The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Volume 9 | Issue 12 | Number 2 | Article ID 3500 | Mar 21, 2011

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Ainu Success: the Political and Cultural Achievements ofJapan’s Indigenous Minority　　アイヌの成果−−日本先住少数民族の政治的文化的業績

Simon Cotterill

Ainu Success: the Political andCultural Achievements of Japan'sIndigenous Minority

Simon Cotterill

Discourse on indigenous peoples tends to be adiscourse of unhappiness. Most groups haveexperienced distressing cruelty, and narrativeaccounts of their struggles tend to be elegiac intone. Japan's Ainu people have undergonesuppression of their culture and livelihood, andsubsequent denial of their existence. However,this article critically re-evaluates the Ainu'srecent history in terms of their considerableachievements, such as international recognitionand the Japanese government's 2008declaration recognising their indigenous status.In spite of and often in reaction to continuingobstacles, the Ainu have successfully usedinternational fora to advance towards theirdomestic goals. Simultaneously, they haveoften reshaped their culture to successfullyengage with contemporary demands.

Ainu women pose in traditionally Japanese,

western, and Ainu clothing.Postcard, date unknown. From PictureP o s t c a r d M u s e u m(http://chiba.cool.ne.jp/koichi76/sub11.htm)

Ainu achievements have usually beenambiguous. None of their ‘successes' should beconsidered unqualified. However, they need tobe considered in relation both to the Ainu'srelatively insignificant numbers and thegovernment 's histor ical attempts tocomprehensively eradicate Ainu culture.Cultural self-denial and assimilation brought onby years of prejudice have made exactpopulation figures impossible to obtain. A livingconditions survey of 2006 found the Ainupopulation on Hokkaido to be just 23,7821;while 2699 Ainu were officially found in Tokyoin 1988.2 Noting that many self-identifying Ainuhave never been taken into account by officialsurveys,3 some activists claim total numbersacross Japan in excess of 300,000.4 But even atits highest estimate the Ainu population is verysmall both in relation to the total Japanesepopulace and in relation to the demographicprofiles of other indigenous peoples withintheir respective nations.

This article doesn't use the concept of ‘success'in an attempt to ignore or deny the problemsconfronting the Ainu. Few Ainu ‘successes'have been unqualified and there is still muchdiscontent among the Ainu, which will bediscussed. But it is the view here that in orderto fully understand the Ainu's contemporarysituation, as well as consider the problems that

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endure today, attention needs to be given tothe ways in which they have been able tosuccessfully overcome certain problems in thepast. After briefly outlining the Japanese state'shistorical subjugation of the Ainu, the first partof this article will introduce a ‘broken triangle'model of the relational influence between thestate, the Ainu, and international bodies. It willillustrate how the Ainu have successfullymobilised international pressure to escape therestrictions that their low numbers place onthem, and achieve national recognition5 from agovernment that would have preferred toignore them. After considering the processes oftri-lateral negotiation that preceded the 2008declaration, the article will re-evaluateoccasions when Ainu movements seemed tohave failed. It will argue that the Ainu haveactually drawn significant collective strengthfrom such times of perceived failure. Thesecond part of the article will explore theAinu's representation within prevailingdiscourses on Japan. Like ‘Japanese-ness', Ainuidentity is a vague and usefully flexible term,which the Ainu have at times been able tocontrol and successfully deploy within thepublic sphere. Self-reinvention has been crucialto their survival and, after considering theirchanging position within discourse, the articlewill look at ways Ainu culture has evolvedalongside political initiatives. It will thenconclude by considering the future of the Ainu,looking at the ways in which political andcultural movements may develop, anddiscussing obstacles that the Ainu will continueto encounter.

Background

Ainu inhabited the islands now known asHokkaido, the Kuriles, and Sakhalin long beforethey were incorporated within any nation state.Contact between them and the Japanese datesback to at least the 14th century, at which timeJapan did not stretch further north thanHonshu. Japanese sett lers graduallyencroached more and more on Ainu territory

and encounters became increasinglybelligerent.6 Japanese settlement andsubjugation of the Ainu increased in moresystematic ways after the Meiji Restoration,and Hokkaido was officially annexed. Afterdeclaring it to be "terra nullius" in 1872, thegovernment redistributed the Ainu's homelandamongst Japanese farmers.7 The Ainu languagewas banned. Ainu people were forced to takeJapanese names. Then, under the guise ofspeeding up doka seisaku, the assimilationistpolicies by which Japan sought to makelifestyles, language and customs of people in itscolonies as well as in Hokkaido and Okinawasimilar to its own, the "Hokkaido FormerAboriginals Act" of 1899 prohibited the Ainufrom performing traditional and distinctiveactivities, which were economically necessaryfor their survival.8

Announcement of the Hokkaido FormerAboriginals Act

The state's attempts to assimilate or bury Ainu

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identity within Japan occurred alongsidecontradictory and degrading displays of theAinu abroad. At the 1904 St. Louis World Fair'sAnthropology Days and the 1910 Japan-BritishExhibition in London, groups of Ainu weredisplayed by the Japanese state as a way ofmarking their own cultural and racialsuperiority.9 The Ainu were considered"characteristic of the lowest culture"10 and assymbolising, by contrast, Japan's power andmodernity.11 There were negative stereotypesof the Ainu and even legal prohibitions againstthem concerning physical appearance andcustoms.1 2 The racially and culturallyexclusionist Japanese bureaucrats of the 1930stook an interesting angle on eugenics bypromoting mixed marriages, and arguing thathybrids would be "born almost as Japanese"and that "mixed blood children take after thesuperior race."13 Many Ainu left their homesand found solace in the anonymity of Honshu'scities, while those who stayed on Hokkaidocould usually only find work as labourers andcontinued to face discrimination.14

Ainu compete in archery contest at 1904Anthropology Days, from Celebrating theL o u i s i a n a P u r c h a s e(http://exhibits.slpl.org/lpe/meals.asp)

After 1945, the government used Hokkaido torelocate Japanese coming back from thecolonies15 and, as a consequence, the Ainu'sdemographic profile within northern Japan andthe country as a whole became even smaller.Newspaper headlines branded the Ainu a dyingrace - "Five Ainu left in Hokkaido" (1956),

"Now only Four Ainu" (1958), "Only One Ainuin Japan" (1964).16 The publicity led to a growthof interest in ethnic tourism and visitors cameto Hokkaido looking for the last of the Ainu.17

Then, in 1986, Prime Minister Nakasonefamously remarked that there were "nominorities" in Japan.

In 1997, the Japanese government did pass anact to promote Ainu culture, but failed toaddress issues of political participation, landrights, and the Ainu's indigeneity.18 In 2008 thegovernment officially acknowledged the Ainu asindigenous. However, arguably, this still failedto lay the foundations for proper anti-discrimination legislation.19

Indigenous peoples are usually dealt with asthe objects of history more than they areconsidered subjects who have had an activerole in their past and who retain a voice in theirpresent and future.20 The above summary of thebackground to the Ainu's contemporarysituation runs along similar lines to manypopular accounts. However, this article willshow that Ainu groups have played significantroles in shaping their history. It will illustratethe ways in which they have done this, andpropose a way to re-evaluate Ainu history; away that may be appropriate to re-evaluation ofmany indigenous peoples who have beenconsidered passive within their own histories.

While responding to state subjugation, forcedassimilation, and subsequent identity crises,the Ainu have frequently achieved successfulmodes of resistance. They did not "die out" andthey were never entirely underground. Fromthe Meiji period onwards, small settlementscontinually operated in Hokkaido and anumbrella organisation called Utari Kyoukai, theAinu Association of Hokkaido (AAH) wasestablished in 1946.21 In the 1950s and 1960s,interest in ethnic tourism actually revealed thatmany Ainu did still exist, and actually continuedto thrive. 2 2 In the 1970s some of themaggressively clashed with academics promoting

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the "dying race" myth.23 The AAH drafted aproposed new law in 1984 (Ainu Shinpo) whichprovided for Ainu r ights to pol i t icalparticipation and to land, and called on thegovernment to acknowledge their existence andthe history of their forced assimilation.Nakasone's 1986 comments provoked outragewhich led to an activists' march on Tokyo24 anda new AAH movement immediately followed.25

While 1997's Ainu Cultural Promotion Act(ACPA) and the government ' s 2008proclamation should not be viewed asunqualified or climactic successes, the twoevents do represent very significant success forthe Ainu as steps along paths of political andcultural resistance. The ACPA superseded the1899 Former Aboriginals Act and created afoundation to promote Ainu culture. The"Resolution calling for the Recognition of theAinu People as an Indigenous People of Japan"on 6th June 2008, was passed unanimously byboth house of the Japanese Diet , andrepresented the attainment of a goal, longsought by Ainu people across Japan.26 Neitherevent would have been possible without Ainuagency, working in domestic and internationalpolitical arenas and developing a flexibleprofile of their own culture and identity.

