)

Version 出版社版 (publisher version) postprint

URL http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12099/29703

※この資料の著作権は、各資料の著者・学協会・出版社等に帰属します。

Geographical Review of JapanVol. 79, No. 12, 644-663, 2006

Family Behavior of Japanese and Slovak Populations:

Similarities and Differences

KOBAYASHI Koji*, MLADEK Jozef**, SIROCKOVA Jana**, and

KOBAYASHI Tsukiko*

* Faculty of Education, Gifu University, Gifu 501-1193, Japan** Department of Human Geography and Demogeography, Comenius University,

Bratislava 84215, Slovakia

Abstract: The purpose of this study is to recognize and illustrate the presentation of principal developmental trends, regional differences and causal implications of selected population processes, which characterize similar and different features of family behavior of populations in Japan and Slovakia. Our analysis reveals that in spite of a strong influence of family traditions, family behaviour has changed in Slovakia and in Japan. Changes of traditional family behaviour in Slovakia are characterised by a decrease in the marriage rate and a subsequent increase in the age of marriage, a slowly increasing divorce rate, a decrease in abortion levels, and a gradual spreading of informal partner bonds (cohabitations). The past model of early marriage has changed to a model of late marriage. The family in Japan had traditionally economic, cultural, reproductive and educational functions. In spite of certain changes in family behaviour, these functions have been preserved. Changes in family behaviour in Japan include an increasing age of marriage, and an increasing share of "single" households. On the other hand, the low level of the divorce rate, small number of cohabitations, and the low level of extra-marital fertility seems to confirm the conservatism of the family. Changes in family behaviour of inhabitants in Japan and Slovakia seem to have some similarities with those in the West European countries. Further analysis of the 2nd demographic transition is required.

Key words: family behavior, cohabitation, nuptiality, divorce, abortion, extra-marital birth

Introduction

Today, the difference between the birth rate

and death rate has been narrowing, as was pre

dicted in the theory of demographic transition

(Population Association of Japan 2002). Some

countries have higher death rates than birth

rates. For example, in Germany, the birth rate

and the death rate was 9.9 (•ñ) and 10.0 (•ñ)

respectively in 2001. In Sweden, the rates were

10.3 and 10.5 in 2001, and, in Italy, 9.3 and 9.7

in 2002 respectively. For other countries, the

birth rate and the death rate were the following:

France 13.1 and 9.0 in 2001, Holland 12.4 and

8.7 in 2003, and, Switzerland 9.9 and 8.4 in 2002

(United Nations 2003). In Japan, the difference

between the birth rate and death rate has be

come narrower. The birth rate of 10.0, the death

rate of 6.7 of 1990 had become 8.9, 8.0 respectively by 2003. The death rate is estimated to be higher than the birth rate in 2006 (Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare 1999; National Institute of Population and Social Security Research 2003; Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare 2005; Yano Tsuneta Kinenkai, 2005).

In the Central European Countries, after the transformation, both the birth rate and the death rate drastically changed (Table 1). After 1990, in all the countries, Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary, the birth rate dropped abruptly, and the death rate has been consistently decreasing, especially, the decrease in the birth rate has become prominent. In these countries of Central Europe, the death rate is higher than the birth rate (2002 or 2003). These changes are largely due to the drastic social changes caused by the transformation. They are

644

Family Behavior of Japanese and Slovak Populations 181

Table 1. Natality and mortality in Central European Countries

Source: drawn up by Europa Publications: Central and southeastern Europe 1997 and 2005.

all undergoing the 2nd demographic transition

(Mladek 2000).These countries which have already experi

enced or now experiencing the 2nd demographic transition have to confront and deal with some serious problems such as the decrease in the working population, slow economic growth and sustainability of social security systems.

Thus, it becomes important to analyse the main reasons causing the 2nd demographic tran

sition, namely, family behaviour, marriage, divorce and abortion. While the phenomenon of

the acute decline in the birth rate is widely shared by many countries or regions, its reasons/causes differ greatly from region to region. That is why comparative analyses of them becomes indispensable. Slovakia shares common trends not only in the decreasing birth rate but also in the increasing death rate with three other countries.

This paper is concerned with the comparative analysis of family behaviour, marriage, divorce and abortion between Japan and Slovakia. 1 In order to understand these trends after 1990, we often deal with trends in a much longer span, if necessary.

Concerning our research method, we used various materials including many statistics in both countries. Then, we conducted some interviews with staff in the National Institute of Population and Social Security Research (Japan), Statistical Office of the Slovak Republic (Slovakia), Institute of Informatics and Statistics (Slovakia) and Demographic Research Center (Slovakia).

