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[Shqiperia si nje terren i frytshem per orientimet

politike të Evoles - Albania as a fertile ground

for Evola’s political orientations] English | Page 26

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dhe pse Rene Guenon e permend Shqiperine ne veprat e tij,

Julius Evola nga ana tjeter qendron ne heshtje. Kjo eshte cudi

per nje autor Italian, duke marre parasysh lidhjet historike dhe

afersine gjeograifke mes dy vendeve, deri ne piken ku gjate jetes se

tij pati nje "union personal" mes Mbreterive te Italise dhe

Shqiperise. Vetem detaje te vogla ne veprat e tij permendin

Shqiperine: analiza e tij e legjendes se Guerrin Meskinos, apo

permendja e tij e elementeve Dionisiane ne kulturat ballaknike, per

te mos folur per studimet e tij mbi rracen Dinarike. Por Evola nuk u

morr me traditat e Evropes Lindore ne punen e tij (si psh.

Ortodoksia). Do te ishte e kuptueshme sikur t'i kete humbur interesi

pas Luftes se Dyte Boterore, ku pjesa lindore e Evropes ra nen

hyqmin Sovjetik dhe u be oborri i subversionit. (Por kjo ngjarje

mund te kuptohet si mundesia e vetme per subversionin te

shkaterroje botekuptimet tradicionale te kesaj pjese te Evropes: ajo

cka u arrit pa dhune dhe me subversion ne Evropen Perendimore u

arrit vetem me dhune ne Evropen Lindore.) Nese ky kendveshtrim

eshte i sakte, atehere heshtja e Evolas eshte edhe me e cuditshme.

Por e verteta eshte qe Evola ka treguar interes per Evropen Lindore,

por ne nje menyre tjeter.

Interesi i Evolas per Evropen Lindore eshte i mire-dokumentuar.

Lidhja e Evoles me Gjermanine kishte te bente vetem me mbetjet e

etikes perandorake ne kete vend pavaresishte Republikes se

Weimarit. Per me teper, ai e pa bashkimin e Gjermanine si me pak

problematik se ai i Italise, deri ne piken qe, ndryshe nga

nacionaliste te tjere italiane, Evola e konsideronte Perandorine

E

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Austriake si shteti i fundit tradicional ne Evrope, ne vend qe ta

perbuzte. Konsiderata e tij e larte u kthye ne kureshtje per vendet e

Evropes qendrore pas Luftes se Pare Boterore, dhe permes

Perandorise Austro-Hungareze, syte e Evolas u kthyen nga Rumania.

Duke pare situaten politike ne keto vende, ai edhe u takua me

liderin rumun Codreanu per nje interviste.

Codreanu ishte i vetmi lider politik qe i la Evolas nje pershtypje te

mire, dhe Levizja e Gardes se Hekurt u vleresua nga autori italian si

nje nga levizjet me tradicionale te Evropes se viteve '30. Sic thame,

kjo mund te shpjegohet nga subversioni i tejskajshem ne Evropen

Perendimore, qe nuk ishte aq i fuqishem ne Lindje. Moderniteti ishte

sidoqofte prezent, vetem ne nje shkalle me te vogel. Mes vendeve

me pak moderne dhe me tradicionale, qendronte Shqiperia.

Pasi doli pothuaj e pandryshuar pas pese shekujsh erresire osmane,

Shqiperia u perball me boten moderne ne 1912. Gjate viteve '20 dhe

'30, Shqiperia tregoi ne siperfaqe te gjitha karakteristikat e nje

shteti modern: nje parlament per te votuar ligje, zgjedhje per kreun

e qeverise, parti politike, etj. Por thelle-thelle, shpirti i Shqiperise

rrotullohej rreth nje kendveshtrimi tradicional, guri themelues i te

cilit eshte Kanuni i Leke Dukagjinit. dhe prandaj modernizmi mezi e

preku vendin tone. Ne njefare menyre, Shqiperia ishte ne nje

pozicion te ngjashem me ate te Japonise te fillim te periudhes se

Meijit. Japonia, pas shekujsh izolacionizmi te detyruar nga shteti

gjate periudhes Edo (shume e ngjashme me izolimin e Shqiperise nen

Perandorine Osmane), gjate te ciles vlerat me te larta Japoneze te

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shprehura tek Bushido dhe Hagakure lulezuan dhe u shprehen me se

miri nga aristokracia luftetare Samurai, u hap ndaj botes ne

periudhen Meiji ku u mundua te gjente nje ekuiliber mes vlerave te

saja tradicionale dhe modernitetit. Ky mundim vazhdoi deri ne

humbjen e Japonise ne Luften e Dyte. Ashtu si Shqiperia ne vitet '20

dhe '30, Japonia tregoi gjithe elementet e nje shteti modern, por

shpirti i saj ishte tradicional. Ne intervistat e pasluftes, Evola

perdorte shpesh Japonine Perandorake si shembull per nje shoqeri

tradicionale qe ekzistonte deri vone. Ai mund te kishte perdorur

shembullin e Shqiperise, sikur te mos ishte per mungesen e

dokumentimit te plote gjate viteve '30 dhe izolimit te Shqiperise ne

periudhen komuniste. Pra, heshtja e Evoles per Shqiperine nuk duhet

pare si nje mungese interesi per vendin tone, por si nje pamundesi

e Evolas per te folur per te. Gjithashtu, te besh sikur idete dhe

principet e zbuluara nga Evola ne veprat e tij nuk vlejne per

Shqiperine eshte gabim. Ashtu si Japonia Perandorake, per arsyet e

lartpermendura, ishte trupezimi i doktrinave tradicionale te zbuluara

nga Evola, ashtu duhet pare dhe Shqiperia - nje vend i panjohur por

me potencialin per aplikimin e ketyre vlerave politike tradicionale

pasi kishte nje tradite deri me 1945.

Edhe pse regjimi komunist shkaterroi pjesen me te madhe te

mentalitetit tradicional shqiptar, edhe pse Perandoria Osmane la

vraga, ne besojme se konceptet politike nuk jane vetem te vlefshme

per Shqiperine, por edhe nje fryme ajri te paster. E djathta e vertete

e Shqiperise (jo pleq komuniste qe bejne si te djathte, e as e djathta

ekonomike) ka mbetur me mentalitetin e nacionalizmit te shek. te 19,

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dhe qellimet e saj nuk kane lidhje me problemet e shek. te 21.

Vetem konceptet politike qe burojne nga rendi Tradicional mund t'i

ofrojne te Djathtes Shqiptare nje boteveshtrim te frytshem pas te

cilit mund te strukturojme vendin. Per te mos permendur ketu qe do

te na ndihmonin te linim pas te shkuaren komuniste njehere e

pergjithmone. Pra, duam te theksojme fillimisht problemet e

boteveshtrimit politik te Shqiperise se tanishme dhe korrigjimet te

duhen sipas Evolas (frymezuar vecanerisht nga veprat Orientime dhe Burrat mes Rrenojave) perpara se te tregojme potencialin politik tradicional ne Shqiperi dhe cfare mund te jete baza e nje rendi

politik Tradicional. Ky studim eshte hapi i pare ne nje beteje me te

gjere per nje krah te djathte shqiptar me nje boteveshtrim

Tradicional. Analiza e pikepamjeve te majta qe kane zene rrenje tek

e djathta shqiptare dhe kane mbetur aty per nje kohe shume te

gjate nuk do te behet ketu, por tjeterkund.

E dime qe Evola nuk pa asnje zgjidhje politike ne Evropen

perendimore te pasluftes. Por e dime qe ka nje shans te fundit per

vendin tone, tamam sepse elementet e tradites tone mbijetuan me

gjate ketu se ne vendet e tjera te Evropes. Per me teper, edhe pse

subversioni eshte i pranishem ne Shqiperine e sotme, eshte vetem

nje kopje e subversionit Perendimor, dhe eshte i suksesshem vetem

se nuk eshte perballur me rezistence serioze. Pra, ia vlen ta

provojme: duke perhapur koncepte tradicionale ne ate cka na duket

si toke pjellore, shpresa jone eshte te riaktivizojme copezat e nje

tradite qe ishte gjalle deri vone, ose te pakten te krijojme kushtet

per te trupezuar ate pak qe mbetet nga shpirti tradicional. Kur te

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trupezohet, nje ure mes forces metafizike qe qendron siper dhe pas

tij mund te rivendoset, pra duke lejuar venien ne praktike te vlerave

metafizike ne fushen politike. A eshte ky qellim shume optimist?

Ndoshta... por eshte prape se prape nej deshmi (dhe nje deshmi

aktive) e nje boteveshtrimi tradicional ne jete dhe ne histori qe i

kundervihet atij modernit me kulturen e tij profane. Nese asgje

pozitive nuk del nga kjo sprove, atehere do te keshillojme nje

terheqje strategjike ne nje vije fronti te brendshme (qe ekziston

gjithmone, pavaresisht se cfare behet jashte), ashtu sic shprehet tek

Kalerimi i Tigrit, me moton qe vijon ne mendje: Vepro ne menyre te tille qe gjerat te cilat nuk i ke ne kontroll, nuk te kontrollojne dot as ty.

Kultura moderne pushon se qeni rrezik kur ata qe e perdorin kane nje boteveshtrim. Ne kete menyre, njeriu eshte aktiv ne relacion me kulturen, sepse njeriu do te kete nje forme te brendshme qe e ben te kuptoje cfare duhet asimiluar dhe cfare duhet mohuar.