An Ainu protest, one month before thegovernment's June 2008 proclamation,says "Establish the Rights of the AinuP e o p l e . " F r o m I M A D R(http://www.imadr.org/japan/indigenous/un/post_5/)

Part 1: The Ainu Political Achievement

The Broken Triangle

Since their subsumption into Japan, Ainu havefrequently been dissatisfied with the amount ofpower they have been able to exert within orupon the Japanese state. In my ‘brokentriangle' model of relational influence betweenthe state, the Ainu, and international bodies,clearly it is the Ainu à Japanese governmentside that is broken. For around 150 years thegovernment has greatly influenced the lives ofA i n u b u t , t h e A i n u h a v e h a d l i t t l erepresentat ion or even voice withingovernment or influence upon it. In recentyears, the Ainu have mobil ised alonginternational diplomatic channels which haveallowed them to indirectly influence theJapanese government through organisationssuch as the UN. This section will address theprocesses by which Ainu involvement withthese organisations has made it possible toreduce domestic oppression. The establishmentof international resolutions, protocols, andnorms has forcefully encouraged the Ainu andinfluenced the directions that their politicalmovements take, leading them along a routevia international bodies and circumventingfailed bi-lateral relationships with the Japanesegovernment. Simultaneously, internationalorganisations and new bodies of knowledgehave imported definitions of indigeneity intoJapan and have pressured the globally-mindedJapanese state to change its stance towards theAinu or risk weakening its all-importantrelationship with the international community.

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Kearney has remarked that any indigenouspeople locked in confrontation with agencies ofits own state is likely to be empowered byconsolidating specific local issues within abroader context. To present a group's situationas involving a systematic violation of humanrights is to take issues out of the areas wherethe state and traditional powerbrokers hold allthe cards, and to re-conceive them afresh in thetrans-national field of NGOs and publicopinion.27 In a 1989 speech, AAH leaderNomura Giichi declared that "if the Japanesegovernment does nothing, even while sayingthey are internationalising, we will confrontthem at the UN. Pressure from the outsideworld has the strongest potential."28

The AAH had, in 1984, approached theJapanese government with proposals for itsAinu Shinpo, setting out six sections includingrights to education, fishing rights, culturalrights, and, crucially, rights to politicalparticipation.29 The proposal's most explicitobjective was "to recognise the existence of theAinu people."30 However, their request for anew law met l i t t le response from thegovernment. Nakasone's comments two yearslater highlighted just how willing it was toignore the Ainu. In 1984, the UN hadestablished a Working Group on IndigenousPopulations (UNWGIP) within a Human Rightscommittee, and in 1987, a year afterNakasone's comments, the Ainu sent their firstdelegation to the working group.

After the Ainu visit to the UN working group,the Japanese Government admitted to theirexistence within its report to the UN of thesame year. Though the 1987 report onlyacknowledged the Ainu in Japan to be"individuals and not members of an ethnicgroup,"31 it clearly reflected the influence Ainuinvolvement within the international spherecould have at home. Then, in a further move toinfluence international opinion, Ainudelegations participated in the ILO GeneralConference's revisions of Convention 107

between 1988-1989,32 which produced the ILO169 Convention for Indigenous Peoples. Awareof the Ainu involvement with the UN and ILO,the Japanese government established, later inthe same year, a committee to considerproposals for an Ainu Shinpo.

In 1991, responding to an Ainu request, thechairwoman of the UNWGIP, Erica-Irene Daes,visited Japan to investigate their currentsituation. Her publicised visit led thegovernment to quickly recognise the Ainu as a"minority group" that December.3 3 Theg o v e r n m e n t d i d n o t , h o w e v e r ,straightforwardly submit to all internationalpressure on the Ainu issue. Despite a definitionof "indigenous people" existing within ILO169,34 the Japanese government avoided usingthe word "indigenous", which it held did nothave an acceptable international definition.35

In November 1992 the UN did recognise theAinu as Japan's indigenous people by officiallyinviting AAH President Nomura to address theGeneral Assembly. He spoke on 10 Decemberat the opening ceremony of the InternationalYear of Indigenous Peoples,36 and his speechwas followed, in 1993, by the Japanesegovernment's establishment of a round-tablecommittee to negotiate Ainu demands. By 1997it had produced the ACPA.37

Nomura Giichi addressing the UN GeneralAssembly in 1992

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Meanwhile, in 1996, the ILO launched PRO169, a project to promote existing policy onindigenous and tribal peoples, focusingprincipally on Africa and Asia. Their 169Convention of 1989 had stipulated thatindigenous peoples included "those who areregarded as indigenous on account of theirdescent from the population that inhabited thecountry, or a geographical region to which thecountry belongs, and who, irrespective of theirlegal status, retain some or all of their ownsocial, economic, cultural or politicalinstitutions."38 But the Japanese governmentcontinued to maintain that there was no fixedinternational definition of the term "indigenouspeople."3 9 Within official responses toobservations by the UN Committee on theElimination of Racial Discrimination, in 2000,the government did however draw attention,with some self-congratulation, to its schemesrelating to the Ainu people, and to its havingraised awareness of the Ainu among theJapanese public since passing the ACPA.40

Again, this illustrated the importance ofinternational opinion to the Japanese state. But,at home the "raised awareness of the Ainu" didnot even seem to stretch across government. InJuly 2001 two influential members of the LDPstated publicly that Japan was "an ethnicallyhomogeneous nation",41 and in a March 2001report by the Commission for Elimination ofRacial Discrimination the Japanese governmentwere found to be violating Article 4 (c) of theInternational Convention on the Elimination ofall forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD); anarticle which prohibited discriminatorystatements by government officials.42

The violation highlighted the need for laws inJapan that guarantee protection from ethnicand racial discrimination and denial. Animportant precondition for such legislation hadalready been laid down internationally as earlyas 1993, with the initial draft of the UnitedNations Declaration of the Rights of IndigenousPeoples (UNDRIP), by UNWGIP. The finaldrafting process was very drawn-out and faced

many problems involving the difficulties ofproviding definitions of "indigeneity" and,within those, definitions of "colonisation" thatrecognised the diverse historical experiences ofpeoples in America, Africa and Asia. Duringdebates, a Japanese representative hadcomplained that the proposed articles couldgive indigenous people collective politicalpower that would be distinct from otherJapanese citizens.43 It was not until a finaldiscussion period of 2006 and 2007 that theWorking Group finally agreed on the wording ofUNDRIP. The eventual declaration onlyreceived four votes against (USA, Canada, NewZealand, and Australia). The 143 votes infavour, which included that of Japan, passedthe declaration, but by this stage it containedsignificant limitations to its potential legalimpact.44

The passage of UNDRIP did, though, push thegovernment towards 2008 recognition of theAinu's indigeneity, while other forms ofinternational pressure preceded thedeclaration. UN Special Rapporteur DoudouDiene officially visited Japan in 2005 as part ofa study on contemporary forms of racism, racialdiscrimination, xenophobia and relatedintolerance, and he concluded that "in Japan...there are no instruments that enforce thegeneral principle of equality or offer sanctionsagainst discriminatory acts committed byindividuals, business, or NGOs". The Japanesegovernment, obviously embarrassed by hisconclusions, complained to the Commission onHuman Rights in 2006 that Diene had made"many statements which were beyond theSpecial Rapporteur's mandate."45

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Doudou Diene in Japan. From FCCJ

Following the General Assembly's acceptanceof UNDRIP, the Ainu called for recognition "asan indigenous people... with their own uniquelanguage, religion, and culture", and invited thegovernment to "seize the opportunity presentedby adoption of the Declaration on the Rights ofIndigenous Peoples... to work towardsestablishing a comprehensive Ainu policy."46 AnIndigenous Peoples' Summit was strategicallytimed for July 1st to 4th 2008 to precede the 34thG8 summit also scheduled for Hokkaido, fromJuly 7th. Aware of these arrangements, andfearful of the criticism further delay wouldbring, the government declared the Ainu to beJapan's indigenous people on June 6th; markinga clear success for the Ainu and theirmobilisation of international pressure to furthertheir domestic aims. The resolution refersdirectly to UNDRIP, the convening of the G8summit in Hokkaido, and the growing trend ofinternational society to enable indigenouspeoples "to maintain honour and dignity andtransmit their culture" to the next generation.47

2008 Indigenous Peoples Summit,Hokkaido.F r o m P o w l e s s(http://www.flickr.com/photos/powless/2657574376/in/photostream/)

The Ainu's successful relationships withinternational bodies and the creation ofinternational pressure upon the Japanesegovernment clearly had a strong bearing on thegovernment's declaration of indigeneity.However, other factors may also haveinfluenced the gradual process of officialrecognition.

