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WHO CARES? NGOS CHALLENGES IN PROVIDING AID TO POST-DISASTER AREAS NGOが直面する課題、被災地への支援供与で M ore than 160 nations provided more than US$1 billion in support with US$750 million originating from the US alone. While the number of entities supporting the recovery process and total contributions themselves are remarkable, there are several trends in the flow of funds to this disaster that are distinctly different to preceding international disasters such as the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami and the 2010 Haiti earthquake. The first and most striking difference is the lack of an apparent coordinated public appeal for support to the disaster relief. In the immediate aftermath of the Indian Ocean Tsunami and again in the Haiti earthquake international news coverage showed US presidents standing with notable public figures making an appeal to support the disaster relief efforts to those areas. These appeals were made repeatedly and followed with high profile visits to the affected areas in an effort to keep the calamities in the public eye. Immediate action by major NGOs accustomed to dispatching teams to assess needs and deliver aid spearheaded private sector efforts as well. In the case of the Great East Japan Earthquake none of this was apparent. Rather, the reaction was similar to the 8.8 magnitude earthquake in Chile the preceding year, where official condolences and aid was offered. According to Sarajean Rossitto, NGO consultant in Tokyo, the government of Japan initially requested that agencies wait until it had fully assessed the situation and needs of the disaster before making relief strategies. Within the US an apparent lack of donations and action on the US side made headlines, resulting in a public debate by pundits as to whether it was appropriate or even necessary to send assistance to such a wealthy nation. This masked the reality of the type of funding and assistance that was actually building within the US and elsewhere. Fundraising by individuals, businesses and societies with personal, business and cultural connections to Japan, even cities with sister city relationships to cities in Japan were moving to help but each without knowledge of the others who were similarly active. As we mark 5 years of relief and rehabilitation after the disasters of the Great East Japan Earthquake, its more severely damaging Tsunami and the attending nuclear disaster caused by destruction of the three nuclear reactors in Fukushima, we should review the relief funding that has enabled Japan to reach its current level of recovery. 東日本大震災、それに続くより深刻な打 撃を与えた津波の発生、福島第一原子 力発電所の1-3号機の炉心損傷事故 に対応した救済・復旧が5年を経過した ことを踏まえ、日本が募金活動により現 在のレベルにまで復興できたことにつ いて検証するべきであろう。 INTRODUCTION CAPTION More than 160 nations provided more than US$1 billion in support with US$750 million originating from the US alone. This masked the reality of the type of funding and assistance that was actually building within the US and elsewhere. CAPTION 47 APRIL 2016 // JAPAN AND THE WORLD MAGAZINE WHO CARES? NPO

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Page 1: Who Cares_01

WHO CARES?NGOs CHALLENGES IN PROVIDING AID TO POST-DISASTER AREASNGOが直面する課題、被災地への支援供与で

More than 160 nations provided more than US$1 billion in support with US$750 million originating from the US alone. While the number of entities supporting

the recovery process and total contributions themselves are remarkable, there are several trends in the flow of funds to this disaster that are distinctly different to preceding international disasters such as the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami and the 2010 Haiti earthquake.

The first and most striking difference is the lack of an apparent coordinated public appeal for support to the disaster relief. In the immediate

aftermath of the Indian Ocean Tsunami and again in the Haiti earthquake international news coverage showed US presidents standing with notable public figures making an appeal to support the disaster relief efforts to those areas. These appeals were made repeatedly and followed with high profile visits to the affected areas in an effort to keep the calamities in the public eye. Immediate action by major NGOs accustomed to dispatching teams to assess needs and deliver aid spearheaded private sector efforts as well.

In the case of the Great East Japan Earthquake none of this was apparent. Rather, the reaction was similar to the 8.8 magnitude earthquake in Chile the preceding year, where official condolences and aid was offered. According to Sarajean Rossitto, NGO consultant in Tokyo, the government of Japan initially requested that agencies wait until it had fully assessed the situation and needs of the disaster before

making relief strategies. Within the US an apparent lack of donations and action on the US side made headlines, resulting in a public debate by pundits as to whether it was appropriate or even necessary to send assistance to such a wealthy nation. This masked the reality of the type of funding and assistance that was actually building within the US and elsewhere. Fundraising by individuals, businesses and societies with personal, business and cultural connections to Japan, even cities with sister city relationships to cities in Japan were moving to help but each without knowledge of the others who were similarly active.