Julius Evola, Burrat mes rrenojave

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Problemet e boteveshtrimit politik shqiptar dhe

korrigjimi i tyre

1) Izolacionizmi

Izolacionizmi po helmon politiken shqiptare dhe ka paralizuar edhe

Shtetin shqiptar, sidomos ne nivelin diplomatik. Izolimi nga bota e

jashtme ruajti shume pjese te identitetit shqiptar, dhe sic thame, pas

shekujsh okupacioni osman, boteveshtrimi tradicional shqiptar arriti

te perballte modernizmin pa ndryshuar shume. Themi pa ndryshuar

shume, pasi okupacioni osman la disa vraga problematike, ashtu si

izolacionizmi komunist la vraga edhe me te thella qe duken edhe

sot. Nese tradita shqiptare ishte totalisht e gjalle ne periudhen

osmane per shkak te vete-izolimit te mundesuar nga gjeografia, qe

na dha edhe nje autonomi te madhe brenda Perandorise, izolimi

komunist nga ana tjeter shkaterroi shume tradita shqiptare dhe

ruajti vetem ato qe nuk perbenin rrezik per boteveshtrimin marksist.

Si nje mbeturine e deformuar e epokave te kaluara dhe okupacionit

osman dhe komunist, izolimi u pa si nje vlere pozitive nga

shqiptaret dhe politikat e tyre. Ne nje propagande te trasheguar nga

komunistet, Shqiperia shfaqet si vendi i vogel qe arrin te qendroje

me vete dhe te perballet me boten pavaresisht veshtiresive te

medha. Kjo perkeqesohet nga fakti qe gjuha shqipe eshte shume e

vecante, ashtu si shqiptaret jane te vetmit ne llojin e tyre. Rezultati

eshte vete-izolim ne shume nivele, dhe nje shembull i vecante eshte

pasiviteti i Shtetit shqiptar gjate Luftes se Kosoves. E vetmja

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mbeshtetje qe na u dha ne kete pike kyce te historise shqiptare

ishte nga veprat vetjake. Mungesa e nje fushe diplomatike eshte

ende vija kryesore qe ndjek Shteti Shqiptar. Sigurisht, ky mentalitet

izolacionist ben qe ne nuk njohim asnje pike takimi me asnje kulture

ne planet.

Ky eshte rezultati i nje izolimi qe nuk ruan dot gje. Izolimi i

Shqiperise gjate periudhes osmane ishte nje mjet per te mbrojtur

identitetin. Izolimi i sotem, ashtu si izolimi komunist jane totalisht te

kote. Jo vetem i kote, por edhe i rrezikshem, ne vije me principet

liberale dhe marksiste. Te dyja keto ideologji i shohin njerezit si

individe pa rrenje, qe nuk kane lidhje me familjen, klanin, kombin,

racen etj. Izolimi i trasheguar nga komunizmi na ka vene vec nga

kombet e tjera, vec nga kulturat e tjera etc, sikur te ishim

ontologjikisht te vetem ne llojin tone.

Nga ana tjeter, principet tradicionale te zbuluara nga Julius Evola

mbi konceptin e races jane te vlefshme per te hequr qafe kete

vizion negativ. Individet jane pjese te entiteteve me te gjera:

familja, gjinia, fisi, kombi, raca etj. dhe jane te lidhura me to

permes detyres. Nuk e permendem ceshtjen e races per shqiptaret,

por eshte e vetekuptueshme qe kombesia nuk duhet ngaterruar me

racen, dicka qe ndodh tejet shpesh mes mbeshtetesve te

izolacionizmit shqiptar. Sidoqofte, vepra e Jakov Milaj Raca Shqiptare eshte nje fillim i mire per ta studiuar kete ceshtje me

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thelle, pasi Evola perdoret si reference aty. Pra, shqiptaret jane

pjese e grupit Indo-Evropian ne disa nivele qe pasqyrojne konceptin

tradicional trup-shpirt-mendje: ata jane Indo-Evropiane ne nivelin

racial, gjuhesor dhe kulturor (me kulture nenkuptojme vlerat me te

thella dhe ligjet e shenjta dhe te brendshme te nje shoqerie). Drejt

boteveshtrimit te ketij grupi duhet te oreintohet dhe Shqiperia ,

sepse eshte familja me e gjere te ciles i perket. Eshte habi se si nje

vend qe e vlereson familjen kaq shume, edhe ne kete epoke, refuzon

te luaje rolin e tij ne familjen me te gjere Indo-Evropiane! Ky

orientim duhet te jete berthama e politikes shqiptare si shenja e

paster e nje race te brendshme qe asnje kulture e jashtme nuk e

manipulon dot.

Nje boteveshtrim, me shume se dicka individuale, buron nga nje tradite; eshte pasoja organike e forcave fale te cilave nje kulture e caktuar ka ate forme qe ka; ne te njejten kohe, a parte subiecti, manifeston veten si nje tip race te brendshme, si dicka elementare dhe ekzistencialisht shpirterore.

Julius Evola, Burrat mes rrenojave

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2) Zhingoizmi

Nje helm tjeter per politiken shqiptare eshte perhapja e zhingoizmit.

Asnje doktrine nacionaliste ne Shqiperi nuk e ka kaluar stadin e

zhingoizmit. Zhingoizmi eshte nje forme nacionalizmi qe ka qene

historikisht me popullore tek masat dhe karakterizohet nga

mospranimi i gabimeve te kombit dhe mospranimi i faktit qe kombe

te tjera mund te jene per momentin me te mira sa i yti. Gjithashtu,

inkurajon politiken e jashtme agresive-ushtarake. Ky lloj zhingozimi

ka patur arsyen e vete per te ekzistuar, si nje pergjigje ndaj

zhingoizmit te fqinjeve. Por menyra se si u inkurajua gjate

periudhes komuniste i dha nje jete te vetem. Eshte ende i pranishem

sot dhe parandalon formimin e cdo lloj doktrineje serioze.

Ky zhingoizem ndryshon forme me lehtesi dhe prandaj eshte veshtire

te percaktohet. Por thelle-thelle, jane gjithnje te njejtat manifestime

folklorike, te zhurmshme, emocionale dhe femerore qe duken psh. tek

menyra se si bejme shqiponjen me duar edhe kur nuk eshte momenti

dhe ne kontekstet me te papershtatshme. Zhingoizmi eshte "doktrina"

berthame e partive politike gjoja te djathta dhe nuk lejon njerezit te

bejne dallimin mes armiqve te te kaluares dhe armiqve te te

tashmes dhe te ardhmes. Zhingoizmi eshte pasoje e mungeses se

Shtetit ne Shqiperi gjate shekujve. Keshtu, cdo rajon pati autonomine

e tij dhe nuk kishte mundesi t'i jepje ne hierarki te sakte rajoneve;

centralizimi jakubin i epokes komuniste e beri zhingoizmin gati te

detyrueshem ne menyre qe te justifikonte vete izolimin, dhe kjo i

hapi rrugen zhingoizmit anarkik dhe nacionalizmit prej budallai qe

kemi sot.

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Ky nacionalizem eshte problematik. Si fillim, inkurajimi i tij eshte

budallallek kur sheh se si disa kombe te sotme jane te medha sa

kontinente te tera. Se dyte, ky zhingoizem rrotullohet rreth

nocioneve problematike si populli, liria dhe demokracia. Por keto

koncepte, edhe pse te pelqyeshme ne siperfaqe, jane subversive.

Zhingoizmi eshte produkt i revolucionit francez dhe eshte mbajtes i

principeve te lirise dhe barazise mes "bijve te memedheut". Permes

manipulimeve te paturpshme, koncepti i kombit u uzurpua nga

Revolucioni francez, dhe larg nga domethenia origjinale qe kishte ne

Antikitet, solli ne jete asimilimin e cdo individi (pavaresisht origjines

etnike) ne "memedhe" bazuar vetem ne kushte natyraliste (si psh te

ksh lindur apo te jetosh ne nje komb) apo se sa mbeshtet parimet e

Revolucionit francez. Pra, nje individ qe ka origjinen etnike nga

kombi shikohet si inferior ndaj nje te ardhuri neve ky i pari nuk

pranon vlerat e Lirise dhe Barazise.

Per me teper, zhingoizmi ka deshtuar se mbrojturi traditat; ka bere

te kunderten, duke pare se si Marksizmi kulturor dhe Liberalizmi po

mbeshteten ne vendet me zhingoike te botes. Zhingoizmi ushqen edhe

nje lloj konfuzioni ne lidhje me veprimet subversive te nje kombi.

Adhurimi i ekonomise dhe GDP-se si vlerat me te larta, inkurajimi i

Liberalizmit dhe vlerave te tij, apo inkurajimi i Marksizmit jane

vetem disa shembuj se cfare shihet pas zhingoizmit. Kritika e

Nietzsches ndaj Shtetit perputhet me cka jemi duke diskutuar ketu:

nje perbindesh gjakftohte qe shtyp me kembe budallenjte qe kane

rene ne dashuri me te. Lufta e fundit eshte shembulli perfekt mes

konfliktit midis boteveshtrimeve qe budallenjte e keqkuptuan dhe e

kujtuan si nje beteje mes kombeve. Kjo vlen sidomos per Shqiperine,

pasi shumica e popullit kane rene pre e propagandes komuniste ku

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partizanet perdoren idene e kombit si nje vegel retorike per te

fshehur faktin qe doktrina e tyre as qe e njeh kombin. Me vone,

deri ne ditet tone, shqiptaret me budallenj genjehen ende nga

legjenda e ruajtjes se kombit nga komunistet dhe jane te verber ndaj

faktit qe komunistet e vrane shpirtin e ketij kombi.