Some Developmental Trends of Family

Behaviour in the Period of the 2nd Demographic Transition

The dominant type of the so-called nuclear family created by two parents is getting broader with such forms as the family created by single adult person, or the informal couple of partners living in a companionate marriage. Van de Kaa

(1987) characterizes these changes as a transition from the uniform family, to broadly diversified forms of families and households. During the last 20 years, informal unions have massively increased within the majority of the post-industrialized states, and became a common form of

partnership cohabitation, so that stability of the family as a social institution is markedly affected

(Iwasawa, 2001). It is advisable to find the roots of the informal marriages in the overall development of the socio-economic sphere in the highly developed countries. For the significant factors are considered an increased level of education of the female part of population, a higher employment rate among women, which is assuring their economic independence, high effectiveness of the applied methods of birth-control together with liberalization of the abortion laws.

Despite the strong influence of tradition, Slovakia is also undergoing changes in family behaviour (Sirockova 2003a). These changes seem

to be certain long-term trends, which are characterized by a definite acceleration in the last 10-15 years. Some of these changes have the same shape as those manifested in the Western European populations since the 1960s, which are considered to be the characteristic peculiarities

645

182 KOBAYASHI K., MLADEK J., SIROCKOVA J., and KOBAYASHI T.

of the demographic behaviour during the 2nd demographic transition (Mladek 2003; Mladek and Sirockova 2003).

Some information about the informal family unions in Slovakia can be drawn from the census of population. There are data about the factual marriages-cohabitation (persons sharing a flat, marked as the companionate marriage). According to the 1991 census, there were 20,864 cohabitating couples in Slovakia. Between 1991 and 2001, their number considerably increased

and reached 30,466, which reflects changes in social conditions, as well as changes in population's family behaviour. In 1991 there were 1.65 cohabitants to 100 married persons and in 2001 they had increased up to 2.68 (Statistical Office of the Slovak Republic 1991, 2001).

Cohabitation and extra-marital birth are much less frequent in Japan than in Europe. Atoh

(2001a, 2001b) reports some reasons for such behaviour. The low share of efficient modern birth control means is significant and their use spreads slowly. In the case of cohabitation, unmarried women bear a considerable risk of unwanted pregnancy. In spite of an important emancipation progress, the task of woman in the family changes slowly. The traditional function of care for the family is also applied in pre-marital cohabitation and it discourages many women from such a form of coexistence. In spite of

growing individualism and secularization, strong family feeling and family cohesion are preserved. Bonds to the original family are often stronger than the relationship to the partner or husband. The result is that the prevailing number of sin

gle working women prefers a more comfortable coexistence with their parents.

The number of extra-marital births in Slovakia was traditionally low, in particular in comparison with Western European countries. In 1950, 5.5% of births were extra-marital, and up to the year 1990 this ratio increased to 7.6%. This indicator increased considerably after 1990. In 2001, the share of extra-marital children increased to 19.7% (Statistical Office of the Slovak Republic 1950, 1990, 2001).

The situation in the Japanese population is different. In spite of the increasing absolute num

bers and relative shares of extra-marital births, this phenomenon is not important in the frame

work of the population's reproduction. According to the estimation of Nakagawa (2003), the level of the extra-marital birth rate was as much as 9.4% at the beginning of the 20th century, but it

decreased to 1.0% before the Second World War. This was the result of the idea of love-based

marriages and simultaneously the abandonment of tolerance of the partnership of a man with several women. In 1980, the share of extra-marital births reached only 0.8%, before 1990 increasing to 1.07 and in 2000, it represented 1.68%. This is a very low level of extra-marital fertility (Nakagawa 2003, Yamada 1998) not only in comparison with Slovakia, but also in com

parison with the West European populations.Information about changes in family behaviour

can also be obtained from the other results of the population census, namely from indications about the number, size and structure of the summed up households. Development in Slovakia in the years 1961-2001 shows a relatively sudden fall of the Slovak family size. The average number of family members in 1961 was 3.53. Within the last 40 years this figure sank under the limit of 3 family members and in the year 2001 reached the average number of 2.66 persons on the census's household (Table 2). A significant feature of the development is also a sudden growth of the census's households with one

person, that is single households. In 1961, the ratio of these "single" households was 9.3%, in 1970 it increased to 11.9 %, in 1980 to 19.8% and in 1991 jumped to 21.8%. Within the last decade of the last century there was an even more notable increase of the ratio of single households,up to 30% from the overall number

of census households. In parallel with this tendency, it is also possible to observe a decrease of the households with a higher number of family members. While in 1961 the ratio of households with more than 6 children was 11.8%, up to the year 2001 their share dropped to 2.8%

(Statistical Office of the Slovak Republic 1961, 2001).

The major part of the population of Slovakia live in complete families (parents and children) even though their share is continuously decreasing (Table 2). While in 1961, the complete families represented 81.2% of all census families, in 1980 their ratio decreased to 70.6%, and in

646


Table 2. Census households by type in Slovakia

Source: Census of Population, Houses and Dwellings, 1961, 1970, 1980, 1991, 2001.