As we mark 5 years of relief and rehabilitation after the disasters of the Great East Japan Earthquake, its more severely damaging Tsunami and the attending nuclear disaster caused by destruction of the three nuclear reactors in Fukushima, we should review the relief funding that has enabled Japan to reach its current level of recovery.

東日本大震災、それに続くより深刻な打撃を与えた津波の発生、福島第一原子力発電所の1-3号機の炉心損傷事故に対応した救済・復旧が5年を経過したことを踏まえ、日本が募金活動により現在のレベルにまで復興できたことについて検証するべきであろう。

INTRODUCTION

CAPTION

More than 160 nations provided more than US$1

billion in support with US$750 million originating

from the US alone.

This masked the reality of the type of funding

and assistance that was actually building within the US and elsewhere.

CAPTION

47 APRIL 2016// JAPAN AND THE WORLD MAGAZINE

WHO CARES? NPO

Page 2: Who Cares_01

CAPTION

In their lack of knowledge of appropriate entities in Japan to reach out to, the additional cultural and linguistic barriers and the underdeveloped charitable culture within Japan, foreign NGO’s encountered unforeseen difficulties in their efforts to support the disaster relief. Although in 2010, there were more than 40,000 registered non-profit organizations in Japan, 50% had less than one full time staff member and an annual operating budget smaller than US$100,000, which limited their operational capacity and the scope of their activities. These factors significantly slowed the flow of funds to Japan resulting in these funds being put to use later in the rebuilding process which has proven to be more beneficial to the devastated areas in the long run.

The complexity and ongoing nature of the disaster coupled with the sheer vastness of the affected area and the number of displaced persons inhibited an immediate and effective response by the government, civil society

of the disaster.Both funds are created in direct response to disasters, in this case by The Japan Red Cross, Central Community Chest of Japan, NHK and NHK Public Welfare Organization. Public announcements of the start of collections are made to inform the country of the funds and donation methods. Although the gienkin funds are meant to be distributed directly to the survivors immediately following the disaster there were lengthy delays before the funds were actually made available to survivors of the triple disasters. The usual practice of establishing a committee to determine a fair distribution ratio based on the amount available versus the specific, stated needs of the affected municipalities or prefectures was severely hampered by the loss of official records and government officials who normally would have been in charge of the process on both levels underscoring the differences in scope and magnitude of the disasters and the government’s limited capacity to cope with it. After the 2011 multiple disasters, Japan saw another rapid increase in the number of new organizations. As of June 2015, more than 50,000 organizations have been incorporated under the NPO Law.

Not only were there differences in culture and dialects between the people of Tohoku and outsiders from other regions of Japan, there were differences in NGO culture between foreign and Japanese NGOs which resulted in added frustration on both sides as each tried to acknowledge and adapt to the needs of the other in terms of documentation, transparency and accountability to stakeholders while trying to provide as immediate as possible alleviation of suffering to the victims of the disaster. In the long run, the disaster has provided a rich

and international community and required a rethinking of strategies in every aspect. The triple catastrophes affected several million people. Close to 500,000 people were evacuated, 15,890 died, 2,589 went missing and 6,152 were injured.

Different than the 1995 Hanshin-Awaji earthquake in which NGO participation was seen as a challenge to the government’s authority, this time it was seen as a given. However, the complexities of the disaster itself and the pre-existing social problems of the area necessitated great sensitivity and flexibility in consideration of local viewpoints and culture differences on the part of relief providers. While short-term relief efforts were more easily implemented, the long term effects of the disaster require specialized and ongoing long-term commitments that Japanese NPOs are not capable of providing on their own. With this in mind foreign NGOs have been providing training and support to the local NGO/ NPOs as part of their disaster relief capacity building projects. Additionally, as the 3/11 disasters revealed the immense complexities developed nations face in disaster recovery and recognizing the need for greater information sharing internationally between NGO/ NPO entities, forums and workshops have been carried out with disaster relief to developed countries as their focus.