Ketyre turbulencave qe kane penguar formimin e nje pike te qarte

reference, ne i veme kunder qartesine e ideve tona. Ne nje

dimension me te larte, idete bashkojne dhe ndajne, idete trupezohen

nga elita dhe elitat formojne Shtete. Kjo eshte sipas Julius Evolas

berthama e konceptimit tradicional Evropian te politikes. Gjaku

sigurisht edhe baza, por vetem perbashkesia e gjakut nuk mjafton.

Shqiptaret mbeshtesin vlera te kunderta me kombin apo tregojne

boteveshtrime te kunderta humbasin emrin shqiptar, dhe behen

vetem albanofobe qe nuk kane te bejne fare me shqiptaret e vertete.

Cka ka rendesi sot nuk eshte t'i perkasesh te njejtes toke apo te flasesh te njejten gjuhe, por te kesh te njejten ide.

Julius Evola, Orientime: njembedhjete pika

Prek Cali eshte shembulli i nje shqiptari te vertete te cilesise me te

larte, dhe arriti te shikonte pertej turbullimeve te kohes per te

mbrojtur Idene supreme tek themeli i Shqiperise, dhe te mos

mashtrohej nga mbrojtja e nje kombi pa shpirt. Burra te tille kane

ekzistuar ne historine tone, disa arriten te mbijetonin ne mergim dhe

mund te japin kontribute te medha nese shpirti i paraardhesve te

tyre jeton ende. Ideja duhet te jete e barazvlefshme me Atdheun

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tone te vertete dhe keta Shqiptare mund te jene themeli per nje

Rend qe mbron shpirtin tone si komb. Vetem nje Rend, kupto ketu

nje grup burrash besnike ndaj vlerave me te larta dhe ne gjendje te

njohin autoritetin dhe legjitimitetin qe buron nga Ideja, mund t'i

krijojne nje Shtet te Vertete.

Themeli i cdo Shteti te vertete eshte qenia transhendente e parimeve te tij, domethene themeli jane parimet e sovranitetit, autoritetit dhe legjitimitetit.

Julius Evola, Burrat mes rrenojave

Ky Rend formon bazen e Shtetit dhe ky i jep forme kombit. Per sa i

perket ketij Shteti, nuk duhet te jete i centralizuar pas stilit jakubin.

Ne te kundert, Lidhja e Skenderbeut eshte shembulli me i mire per

Shtetin Shqiptar ashtu si do te shpjegojme me poshte.

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3) Guelfizmi

I fundmi i pozicioneve kryesore te politikes shqiptare eshte

gjithashtu sfida me e madhe e shekullit te 21. Pikat e

lartpermendura e bejne kete problem edhe me te rrezikshem, pasi

fshehin vete ekzistencen e tij. Zhingoizmi dhe izolacionizmi nuk e

percaktojne tamam rrezikun e internacionalizmit, qofte ai

internacionalizem fetar si Islami apo internacionalizem humanitarian

qe gjoja mbron "te drejtat e njeriut". Te dy llojet kane nje influence

dashakeqe ne mbi Shqiperine dhe shqiptaret, dhe jane sfida jone me

e madhe per mbijetesen tone si komb. Ato kerkojne te shkrijne

identitetin tone brenda entiteteve me te medha, qofte ai komuniteti

Vehabist i besimtareve, apo Njerezimi i padiferencuar. Te dyja nuk i

vleresojne shqiptaret si shqiptare, por si dicka tjeter se pari dhe

duan te zhdukin karakteristikat shqiptare. Pika e tyre me e madhe e

perbashket eshte egalitarianizmi (qofte barazia mes besimtareve apo

barazia mes gjithe njerezve) dhe barazia mund te ekzistoje vetem

nese diferencat shuhen deri sa e vetmja gje qe i mbetet njeriut jane

karakteristikat me te uleta. Zhingoizmi, per shembull, eshte i verber

ndaj shuarjes qe po ndodh dhe beson me kot qe mund te

bashkepunoje dhe bashkejetoje me internacionalizmin subversiv

egalitarian. Jo vetem zhingoizmi, por gjithe politika shqiptare nuk e

kupton rrezikun. Per t'i bere balle me sukses rrezikut, vija qe duhet

te ndjeke politika shqiptare eshte nje ajo qe ofron nje mbrojtje te

forte te identitetit, ashtu si shpjeguam me lart. E perserisiml eshte

nje ceshtje boteveshtrimesh te kunderta. Lufta mes internacionalizmit

dhe etno-diferencializmit eshte paraleli modern i konfliktit mes

Guelfit dhe Ghibelinit.

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Boteveshtrimi Ghibelin kundershtonte ate Guelf gjate periudhes

mesjetare: i pari konsideronte Perandorin e Perandorise se Shenjte

Romake si autoritetin me te larte, kurse i dyti mbeshteste Papen. Ne

nivelin politik, konflikti ishte mes nje force internacionaliste si

Papati, qe donte te kontrollonte te gjitha provincat qe i perkisnin ne

te gjitha fushat, dhe nje force supranacionaliste si Perandoria qe

respektonte doket dhe traditat e provincave brenda vetes, por i

bashkonte drejt nje qellimi te perbashket shpirteror. Kjo tematike

duket hera-heres ne historine Evropiane, por me aktore te tjere qe

luajne rolin e Guelfeve dhe Ghibelineve.

Sot e kesaj dite Guelfizmi perfaqesohet nga forca te ndryshme

internacionaliste, qofshin fetare apo sekulare, qe deshirojne te

kontrollojne Shqiperine ne menyra te papara me pare. Levizjet

majtiste te financuara nga George Soros apo influenca islamike

turko-arabe jane jane disa nga shembujt e ketij Guelfizmi, dhe

politika shqiptare eshte e mbushur me Guelfiste qe e dine vetem

pjeserisht se cfare po bejne. Sic thame me pare, izolacionizmi dhe

zhingoizmi perputhen me Guelfizmin pasi e shnderrojne nje komb te

gjalle ne ne zombi: kombi ekziston ende, por nuk ka me deshire

vetjake, pra e bejne pre te lehte per forcat Guelfe. Vetem nje

orientim Ghibelin mund t'i beje balle kesaj skizofrenie.

Julius Evola e ka deklaruar veten gjithnje si nje Ghibelin, duke

theksuar se si autoriteti temporal dhe imperium-i i Perandorit, ashtu si dhe dinjiteti i tij shpirteror, sepse mendonte qe lideri duhet te

vije nga kasta luftetare; dicka qe perputhet me shpirtin Evropian.

16

Per me teper, ideja e tij e nje Imperiumi evropian per te mbrojtur Traditen eshte nje karakteristike tjeter e ideologjise Ghibeline. Pra,

politika shqiptare duhet ta beje veten Ghibeline. Kemi shprehur ne

nje pune tjeter mbi ezotericizmin e Skenderbeut qe heroi kombetar

na jep nje pike me te larte reference, dhe se natyra Ghibleine e

Lidhjes se Lezhes eshte shembulli qe duhet te marre Shteti shqiptar.

Fakti qe cdo anetar i lidhjes ruajti autonomi ne tokat e veta

perputhet me organizimin e Perandorise ne boteveshtrimin Ghibelin.

Ashtu si Perandori i Shenjte Romak nuk nderhynte ne punet e

brendshme te provincave qe kontrollonte, por ne te kundert i

orientonte drejt nje plani me te larte shpirteror, ashtu edhe

Skenderbeu i lejoi lordet e Shqiperise t'i qeverisnin tokat ashtu si e

mendonin me mire, por ishte prape se prape qendra dhe pika e

orientimit te Lidhjes. Autonomite brenda Lidhjes reflektojne natyren e

shqiptarit si popull i decentralizuar, por ne vend te zhingoizmit te

kote, qendra per shqiptaret duhet te jete nje pike me e larte se sa

plani material. Per me teper, ne vend te fiksimit qe kemi me

Bashkimin Evropian, te cilit i mungojne principet shpirterore, duhet

te inkurajojme ardhjen e nje Imperiumi Evropian qe mbron

bashkesine e popujve Evropiane, por ku shqiptari ka lirine te

shprehe veten dhe kulturen e tij. Ky Imperium eshte shansi i vetem

per t'i rezistuar Guelfizmit Islamik dhe atij te te drejtave te njeriut.

Dhe neve nje Imperium evropian eshte i pamundur, atehere vlerat

dhe idete e ketij imperiumi duhen perqafuar dhe nga to duhet te

formohet Imperiumi shqiptar.

Imperiumi nuk duhet te jete pasoje e dhunes, ashtu sic ishte

Perandoria Franceze, dhe as pasoja e interesave ekonomike, sic ishte

17

Perandoria Britanike. Ne zemer te imperiumit qendron ideja e

animuar nga nje lloj pasioni shpirteror, nje besim, dicka qe ka

origjinen e njejte me vete sipas Evolas. Nje shembull tjeter i

Imperiumit eshte Perandoria Romake: nje organizate e shenjte qe

nuk i shtypi fete dhe kulturat e provincave qe pushtoi, por i

organizoi ne menyre te atille qe te orientoheshin drejt fese burrerore

dhe te shenjte romake, e perfaqesuar nga Perandori. Ne rastin e

Shqiperise, ndarjet fetare jane nje pengese drejt nje pike te shenjte

supreme reference qe shkon pertej monoteizmave te kota. Nje shteg

ekziston: Tradita Pereniale mund te perdoret per te tejkaluar

pengesat monoteiste dhe per te te cuar drejt nje spiritualiteti

Imperial. Kemi njohur se si Skenderbeu kishte karakteristikat e

perandorit te shenjte, karakteristika qe nuk shihen kurrekund tek nje

lider stil Bonapartist si Zogu. Nje etike e pershtatshme duhet te jete

reflektimi i spiritualiteti Imperial ne planin politik. Kjo etike eshte

baza e shqiptareve te denje, e mban flaken e Idese shqitare te

gjalle. Por Evola njohu qe Tradita nuk eshte e lehte per tu kuptuar,

sidomos nga mendjet e turbulluara nga monoteizmat:

Le te kuptojme qe ideja e Tradites mund te hutoje ata qe e ndejne veten te sigurt brenda universeve te tyre te mbyllura. Por per te tjere, vizioni tradicional do te zbuloje nje horizont te ri, me te madh dhe me me shume liri, dhe do tju sjelle nje vertetim superior. Vetem nese ata nuk bejne me hile si disa "tradicionaliste" qe jane te interesuar per Traditen vetem per sa kohe i jep pak 'shije' tradites se tyre specifike, pra riafirmon gjithe limitet dhe eksluzivismin e tyre.