An issue related to, but frequently sidelined in,discussion of Ainu-Japanese relations is that ofthe Kurile islands. In the dispute betweenJapan and Russia over their sovereignty,members of the Japanese government may havefelt that the logic of Japan's claim requires theAinu to be understood as having always beenJapanese. Delay over acknowledging theirindigeneity may have been motivated by fearthat admitting to a preceding non-JapaneseAinu past would weaken the stance on theKuriles. Not all politicians shared such fear(see Suzuki's comments in Lewallen48), butSiddle believes deliberate "historical amnesia"has affected the government's 20th-centurystance towards the Ainu ever since the CairoDeclaration of 27 November 1943. This calledfor "Japan to be expelled from all territoriestaken by violence and greed"49 and Siddle'sinterpretation is that the government has long

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feared losing land by recognising Ainuindigeneity. Provisos in the final draft ofUNDRIP stating that indigenous rights couldnot legitimate activity "which would dismemberor impair, totally or in part, the territorialintegrity of sovereign states"50 must haveoffered reassurance to the government thatrecognition of the indigenous Ainu would notaffect Japan's territorial borders.

Kono Motomichi has suggested that anotherreason for the timing of the 2008 declarationwas political electioneering His article inHoppou Janaru called seisou no gu ni sarerugenjūmin ronji ("Aboriginal Debate fromPolitical Strife") claimed that, as well as lookingtowards the G8 Summit in Hokkaido, the LDPgovernment's fear of losing Hokkaido votersstrongly coloured the decision to proclaim theAinu's indigeneity.51

A final, general but very important factor lies inthe field of education and memory, and relatesas much to the government delaying as to itsfinal declaration of the Ainu's indigeneity. Ithas been suggested that "hesitation torecognise the Ainu stems from failure of thegovernment to consider history regardingpolicies since the Meiji era."52 In 2005 the Ainuhighlighted to Doudou Diene the importance ofeducating Japanese politicians,53 which Dienesubsequently did in his report (further showingthe salience of the "broken-triangle" model). Inrelation to this and other issues on educatingthe Japanese people it is worth considering thatmany in modern Japanese government havegrown up with textbooks and teachers, andunder political leaders, that denied the Ainu'sexistence. A generation of denial can create avacuum of knowledge, and modern Japan'sstance on various historical issues shouldperhaps be read, not as attempts to deny thefacts concerning events, but instead asignorance about the past. Ainu involvement ininternational bodies, and subsequent pressureon the government, probably taught manypoliticians things they just did not know.

Success drawn from perceived failure

According to Foucault, power is "a relational,reflexive, dynamic, capillary phenomenonintimately tied to the flow of knowledgerelations and inherently embodying resistanceas much as it does authority. It is not a staticinstrument of oppression, but rather a set ofcontentions where every display of powerignites its own oppositions and where even themost seemingly ‘marginal' people and groupsare far from impotent."54 The earlier account ofAinu involvement within international fora hasalready illustrated ways they have successfullyexerted power through their marginalisedstatus. But there have, of course, also beenmany occasions when Ainu seemed to fail innegotiation with the Japanese state. Focusingon the Nibutani Dam court case of themid-1990s,55 this section will argue, however,that even in times of perceived failure the Ainuhave generated a "flow of knowledge relations"which has ultimately increased their collectivepower.

Harrison states, "Ainu resistance was not aseparate reaction to the hegemonic Japanesegovernment... but their movements grewtogether with and as a part of the veryhegemony that... relentlessly tried to silencethem."56 This understanding encourages one toconsider Ainu-Japanese relations not in termsof a zero-sum game where Ainu objectives,without modification, are either defeated by, orcelebrate victory over, a similarly imperviousJapanese state. Instead, it highlights aconception of "knowledge" as somethingincreased and multiplied through the discursiveand relational processes of negotiation, for thebenefit of all negotiating participants.

A helpful and more detailed model for suchmultiply-beneficial processes of negotiation issuggested by M-G Manea. 5 7 Manea isconcerned not with the Ainu but with the

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interregional dialogue between Asia (mainlySouth-East Asia) and Europe over human rightsissues. In her interpretation, tensions overhuman rights between ASEAN and theEuropean Union have productively stimulatedthe formation of regional identities in South-East Asia. This positive conception is developedthrough an elaborate model of the developingstances adopted in negotiations. Initial directconfrontation between two "sides", which maybe conceived by those sides themselves interms of a zero-sum game, may nonethelessencourage, at a second stage, the developmentof regional spaces, on either side of the divide,for communication concerning the issues atstake. This will be particularly true in so far aswithin either side some individuals and groupswill perceive themselves as losers on particularissues, more than others. This may also lead tofears of disunity, again on both sides, butsimultaneously may allow a more flexible senseof collective identity to each of the negotiatingpartners, encouraging each to view not merelya single and hostile other, but a counterpart,sharing processes concerned with theestablishment of normative values andpractices, and open to approaches alongmultiple lines of negotiations. Throughnegotiation, norms develop relating to thestyles and possibilities of communication.Critical diagnosis of such exchanges canpromote the difficult but important acceptanceof the idea that seemingly neutral terms mayactually support the power position of one sidemore than another. Moreover, the difficulty andthe confrontational nature of such diagnosismay require an increase in the number ofmeetings required between negotiating agents.Even "agreements to disagree" may involvereference of contested matters to furtherarenas for discussion and negotiation.

This scheme of interpretation offers fruitfulperspectives on the whole set of confrontationsand negotiations described in section one. On asmaller scale, the well publicised Nibutani Damcase usefully exemplifies how, in keeping with

Manea's analysis, no single apparent setback,or victory, for either side within Ainu-Japaneserelationships need be understood as definitive.The plaintiffs were two Ainu residents, KayanoShigeru and Kaizawa Tadashi. They asked thecourt to rescind the national government'sappropriation of their land for a new dam. Butthe court refused.58 This ‘failure' was reportednationally and has been discussed in manyacademic journals. The Ainu neverthelessextracted many advantages from thegovernment's appropriation of their land andtheir own perceived failure in the Nibutanicourt case.

The first advantage relates to internal diversityamongst the Ainu - an issue that will be moredeeply discussed later in this article. Like theJapanese, the Ainu are not one homogenousgroup and their needs, wants, and ideologiesare often very diverse. Internal dispute withinminority communities is often viewed as aweakness preventing effective communalaction, but it can also be a source of strength.As the Nibutani Dam situation illustrates,internal diversity can allow some members of agroup to find advantage at times when othersfeel they have failed. Before the court case,many Ainu in the area had in fact been happyto be required to sell their land to thegovernment.59 Over-cutting in the region'sforests had led to flooding and erosion, whichforced many of them to abandon theirtraditional agricultural endeavours, such asharvesting millet and vegetables,60 and opt forwet-rice agriculture from which it was difficultto make a living.61 Many indebted farmers weretherefore relieved to unburden themselves ofpoverty.

While the court refused to accede to Kayanoand Kaizawa's demands, it acknowledged thatthe expropriation had been illegal and affirmedthe val idity of many of the plaintif fs 'arguments. The most significant success tocome out of the failed case was the effectivediscursive recognition of the Ainu people as an

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indigenous minority given by the court when itnoted that "the Ainu people had inhabitedmainly Hokkaido and maintained theirdistinctive culture and identity before Japanextended its rule over them, and they still forma social group with a distinct culture andidentity even after suffering social andeconomic damage caused by policies carriedout by the majority Japanese who incorporatedthe Ainu into Japan."62

Other aspects of the case also inviteconsideration in terms of Manea's model,particularly with regard to the formation ofcollective Ainu identity. Kayano rose towidespread national recognition through thecourt battle. Shortly after initiating the case,and during its hearing, he became the firstAinu member of the Japanese Diet. His andKaizawa's failure to win the case may haveincreased the level of public sympathy withinJapan for the Ainu cause. Amongst a cluster ofcharacteristics suitable for the definition ofindigenous people, Kingsbury has suggestedthat "a current status of non-dominance withregard to the recognised, contemporary nationstate" is an important criterion.63 Althoughsuccess for the plainti f fs would havehighlighted the Ainu's national status of "non-dominance" in a different way, their publicfailure to win the case introduced the Ainu, forthe first time to some global observers, as adefeated rather than a victorious group;thereby strengthening their claims toindigeneity and raising international interestand anxiety about the Ainu's position in Japan.

Part 2: The Ainu's Cultural Achievement

Success in discourse

This section shifts attention from Ainu politicalmobilisation to a consideration of their positionwithin prevailing discourse on Japan. It beginsby looking at problems concerning a monolithicJapanese identity and the equal problems of

vague multi-culturalism. It will then focus onsuccessful Ainu deployments of "strategicessentialism", and conclude with reference toAinu adoption of different discursivetechniques when speaking to differentperceived audiences.