Note 1: Complete family means the family with parents (father and mother) and children. It should be with or without children.

Note 2: Incomplete family means the family with only one parent and children, mother with children or father with children .

the year 2001 it dropped further to 56.4%. On the contrary, the opposite trend is found in in

complete families, whose share in 1961 was 8.4%, and up to the year 2001 increased to 11.9%.

Similar tendencies are also observable in Japanese households. The average number of

persons in household dropped even more distinctly from 4.5 in 1960 to 2.7 in 2000 (Table 3). At the beginning of the 1960s, the Japanese household was larger and at present it is similar to that in Slovakia. The increase of the number of single-person households is similar. In 1960, their share was 4.7% and increased to 25.6% in the course of 40 years. It is somewhat smaller than the share of single-person households in Slovakia. A certain tradition of family behaviour in Japan is documented by the stable share of what are referred to as nuclear family households. Their number increased in the study period by 2.5-times, while their share in household structure remained at 60.1%. On the other side though, the share of childless families in the

household structure increased (19.4% in 2000),

while the share of complete families (parents

and children) contrastingly decreased from

43.4% in 1960 to 32.8% in 2000 (Table 3).

Nuptiality Models and Their Changes

Nuptiality is a separate population process,

which lays the foundations for a family by the

conclusion of marriage. The development of

number of marriages in both countries was not

regular as it was based on the particular overall

political, economic and social situation (Mladek

and Fillova 2002).

The data on the crude marriage rate of both

countries are used for comparison of their nup

tiality (Marencakova 2003). The curve of crude

marriage rate of Japan was, compared to Slova

kia, more uniformly moving (Figure 1). The nup

tiality level of Slovakia was greatly influenced by

the First World War during which the abrupt de

crease was followed by an even more abrupt in

crease (from 6.6•ñ in 1918 to 16.5•ñ in 1919)

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Table 3. Households by type of family in Japan

Source: Population Census of Japan. In thousends of households

Figure 1. Nuptiality in Japan and Slovakia.

Source: Population of Slovakia 1945-2000. Institute of Informatics and Statistics 2001.National Institute of Pop

ulation and Social Security Research. Selected demographic indicators for Japan.

after the War. This is referred to as the com

pensation phase. The subsequent development is

free from such dramatic fluctuations. Marriage

rate increase was connected with the fact that

the generations born after the First or Second

World Wars reached marital age. Nuptiality was

also influenced by pro-natality measures-con

struction of flats, financial contribution at child

birth, subsidies for child's goods. Approximately

from the 1980s in Slovakia and from the 1970s

in Japan, a relatively continuous decrease of

nuptiality is observable. In 2001, the crude mar

riage rate of Slovakia was 4.4•ñ-from 1992

lower than in Japan where it reached 6.4•ñ in

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Figure 2. Mean marriage age in Slovakia (SR) and in Japan (JPN).

Source: Population of Slovakia 1945-2000. Institute of Informatics and Statistics 2001. National Institute of Population and Social Security Research, Latest Statistics.

2001.The reasons for the nuptiality behaviour of the

Japanese population are various. The trend tending to the model of later marriage or no marriage at all originated from the consequence of economic, social, and cultural changes. The Japanese people acquired a different view of the marriage institution in the first place. While before 1980, it was almost unimaginable for all to reach financial stability and emotional satisfaction in another way than marriage, at present, young

people, especially those living in cities, do not necessarily imagine a full value and quality of life within wedlock. On the contrary, many of them consider life outside marriage more comfortable. This is one of the reasons why many young Japanese people (above all women) continue living in common households with their parents.

The increasing divorce rate is also a cause for marriage appearing less attractive. Matrimony is less important from the point of view of perception of this institution as the source of sexual satisfaction. According to public opinion en

quiries, premarital sexual life has become acceptable in Japan (Atoh 1993).

The average age at the conclusion of marriage and average age at the conclusion of the first marriage are important characteristics. Mean marriage age in Japan and in Slovakia was studied in the period 1950-2001, and is characterized by an increasing tendency. The marriage age of

men and women in Japan was higher than in Slovakia during the whole study period (Figure 2). While the distinct increase of the average marriage age in Japan started approximately in the 1970s, this trend has appeared in Slovakia since the 1990s. In 2001, the average age at marriage of men and women in Japan was 30.6 and 28.4

years respectively. Lower values were recorded in Slovakia-28.6 for men and 25.6 for women.

Nuptiality by age was analysed following age categories in 5-year intervals in 1990 and 2000. Relative values that are the number of marriages

per 1,000 women or men were used. Nuptiality in Slovakia after 1990 has greatly changed, which is the reason for this comparison of Japanese and Slovak nuptiality (Figure 3). Comparison of 1990 and 2000 showed the decrease of nuptiality of men in Slovakia above all in the age categories 15-19, 20-24, and 25-29. While in 1990 there was only one distinct maximum of nuptiality of men in the category 20-24, in 2000 the curve reached two peaks of 20-24 and 25-29 year old. Among other things, this confirms the fact that the marriage age of men is higher than that of women.