Julius Evola, Orientime: njembedhjete pika

18

Tani qe kemi listuar problemet qe helmojne politiken shqiptare dhe

si mund te korrigjohen, do te studiojme disa nga pikat e forta te

Shqiperise ne fushen politike, qe vlejne ende sot, dhe ofrojne bazen

per perkthimin e parimeve metapolitike te zbuluara nga Julius Evola

ne udhezime politike per Shtetin Tradicional Shqiptar te te ardhmes.

Ka shqiptare qe i kane rene pre Guelfizmit Abrahamik edhe pse e

njohin Traditen Pereniale. E vetmja rruge e hapur per ata pak

shqiptare guximtare, fara e Rendit te ardhshem te dedikuar mbrojtjes

te idese tek rrenja e Shqiperise dhe e rojes te Shteti te ardhshem

Tradicional shqiptar ne harmoni me politikat me te mira

tradicionaliste Evropiane, eshte nje spiritualitet i ri qe vjen nga e

shkuara Indo-Evropiane, e rrenjosur tek Tradita e pergjithmoneshme,

dhe qe nuk ka te beje me monoteizmat Abrahamike. Julius Evola

shpjegon me tej te pika e tij e fundit e Orientime-ve:

Por ky spiritualitet, qe duhet te jete i gjalle mes nesh, nuk ka nevoje per formulime dogmatike, apo nje besim te caktuar fetar [...] per burrat tane referenca e paster e shpirtit do te mjaftoje, dhe do te jete po aq e vlefshme sa prova e nje realiteti transhendent, qe duket thirrur per t'i ngjitur nje force superiore forces tone, te terheqe nje lidhje te padukshme mbi burrat dhe lideret e botes se re.

19

Mundesite per venien ne praktike te doktrinave

Tradicionaliste ne planin politik ne Shqiperi

1) Vlera e gjetjeve se Ismet Totos

Qe prej pavaresise se Shqiperise ne 1912, fusha politike shqiptare ka

pare plot burra te veprave dhe jo te fjaleve. Nuk eshte habi duke

pare tendencen shqiptare drejt spiritualitetit te luftetarit, te

kshatryas, nese mund te perdorim ketu emrin e kastes luftetare ne sistemin Indo-Arjan (sistemi i kastave eshte nje nga karakteristikat

kryesore te spiritualitetit Indo-Evropian). Por ne Shqiperi kane dale

edhe autore me orientim te forte ekzistencial perpara 1945. Keta

mund te quhen brahmin - prifterinjte dhe intelektualet ne sistemin e kastave Indo-Arjan - vetem se ne vend qe te perqendroheshin tek

ceshtjet shpirterore dhe medituese, ata theksuan rendesine e

veprimit. Nje nga mendjet me te ndritura mes tyre ishte Ismet Toto.

Mendjehollesia e tij e beri te kuptonte qe Shqiperia ishte ende pjese

e botes Tradicionale dhe i kundervihej botes moderne pavaresisht

insituteve politike moderne. Qellimi i tij ishte te hiqte qafe

influencat dashakeqe qe buronin nga konceptet politike te kohes.

Puci i shtetit qe perpoqi te bente ne 1937 nuk ishte kunder

monarkise, por kishte qellim te vinte nje monarki edhe me te forte.

Mendimi i Ismet Totos per shtetin shqiptar bazohej tek refuzimi

total i demokracise moderne. Sipas tij, vetem nje absolutizem i

iluminuar ishte i pershtatshem per Shqiperine. Pra, Shteti shqiptar

duhet te kete 3 qellime: likuidimi i gjithe influencave turko-orientale

permes reformave te ngjashme me ato te Ataturkut, zhvillimi dhe

forcimi i popullit shqiptar sipas modelit gjerman te Nacional

20

Socializmit, dhe krijimi i nje shteti shqiptar sipas doktrines se

Musolinit: "Cdo gje permes Shtetit, asgje jashte Shtetit, asgje kunder Shtetit".

Nje sy i stervitur e kupton qe qellimet e Totos perputhen me

doktrinen tradicionale qe i sheh burrat si trup-shpirt-fryme.

Sidoqofte, shpresa e Totos tek Mbreti Zog si figure kyc ne krijimin e

Shtetit shqiptar sipas doktrines se tij ishte nje gabim. Nje orientim

me i sakte tradicionalist si ai i Julius Evoles do t'i kishte dhene nje

pike me te larte reference. Sidoqofte, mendimet e tij politike jane

ende me vlere per Shqiperine e sotme dhe do te ishin hapi i pare

per nje doktrine tamam te djathte te mbeshtetur nga orientimet

tradicionale.

Nje element tjeter qe ia vlen te permendim ketu ka te beje me

ngjarjet qe ndodhen nje vit para pucit te Totos ne 1937. Ne 1936, ne

anen tjeter te planetit, oficere Japoneze tentuan nje puc per te

"rivendosur" autoritetin e Perandorit, dhe deshtuan. Paraleli mes

qellimeve dhe fateve te dy puceve eshte i habitshem. Ky paralel

merr nje dimension te ri nese merret parasysh qe Tradita asokohe

ishte e pranishme si ne Shqiperi, ashtu dhe ne Perandorine Japoneze.

Sic thame me pare, shoqerite tradicionale kane reaksione te tilla kur

mbi to vendosen institute moderne.

Oficeret Japoneze i bazonin veprimet e tyre tek parimet e Bushidos.

Edhe pse Ismet Toto si person nuk u bazua direkt tek Kanuni i Leke

21

Dukagjinit, baza e vlerave Tradicionale ne politiken shqiptare eshte

gjendur gjithnje tek Kanuni.

2) Vlera politike e Kanunit te Leke Dukagjinit

Profesori japonez Kazuhiko Yamamoto ka pershkruar Kanunin si

vijon:

Kanuni eshte kodi i dokeve qe mbar rendin social ne shoqerite tribale te Shqiperise Veriore. Kanuni dikton qe 1) nese nje person thyen besen 2) nese nje person lendon apo vret nje mysafir, 3) nese nje person vret anetarin e nje fisi tjeter 4) nese nje person cnderon nje anetar te nje fisi tjeter, pala e demtuar duhet te marre hak kunder pales demtuese. Kanuni lejon vrasjen qe ndodh brenda nje familjeje te zgjidhet me nje lloj arbitrariteti. Veprat e hakmarrjes rregullohen nga Kanuni, struktura etike e te cilit permblidhet si vijon: 1) mysafiri eshte si zot apo si i derguar i zotave 2) ulja e mikpritesit ne tryeze prane mysafirit-zot eshte nje ritual ne te cilin mikpritesi ben vellazeri me mysafirin-zot, 3) mikpritesi behet hyjnor permes uljes prane mysafirit-zot dhe duke marre nje bekim nga mysafiri-zot, 4) betimi, besa, nderi dhe gjaku i mikpritesit qe merr statusin hyjnor nga mysafiri-zot jane te barabarta me ato te zotave, 5) kur nje person humbet statusin hyjnor permes veprave perdhosese, si thyerja e beses, lendimi i mikut, etj., hyjnia e demtuar duhet neutralizuar duke i ofruar gjakun e demtuesit ose te nje anetare te fisit te tij per te hequr terbimin e zotave te zemeruar.

K. Yamamoto lidh etiken e Kanunit me shoqerite pagane pre-

Kristiane dhe boteveshtrimin e tyre, dhe identifikon 6 konceptet

22

qendrore te Kanunit: besa, nderi, mysafiri, gjaku, ushqimi dhe

hakmarrja. Ashtu si Kanuni ishte baza e shoqerise Shqiptare dhe ajo

cka lejoi shpirtin e saj te mbijetoje, e Djathta shqiptare duhet ta

shikoje si baze mbi te cilen mund te vere doktrinen e saj. Per me

teper, Kanuni nuk eshte nje set ligjesh sekulare por ka nje dimension

te shenjte, ashtu sic e shpjegon K. Yamamoto. Kjo i jep nje orientim

padyshim tradicional cdo doktrine politike qe ka Kanunin si gur

themeli.