Many differing concepts of ethnic and nationalidentity exist within the field of "Ainu-Japanese"relations. The scare-quotes are necessarybecause questions of identity involve issues ofrelative homogeneity, degrees of differentiationwithin identity, and critiques of essentialistinflexibility and/or endlessly proliferating multi-ethnicity. Thus to speak of "Ainu-Japanese"relations privileges a claim that the Ainu are, orh a v e a t s o m e p o i n t s b e e n , c l e a r l ydistinguishable from the Japanese anddefinable by negative reference to them. It alsoentails, less obviously, a Japanese identityexclusive of any Ainu traits. Meanwhile,assumptions that a multi-cultural state identityis preferable also run the risk of submergingseparate and distinct past histories andignoring the present and future desires ofpreviously exploited groups to negotiate theirown terms of partial inclusion within stateidentity.

It would be tempting to approach Ainu-Japanese relations in terms of a comprehensivemodel of boundaries and frontiers, at onceethnic, geographic and conceptual. It has beenobserved that any "natural classification" (suchas might be located within a comprehensivemodel) results from a single agent's claim toenforce its own definition of differences.64 Amaxim from Foucault is pertinent here:"Discourses are not once and for all subservientto power or raised up against it... but also ahindrance, a stumbling-block, a point ofresistance, and a starting point for an opposingstrategy."65 Definitions of difference need notserve a position of dominance, nor be treatedas neutral or essentialist; but they can be usedeffectively in oppositional strategy. As Siddleremarks, "the history of the Ainu people has

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been in part a struggle over their discursiverepresentation."66

Even if it contained no Ainu population, Japanshould, for many objective reasons, beconsidered diverse. The same can be said of theAinu, who were historically dispersed acrossdifferent parts of what is now Japanese andRussian territory and today continue to inhabitmany different regions. There has always beena large degree of cultural diversity amongstthem and this has only been increased in recentgenerations by varying degrees of culturalassimilation. Yet ethnic classification can beused as an effective tool. Self-classification,even or precisely in essentialist terms, may beat least tactically valuable for a group which is,like the Ainu, to some extent self-defining.Chakravorty Spivak would consider this astrategic use of positive essentialism, "fromwithin but against the grain."6 7 Theseconsiderations acquire specific force in thecontext of what has become a notorious debateconcerning nihonjinron . At one levelnihonjinron, as a general term referring tospecific elements of content, can be understoodas "a coherent set of national traits" of a kindthat, as Burgess remarks, any modern nationstate needs to construct.68 Thus it is ironic thatnihonjinron was defined in terms of processessupposedly unique to Japan. Since all versionsof nihonjinron stressed "homogeneity", theJapanese discourse of "Japaneseness" offered asomewhat aggravated case of what remains ageneral, modern discursive process.

Burgess' main point, however, is thatnihonjinron is no longer a majority academicdiscourse about Japan, but has "come torepresent a straw man par excellence",69 whichhas "been trampled on at length by a wholegeneration of scholars."70 His analysis indicatestwo trends in recent work directed against suchdiscourse - an over-emphasis on internaldiversity and conflict, and a balancing over-emphasis on processes shared by Japaneseideology with discursive formations in any

modern nation state. He comments that "just asin the past the stress on supposed Japanesehomogeneity has been used to conceal or denythe existence of current unassimilated Ainu, soin the present the critique of this formerinstance can be used to conceal ... specific factsof current relations between Ainu and theJapanese."71 To argue that Japan has alwaysbeen a multi-ethnic nation might risksuppressing the details, and even the fact, of adistinct Ainu history and the process by whichAinu groups became subsumed into theexpanding Japanese state. Furthermore, astress on the sheer diversity of Japaneseidentity might reinforce former geographicalboundaries, possibly coinciding with perceivedethnic distinctions, which might then becomethe basis for continued exclusion.

Morr i s -Suzuk i re fe r s t o " cosmet i cmulticulturalism" in which diversity iscelebrated on condition it remains essentiallyan exterior decoration, without demandingmajor structural changes, in terms of accesspower to services for minority groups.72 Recentnegotiations between the Japanese state andAinu groups have from time to time involved,on the one hand, essentialist claims by Ainu toa distinct identity, on the other hand Ainucritiques of inflexible but self-contradictorydiscourse by the Japanese government. Aspreviously stated, in July 2001 leadingmembers of the LDP referred to Japan as an"ethnically homogeneous nation". According toHasegawa, one of these statements, by SuzukiMuneo, was particularly offensive as he hadbeen director of the government's Hokkaido-Okinawa development agency.73 Hasegawa'sindictment of Suzuki's self-contradiction led herto the further claims "that Ainu are a distinctpeople" and that Suzuki should be aware ofthis. Here, stress on Ainu identity anddifference illustrates Spivak's notion of"strategic essentialism" serving an interimpolitical goal - the maintenance of an edgewithin active discursive negotiation.

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This interpretation offers a framework forconsideration of past Ainu interventions withinwhat they thereby framed as "Japaneserepresentations" of them. In 1972 protestorsinterrupted a panel at a national anthropologyconference, accusing many Japanese scholarswho study the Ainu of complicity in invasionand genocide directed against them, and ofdepicting the Ainu as "already extinct". Thisdenunciation technique proved effective againin 1977 when Professor Hayashi Yoshishigewas forced to "apologise to the whole Ainupopulation" for what was claimed to be a"twenty-year-long history of insults directedagainst the Ainu."74 The expropriation of Ainuskulls and the display of a statue presentingAinu as inferior to Japanese also provokedpublic protest campaigns.75

The considerable justification for such Ainuprotests should not obscure their mechanism -a discursive re-appropriation involvingstrategic essentialism. This mechanism waseffective. Within the oppressive context of"Ainu-Japanese" relations, it maximised theshort-term audibility of Ainu claims to self-definition. The international arena, then,offered the Ainu a far wider sphere ofrecognition and resonance in discourse, whilealso allowing them more flexible ways tonegotiate more nuanced claims of an identity.Thus the Nibutani Declaration of the 2008Indigenous Peoples Summit at Ainu Mosir,presented to the G8, affirmed "our profoundconcern over the state of the planet."Maintaining the first-person plural, thestatement spoke of "our values of reciprocity,mutual respect, regard for the earth as ourmother and all creation as our relatives,collectivity and solidarity... our traditionallivelihoods and sustainable consumptionpractices."76 Several features of this deserveattention. The plural forms imply, with fruitfulambiguity, both "we Ainu" and "we indigenouspeoples", thus carrying a desirable linkage.Moreover, the references to mutual respect,collectivity and solidarity embody a move

appropriat ing, beyond the strategicessentialism of an indigenous identity, a morewide-ranging discourse, at once universal andinter-subjective.

2008 Indigenous Peoples Summit. FromP o w l e s s(http://www.flickr.com/photos/powless/2656950683/in/photostream/)

Like other indigenous peoples the Ainu haveappropriated an essentialist representation ofplace partly because of, what Watson rightlysees as, "an otherwise limited arsenal ofresistance against governments."77 Such anemphasis on place does not preclude furthervalid emphasis on the increasing geographicaldissemination and urbanisation of individualsand groups who may identify themselves asAinu. The claim by an indigenous people ofcloseness to "the land" in fact often goestogether with the modern social developmentof urbanisation.78 Indigenous discourse, in itscomplexity, may claim to represent the truetensions of modern historical identity andsocio-political negotiation more adequatelythan can a discourse rooted in the monolithicclaims of a single nation state.

In his 1992 speech Nomura Giichi declared "Idid not come here to dwell upon the past... wedo not seek to create new states with which toconfront those already in existence. We aim toachieve, through our traditional values, thedevelopment and realisation of a society in

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which all peoples can live together in dignity."79

The international context of the speech wasmatched by the discourse of internationalismevident here. Equally, his remarks showappropriateness to a new stage of Ainunegotiation, in an arena whose membershipand whose norms were open to debate. In asimilar spirit, the AAH stressed that they onlywanted a "high degree of autonomy" and werewill ing to act "in consideration of thepreservation of the nation's territorialintegrity."80 They employed a rhetoric of a newstart, indicating it should be based on bothnational integrity and relations of partnership.

More recent examples of Ainu discursivetechniques suggest an interesting combinationof rhetorics based on gratitude and demand. Ata traditional ceremony held to mark the Diet's2008 resolution Aku Sawai, chairman of theAAH's international division, was reported inMainichi, a national daily newspaper, as saying"the Diet resolution was a landmark event inour history" and then, poignantly, "thank you."81

Little more than eighteen months later, he wasasked by John Legendre, a western bloggerbased in Japan; if he could ask Prime MinisterHatoyama for one thing, what would it be?82

Sawai's stance was now more combative. Hedemanded territorial rights and "other things[presumably rights] connected to the Ainulanguage". Earlier in his interview, he hadalready suggested that political representationcomparable to that of the Maori within NewZealand was another Ainu goal.