It is also obvious that in Slovakia the greatest number of women who married were in the 2024 age category in the study period (Figure 4). Nuptiality in the study category decreased from

98.64 to 54.34 in the years 1990-2000. On the other hand, a slight increase of nuptiality of

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Figure 3. First marriage rates by age of groom in Japan(JPN) and Slovakia (SR).Source: Size and dynamic of population in Slovakia 1991, 2001. Statistical Office of Slovakia. Selected demographic indicators for Japan 1991, 2001. National Institute of Population and Social Security Research.Note: Crude divorce rate means number of divorces per 1000 inhabitants.

Figure 4. First marriage rates by age of bride in Japan (JPN) and Slovakia (SR).Source: Size and dynamic of population in Slovakia 1991, 2001. Statistical Office of Slovakia. Selected demographic indicators for Japan 1991, 2001. National Institute of Population and Social Security Research.Note: Crude divorce rate means number of divorces per 1000 inhabitants.

women was observed in age categories 25-29 and

30-34. There is a clear difference between nup

tiality of men and women by age in the years

1990 and 2000. This is the result of various

changes in society, which are reflected at the

level of nuptiality values. They include economic,

social, and other changes, for instance, pro

longed preparation for profession.

The nuptiality of Japanese men was perma

nently highest in the 25-29 age category in the

given years. In 2000, compared to 1990, nuptial

ity by age decreased in two categories: 25-29

and 30-34 (Figure 3).The nuptiality of Japanese woman by age

reached two distinct peaks in 1990: in the 20-24

and 25-29 age categories (Figure 4). In 2000, the maximum in the 25-29 year old category increasingly started to dominate. The decrease of nuptiality of women is observable in the cate

gories of 20-24 and 25-29 year old accompanied by an increase in the nuptiality of women in the age categories 30-34 and 35-39.

Nuptiality increase is typical for higher age categories in both countries. This fact is con

650


Figure 5. Crude marriage rate in Japan (2001).

Source: Japan statistical yearbook 2004. Statistical Bureau. Management and Coordination Agency. Government of Japan.

nected with increased urbanization, life style,

change of thinking, and different scale of values

compared to the past.

Transformation of the marriage behaviour of

the inhabitants of Japan is notable. In the period

of the Second World War (1940-1944), the share

of "agreed marriages (Miai Kekkon in Japanese)"

was still as much as 69.1%. Love-based mar

riages, with a share of 86.6%, dominated in

2000-2002 and the rest were agreed marriages

(National Institute of Population and Social Se

curity Research 2004).

Comparatively large differences in crude mar

riage rate at the level of Japanese prefectures

(Akita 4.9•ñ, Tokyo 7.4•ñ) characterize spatial

differentiation of nuptiality (Figure 5). Large

urban metropolitan regions such as Tokyo, Osaka

and Nagoya, and some other large cities such as

Sendai, Hiroshima and Fukuoka reach the high

est level. High nuptiality in these regions is influenced by the age structure of their population. Their economic development offers new

jobs and ensures a steady migration influx of young population. In turn, emigration and low natural increase of population accelerate population ageing in many prefectures and also bring about a low level of nuptiality in Akita, Iwate, Niigata, Toyama, Nara, Wakayama, Yamaguchi, Shimane, and almost all prefectures of Shikoku and Kyushu.

Regional differentiation of nuptiality in Slovakia is substantial (Sirockova 2003b). The map showing the crude marriage rate at the district level provides a rather complicated picture (Fig

ure 6). In order to interpret this picture, we need to take the effects of two more significant factors into account. The first is the traditional approach to concluding the marriage contract

651


Figure 6. Crude marriage rate in Slovakia (2001).Source: Size and dynamic of population in Slovakia 1998-2001. Statistical Office of Slovakia.

Note: The alphabet letter on the map show the name of administrative units-districts.

and starting a family, often affected by the

higher level of religiousness of the population. It

makes itself felt, in particular, within the set of

districts of northern and eastern Slovakia, where

the crude marriage rate reached a value of more

than 4.5•ñ. Generally, the age structure of the in

habitants is also significant in this set of districts.

These districts are characterized, in particular,

by a prevalence of children and the reproductive

category, and so by a higher potential for mar

riage among the inhabitants. A large group of

districts in southern and central Slovakia achieve

a level of the crude marriage rate of less than

4•ñ. An enhanced level of marriage ratio is also

observable in the surroundings of large cities

such as Kosice (K4), Trnava (PK) (Figure 6).