Gjashte konceptet qendrore te Kanunit mund te jene baza e nje

boteveshtrimi tradicional politik ne harmoni me shpirtin shqiptar dhe

qe prek edhe boten shpirterore. Per shembull, cdo koncept mund te

kuptohet si vijon: 1) Inkurajimi i beses mes Shqiptareve, beses ndaj

trashegimise se Skenderbeut dhe ndaj zotave (ashtu si parimi Romak

i pax deorum); 2) inkurajimi i nderit si standardi i arte per te njohur vleren e individit, dhe jo matja e tij sipas pasurise qe

zoteron; 3) miqte tane jane Indo-Evropianet e tjere, paraardhesit

tane, dhe zotat, pra maredhenia jone me te duhet te jete plot

respekt; 4) ruajtja e gjakut eshte me rendesi te madhe, pasi eshte

mbajtesi i forcave shpirterore nga lart, dhe nje politike etno-

diferencialiste duhet te jete pjese e boteveshtrimit tone dhe duhet te

ndermerret nga cdokush ne nivelin individual; 5) ushqimi do te thote

t'i sigurosh popullit ate qe i nevojitet, qofte materiale, intelektuale

apo shpirterore; 6) hakmarrja eshte e pashmangshme per ata qe nuk

na respektojne ne dhe rregullat tona, ata mes nesh qe i thyejne keto

rregulla te shenjta ose do te denohen me vdekje, ose nuk do te

quhen me shqiptare.

23

Te gjitha keto konceptime dhe interpretimi i tyre eshte nje baze e

forte per nje te Djathte te denje Shqiptare. K. Yamammoto i lidh me

vlerat Homerike, te cilat pa dyshim kane nje drejtim te forte

tradicional, sic ka treguar Evola ne shume prej veprave te tij, dhe

mund te perdoren si busull per nje boteveshtrim politik tamam

shqiptar. Per me teper, fakti qe Kanuni eshte lidhur kaq shume me

sistemin e familjes, bazen e shoqerise shqiptare, mund t'i jape nje

status si nje ligj te shenjte per nje Shtet fale analogjise tradicionale

te mikrokozmosit qe reflekton makrokozmosin. Pa mohuar

perfundimin e K. Yamamoto qe shikon etiken e Kanunit si ate te nje

shoqerie pa Shtet, ne shikojme familjen si reflektimin e shtetit dhe

dallojme potencialin brenda Kanunit per t'i tejkaluar etikat e tij dhe

per te strukturuar nje Shtet Shqiptar Tradicional.

PERFUNDIMI

Erdhi koha ta perfundojme kete studim te shkurter qe mund te

kishte perfshire aspekte te tjera te politikes shqiptare, ashtu si dhe

potenciale te tjera per nje venie te mundshme ne praktike te

doktrinave Tradicionale te zbuluara nga Julius Evola, por do te ishim

zgjatur shume. Pa dyshim qe pune me te thella do te vijne. Per tani,

kemi theksuar nje fakt qe eshte hequr nga shumica e studimeve

akademike (perjashto ketu K. Yamamoto): mbijetesa e rendit

Tradicional ne Shqiperi deri me 1945. Ashtu si Japonia Perandorake

ishte Shteti i fundit Tradicional qe u mposht, rendi tradicional

shqiptar u shkaterrua nga komunizmi. Trashegimia politike e

komunisteve e la vendin tone nje rrenoje dhe fakti qe ish-komunistet

sot e kesaj dite bejne si te djathte dhe mbeshtetes se demokracise

24

shpjegon se pse nuk ka nje te djathte serioze ne Shqiperi, pra nuk

kemi asnje doktrine politike qe te ndaloje kombin te bjere pre e

sjelljeve anakroniste (izolacionizmi), e idiotesise (zhingoizmi), dhe qe

te ndaloje vajtjen ne buze te shfarosjes (shuarjen brenda entiteteve

me te medha).

Ky rrezik ekzistencial duhet te na kujtoje qe shekulli i 21 eshte

shekulli i identitetit: ata qe e dine se cfare jane, nga vijne dhe drejt

te cila vlerave duhet ta orientojne veten do te mbijetojne, kurse te

tjeret do te zhduken tek perzierja nderraciale me besimtaret e te

njejtes feje apo do adoptojne boteveshtrime aq te huaja sa qe nuk

do te jene shqiptare, por dicka tjeter. Edhe shuarja per shkak te

liberalizmit ekonomik duhet marre parasysh. Vetem praktikimi politik

i vlerave Tradicionale te zbuluara nga Julius Evola mund te

shmangin fatin e keq qe pret shqiptaret dhe evropianet.

Do flasim dhe pak me shume per paralelet e habitshme mes

Shqiperise dhe Japonise, K. Yamamoto shpjegon qe "Ne vitet '60, kur Japonezet filluan te shijonin prosperitet ekonomoik, autori Yukio Mishima, i zemeruar qe Japonezet po humbnin shpirtin tradicional dhe moralin, ishte nje nga qytetaret qe ndjente nje nostalgji te forte per Japonine Perandorake. Ne nje tentative per te restauruar ekzaltimin shpirteror te Japonise Perandorake, Mishima ndermorri vepra radikale si ultra-nacionalist dhe vrau veten permes Hara-kirit. Konceptet etike te Mishimes, qendra e te cilave eshte etosi i luftetarit qe i dedikon jeten mbrojtjes se komunitetit, kane ngjashmeri strukturore me etiken e Kanunit, qe mund te quhet si etika e 'gjakut'.

25

Ndoshta me shume se Japonia, dhe pavaresisht subversionit modern,

precedentet dhe potenciali ekzistojne ende ne Shqiperi, dhe jane ne

harmoni me vlerat Tradicionale. Disa prej tyre gjenden ende ne

Shqiperi (si Kanuni) kurse te tjerat jetojne ende ne shpirtin e atyre

pak shqiptareve me fat qe jane ne mergim per t'i shpetuar

komunzmit gjakatar me 1945. Keta burra kane vlere te vecante, dhe

duhet te lidhin veten ne nje Rend te shenjte dedikuar mbrojtjes se

idese rreth te ciles vervitet shpirti shqiptar, dhe te kundershtojme

korrupsionin e tij nga subversionet politike nga e majta dhe e

djathta, dhe nga i cili mund te linde nje Shtet Tradicional shqiptar.

Vlera e Shtetit Tradicional zbulohet nga Evola tek Burrat mes Rrenojave: " Sfera politike percaktohet nga vlerat luftetare dhe hierarkike, heroike dhe ideale, anti-hedoniste dhe anti-eudemoniste deri diku, qe e shkeput ate nga rendi natyror dhe ekzistenca vegjetative; forcat e verteta politike [...] jane te lidhura me ideale dhe interesa te ndryshme nga ato te ekzistences paqesore, ekonomise te paster, dhe mireqenies fizike, ate i referohen nje dimensioni me te larte te jetes, nje rendi te nje dinjiteti te ndryshem. Konflikti mes sferes politike dhe asaj sociale eshte themelor."

Ky lloj Shteti eshte si nje pasqyre per shpirtin luftetar Indo-Evropian

te shqiptareve. Sidoqofte, udhezimet per shqiptaret mes rrenojave

duhet te jene si vijon: Nje Ide, nje Rend, nje Shtet.

26

(English)

ven though René Guénon does mention Albania in his works,

Julius Evola on the other hand remains silent. This is

surprising for the Italian author considering the historical ties

and the geographical proximity between Albania and Italy, to the

point that during his lifetime he witnessed the “personal union” of

the Kingdom of Italy with Albania. Only clues in his works seem to

point toward our country : his analysis of Guerrin Meschino’s legend,

or his mention of true Dionysian elements surviving in cultures from

the Balkan peninsula, not to speak of his racial studies which made

him focus upon the Dinaric race. But Julius Evola did not mention in

his works the East European traditions (be it Orthodoxy or other)

either. A lost of interest can be understandable after the end of the

Second World War, when the whole eastern part of Europe fell under

the Soviet’s rule and therefore became subversion’s playground. But

one could understand this event as the only possibility for

subversion to manage a destruction of the traditional worldviews

and societies of this part of Europe: what was done without violence

but with subversive philosophies in Western Europe had no chance

to succeed in Eastern Europe. If this view is correct, then Evola’s

silence regarding Eastern Europe before the Second World War is

even stranger. In fact, Evola didn’t displayed a lack of interest for

Easter Europe, quite the opposite, but showed a kind of interest very

different from what is usually expected from him.

E

27

Evola’s interest in Eastern Europe is well documented. Indeed, his

affinities with Germany had to do mostly with the survival in this

country of an imperial ethic despite the Republic of Weimar.

Furthermore, the German unification displayed less problematic

elements than the Italian so much so that Evola, instead of scorning

the Hapsburg’s Empire as most of Italian nationalists, regarded the

Austrian Empire as the very last Traditional State worth of the

name in Europe. His high esteem developed into a curiosity for the

central European countries emerging after the First World War.

Indeed, the Hapsburg’s Empire was the Austro-Hungarian Empire and

Evola was interested into the imperial and traditional elements

surviving in the ancient parts of the Empire, from Austria proper to

Romania. Paying attention to the political situation of these

countries, he went so far as to meet with the Romanian leader

Codreanu for an interview.

Codreanu was by far the political leader that left him the best

impression, and the Iron Guard movement was regarded by the

Italian author as the most traditional among those emerging

throughout Europe during the 1930s. As we said, this could be

explained by the fact that the corrosive subversion that has befallen

upon Western Europe was not as powerful in Eastern Europe.

Modernity was nonetheless present, but to a smaller degree. Among

these countries the less modern, and therefore the most traditional

one, was Albania.