Aku Sawai in prayer to hearth god

The two stances of gratitude and demand arenot necessarily contradictory. They embody andrespond to opportunities of discursivenegotiation, and show Sawai's awareness ofimportant differences between his respectiveaudiences. The gratitude expressed in theJapanese newspaper report indicates that hefe l t a conc i l ia tory s tance was mostadvantageous within public exchanges with theJapanese government. While, the second, moreconfrontational stance for the ears of a foreignreporter may show a belief that appeals torights and global norms can create optimallybeneficial international discourse. Once again,a broken triangle model seems applicable.

Wielding Culture

Ainu girl holding tonkari, a five-string

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zither.F r o m K i z e m e(http://www.flickr.com/photos/kizeme/3091784561/in/photostream/)

This section will explore cultural negotiationsby Ainu groups with their past inheritance andwith their present options - negotiations which,in line with the arguments of previous sections,involve appeals to imagined reception by bothglobal and specifically Japanese consumers ofAinu culture. Ainu cultural participants haveneeded, and have shown, readiness to flexiblyreshape their cultural identity in order tosuccessfully respond to the demands of theircontemporary situations. Flexibility is arguablyitself a traditional feature of Ainu identity, andof many other indigenous peoples forced toadapt to environmental changes as well asthose brought on by colonisers and societalshifts. Fitzhugh writes, "the Ainu practice ofincorporating foreign elements - be they foods,materials, styles, symbols, or words andconcepts - into the social and spiritual part ofits culture and making them Ainu by redefiningthem in an Ainu way, is both a striking and acurious feature of Ainu culture."83 There wouldbe a good case for the claim that Ainu culturein its most publicised modes is a relativelysophisticated creation of recent centuries.Scholars including Sasaki Toshikazu argue thatiyomante (a bear ceremony discussed in detaillater) "in its familiar historical form was itself aproduct of Ainu interaction with Japaneseofficials and merchants in the late 18thcentury.

Iyomante

Its development can be seen as evidence ofvitality in the face of outside pressure."84

Comparably, Dubreuil has emphasised that theimages of bears, salmon, and other forms ofwild life, widely associated with Ainu culture bytourists and academics, played no part in trulytraditional Ainu design, which was notfigurative but repetitive with subtle variation.85

She claims that the shift to figurative designinvolved a breach with Ainu religious dogma inthe interests of commercial necessity, at a timewhen the means for sheer survival had beendrastically reduced by Meiji government policy.

Ainu construct and engrave bear figures.Postcard, date unknown. From PictureP o s t c a r d M u s e u m(http://chiba.cool.ne.jp/koichi76/sub11.htm)

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Pressures on Ainu survival and recognisablecultural identity have led them in a number ofinteresting cases to update, reconfigure, oreven invent cultural practices which may allowthem to respond to perceived demands andexpectations of non-Ainu contemporaries. Oneexample would be the marimo matsuri (MarimoFestival), which has been held every October atLake Akan in Hokkaido for nearly 60 years.Marimo are spherical algae which grow in thelake and were recognised as an importantnatural heritage in the 1920s. By the 1940stheir stock was depleted, partly throughenvironmental change and partly becauseincreasing tourism led to their removal assouvenirs.86 It was at this time that local Ainupeople initiated celebrations around themarimo to symbolise a ritual of return, bywhich the supposed original harmony betweenhumans and nature could be re-enacted andmaintained. Cheung's study of the festivalcredits the Ainu with conscious agency andcontrol regarding the relation between modernsocial and ecological phenomena and"traditional Ainu cosmology".87 He notes,however, that "outsiders" have seen thismarimo matsuri as merely an inventedtradition. This example highlights issues whichhave recurred in connection with the promotionof "Ainu tourism".

School children with Marimo Shrine. FromS a l l y W r i g h t(http://www.flickr.com/photos/strangeo6/138706392/in/photostream/)

Tourism in Hokkaido developed rapidly fromthe 1960s and ‘70s. In response, 1971 saw anAinu museum set up in Nibutani.88 In 1976 anAssociation for the Maintenance of AinuIntangible Culture was formed. Then in 1988an Ainu cultural festival was held in Sapporo.Within this time frame it would be arbitrary todistinguish a "history of tourism" from aprocess of growing Ainu self-awareness andself-education in the spheres of tangible andintangible culture. But the complex process ofcultural self-promotion has left room forsharply differing attitudes towards it. The ideaof indigenous tourism as involving thesecularisation and impoverishment of culture isfamiliar. On the other hand, some young Ainutoday v iew Ainu tradi t ional ism verynegatively.89 It can be argued that many Ainuwillingly chose assimilation to "Japaneseness".90

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Also, Hokkaido's development into one ofJapan's leading destinations for domestictourism made tourism an important economiccomponent of Ainu survival.

Visitors to Ainu museums and heritage siteswere recorded as having asked the Ainu whomthey met questions such as "do you go to themountain to chase bears in your free time?"and "do you pay taxes?"91 These enquiries couldbe paraphrased as: "are you part of Japan?","are you human?", "is your culture authentic?"Such implied questions, however naïve, suggestserious interest and perhaps even anxietyaround the interface of Ainu-Japanese relationswithin the field of tourism. Ainu tourism hasalso made the Ainu visible to themselves in newways. In some cases these have involved activeparticipation in the recreating of rituals, in thecontext of museums and in the Ainu CultureCluster Project.92 In other cases more basicself-education has been involved. Yamadaargues of Ainu relations to their own culturethat, "not knowing about it allows them to feelmoved or inspired through studying."93 Manyfeatures of Ainu tourism may seem artificial tothe point of being tacky - such as wooden Ainuphone charms; nonetheless it has beenplausibly maintained that "the rise of tourismand the commercialisation of various aspects ofAinu life have ultimately helped protect themfrom an even worse erosion of their identity."94

The iyomante bear ritual has been oftenpresented as the core of traditional Ainureligious and cultural practice. By the early20th century it was a tourist magnet whichexcited people, leading to proceduraldisruption. The Ainu response to this includedstage presentations in which simplified andsemi-parodic shows, purporting to embodytraditional ritual, were offered for theedification of tourists.95 This created a largedegree of uncertainty concerning theauthenticity of iyomante celebration. Howellhas noted that "from the 1930s onwardiyomante were often described as being in the

"old" or "classic" style, with the strongsuggestion that each such performance waslikely to be the last truly authentic one";96 forhis part, Nakamura felt able to claim that thelast actual iyomante of a long historicalsequence took place in 1977 after a post-warperiod when celebrations were reduced fromannual to decennial events.97 Nakamuradescribes a project for the recreation of thecelebration developed in the Ainu CultureCluster Project since 2002. Some participantsfeared the attempt would lead to misfortune ifrepetitions were not exact. General practicald i f f icu l t ies , o f k i l l ing a bear and ofmanufacturing all the utensils that the ritualrequired, were felt to be too great. So, instead,a stage play was devised. Nakamura'sdescription is highly plausible given thetensions and ambiguities involved in any act ofcultural recreation, but he may haveexaggerated the uniqueness of the particularoccasion he describes.98 The Ainu may indeedhave a precarious relationship with the"authenticity" of their own history; but such arelationship, precarious as it may be, hascreated and sustained that history at all pointswhere it can be traced.

Ritual survives to the extent that it is more orless recognisably performed. Material culture,if it survives at all, can be preserved withoutsuch repeated human agency. Ainu materialculture featured on a large scale in a 1999exhibition at the Smithsonian Institution, Ainu:Spirit of a Northern People. Chisato Dubreuil,the co-curator of the exhibition, insisted that itcontain contemporary art in addition to"artefacts". Her comments are pertinent tolarge questions of Ainu cultural reinvention."The Japanese art establishment has beensteadfast in thinking that Ainu art cannot beviewed as fine art, not even as simple art.There's even a phrase for it, "craft Ainu". I can'tbelieve that anyone who looks at the beautiful,traditional abstract designs of Ainu womenfashion artists can say it's not fine art. Therejection of contemporary Ainu art is even

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more mysterious... it's my belief that if Ainu artis not allowed to naturally evolve, it supportsthe Japanese discriminatory position that theAinu are a backward people incapable of fineart."99 These remarks illustrate the difficulty offinding terminology for a situation where the"contemporary" is being vindicated in terms ofwhat is said to be at once "traditional" and"abstract". Dubreuil's defence of Ainu fashionartists leads her to accept a famil iardowngrading of the notion of craft; a differentline of thought would argue for abandoningsuch a clear-cut, and prejudicial, distinction.Neither pre-modern nor 20th-century practicesof visual art support any categorical distinctionor differentiation of the kind Dubreuil assumes.But the 1999 exhibition undoubtedly played amajor role in creating public awareness of Ainuculture in very many of its forms both pre-20th-century and modern. It also represented anoutstanding example of success through whatwas initially considered failure; the Ainu hadnot been featured in a 1988 Smithsonianexhibition devoted to peoples of the NorthPacific, due to contemporary politicaluncertainties. The rectification of this absencegreatly enhanced focus on the Ainu.