Characteristic Features of Divorce

Divorce is one form of marriage disintegration

based on a legal way of ending the marriage. The

level of the divorce rate as a principle negatively

affects the population reproduction, although a

new marriage and birth of a child can follow. The

divorce rate can be influenced, apart from the

legal system, by social conditions, traditions, re

ligion, degree of urbanization and other factors

(Mladek and Sirockova 2002).Fukurai and Alston (1990) point out the rela

tionship of the demographic and socio-economic factors to divorce in Japan. They assert that increased divorce is connected with the decreasing effect of traditional family values, increased employment of married women and reduced im

portance of their tasks in the family. Organized registration of divorce in Slovakia

was initiated approximately in the 1920s. Historical development of the divorce rate in Slovakia is characterized by a relatively low level of its indicators which confirms a certain stability of the family and its conservative behavior. A low level of divorce continued until the end of the Second World War with the tendency towards a slow increase. This was connected with the reli

gious feelings of the population, historical formation of the family image, and the role of the family in education of the young generation. In the following period, an increasing divorce trend appeared with liberalized legal standards representing the decisive factor (Halasova, 1991). In 1950, the Act on the Family was approved, establishing divorce as the only possible way of ending matrimony and it brought about a dramatic increase of divorce number (632 divorces

652


Figure 7. Divorce in Japan (JPN) and Slovakia (SR).Source: Population of Slovakia 1945-2000. Institute of Informatics and Statistics 2001. Vital Statistics. National Institute of Population and Social Security Research 2001.

Note 1: DI (Divorce Index) means number of divorces per 100 new marriages. Note 2: CDR (Crude Divorce Rate) means number of divorces per 1000 inhabitants.

in 1949, 1,800 in 1950). Further legal arrange

ments2 also led to the increase of divorce. The

number of divorces exceeded 5,000 in 1974,

reached almost 9,000 in 1990 and exceeded

10,000 in 2002. Crude divorce rate increased

from 0.5•ñ in 1950 to 1.33•ñ in 1980, 1.67•ñ in

1990, and to 1.82•ñ in 2001 (Figure 7).

The development of the divorce index (num

ber of divorces per 100 new marriages) is some

what more dramatic albeit more regular. In 1920,

its value was 1.2. In 1950, it reached a value of

4.6, and tripled at the beginning of the 1980s

(Figure 7). The divorce index has increased

since the mid-1980s as a result of the increasing

number of divorces and decreasing number of

marriages. In 1990, there were 22 divorces to

100 marriages and in 2001, this value index in

creased to 41.3.

Two different periods of development are rec

ognizable in assessment of the divorce rate in

Japan. High divorce indicators characterize the

beginning of the 20th century with the progres

sive decrease to the minimum level at the be

ginning of the 1940s. Divorce generally increased

in the post-war period, although this trend also

recorded periods of decrease, particularly in the

1960s and end of the 1980s.

The crude divorce rate in 1990 was 1.28•ñ, in

creasing to 2.27•ñ by 2001, while the divorce

index increased from 21.8 to 35.7 in the same

period (Figure 7). Yamada (1998) points to special forms of divorce or marriage disintegration, which may increase the divorce level in Japan. Since the 1980s, the number of "separations within the family" has increased. Though the marital partners share a common flat, they do not have a common household or emotional relationship and practically live separate lives. Among the possible reasons are the complicated divorce procedure (consent of both partners and legal procedure lasting several years), lack of flats and social ostracism.

If the divorce curves of Slovakia and Japan

(Figure 7) are compared, the similarity of developmental trends in the recent period is striking. An increase in indicators from the lowest values in the post-war period was recorded in both countries. The curves change their positions in short intervals with an increasing trend. Japan is characterized by a higher crude divorce rate level, while Slovakia has higher divorce index values. It is the result of a more distinct decrease in the nuptiality rate of the Slovak population.

The curves of crude divorce rate for men and women by age in Slovakia were characterized by one peak in 2000. The peak for men in the 30-34 age category and that for women can be seen in

653


Figure 8. Crude divorce rates by age of husband in Japan (JPN) and Slovakia (SR).

Source: Size and dynamic of population in Slovakia 1991, 2001. Statistical Office of Slovakia. Selected demographic indicators for Japan 1991, 2001. National Institute of Population and Social Security Research.Note: Crude divorce rate means number of divorces per 1000 inhabitants.

Figure 9. Crude divorce rates by age of wife in Japan (JPN) and Slovakia (SR).

Source: Size and dynamic of population in Slovakia 1991, 2001. Statistical Office of Slovakia. Selected demographic indicators for Japan 1991, 2001. National Institute of Population and Social Security Research.Note: Crude divorce rate means number of divorces per 1000 inhabitants.

the 25-29 age categories (Figure 8 and 9). Women had high crude divorce rates in the age categories of 25-29 and 30-34 year olds. The increase in crude divorce rate by age is not general above all in recent years. Apart from the long-term divorce increase in higher age cate

gories, the decrease of rates in age categories 15-19 and 20-24 among both men and women is

positively assessed.The population of Japan is characterized by

the increase in crude divorce rate in all age categories. The maximum crude divorce rate of Japanese men is in the same age category as in Slovakia (30-34 year old). The curve for women has two peaks; in 25-29 age category for many

years, while a second peak formed in 2000 in the category of 30-34 year olds.