Having emerged quasi unchanged from five centuries of Ottoman

obscurity, Albania faced the modern world in 1912. During the 1920s

and 1930s, Albania displayed on the surface all the features of a

28

modern State: a parliament to vote laws, elections to designate the

head of government, political parties etc. But deep-down Albania’s

soul revolved around such a traditional worldview, whose

cornerstone is without a doubt the Kanun of Lek Dukagjin, that

modernity did have any grip at all. In a way, Albania was in a

position similar to the Japanese one at the beginning of the Meiji

era. Indeed, Japan after centuries of state enforced isolationism

during the Edo era (very reminiscent of Albania’s isolation during

Ottoman occupation), under which the highest Japanese values as

expressed in the Bushido or in the Hagakure blossomed and were embodied by the Samurai warrior aristocracy, opened to the world

during the Meiji era and struggled to find a balance between its

own traditional values and modernity. This struggle would go on

until Japan’s defeat during the Second World War. As Albania in the

1920s and 1930s, Japan displayed all the elements of a modern

State, but its soul was that of a traditional nation. In his post war

interviews, Julius Evola often used Imperial Japan as the example of

a Traditional society existing not so long ago. He could have used

the example of Albania as well, if not for a lack of proper

documentation during the 1930s and Albania’s post war self-isolation

under Communist regime. Therefore, Evola’s silence toward Albania

should not be understand as a lack of interest for our country but

as the impossibility for Evola to speak about Albania due to the

scarce documentation regarding our country in the 1930s. Likewise

pretending that the ideas and principles exposed by Evola throughout

his works do not apply to Albania, or would find no fertile ground

in Albania, is simply wrong. As Imperial Japan, for the reasons

29

mentioned above, was the embodiment of the traditional doctrines

exposed by Evola in Asia, we consider Albania as the unknown but

potentially fertile ground for Evola’s traditional political concepts in

Europe because it had a tradition living on despite all odds until

1945.

Even though the Communist regime has destroyed much of Albania’s

traditions and traditional mindset, just as the Ottoman occupation

left deep scars, we believe that Julius Evola’s political concepts are

not only valid for Albania but at the same time a refreshing breath.

Indeed, what stands for the true Right in Albania (not old

communist passing as men of the right, or economically on the right)

is stuck in an old fashioned style, almost 19th century like mere

nationalism, and its goals and principles are disconnected from 21st

century’s challenges. Only political concepts streaming from

Traditional order as exposed by Julius Evola could offer to the

Albanian Right a worthy and fertile worldview to revolve around, as

well as a structure suited for our nation. Not to mention the crucial

step of leaving behind all the remains of Communist era once and

for all. Therefore, we would like to stress first the problems of

actual Albanian political worldview and the correct rectification

according to Evola (taken especially from his works Orientations and Men among ruins), before exposing the traditional political potentialities still present in Albania and that could be the basis of

a Traditional political order. This study is a first step in a wider

battle for an Albanian right-wing political worldview in harmony

with Tradition. Some consideration regarding a wide range of ideas

from the Left that have taken root in the Albanian right lately or

30

which have been present for too long are not addressed here but

should be in other publications.

We know that Evola did not see any political solution for the post

war western Europe. But we know that there is a last chance in our

nation, precisely because elements of our tradition survived longer

in our nation than in some other parts of Europe until not so long

ago. Moreover, even though subversion is present nowadays in

Albania it is only an emulation of the Western subversion, and it is

successful so long as it does not face any serious opposition.

Therefore, it is worth to give a try: by spreading traditional

political concepts in what appears to us as a fertile ground our hope

is to reactivate the remnants of a tradition that was alive not so

long ago, or at least create the conditions to summon what is left of

its spirit. Once summoned, a bridge with the metaphysical force

standing behind and above it could be re-established, thus enabling

an application of metaphysical values in the political field. Is this

goal too optimistic? Perhaps… but it is nonetheless a testimony

(and a rather active testimony) of the traditional view of life and

history to oppose to modern though and profane culture. If nothing

positive would emerge from this try, then we would advocate a

strategic retreat to an inner front line (that exists in its own,

regardless of external contingencies), as expressed in Ride the tiger, with the following motto in mind: Act in a such a way that things you have no power upon do not have any power over you.

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Culture in the modern sense ceases to be a danger when those who use it already have a worldview. Only then one will be active in relation to this culture, precisely because one will then have an internal form allowing to distinguish what must be assimilated and what must be rejected.

Julius Evola, Men among ruins

The problems of Albanian political worldview and their

proper rectification

1) Isolationism

Isolationism is poisoning Albanian politics and paralysing the

Albanian State as well, especially in the diplomatic stage. Isolation

from outside world had preserved much of Albanian identity and, as

we already mentioned, after centuries of Ottoman occupation

Albanian’s traditional worldview managed nonetheless to face

modernity almost unchanged. We say it was almost unchanged

because Ottoman occupation left some problematic scars, just like

Communist isolation left even more painful scars still visible to this

day. If Albanian traditions were fully alive during Ottoman era by

an geographical self-isolation (a matter of life or death) which

resulted into a large autonomy from the Ottoman Empire, Communist

isolation on the other hand destroyed so much of Albania’s traditions

32

and their substance, maintaining only those that would be harmless

to Marxist worldview.

As a deformed remnant of the past eras of Ottoman and Communist

occupation, isolation is regarded as a positive value among

Albanians and in Albanian politics. Indeed, the little nation of

Albania appears in this narrative inherited from communist

propaganda as a nation facing great odds and able to stand on its

own. This is worsened by the fact that the Albanian language is

one of a kind, just as Albanians are thought to be one of a kind.

The result is a self-isolation on several dimensions, and an example

of the political translation of such an isolation was the notorious

inaction of the Albanian State regarding the Kosovo War. The only

support given to this turning point of Albanian’s history came from

individual action alone. And nonexistence on the diplomatic field is

still the main guideline for the Albanian State. Of course, such a

widespread isolationist mindset leads to not recognising any common

point with any nation or culture on Earth.

This is the result of an isolation that has nothing to preserve.

Albanian’s isolation during Ottoman era was a mean to protect

Albanian identity. Today’s unconscious isolation on all levels is

similar to the isolation of the Communist era: it is a pointless

isolation. And a dangerous one at that, one going well with Liberal

and Marxist principles. Indeed, Liberalism and Marxism view

individuals as rootless being, sharing no link with family, clan,

corporation, race, nation etc. The isolation inherited from Communist

era set Albania apart from nations, apart from any culture etc, as if

it is ontologically unique.

33

On the other hand, the traditional principles exposed by Julius Evola

about the concept of race can be useful to get rid of this nefarious

vision. Individuals are in fact part of wider entities: family, gens,

clan, race, nations etc and are bound to them by duty. We didn’t

mention the racial question about Albanians, but it is evident here

that a nationality should not be confused with a race, something

that happens too often among the believers of Albanian isolationism.

Nevertheless, the work of Jakov Milaj Raca Shqiptare should be a good starting point to study this question in depth, as Evola is one

of his references. Thus, Albanians are part of the Indo-European

group on several levels mirroring the traditional concept of body-

soul-mind: they are Indo-Europeans on the racial level, on the

linguistic level, and on the cultural level (here culture is supposed to

be understand as the most cherished values and sacred inner laws

of a society). It is toward this group and the promotion of this

group’s worldview that Albanian politics should revolve, because it

is the wider family Albania is part of. It is surprising that a

country which has such an esteem for family values and that

regards it as society’s basis is so reluctant to play its part in its

own Indo-European family! This orientation must be at the core of

Albanian politics as the clear mark of an inner race that no external

culture could bend.

A worldview, more than an individual thing, proceeds from a tradition; it is the organic effect of forces to which a given type of culture owes its form; at the same time, a parte subiecti, it manifests itself as a kind of inner race, as something elementary and existentially spiritual. -Julius Evola, Men among ruins.

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We know for sure that such a worldview existed inside our

highlanders’ hearts, perhaps unknown to them, that helped them to

cross five centuries of Ottoman obscurity with ease whereas

Communism have brought Albanians to face existential threats.

2) Jingoism

Another poison for Albanian politics and beyond is the amount of

widespread jingoism. Indeed, no nationalist doctrine in Albania has

overcome the state of pure jingoism. This kind of jingoism had its

raison d’être as an answer to the other jingoisms surrounding Albania. But the fact that it was officially promoted during the

Communist imposed isolation gave it a life of its own. And it is still

present nowadays, preventing any serious doctrine from being

formulated.

This jingoism shifts form easily and is therefore hard to identify.

But deep down it is the same folkloric, noisy, emotional and female

manifestation that can be seen from the gesture of hands in the

shape of an eagle done pointlessly, to the display of the Albanian

flag in the most inappropriate contexts. Not to mention the fact that

this jingoism is the core “doctrine” of political parties pretending to

be on the Right and prevents many from distinguishing between

their former enemies and the coming ones. This jingoism is a

consequence of the absence of State power in Albania for centuries.

Instead each region of Albania developed its own autonomy and

there was no State to organically hierarchies them; thus the jacobine

centralization of Communist era to give a superior justification to its

35

isolationism used as a puppet a State enforced jingoism and opened

the way for today’s anarchic display of jingoism and baseless

nationalism.

This nationalism, from which such a jingoism sprang, is clearly

problematic. First, its promotion is at odds with the actual growing

power of nations the size of continents. Second, this jingoism

revolves around even more problematic notions such as the people,

freedom, and democracy. Such a vitality among Albanian politics

enables us to highlight the true subversive nature of these notions.

Indeed, jingoism as product of the French revolution is therefore the

vessel of its principles of liberty and equality among “the sons of

the motherland”. By a shameless manipulation, the concept of nation

usurped by the French Revolution, far from its etymology and its

understanding in Antiquity, gave birth to the assimilation of any

individual (regardless of his ethnic background) into the

“motherland” based on mere naturalistic contingencies (being born or

living in a nation) or the theoretical support of the principles of the

French Revolution. Therefore, an individual of pure ethnic

background of any given nation would be regard as inferior to any

newcomer if he does not recognise the values of Liberty and

Equality.