Many forms of Ainu contemporary art havereceived publicity recently.In the Wall Street Journal, Birmingham reportsan interview with an Ainu hanga woodblockartist: "Hanga is not part of the Ainu traditionalarts but woodcarving is, so I asked my favouriteJapanese hanga artists to teach me. I might bethe only artist doing this professionally."100 TheMother Forest gallery recently opened inHokkaido, displaying both traditional Ainupatterns and colourful figurative depictions ofdeities in animal form.101 Ogasawa Sayo, anillustrator and manga artist who has exhibitedthere, considers herself to be "showing themagnificence of Ainu culture in her work...having searched for and found her ownpersonal Ainu roots." She and other artistsexemplify the range of options available withina practice of consciously hybrid modern

culture.

Mina Sakai (left) and Ainu Rebels

Comparable possibilities for hybrid creativitylie in music. Ainu Rebels were a group thatplayed Ainu traditional instruments such as themukkuri, sang Ainu poems in the nativelanguage, rapped in Japanese about the harshexperiences of being Ainu and arrangedtraditional dance steps to rock and hip-hopbeats. Sakai Mina, their leader, claimed; "wethink that culture is something that constantlychanges. We are confident that we have thespirit... to express something about the Ainu."102

Predictably for encounters between new andolder styles of performance anywhere in theworld, mixed reactions among older Ainu arereported. Sakai sees herself interacting with atleast two audiences - those who need to learnabout the Ainu, and the Ainu themselves, "It'simportant that I spread Ainu culture and createpride among the Ainu so there is no moreprejudice and discrimination against us. Butthis means that I am not totally free as anartist."

Again, exhibiting a broken, triangularrelationship between the Ainu, Japan, andinternational agents, Sakai recalls a childhoodin Japan when she was ashamed of her Ainuidentity. But on a high school trip to Canadaand a visit to an indigenous community there,she discovered a sense of indigenous pridewhen she encountered a 16-year-old indigenous

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boy who wore a tattoo of his tribe.103

Ainu Rebels in Nov 1, 2009 concert and interview

Sakai's ebullient promotion of an Ainu fusionculture may be compared with the prominentactivity of Yuki Koji and his Ainu Art Project.Yuki's history of encounter with Ainu identityechoes Sakai's: "I left home early for Tokyohoping to have nothing to do with the Ainu.However, I could not escape from a burningquestion of who I am. When I heard that theAinu people were building "itaomacip", Ainu'straditional ocean-going canoe, I came back toHokkaido.. . but the ship was sent to amuseum...the ship was dead not alive...I askedmyself "who am I?" My response was "I amAinu, not dead. I am living in this modernsociety.""104 Yuki's remarks and his and Sakai'swork mov ing ly embody cu l tura l re -appropriation, the intentional revalorisation offormally negative symbolic capital.

Yuki Koji, performs in Tokyo

Koji Yuki's movements between Hokkaido andTokyo also exemplify the geographicaldispersion of Ainu identity which has madeestimates for Ainu numbers hypothetical and/or politically motivated. A soon to be released

film, "Tokyo Ainu",1 0 5 will highlight animportant aspect of indigenous modernity.Watson has pointed out that, for indigenouspeoples, insistence on traditional and specificterritorial location may reflect and ratifydestructive colonial exploitation.106 Againstsuch processes, indigenous people in citieshave the power to transform local urbangeography in their own interests. A Tokyo café-restaurant, Rera Cise, has offered Ainu cuisineand beer, and a chance for the Japanese publicand Ainu people to experience their owncultural identity. Many of its users may nothave publicly or even privately identifiedthemselves as Ainu; for them Rera Cise couldoffer a safe place to encounter Ainu culture andsome of its ceremonies, without requiring ofthem a tota l i sed Ainu ident i ty or anabandonment of their urban way of life. JohnPocock's sentiment is relevant here. He saidthat an indigenous people stressing itscloseness to ancestral lands is not necessarilycontradicting itself when also pointing out thatit is becoming increasingly urbanised. Theclaim and the modern social development maysupport and reinforce each other.107

George Yudice has said that in our era ofwaning political participation, "culture isincreasingly wielded as a resource for bothsociopolitical and economic amelioration... Theimmaterialisation characteristic of many newsources of economic growth,...has given thecultural sphere greater importance than at anyother moment in the history of modernity."108

Ainu culture has been successfully reshapedand wielded in different ways over many years.How then will it continue to develop, alongsideAinu political movements?

Conclusion - The Future

This final section considers several likelydirections of Ainu development. In terms ofself-representation, Ainu culture and identitywill remain hybrid. The Ainu will draw upon the

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rich resources offered by internationalorganisations, in terms of rights which may beclaimed and arguments supporting such rights.Their range of available negotiating points willenable them to engage more fully with theorgans of the Japanese state. Failures, orpartial successes, in any given area, will beused to shift negotiations to other areas wherefurther support is available from global norms.No end to these processes need be foreseen.However, as Kibe has argued, indigenousstatus is all very well; the Ainu feel entitled toclaim it, but theirs and everybody's interestswould be better advanced by the acceptance ofa whole range of categories of definition withregard to the nation state between theextremes of national and non-national, and arecognition of multiculturalism and legalprovisions for it.109 Younger Ainu such as Sakaiand Yuki will likely introduce new categories.

Nakagawa Hiroshi, an experienced teacher andresearcher in the Ainu language, has reportedchange in the age-composition of his class;more students in their twenties and thirtiesattend regularly. He stresses: "We must createa situation where using the Ainu languageseems as cool as using English to the majorityof Japanese people."110 To an extent this seemsalready to be happening. Nakagawa reflects:"From experience, my feelings are that, in thelast five years there seems to have been anobvious change to how the Ainu peoplethemselves feel about study of the Ainulanguage." However, Nakagawa goes on to saythat much more needs to be done to improvethe status of the Ainu language within theeducation system.111

There are, of course, massive problems thatwill face future development of Ainu identityand rights. The Rera Cise restaurant websiteexplains that its name means "House of Wind"in the Ainu language and that the owners havehoped to spread Ainu culture "like the wind."112

Sadly though, Rera Cise closed in 2009. At thetime the only prominently Ainu restaurant in

Tokyo, its inability to survive in a city full ofdiners with cosmopolitan tastes highlights thefact that recognition, or acceptance, of Ainuwithin Japan is still very limited. Dubreuil hascriticised the state education system, arguingthat Japan's 2006 set of history textbooksamounts to an insult to the Ainu and thus amajor disservice to the Japanese people ingeneral. "The entire history of the Ainu in thebook consists of a footnote to a discussion onthe Okinawans" - a footnote which is entirelysilent on Ainu-Japanese relations since the 18th

century.113 The Japanese government hashistorically proved very resistant to criticism ofitself within the education system. ThereforeAinu protests over the issue of textbooks maybe wise to focus on the demand for positiverecognition. A good example would be pressingfor acknowledgement of the Ainu contributionto the already nationally famous JapaneseAntarctic expedition of 1912. "Shirase's groupdepended on the dog-sledding skills of two Ainuhe had brought along from the indigenouscommunity of the northern Island of Hokkaido.With the guidance - not always acknowledged -of these experts the Dash Patrol in factmanaged to set a sledging speed record duringtheir brief foray South."114

Shirase Nobuo and the Anctart icExpedition of 1912

A 2009 study has noted that teachers in smallschools in Hokkaido have successfully acquiredknowledge of Ainu cultural practices from local

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inhabitants and assimilated them into theircurricula in a bottom-up manner.115 The field ofeducation offers space for a range of Ainunegotiating positions in relation to governmentpractices. Diene criticised the lack of a quotasystem to encourage Ainu entry into Japaneseuniversities,116 and with rates of Ainu entry tohigher education low,117 this is likely to be adirection in which Ainu activism moves.

School children learn about the Ainu inKushiro, Hokkaido

The issue of land rights, important for anyindigenous people, might seem to leave littleroom for manoeuvre in Ainu-Japanesenegotiations, with UNDRIP stipulating thatindigenous rights should not damage theterritorial integrity of existing states. But theAinu are one of few indigenous peoples indeveloped countries without their own land,and this is clearly a direction in which Ainuactivism will push further. Shimin GaikouSentâ, a Japanese NGO, has produced a guideto help Ainu fully understand and exercise theirrights. The guide, "An Explanation and UsageGuide to the UN's Declaration on the Rights ofIndigenous Peoples, for the Ainu", includesreferences to land rights and has beendistributed free among the Ainu.118 Already in2004, Ainu activism achieved a measure of

success in relation to land claims. Japan'sgovernment had nominated the ShiretokoNational Park as a UNESCO World Heritagesite. Although the park area had long historicalassociations with Ainu communities, thegovernment failed to involve the Ainu in thepreparation of its case. In keeping with thebroken triangle model, the Ainu avoided initialconfrontation with the Japanese government,119

instead complaining directly to the UN.Shiretoko was awarded World Heritage status,but with a recommendation for jo intmanagement by the Ainu and the Japanesegovernment. However, the Ministry of theEnvironment (MOE) has been slow to respondand interviews with MOE officials indicate littleawareness of this recommendation.1 2 0

Nevertheless, this is an important possibleopening for Ainu activism.