The increase in general crude divorce rate is found in both populations, while the highest crude divorce rate of both men and women

654


Figure 10. Divorces by duration of living together in Japan (JPN) and Slovakia (SR).

Source: Size and dynamic of population in Slovakia 1991, 2001. Statistical Office of Slovakia. Selected demographic indicators for Japan 1991, 2001. National Institute of Population and Social Security Research.

moves into higher age categories as the conse

quence of decreasing nuptiality rate and increasing average marriage age.

The assessment of divorce in Japan and Slovakia according to the number of children in families shows certain differences. The highest and increasing share of divorces in Japan is in childless couples. In Slovakia the couples with one child are those who most frequently divorce

and their share is increasing. A moderate decrease of the share of couples with two children is observable in both populations in the years

1985-2000. The share of divorces with higher number of children involved decreases every

year. The larger number of children in a family can be considered a stabilizing factor in both countries.

Divorce rate by length of marriage can also be considered with the rate of marriage stability. In Japan the highest number of marriages breaks up after 0-4 years (Figure 10). According to Yamada (1998), this is caused by poor preparation of partners for life in an independent household. Many partners return to the families of their parents after divorce (Nishioka 2000). In Slovakia, the share of marriages divorced after 1 to 5 years is consistently decreasing. This can be considered to be the result of a decrease in inconsiderately concluded marriages (pregnancy, low age of partners) Compared with Japan, in Slovakia there is a higher share of divorces after 5 and more years of marriage. A moderate increase in

the share of divorce after 20 and more years of marriage is observable in Japan (their share was 5.7% in 1975 and 15.7% in 1997). The possible reason is the conclusion of raising children and the loss of motivation to maintain the family

(Yamada 1998).Divorce shows a certain spatial differentiation

in Slovakia (Figure 11). In an effort to present a more complex view of the spatial differentiation, the regionalization of divorce has been worked out. Three types of regions were identified in Slovakia: regions with high level of divorce, re

gions with the mean level of divorce, and regions with low level of divorce. Classification of the individual districts into the specified types of re

gions was realized on the basis of their incidence within the extremely high, or low divorce indicator levels (crude divorce rate, divorce index).

The region with a high level of divorce largely includes the districts situated in the middle and south of Slovakia, with the addition of two inde

pendent regional units-the districts of Bratislava and Kosice. These districts are char

acterized by reduced natality, changes in the family structure, low numbers of families with more children, and above-average numbers of families with one child.

The region with the mean level of divorce consisted of three regional units: the region of almost all western Slovakia, northern Slovakia and southeastern Slovakia.

The region with a low level of divorce con

655


Figure 11. Divorce in Slovakia (1997-2000).Source: Size and dynamic of population in Slovakia 1998-2001. Statistical Office of Slovakia.Note: The alphabet letter on the map show the name of administrative units-districts.

sisted of two regional units: nouthern and east

ern Slovakia. These regions were less developed

in the past, and also today are prevailingly eco

nomically underdeveloped. The demographic be

haviour of the population is relatively strongly

affected by religiousness, which is also reflected

in marriage and family behaviour. Divorce is an

acceptable solution of the matrimonial problems

only in extreme cases.

Assessment of regional differentiation of di

vorce in Japan is a comparatively complicated

task as it is subject to many factors. Japanese so

ciety is relatively homogeneous above all from

the point of view of social composition, income,

education, language composition, and the effect

of these factors is small (Fukurai and Alston

1990). The particularity of regional structure is

the high crude divorce rate of marginal and

boundary prefectures of Japan, such as

Hokkaido, Aomori, Kochi, Miyazaki and Okinawa

with the crude rate of 2.3-3.0•ñ (Figure 12).

Strikingly increased divorce rates are observable

in all large urban metropolitan regions such as

Tokyo and Osaka.

Selected Characteristics of Abortion

Abortion is a demographic process, which neg

atively affects the population's reproduction and may reduce the fertility rate. Abortion reflects the life standard of population, processes of industrialization and urbanization, level of health care and hygiene, education and position of women in society, religiousness, morals, age structure of the population, and other factors. There is immediate connection of abortion with the level, accessibility, and distribution of contraception methods among the population.