Japanese citizens gave more for this disaster than ever in history, but nearly 85% of domestic contributions were made to government agencies or the country’s traditional Gienkin and Shienkin funds. Shienkin funds are allocated to support efforts while Gienkin are distributions of cash given directly to survivors

However, the complexities of the disaster itself and the pre-existing social problems

of the area necessitated great sensitivity and

flexibility in consideration of local viewpoints and

culture differences on the part of relief providers.

APRIL 2016 // 48JAPAN AND THE WORLD MAGAZINE

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る。在京NGOのコンサルタント、セラジーン・ロシート氏によれば、日本政府は当初、関係機関に対して、状況と被災地のニーズを完全に把握するのを待った上で救援戦略を立てるよう要請した。米国内では寄付と救援活動が低調だったようで、これが大きなニュースとなり、専門家の間で、こうした裕福な国を支援するのが適切か、そもそも必要なのかといった議論が公に交わされた。この結果、米国内や他の地域で現実に具体化していた寄付や支援の実態が覆われ見えなくなった。個人や企業による募金活動に加えて、また日本とは個別ないし仕事を通じた関係のある団体、文化的なつながりのある団体、日本国内の都市と姉妹都市の提携を結んでいる都市も募金活動に参加して日本の支援に動いたが、互いに何をしているのか情報をつかめない状態に置かれていた。

海外のNGOは日本国内の適切な関係団体の情報がなく連絡が取れなかった上、さらに文化と言語面の障壁、日本国内のチャリティ活動の文化が未成熟だったこともあり、災害救援への援助活動が予期せぬ困難に直面した。2010年の日本国内の登録NPOは4万団体を超えていたが、50%はフルタイムのスタッフが1人未満、年間運営予算が10万米ドル未満にとどまっており、運営能力と活動範囲が限定されていた。これらの要因が重なって日本への援助資金の流れがかなり鈍り、その結果、資金は後の復興プロセスに利用されたのだが、この復興プロセスは長期的には被災地により重要な意味を持つことが分かった。

災害が複合的で、かつ進行しているという状況に加えて、被災地が広大である上、避難者の数も多かったことから、政府、市民団体、国際社会による迅速かつ効果的な対応が阻まれ、またあらゆる面で戦略の再考を強いられた。地震、津波、放射能の「複合的災害」の被害者は数百万人となった。約50万人が避難し、1万5890人が死亡。行方不明は2589人、負傷者は6152人に上った。

1995年の阪神淡路大震災の時、NGOの参加は政府の権威への挑戦と見られたが、東日本大震災の場合はこれと異なり、自然なこととして受け入れられた。しかし災害の性質が複合的だった上、被災地には既存の社会問題もあって、救済する側には、地元の意見や文化の違いを非常に敏感かつ柔軟に考慮することが求められた。短期的な救済の取り組みは

learning experience for NGO’s both inside and out of Japan in the provision of aid to a developed country.

The outpouring of donations also helped give birth to an extraordinary number of US-Japan exchange programs. A JCIE study found that more than 150 grassroots exchanges, many of which had the goal of helping children and other survivors deal with the psychosocial impact of the disaster, were created after the disaster, often with funds raised by US groups.

Although funding into the disaster zone has slowed remarkably, hundreds of Japanese groups continue working to support the recovery. Today the role of international donors has decreased and most non-Japanese organizations have wound down their fundraising efforts with only a handful of groups still raising funds. What has become clear is that more than government initiatives, more than humanitarian agencies, it is the strong web of ties between individuals and societies across national borders that has significantly contributed to the recovery process in Japan. What remains to be seen is whether this type of broad-based organic movement in disaster relief is a globally sustainable movement.

比較的容易に実施されたが、災害の長期的な影響に対処するには、日本のNPOだけでは難しく、かつ長期的なコミットメントが必要である。海外のNGOはこの点に配慮し、災害救助能力の強化プロジェクトの一環として地元のNGO・NPOを訓練・支援してきた。さらに東日本大震災により、先進国が災害復旧の際に非常に複雑な問題に直面し、NGO・NPO団体間の国際的な情報共有を進める必要性を認識していることが判明した。これを受けて、先進国向け災害救助に焦点を当てたフォーラムやセミナーが実施されてきた。