Two years after the 2008 resolution, the brokentriangle model continues to illuminate thedeployment of human rights issues in Japan. Onthe 14th May 2010, Navi Pillay, the UN humanrights high commissioner, referred to "fruitfuldiscussions with the Japanese government on arange of domestic and international humanrights issues"121 - discussions with a view toJapan's adopting an anti-discrimination lawwhose scope would include both migrants andlonger-term minority groups such as the Ainu.This agenda echoes that of the ICERD(International Convention on the Elimination ofA l l Forms o f D i scr imina t ion ) in i t sconsideration of Japanese minorities inFebruary 2010, where stress was laid on "theneed for human rights education and educationof the general population", particularly "theeducation of officials including those in mostregular contact with non-Japanese."122 Asinternational bodies urge the Japanesegovernment to observe their protocols, so Ainuwill continue to press for participation onJapanese government bodies with responsibilityfor Ainu affairs. Recently the ruling DPJ(Democratic Party) has shown greatersympathy towards the Ainu's right to political

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participation. The "expert meeting panel onAinu policy", which under the LDP existed for ayear from June 2008, contained only one Ainuout of 12 members. But since December 2009this panel has been followed, under the DPJgovernment, by the creation of a new AinuPolicy Promotion Panel, which has 5 Ainumembers.123 As shown earlier, the Ainu in factnegotiate not only with international bodiesand the Japanese government, but with eachother. Thus, the reshaping of Ainu identities isanother area in which progression is certaineven if its direction cannot be fully anticipated.

Any Ainu individual may negotiate his or heridentity within an internal dialogue. Gettingmarried in traditional Ainu clothing hasrecently become popular among younger Ainu;this is documented in and no doubt promotedby Ui Makiko's book ainu tokidoki nihonjin.124 InApril 2005 at her wedding in Tokyo, Sakai Minawent even further, using black lipstick torecreate the traditional Ainu mouth tattoo -presenting her identity as a hybrid formationbetween a traditional past and a culturallyinnovative present.125

Sakai Mina's wedding, from Metropolism a g a z i n e(http://metropolis.co.jp/features/feature/going-native/)

In line with Bayly's argument that it wastowards the end of the 19 th century that

indigenous peoples on a worldwide scale beganto learn techniques enabling their survivaldespite the conditions which had hithertolimited and oppressed them,126 the Ainu have,against all odds, successfully ensured their longterm survival over the last hundred or so years.Japan's indigenous people will continue topromote themselves as simultaneouslyindigenous and modern, and their political andcultural movements will exist on trans-nationalplanes.

Simon Cotterill recently graduated from theUniversity of Oxford's Nissan Institute.

Recommended citation: Ainu Success: thePolitical and Cultural Achievements of Japan'sIndigenous Minority, The Asia-Pacific JournalVol 9, Issue 12 No 2, March 21, 2011.

Articles on related topics

• Mark Winchester, On the Dawn of a NewNational Ainu Policy: The "‘Ainu' as a Situation"T o d a y .(http://japanfocus.org/-Mark-Winchester/3234)

• Yukie Chiri and Kyoko Selden, The Song theOwl God Himself Sang."Silver Droplets Fall Fall All Around," an AinuTale (http://japanfocus.org/-Chiri-Yukie/3026)

• Katsuya HIRANO, The Politics of ColonialTranslation: On the Narrative of the Ainu as a" V a n i s h i n g E t h n i c i t y "(http://japanfocus.org/-Katsuya-HIRANO/3013)

• ann-elise lewallen, Indigenous at last! AinuGrassroots Organizing and the IndigenousP e o p l e s S u m m i t i n A i n u M o s i r(http://japanfocus.org/-ann_elise-lewallen/2971)

• Chisato "Kitty" O. Dubreuil, The Ainu andTheir Culture: A Critical Twenty-First CenturyA s s e s s m e n t

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(http://japanfocus.org/-Chisato__Kitty_-Dubreuil/2589 )

• David McNeill, Oda Makoto, Pak Kyongnam,Tanaka Hiroshi, William Wetherall & HondaKatsuichi, The Diene Report on Discriminationa n d R a c i s m i n J a p a n(http://japanfocus.org/-Oda-Makoto/1882)

• Joshua Hotaka Roth, Political and CulturalPerspectives on Japan's Insider Minorities(http://japanfocus.org/-Joshua-Roth/1723)

Notes

1 The Ainu Association of Hokkaido (2010)Actual Living Conditions of the Hokkaido Ainu(http://www.ainu-assn.or.jp/english/eabout03.html)

2 Watson, M. (2010) Diasporic Indigeneity:place and the articulation of Ainu identity inTokyo, Japan Environment and Planning A,volume 42, p. 270.

3 Dubreuil, C. (2007) The Ainu and theirCulture: A Critical Twenty First CenturyA c c o u n t(http://www.japanfocus.org/-Chisato__Kitty_-Dubreuil/2589) The Asia -Pacific Journal

4 Sjöberg, K. (1993) The Return of the Ainu:Cultural Mobilisation and Practice of Ethnicityin Japan, p. 152. Amsterdam: HarwoodAcademic Publishers

5 Stevens, G. (2008) Subject, Objective andActive Participant: The Ainu, Law, and LegalMobilisation Indigenous Law Journal, 7: 1, p.152.

6 Siddle, R. Ainu Ethnicity: A History inFitzhugh, W.W. and Dubreuil, C. (1999) TheAinu: Spirit of a Northern People.

7 Siddle, R. The Ainu in Weiner, M (2009)

Japan's Minorities (2nd edition), p. 23. London:Routledge

8 Rabson, S. (1996) Assimilation Policy inOkinawa: Promotion, Resistance, and‘ R e c o n c i l i a t i o n '(http://www.jpri.org/publications/occasionalpapers/op8.html)Japan Policy Research InstituteOccasional Paper No. 8, October 1996

9 Creef, E.T. (2006) Ainu in America: ThePhotographic Representation of ‘MysteriousLittle Japanese Primitives' at the 1904 St. LouisW o r l d ' s F a i r(http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p114318_index.html). Paper presented at the 2006 annualmeeting of the American Studies Association.

10 Carlson, L (1989) Giant Ainu and HairyPatagonians The Journal of American Culture,p. 24.

11 Cheung, S.C.H. (2003) Ainu Culture inTransition, Futures, 35:9, pp. 951-959.

12 Wilhelm, G. (2009) The Ainu in Japan: EthnicI d e n t i t y a n d C u l t u r a l D e f i n i t i o n s(http://www.erm.ee/?node=197)

13 Siddle, R. in Weiner, M (2009) op.cit. p. 28.

14 Mock, J (1999) Culture, Community andChange in a Sapporo Neighbourhood, 1925 -1988, p. 83. Lewiston: The Edwin Mellen Press

15 Mock, J (1999) Culture, Community andChange in a Sapporo Neighbourhood, 1925 -1988, p. 83. Lewiston: The Edwin Mellen Press

16 Harrison, S. (2007) The Indigenous Ainu ofJapan and the ‘Northern Territories' Dispute(http://uwspace.uwaterloo.ca/handle/10012/2765), p. 74.

17 Cheung, S.C.H. (2003) op.cit. p. 953.

18 Stevens, G. (2001) The Ainu and HumanRights : Domest ic and Internat ional

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Protections Japanese Studies, 21: 2 , p. 197.

19 Uzawa, K (2007) The Ainu of Japan: PoliticalS i t u a t i o n s a n d R i g h t s I s s u e s(http://www.npolar.no/ansipra/english/Items/Japan-1.html) Arctic Network for the Support ofthe Indigenous Peoples of the Russian Arctic, p.4.

20 Kearnay, M. (2004) Changing Fields ofAnthropology: From Local to Global, p. 281.Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield

21 Siddle, R in Weiner, M (2009) op.cit. p. 27.

22 Cheung, S.C.H. (2003) op.cit. p. 953.

23 Lewallen, A.E. (2007) Bones of Contention:Negotiating Anthropological Ethics within theField of Ainu Refusal Critical Asian Studies, 39:4, p. 518.