The development of the process of legally induced abortion started approximately in the same period in Japan and in Slovakia. It was le

galized by the Japanese Act of Eugenic Protection enacted in 1948. 3 The consequence of the act was an enormous increase of induced abortion (almost 1.2 mill, abortions in 1955) with the maximum value of abortion ratio: 71.6% in 1957

(Figure 13). This probably relates to the level of ways and methods of contraception. According to Atoh (2001a), abortion was the main method of contraception in the 1950s and 1960s. Less

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Figure 12. Crude divorce rate in Japan (2001).Source: National Institute of Population and Social Security Research, 2002. Latest demographic statistics .

than half of married women (younger than 50) used contraception and their share slowly increased to 55-60% in the 1990s (Atop 2001a). Induced abortion has had a distinct role in fertility decrease from the 1950s to the mid-1970s

(Yamada 1998). The programme of family control was introduced in 1952. The abortion ratio started to decrease dramatically in the following

years. The economic prosperity reached by Japan in the 1950s has certainly contributed, to this situation, and the increase of the abortion ratio in 1966 is also interesting. According to Chinese astrology, this year was under the sign of "Fire Horse (Hinoe-Uma in Japanese)". Women born in this year are believed to be very dangerous for men. The superstitious population

limited its fertility using different ways including increased abortion. By the end of the 1960s, the abortion ratio dropped below 40% and remained

at the level of 34-39% for a long time. Another striking decrease was recorded in Japan at the

beginning of the 1990s.The development of abortion in Slovakia was

quite different and more complicated. Adoption of the first Interruption Act in 1950 legalised artificial interruption of pregnancy under very strictly defined circumstances (health condition of the mother was the only legal reason for abortion). The abortion level was very low (abortion ratio below 10%, up to 10,000 induced abortions a year). The whole following development was subject to the adoption of further, more liberal laws on abortion and the result was the increase in abortion. This trend culminated in 1988 (abortion ratio 61.3% and 51,000 induced abortions) after adoption of the amendment of the Act in 1986. Pursuing the Act, it is possible to interrupt a pregnancy of up to 12 weeks, based on the

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Figure 13. Induced abortion ratio in Slovakia and Japan (1950-2000).

Source: Population of Slovakia 1945-2000. Institute of Informatics and Statistics 2001. National Institute of Population and Social Security Research, Latest Statistics.Note: Induced abortion ratio means number of abortions per 100 live/born children.

written application of woman. The extreme increase of abortion at the end of the 1980s reflects not only the easy accessibility of abortions

guaranteed by the law and supported by practice, but also social acceptance, sexual behaviour, and lack of modern contraception methods. Abortion was thus applied as a tool of retroactive birth control. However, abortion decreased significantly in the 1990s (Figure 13). In the course of 10 years the number of induced abortions dropped by 60%.4 Many factors, such as sex education for the young population, accessibility of efficient contraception methods and increased moral pressure against abortions are behind this change.

The outlined trends of abortion development in Japan and Slovakia are quite different. The most striking disparities appeared in the 1950s and in the end of the 1980s. The first period

(1950-1966) is characterized by higher values of abortion indicators in Japan. In the second period (1967-1985), the abortion level was ap

proximately the same both in Japan and Slovakia or still slightly higher in Japan. In the third

period (1986-1998), the level of abortion in Slovakia was much higher while the stability of in

dicators in Japan was obvious. Recently a tendency to decreasing abortion in both countries is observable. Because of the quicker decrease in Slovakia, the level of abortion is balanced in both countries.

Disparities in development of abortion are also

confirmed by the rates of specific abortions by age of women. Before 1995, the induced abortion in Slovakia was characterized by a distinct maximum in the 25-29 age category (Figure 14). Decrease of abortion was recorded in all age cate

gories in the 1985-2000 periods, while the distribution by the age of women changed. Differences between the individual categories dimin

ished and no striking maximum appeared.In the case of the Japanese population, the de

crease in specific abortion rates is much smaller and more differentiated. The decrease in higher age categories is distinct (Figure 15). On the other side, no such decrease was observed in the

youngest age categories. Increase of abortion was found in the age category of 15-19 year olds and the maximum specific abortion was observed in the age category of 20-24 in 2000. This may imply reduced access to information of such categories or with delayed application of modern contraception. Goto, et. al. (2000) pointed to the above quoted ways of interpretation of the phenomenon. As much as a third of induced abortions are performed on women younger than 25

years and the share is increasing. The level of abortion is determined by three principal factors: 1) sexual relationships initiated earlier and before marriage, 2) obsolete methods of contraception,5 3) deficient service in performance of abortions (consent of parents or husband re

quired, high price).The abortion level in Slovakia is regionally dif

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Figure 14. Development of induced abortion by age group in Slovakia (per 1000 females).Source: Institute of Informatics and Statistics. Population Development in Slovak Republic. 2001.

Figure 15. Development of induced abortion by age group in Japan (per 1000 females).Source: National Institute of Population and Social Security Research. Latest Demographic Statistics.

ferentiated. The induced abortion ratio values by districts (Figure 16) create a varied regional mosaic. With certain generalization, Slovakia can be divided into three regional types. The first re

gion consists of the districts which form a continuous west-south oriented region characterized

by higher abortion levels. The second type includes the districts of northern and eastern Slovakia with the lowest abortion level. The third

one is composed of the districts with medium level of abortion.