東日本大震災では日本国民による寄付金は過去最高に上ったが、その約85%は政府系機関や伝統的な義援金・支援金の基金に届けられた。支援金は救援活動に使われ、義援金は被災者に現金の形で直接、供与される。この2つの基金は災害発生に対応して創設されるが、東日本大震災の場合、日本赤十字社、赤い羽根共同募金、NHK、NHK厚生文化事業団によって設立された。国民に基金と寄付の方法が発表され、募金が開始する。義援金は災害発生直後に被災者に直接配分されることになっているが、東日本大震災の場合、現実にはかなり手間取った。通常は被災した自治体と都道府県の具体的な公式のニーズに基づき公正な配分比率を決定する委員会を設立する。しかし、東日本大震災では、公式の記録がなくなった上に、災害の大きさと規模を比較するプロセスを担当するはずの政府職員がおらず、さらに政府の問題処理能力も限定されたことは、委員会の設立時に相当な障害となった。東日本大震災の複合的な災害発生後、日本では新設の機関数がさらに急速に増えた。2015年6月時点でNPO関連法に基づき5万団体を超える機関が法人化された。

東北地方と他地域出身の人との間で文化・方言の違いがあっただけでなく、NGOの文化についても海外勢と日本勢とでは違いが見られた。この結果、内外のNGOはともにいら立ちを強めたが、利害関係者への書類作成、透明性、アカウンタビリティ(責任説明)の点で双方のニーズを理解し、調整しようと努力した。また、被災者の苦痛を出来るだけ早期に和らげることにも努めた。長期的には東日本大震災は内外のNGOにとって、先進国への救援の在り方を知るための豊富な学習経験の機会となった。

あふれるばかりの寄付金が集まったお陰で、日本と米国の間に膨大な数の交流プログラムが誕生した。日本国際交流センター(JCIE)の調査によれば、東日本大震災後、主に米国のグループが集めた寄付金で生まれた草の根レベルの交流は150件を超え、その多くは子供や他の被災者が災害で受けた精神面の影響に向かい合うことへの支援を目的とした。被災地への寄付金の流れは目立って低下してきているが、数百もの日本の団体が引き続き復旧支援の活動に当たっている。国際的な援助資金供与者の役割は低下し、日本以外の機関の大半は募金活動を段階的に縮小しており、一握りの団体のみが引き続き募金活動を行っている。明らかになってきたことは、政府のイニシアチブではなく、また人道的機関でもなく、国境を越えた個人と社会を結ぶ強い絆のネットワークが日本国内の復旧プロセスにかなり貢献しているという現状である。今後、災害救助に対応したこの種の広範な運動が持続的なグローバルな運動になるかどうか引き続き見守る必要がある。

本には160を超える国から10億米ドル超の寄付金が届けられ、うち米国だけで7億5000万ドルを占めた。復興支援の関係団体の数と寄付金額には驚かされるが、東日本大震災への寄付金

の流れを見ると、2004年のインド洋大津波、2010年のハイチ地震などそれまでの大規模な自然災害とは明確に異なる傾向がいくつか見られる。

まず最も顕著な相違点として、災害救助支援を求めて明確、かつ組織的に公にアピールできなかったことを挙げられる。インド洋津波の発生直後や、ハイチ地震では、国際報道により米大統領が著名な公的人物と足並みをそろえて被災地への救援活動の支援をアピールした。こうしたアピールは繰り返し行われ、それに続き著名人が被災地を訪問し被害の実態について世間の関心を集めることができた。民間セクターでも、被災地のニーズの把握と救援物資の輸送に取り組むチームの派遣に慣れている主要な非政府機関(NGO)が率先して迅速な動きを見せた。

東日本大震災ではこうした取り組みは見られなかったようだ。むしろ前年にチリで起きたマグニチュード8.8の地震の際の対応に似ており、公式のお悔やみの言葉が述べられ、公的な支援が行われたのであ

日日本には160を超える国から10億米ドル超の寄付金が届けられ、うち米国だけで7億5000万ドルを占めた。

この結果、米国内や他の地域で現実に具体化していた寄付や支援の実態が覆われ見えなくなった。

しかし災害の性質が複合的だった上、被災地には既存の社会問題もあって、救済する側には、地元の意見や文化の違いを非常に敏感かつ柔軟に考慮することが求められた。

47 APRIL 2016// JAPAN AND THE WORLD MAGAZINE

WHO CARES? NPO