Further, jingoism has failed to protect any tradition worth of the

name; in fact, it is quite the opposite as cultural Marxism and

Liberalism are being promoted right now by some of the most

jingoistic nations on Earth. Moreover, such a jingoism feeds a

confusion regarding one’s nation subversive actions. The praise of

economy and GDP as the highest of values, the promotion of

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Liberalism and its values, or of Marxism are just a few examples of

what hides behind actual Nation State jingoism. Nietzsche’s critic

toward the State fits with what we are dealing with here: a cold-

blooded monster crushing the fools madly in love with it. The last

war is a perfect example of a conflict between worldviews that

fools mistook for a battle between nations. This is especially the

case in Albania as most of its people have fallen prey to communist

propaganda whereas partisans were using the idea of the nation as

a rhetorical tool because their doctrines did not acknowledge that

such a thing existed in the first place. Later, and up to our days,

the most mentally deficient Albanians are fooled by the form of the

nation preserved by Communists but are utterly blind to the murder

of its soul by the same Communists.

To all these confusions that have prevented any clear point of

reference we oppose the clarity of Idea. On a superior dimension,

Ideas unite and divide, and Ideas are incarnated by elites and come

into being in States. This is according to Julius Evola the core of

European traditional conception of politics. Therefore, being Albanian

for us means to embody an ideal and live accordingly to higher

values and principles. Blood is of course the basis, but it is not

enough. Albanians supporting opposing values or displaying an

opposing worldview lose their quality of Albanians, and thus become

mere Albano phones having nothing to do with Albanians and that

should not be confuse with Albanians.

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What matters today is not belonging to the same land or speaking the same language, it is the fact of sharing the same idea.

Julius Evola, Orientation: eleven points.

Prek Cali could be an example of a true Albanian of the highest

quality, being even able to see beyond the confusion of the time to

defend the supreme Idea at the core of Albania, and not to being

fooled by the defence of a soulless nation. Such men existed in our

history, some even managed to survive in exile and could give a

great contribution today if the spirit of their forefathers is still

alive. Indeed, Idea should be our real fatherland and these Albanian

could be the basis of an Order (to the condition that the spirit of

their forefathers is still alive) defending this spirt. Only an Order,

understand as a group a faithful man to higher values and able to

recognize authority and legitimacy streaming from an Idea, can give

birth to a true State.

The foundation of any true State is the transcendence of its principle, which is to say of the principle of sovereignty, of authority and legitimacy.

Julius Evola, Men among ruins

This Order forms the core basis of the State which then gives its

form to the nation. Concerning this State, it should not be a dull

jacobine centralize State. On the opposite, Skanderbeg’s League is

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without a doubt the archetype for an Albanian State as we will

explain.

3) Guelfism

This last main poison of Albanian politics is also the greatest

challenge of the 21st century. The points listed above only make this

one more dangerous as they tend to deny it. Indeed, jingoism and

isolationism do not see the deadly threat that internationalism is. Be

it a religious internationalism like Islam or a humanitarian one like

ideologies defending so called “Human rights”. Both have such a

nefarious influence on Albania and Albanians that they are the

greatest challenges to our survival as a nation. Indeed, they seek to

dissolve our identity into bigger entities, be it the Wahhabi

community of believers or undistinguished Humanity. Both do not

value Albanians as Albanians but as something else first and

dissolve the specific Albanian features. Indeed, their main axis is

equality (between believers or Humanity) and equality can exist

only if differences are erased to the point that only what is the

lowest remain in an individual. Jingoism for example remains blind

to this dissolution and foolishly believe that it can go along with

such subversive equalitarian internationalism. Not only jingoism but

all Albanian politics are unaware of this threat. To oppose it

successfully the guideline for Albanian politics must be a strong

defence of identity, as we explained above. Once again, it is a

matter of opposing worldviews. Further, this opposition between

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Internationalist and ethno-differentialist worldviews is reminiscent of

the conflict between Guelf and Ghibelline.

Ghibelline worldview was opposed to the Guelf worldview during the

medieval era: the former regarded the Emperor as the highest

authority whereas the second referred to the Pope. This opposition

degenerated into bitter rivalry between the Papacy and the Holy

Roman Empire. But other elements have to be considered, such as

the Emperor being regard as possessing a sacred charisma that

reunites temporal and spiritual power and the conflict about the

question of an international force (The Papacy) condemning and

imposing its will on various provinces compared to a supranational

power (The Empire) respecting the diverse traditions blossoming

among itself but uniting them toward an upright direction. These

elements are the ones enabling us to distinguish in this medieval

conflict a theme that keeps popping during various places in Europe

throughout history, but with different actors in the roles of the

Guelfs and the Ghibellines.

Today Guelfism is represented by any international force, be it

religious or secular, which seek to impose its will and ways unheard

before in Albania. The leftist movement financed by Georges Sorros

or Arabic/Turkish Islamic influence are examples of such Guelfism,

and Albanian politics are full of semi-conscious Guelfist. As already

stated, isolationism and jingoism are compatible with Guelfism

because it turns a nation into a zombie nation: it still exists but has

no more will of its own. But for our patriotic, nationalist jingoists

that is what matter in the end. Only a Ghibelline orientation could

oppose seriously such a schizophrenic behaviour.

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Julius Evola has always declared himself as a Ghibelline, stressing

the temporal auctorictas and imperium of the Emperor as well as his spiritual dignity, because he viewed the warrior caste as the one

from which the leader should be chosen; a conception that fits with

the European man. Furthermore, his idea of a European Imperium to defend Tradition is another feature of Ghibelline ideology. Thus,

Albanian politics should also proclaim itself Ghibelline. We have

already expressed in another work about Skanderbeg’s esotericism

that provides such a higher point of reference, and the Ghibelline

nature of League of Lezha that stands for us as the archetype of

the Albanian State.

This league being the archetypal idea of the Albanian State it

naturally promotes Ghibelline values. The fact that each member of

the league kept autonomy in their lands fits with the organization of

the Empire in the Ghibelline political thought. The sacred emperor is

the high sacred ruler at the center of the Empire, orientating it

upward as he is a bridge with higher forces, but did not interfere

with the internal policies that were in the lords’ hands. Skanderbeg’s

role as the league’s head is similar with what is described as the

sacred Emperor’s role. This element stressing the autonomy of each

within the League are very reminiscent of the decentralized nature

of Albanian as we explained, but this time a higher point of

reference is set so that jingoism could not develop teratologically

but instead better forces would be aimed toward an Ideal, an Order,

and a State. This should be the aim of the Albanian Right and its

major orientation. Further, instead of promoting an adhesion to a

European Union devoid of any transcendent point of reference,

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Albania’s Right should instead value the coming of a European

Imperium that would defend the European peoples but leave a total freedom of expression for the Albanian specificities in the cultural

areas. Such European Imperium is the only chance to resist Islamic and Human’s right Guelfisms. And if a European Imperium is

impossible, at least the values, the Idea that is at its core should be

embrace into what we can call an Albanian Imperium.

But an Imperium is not a work of violence, like the French Empire was, and neither is it a work of economic interest, such as the

British Empire. At the heart of an Imperium lays an idea animated

by a kind of spiritual passion, a faith, something sharing the same

origin with religions according to Evola. A good example of an

Imperium is the Roman Empire: a sacred organisation that did not crushed the religions of the provinces it conquered, but organised

them as to revolve around the sacred, virile, roman spirituality

represented by the Emperor. In the case of Albania, the religious

division could be an obstacle to a supreme sacred point of reference

going beyond petty monotheisms. Nonetheless a path exists:

Perennial Tradition can be used to transcend, to go beyond these

monotheistic obstacles toward an Imperial spirituality. We have

recognised in Skanderbeg the features of our sacred emperor, sacred

features nowhere to be found in a Bonapartist leader like King Zog.

Furthermore, a proper style and a proper ethic should be the

translation on the political plane of this Imperial spirituality. The

same that are at the basis of Albanians worth of the name, keeping

the sacred fire of the Albanian Idea alive as it is their Order’s duty.

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But Evola recognized that Tradition is not as easy to grasp,

especially for the minds troubled by monotheisms:

Let us recognize that this idea of Tradition can confuse and disorientate those who feel safe inside their well closed universes. But to others the traditional vision will reveal a new horizon, larger and with more freedom, and will provide them a superior confirmation. Only if they don't cheat, like some "traditionalists" who are interested in Tradition as long as it adds some spice to their specific traditions, thus reaffirming all their limitations and exclusivism.

Julius Evola, Orientation: eleven points.

Indeed, Albanians can still fall prey to Abrahamistic Guelfism while

acknowledging Perennial Tradition. The only open way for the

daring few Albanians still worthy of the name, the seed of a coming

Order dedicated to the defence of the Idea at the root of Albania

and the guard of the coming Albanian Traditional State in harmony

with the best European political tradition, is a new spirituality

coming from its Indo-European past, rooted in the eternal Tradition,

and having nothing to do with desertic Abrahamic monotheisms.

Julius Evola explains it in the last point of his Orientations:

But this spirituality, which must be alive among us, does not need dogmatic formulations, or a given religious confession [...] for our men the pure reference to spirit will be enough, and will precisely

43

be as worthy as the evidence of a transcendent reality, that must be invoked to graft a superior force on our force, to attract an invisible consecration upon men and their leaders in a new world.