Explanation of this distribution is rather com

plicated, like the relationship of abortion to so

cial phenomena. One of the factors, known to de

termine abortion is religion. A high level of reli

giousness is typical in the territory of northern

and eastern Slovakia. The Roman Catholic

Church dominates in the north and the Greek

Catholic Church prevails in the east. These

churches do not allow abortions. Traditionally,

the population in the above-mentioned regions

prefers families with more children and is char

acterized by high natality and fertility rates.

Abortion is also closely related to urbanization.

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Figure 16. Induced abortion in Slovakia (2001).Source: Size and dynamic of population in Slovakia 2002. Statistical Office of Slovakia.

Note: The alphabet letter on the map show the name of administrative units-districts.

Urban settlements form special conditions for demographic behavior and other factors aside, abortion is more accepted by urban populations than in rural settlements. The abortion level is high not only in the largest cities-Bratislava and Kosice, but also in districts with higher urbanization level.

In relation to the induced abortion ratio in Slovakia, the fetal death rate in Japan is shown

(Figure 17). The range of fetal mortality index at the level of prefecture is from 11 to 34 abortions per 1,000 born children. Extremely high index values were found in the southern and northern prefectures. High level of the index are found in all prefectures of Kyushu (Miyazaki, Kumamoto, Kagoshima, Saga, Nagasaki) and in the northern prefectures (Fukushima, Miyagi, Akita, Yamagata, Aomori, and Hokkaido). Lower fetal mortality level was observed in prefectures of the central part of Japan, including the large metropolitan regions of Tokyo and Osaka.

Conclusion

Family behavior is the result of long-term development and reflects the effects of many economic, cultural, demographic and other factors.

In the second half of the 20th century, family behaviour, especially in the advanced countries, changed and affected the reproduction rate of

the population.Analysis of selected population processes re

veals that in spite of a strong influence of tradi

tions, family behavior has been changing in Slovakia. The identified changes are characterized by long-term trends, which were accelerated by social transformation processes. It is especially true of the striking changes in the marriage rate, namely its decrease and the subsequent increase of the marriage age of both men and women. Divorce has increased more slowly, and the level of abortion has distinctly decreased. Informal partner bonds (cohabitations) have spread slowly. While the past model of early marriage or a low marriage age predominated in Slovakia and a high share of persons entered matrimony (90%), recently the model of late marriage has become increasingly preferred.

The family in Japan traditionally had economic, cultural, reproductive and educational functions. In spite of certain changes in family behaviour, these functions have been relatively

preserved. Such changes include the increasing marriage age, increasing share of "single" house

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Figure 17. Fetal death rate in Japan (2001).Source: National Institute of Population and Social Security Research, 2002. Latest Demographic Statistics.

Note: Fetal death rate means the total number of induced abortions, miscarriages and still births per 100 live births.

holds or decrease of the share of married cou

ples, accompanied by the fertility decrease. On

the other hand, the low level of the divorce rate,

small number of cohabitations, low share of sin

gle-parent families, and low level of extra-mari

tal fertility seem to confirm the conservatism of

the family. The function of women in the family

has also changed, above all due to the conse

quence of their increased educational level and

economic independence. However, they do not

easily accept either informal cohabitation with

partners or the idea of remaining single.

Broadly speaking, changes of family behaviour

of inhabitants in Japan and Slovakia seem to

have some similarities with those in Western Eu

ropean countries. Our next theme would be not

only to deal with the similarities and differences

of family behaviour among Japan, Slovakia and

Western European countries, but also to find

their reasons.

Acknowledgements

This is one of the results of our cooperative studies subsidized by the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (JSPS) and the Government of Slovakia. We want to express our great thanks, first of all, to coop

erative researchers in both countries, then, to the JSPS and the Slovak Government. We also thank the staffs in the National Institute of Population and Social Security Research (Japan), Statistical Office of the Slovak Republic (Slovakia), Institute of Informatics and

Statistics (Slovakia) and Demographic Research Center (Slovakia).

(Received 1 August 2005)(Accepted 29 May 2006)

661


Notes

1. See the following literature dealing with the re

gional changes including these four factors in Japan and Slovakia. Kobayashi, (2004a, 2004b).

2. Further legal arrangements mean the option to divorce in the absence of consent of one of the

partners in 1955, assessment of the function of marriage in 1963, and abolition of the preliminary divorce proceeding in 1973.

3. Amendment of the Japanese Act of Health Protection of Mothers was adopted only in 1996.

4. Abortion ratio was 33.4% in 2000 and the number of abortions decreased to 18.5 thousand.

5. The government approved oral hormonal contraception and other kinds of protection for women against unwanted pregnancy only in 1999.

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