24 Wetherall, W. (1993) The Ainu Nation(http://members.jcom.home.ne.jp/yosha/yr/minorities/Ainu_nation.html) The Japan TimesWeekly, 2nd January 1993

25 Uemura, H. in Buckley, S. (2002) TheEncyclopedia of Contemporary JapaneseCulture, p. 11. London: Routledge

26 Lewallen, A.E. (2008) Indigenous at last! AinuGrassroots Organizing and the IndigenousP e o p l e ' s S u m m i t i n A i n u M o s i r(http://www.japanfocus.org/-ann_elise_lewallen/2971)

27 Kearney, M. (2004) op. cit. p. 313. Kearney,M. (2004) op. cit. p. 313.

28 Harrison, S. (2007) op. cit. p. 98.

29 Siddle, R. (1996) Race, Resistance, and theAinu of Japan, pp. 183-4. London: Routledge

30 Harrison, S (2007) op. cit. p. 96.

31 Siddle, R. (1996) op. cit. p. 185.

32 Siddle, R. (1996) op. cit. p. 185.

33 Daes, E.I. (2009) The Contribution of theWorking Group on Indigenous Peoples to theGenesis and Evolution of the UN Declaration onthe Rights of Indigenous People in Charters, Cand Stavenhagen, R (eds) Making theDeclaration Work: The United NationsDeclaration of the Rights of Indigenous People(http://www.internationalfunders.org/documents/MakingtheDeclarationWork.pdf)

3 4 I L O C o n v e n t i o n 1 6 9(http://www.ilo.org/ilolex/cgi-lex/convde.pl?C169) (1989)

35 Daes, E.I. (2009) The Contribution of theWorking Group on Indigenous Peoples to theGenesis and Evolution of the UN Declaration onthe Rights of Indigenous People in Charters, Cand Stavenhagen, R (eds) Making theDeclaration Work: The United NationsDeclaration of the Rights of Indigenous People(http://www.internationalfunders.org/documents/MakingtheDeclarationWork.pdf)

36 The Ainu Association of Hokkaido (2010)Inauguration Speech, UN General Assembly,1 0 t h D e c e m b e r 1 9 9 2(http://www.ainu-assn.or.jp/english/eabout08.html)

37 Kennedy, M (2009) Contemporary Tradition:Reconfiguring Ainu Culture in Modern Japan(http://mba.nucba.ac.jp/cic/pdf/njlcc102/04melissa.pdf) Nagoya University of Commerce andBusiness, Journal of Language, Culture andCommunication

3 8 I L O C o n v e n t i o n 1 6 9(http://www.ilo.org/ilolex/cgi-lex/convde.pl?C169) (1989)

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40 MOFA (2000) Comments of the JapaneseGovernment on the Concluding Observationsadopted by the Committee on the Eliminationof Racial Discrimination on March 20, 2000,regarding initial and second periodic report oft h e J a p a n e s e G o v e r n m e n t(http://www.mofa.go.jp/policy/human/comment0110.html)

41 ILO website (2005) International Day of theWorld's Indigenous People 2005 Indigenousand Tribal Peoples' Right - still a long way to go(http://www.ilo.org/global/about-the-ilo/press-an d - m e d i a - c e n t r e / p r e s s -releases/WCMS_075527/lang--en/index.htm)

42 CERD (2001) 58th Session, 9th March 2001,M o r n i n g(http://www.unhchr.ch/huricane/huricane.nsf/0/5F1B04BBE7893809C1256A0A0057B908?opendocument) United Nations Press Release

43 Porter, C (2008) After the Ainu Shinpo: TheUnited Nations and the Indigenous People ofJ a p a n(http://www.jpf.org.au/newvoices/2/vol2.pdf) New Voices, p. 204.

44 Montes, A.R and Cisneros, G.T. (2009) TheUnited Nations Declaration on the Rights ofIndigenous Peoples: the Foundation of a NewRelationship between Indigenous Peoples,States and Societies in Charters, C andS t a v e n h a g e n , R ( e d s ) o p . c i t .(http://www.internationalfunders.org/documents/MakingtheDeclarationWork.pdf) p. 151.

45 Uzawa, K (2007) The Ainu of Japan: PoliticalS i t u a t i o n s a n d R i g h t s I s s u e s(http://www.npolar.no/ansipra/english/Items/Japan-1.html) Arctic Network for the Support ofthe Indigenous Peoples of the Russian Arctic, pp. 6-7.

46 Stevens, G. (2008) op. cit. pp. 164-165.

47 Stevens, G. (2008) op. cit. pp. 164-165.

48 Lewallen, A.E. (2008) op. cit.

49 Siddle, R (1996) op.cit. pp. 163 and 238.

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53 Uzawa, K (2007) op. cit. p. 4.

54 Harrison (2007) op. cit. p. 85.

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56 Harrison, S. (2007) op. cit. p. 98.

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61 Hasegawa, Y (2003) op. cit.

62 Sonohara, T (1997) op. cit.

63 Kingsbury, B. (1998) Indigenous Peoples inInternational Law; a Constructivist Approach tothe Asian Controversy American Journal ofInternational Law, vol. 92, pp. 73 - 74.

64 Wilhelm, G. (2009) op. cit.

65 Foucault, M. (1995) Discipline and Punish,pp. 101 - 102. Knopf Doubleday

66 Siddle, R (2002) An Epoch Making Event?The 1997 Ainu Cultural Promotion Act and itsImpact Japan Forum, 14:3, pp. 405-423.

67 Chakravorty Spivak, G Subaltern Studies:Deconstructing Historiography in Guha, R andChakravorty Spivak, G (eds) (1988) SelectedSubaltern Studies, p. 13. New York: OUP

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69 Burgess (2010) op.cit.

70 Gill, T (2001) A Review of ‘Multi-ethnic Japan'by John Lie, Monumenta Nipponica, 56:4 inBurgess (2010) op.cit.

71 Burgess (2010) op. cit.

72 Morris-Suzuki, T (2002) in Maswood, J,Graham, J, and Miyajima, H (eds) Japan -Change and Continuity, pp. 171. London:

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73 Hasegawa (2003) op. cit.

74 Lewallen, A.E. (2007) op. cit. p. 518.

75 Kennedy, M (2009) op. cit. p. 40.

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77 Watson, M (2010) op. cit. p. 272.

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79 The Ainu Association of Hokkaido (2010) op.cit.

80 Harrison, S (2007) op. cit. p. 102.

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84 Howell, D. (2008) op. cit. p. 135.

85 Dubreuil, C. (2007) op. cit.

86 Cheung, S.C.H. (2005)

87 Cheung, S.C.H. (2005)

88 Yamada, T (2000) The Revival of Ritualsamong the Sakha-Yakut and the Hokkaido Ainu Acta Borealia, 17:1, p. 96.

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93 Yamada, T (2000) op. cit. p. 108.

94 Ohtsuka, K Tourism, Assimilation and AinuSurvival Today in Fitzhugh, W.W. and Dubreuil,C. (1999) Ainu: Spirit of a Northern People, p.95. Washington University Press.

95 Howell, D (2008) op. cit. p. 136.

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98 Nakamura, N. (2007) op. cit. p. 157.

99 Dubreuil, C. (2007) op. cit.

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102 Reuters (2007) Japan's Ainu Fuse Tradition,H i p - H o p f o r A w a r e n e s s(http://www.theepochtimes.com/news/7-12-3/62

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103 Peace Boat (2008) Cool, Proud, Active(http://www.peaceboat.org/english/voyg/62/lob/080818/index.html)

104 Kondo, S. (2007) Interview with Koji Yuki,the leader of Ainu Art Project Voices: a WorldForum for Music Therapy

105 Kamuy Mintara (2010) Documentary Film:T o k y o A i n u(http://www.2kamuymintara.com/film/eng/top.htm)

106 Watson, M. (2010) op. cit. pp. 268 - 284.

107 レラちセ (2009)

108 Yudice, G. (2004) The Expediency of Culture:Uses of Culture in the Global Era, pp. 9-10.USA: Duke University Press

109 Kibe, T. (2006) Differentiated Citizenshipand Ethnocultural Groups: A Japanese Case Citizenship Studies, 10:4, p. 421.

110 アイヌ政策のあり方に関する有識者懇談会、第５回(２００９）アイヌ語学習の未来に向けてー考え方と提案(http://www.kantei.go.jp/jp/singi/ainu/dai5)Nakagawa, like many Ainu, uses the word‘wajin' to distinguish non-Ainu Japanese people

111 アイヌ政策のあり方に関する有識者懇談会、第５回(２００９）op. cit.

112 レラちセ (2009)

113 Dubreuil, C (2007) op. cit.

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118市民外交 (2009) アイヌ民族の視点からみた「先住民族の権利に関する国際連合宣言」の解説と利用法(http://www005.upp.so-net.ne.jp/peacetax/)

119 Kennedy, M (2009) op. cit. p. 42.

120 personal correspondence with Ann-EliseLewallen (2011)

121 UN News Centre (2010) UN Official LaudsJ a p a n ' s H u m a n(http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=34700)

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122 CERD (2010) Questions by the Rapporteur in

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126 Bayly, C.A. (2004) The Birth of the ModernWorld, 1780-1914:Global Connections andComparisons, p. 44.