Now that we have listed the problems poisoning Albanian political

field and their rectification, we shall study some of Albania’s strong

points regarding politics, still valid today, and offering a basis for a

translation of the metapolitical principles exposed by Julius Evola

into political guidelines of the Traditional Albanian State to come.

The possibilities of a political application of

Traditionalist’s doctrines in Albania

1) The value of Ismet Toto’s intuitions

Since Albania’s independence in 1912 the Albanian political field has

witnessed a lot of men of action. This is no surprise concerning the

Albanians predisposition in relation with warrior like spirituality, a

spirituality suited for kshatriyas to use Indian caste terminology (an important feature of our Indo-European ancestors’ spirituality). But

in Albania, authors with strong existential orientation have emerged

as well before 1945. They could be regarded as a “brahmin” caste except that instead of being focused on spiritual, contemplative

matters they stressed the necessity of action. One of the most

brilliant minds among these authors was Ismet Toto. His insight led

him to understand the fact that Albania was still part of the

Traditional world and thus opposed to the modern world despite its

44

display of modern political institutions. Therefore, his goal was to

get rid of some pernicious influences coming from political

conceptions of the time. To achieve this his higher point of

reference was King Zog, therefore his attempted coup in 1937 was not a coup against the monarchy but for a stronger monarchy.

Ismet Toto’s view for the Albanian state was based on a total

rejection of modern democracy. According to him, only a kind of

enlightened absolutism was fit for Albania. Furthermore, the

Albanian State should have three goals: firstly get rid of any

oriental/Turkish influence in a reform similar to what Ataturk did,

secondly develop the Albanian population and strengthen its race as

National Socialism was doing in Germany, and lastly the Albanian

State should reach the level of Fascist Italy’s doctrine of the State

as expressed by Mussolini “Everything within the State, nothing outside the State, nothing against the State.”

A trained eye could recognize that each of Toto’s goals fits with the

traditional doctrine that regards men as a body, soul, and spirit.

Nevertheless, Toto’s hopes in King Zog as the key figure for his

conception of the Albanian State turn out to be his mistake. A

proper traditionalist orientation such as the one of Julius Evola

would have given him a valid superior point of reference. Anyway,

his political views are still valid for Albania nowadays and could be

a first step for a proper Albanian political doctrine of the Right,

backed by traditional orientations.

Another element worth mentioning here has to do with events

happening one year before Toto’s attempted coup in 1937. In 1936

45

on the other side of the planet, Japanese officers attempted a coup

which goal was to “re-establish” the Emperor’s authority but failed

ultimately. The parallels between the goals and fates of both

attempted coups are striking. Furthermore, these parallels do find a new dimension if the Traditional features of Imperial Japan and

Albania are considered. As we have mentioned above, two

traditional societies could only face such reactions when they deal

with modern institutions.

The Japanese officers based their action on the principles of

Bushido. Even though Ismet Toto didn’t based himself on the Kanun

of Lek Dukagjini, a basis for an application of Traditional values in

Albanian politics would be precisely Lek Dukagjini’s Kanun.

2) The political value of Lek Dukagini’s Kanun

We take from Japanese professor Kazuhiko Yamamoto the following

description of the Kanun:

The Kanun is a customary code which keeps social order in the tribal society of northern Albania. The Kanun dictates that if 1) a person breaks an oath or a besa, 2) a person injures or kills a guest, 3) a person kills a member of another kin group, 4) a person dishonors a member of another kin group, the offended party must take revenge on the offending party. The Kanun allows a murder which happened within a shpi (family) to be resolved in it with some arbitrariness. Acts of revenge are regulated by the Kanun whose ethical structure is epitomized as follows: 1) a guest is a kind of god or a messenger of the gods, 2) commensality of a host

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with the guest-god is a ritual by which the host makes communion with the guest-god, 3) the host becomes divine through commensality with the guest-god and by receiving a blessing uttered by the guest-god, 4) the oath, besa, honor and blood of a person (host) who obtains divinity from the guest-god are equivalent to those of the gods, 5) when a person loses this divinity for himself or others by committing sacrilegious acts, such as breaking an oath, injuring a guest, etc., the damaged divinity must be neutralized by offering the blood of the offender or a member of his kin group to soothe the anger of the furious gods.

K. Yamamoto links the ethics of the Kanun with the pre-Christian

pagan societies and their worldviews, as well as he identifies 6

central concepts in the Kanun: besa (oath), honor, guest, blood, food, and revenge. Just like the Kanun was the base of Albanian society

and what enabled its spirit to survive, Albania’s Right should regard

it as the base upon which its doctrine should be established.

Furthermore, the Kanun is not only a set of secular laws but has a

sacred dimension to it as explained by K. Yamamoto. This offers an

unmistakable traditional orientation for any political doctrine that

has the Kanun as its corner stone.

Indeed, Kanun’s 6 central concepts could be the basis of a

traditional political worldview in harmony with the Albanian spirit

and encompassing the spiritual realm as well. For example, each

concept could be understood as follows: 1) Promoting besa among Albanians, besa toward Skanderbeg’s legacy, and toward the deities (similar to the roman notion of pax deorum); 2) Promoting honour as the gold standard to know the value of an individual instead of his

47

quantity of money; 3) Our guest are our fellow Indo-Europeans, our

ancestors, and our Gods, therefore our relations with them should be

full of respect; 4) The preservation of our blood is of high

importance, as it is the vessel of spiritual forces from above, and

therefore an ethno-differentialist policy should be a part of our

worldview as well as undertaken by everyone on the individual

level; 5) Food means providing to our people what he needs, be it

on the material, intellectual, or spiritual levels; 6) Our revenge is

unavoidable for those who disrespected us or our rules, and for

those among us who break these sacred rules will be sentenced to

death or loose their quality of Albanian.

All these concepts and their interpretation could be a solid basis for

an Albanian Right worthy of the name. As K. Yamamoto relates

them with Homeric values it is no doubt that they have a strong

traditional orientation, as those displayed by Evola in his various

works, and could be used as a proper compass for an authentic

Albanian political worldview. Furthermore, the fact that Kanun is

linked so much with the family system, basis of the Albanian

society, can grant it a status of sacred law of the State thanks to

the traditional analogy of microcosm reflecting macrocosm. Without

denying the conclusion of K. Yamamoto that regards the ethics of

the Kanun as those of a society without State power, we on the

other hand regard family as reflexion of the State and therefore we

spot the potentiality within the Kanun to transcend its ethics, to

structure a Traditional Albanian State.

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Conclusion

It is now time to conclude this short study that should have

included more aspects of the state of Albania’s politics, as well as

other potentialities at reach for a possible application of Traditional

doctrines as exposed by Julius Evola, but that would have extended

too much this work that is only a general study. No doubt that

deeper works will come. For now, we have highlighted a fact that

seems to be left outside most of academic studies (except those of

K. Yamamoto): the survival of Traditional order in Albania until

1945. Just as Imperial Japan was one of the last Traditional State in

the world until its defeat, Albania’s traditional order was destroyed

by communism. Their political legacy left our country in the state of

ruins, and the fact that ex-communists masquerade today under the

disguise of democratic right-wing parties could both explain why no

serious Albanian doctrine of the Right is to be found. Instead, today

we witness a nation with no political doctrine able to prevent it

from falling prey to sheer anachronistic behaviours (isolationism),

sheer stupidity (jingoism), and in the brink of extinction (dissolution

in wider entities).

Such an existential threat reminds us that the 21st century will be

the century of identity: those able to remember what they are,

where they come from and toward which values should they

orientate themselves will survive, while the others will dissolve into

interracial mixing with fellow believers or adopt worldviews so

foreign to us that they will not be Albanians anymore but something

else. Not to mention the dissolution caused by economic liberalism.

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Only a political application of Tradition’s values as promoted by

Julius Evola could avoid us and Europe such a sad fate.

To further our surprising parallel between Japan and Albania, K.

Yamamoto explains that “In the 1960s, when the Japanese began to enjoy economic prosperity, author Yukio Mishima, deploring that the Japanese were losing the traditional spirit and morality of the nation, was one of those citizens who felt a strong nostalgia for Imperial Japan. In an attempt to revive the spiritual exaltation of Imperial Japan, Mishima took radical action as an ultra-nationalist and killed himself by Hara-kiri. Mishima's ethical concepts, which center on the ethos of warriors who dedicate themselves to the defence of their community, have structural similarities to the ethical structure of the Kanun, which may be called the ethics of "blood".

Maybe even more than Japan, and despite modern subversion,

precedents and potentialities still exist in Albania, and are moreover

in harmony with Traditional values. Some of them are to be found

in Albania (like the Kanun) while other lie in the spirit of those

lucky Albanians in exile that escaped communist’s thirst for blood in

1945. These men are of important value, and must bound themselves

in a sacred Order dedicated to the defence of the Idea around which

revolves the Albanian spirit, and oppose its corruption by political

subversions of the left and the right, and from which an Albanian

Traditional State can spring. The value of the Traditional State and

its politics are exposed by Evola in Men Among Ruins: “The political sphere is defined by warrior and hierarchical values, heroic and ideal, anti-hedonistic and of an anti-eudemonist in a way, which

50

detaches it from the order of natural and vegetative existence; the real political forces [...] are linked to ideals and interests different from those of peaceful existence, pure economy, and physical well-being, they refer to a higher dimension of life, to a distinct order of dignity. This opposition between the political and social sphere is fundamental.”

Such a State is like a reflexion of Albanian’s inner Indo-European

warrior spirituality. Therefore, the guidelines for Albanians among

ruins should be the following: An Idea, an Order, and a State.