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Neda is Iranian queer monthly online magazine in Farsi. After Cheraq magazine, Iranian Queer Railroad - IRQR (www.irqr.net) started to publishing Neda Magazine and Arsham Parsi is its Editor-in-Chief. Neda will publish Articles and news regarding Iranian queer's situation. their stories, refugee process, chats, letters, and etc it is main subject of Neda. also we are translating some English articles into Farsi to improve the level of awareness about queer theory and being queer. Neda is not the only IRQR's media. Radio RAHA (means Liberate) is Iranian Queer weekly radio. and you can find it here: www.radioraha.net also IRanian Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Council will using Neda to publish its statements. Please support Neda Magazine by introducing it to your Iranian fiends or make a link on your blog or site. our official website is: www.nedamagazine.net

TRANSCRIPT

Page 1: Neda Magazine - 07
Page 2: Neda Magazine - 07

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –1

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

2 �ر �م #�ر�,، �� اول

�ش �0�اه/� .�د�ا� 3 اح�& را2)، ، �&ای) را ه�34 �2ا

4 �2خ، !��� ��� �� ��ی�

Iran and Leftist Confusion, Reese Erlich 10

Tehran, June 2009, Kaveh, Arang and Norma 16

��ن�67ه�ات و راه���3ی� ه��� � ��N�O ، 28

34 ، #�ی� ف)�م;:�� ( �8

ی� و ه�@?:<�ای�A �Bن روی� 39 ، �ر

CD ج��&/� 50 ، ا

53 ، ش��ح ی�B از دو�Iن د�>:?G�H�F ام

56 ر��F ه�

��LیK F ن د ا

�ل اول

K Mر����INه

KO�G 2009

:�TحS ا��/�ز

IRQR –��ز��ن د�4(� �ن ای�ا�,

www.irqr.net

� �ر �م #�ر�,: &ی� �س]�ل ���ی�

�#`: رو� N_& ^�ح#

:�درس وب ��ی)

www.nedamagazine.net

,d/و���deدرس #س) ا�:

[email protected]

ن د ا iOش �, .'& �h2 �Oی, �2اه�

�ورد �O د�4(� �ن و j/�د�4(� �ن ای�ا�,

�رت �زاد (/�ن T �) د را��ا�'& ��lات ��)

�ع�ت را (�n��. �d) oe�p'& .�د و

در ن د ا & ���'� Se�q�('�(�ای�

���یس'& � �ن ا�) و 3eو� �l�

� دی&�4 �4دا�'&�4ن &''. "dr'�

. ���ی� �/س)

Page 3: Neda Magazine - 07

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –2

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

�� اول

�ر �م #�ر�,

�_) (� (, ح���, ه�� دو »اع��اض«(�ا� �) )e ای�ان ,ه��اهو » اع��اض«(�ز (�ا� و (_� �)

�, v4ارم �� ���e�w � ای� ��ر � �&ا را �'��.

To protest the Iranian government’s atrocities against the Iranian people, this issue’s

editorial piece will remain unwritten. (Arsham Parsi)

Page 4: Neda Magazine - 07

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –3

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

�ا��ش ���اه�� ��د CHای� را ه�ا، ��

اح�& را2)

�/O ام ,� ،�/O ن ه�&ه��p �e��و دی�� روزه�ی, .� دوازده� ��داد اح� �) (��dدم ای�ان ع_/� ح��

�اه& ر�/&� (�� �) �� � �e�� ه3ار (ری� ه��O ن ر�2'& در�)�/� . ی�� �2��ا�/& ای� ا�) .� ای� (�ر

�ر ���� �ی� ای� p'/� روزه�ی, (�ز (��ی/� .��ب �Oری� را ورق (�3/� و �2� N&ی& را (����/� �O در �ی'&�

»N ن��ق . »�ان و^� ��e #�وری&ز �wر� .� ح��ا��ن �� �O ., (�ی& ��ن ��د را (�ا� ز�&4, در .�N

�د، (� ز�/� (�ی�3&ا�س�ن ه� در �ن ر �ا��ن و ��د�, .� در ای� رو. ع/�ت N ،ان��O زه� در �/�(�ن ه��

�ا���, .� در N ن�� و د ه� �� دی�� �, (/'/� ه��)�) ،������. ،&���ا���Tن، /�از، ��Oی3،

�/.�O �3 وe�� ��ه�� ��Nن از ارو#� �O ا��ی�d و ح�, � ���رت ���� ه�� ع�&)�w�در ح��ی) از (�ادران و ��اه�ا���ن در �/�دی� و

�, ای�ان 4iر� ا����N&ه�, را در د�) �&ار�v��ر . �د �, �ی'&، #��p ه/� ح3ب و �O ان�O ,� �rر ���� (س/�ر ��د �O از ����

) .''&. .�د ا�)���� �//rO د��اه'& ��د (�ا� �� ,� ���� .

�ر �/س)��N "/ا���0ب �زاد ی` ر� ��'O ���� (ا��و (, �vه�, ��ا�) ���� ح� ا���0ب �زاد دی� و �vهS و ی� ح�, (, دی', . �

o و ��eس ا�). ا�)��زی` و .��ب ا�). ��ا�) ���� ح� ا���0ب #��ا�) ���� ا���0ب �زاد . ��ا�) ���� ح� ا���0ب 2/_�، �

ز�&4, و ع�� ا�)�/ �ا�) ه�ی, .� در (س/�ر� از .. ���ان ای� .�N ��ن �سp &ر ��, �ی�� ره� ��ره� ح�, ��ا�) (�

�e& از #&ران و ��درا���ن و ی� �ی& از #&ر(3ر�4ن و ��در(3ر����4ن (� ارث (�د ا�&O ق را از (&و�wای� ح.

�د) &��ژ� و ی� �vه�, (� �/�(�ن �/�e��ر . �&ا� (/س) و ه�) ���e (� ��م ه/� ای&�����ا�) � ,�� �e�� (ا� (/س) و ه�&�

�د ه� روز ح��(, ا��Nر� (� �� .'& 4�ش ده& �&ا�. ,w/����ا�) ��0/��� .��ب (0�ا�& و ی� � ,�� �e�� (ا� . (/س) و ه�&�

�د .� (��ا�& �زادا�� د�) در د�) ه�س� �ی'& اش در �/�(�ن �&م (�3& و از /�ی', ) &�(/س) و ه�) ���e (�ا� ای� (� �/�(�ن �

�ا�, اش N ت (��د��ل ه�� اولve .) وز�� ا�)، �&ا� �&ا� (/س) و ه�) ���e .� ا& ��ا��ن ای�ا�, �O&یN ,اه�� ���د �زاد� �

(/س) و ه�) ���e .� ا ` را از �p��ن �&رO�'&ان ��Nن �Nر� ���)، �&ا� (/س) و ه�) ���e .� (��, او را ���ی'& � �Nی3

(& (� ه� pس���&ن دو ح�ف ��ن و ه� (�د& SdO��� T_ح .�د ا�& O'�� 4'�ه, .� )�� � .

hااو (� ح ��, .� را� ��دم را دزدی&�dا�) (� ح�� ,��م در �/�(�ن �رش در �ن روز ���, .� . ی&�) �� (��dا�) (� ح�� ,�

ا��وز و�/�� � . �&ا را (� ��^� �� ���4 .��'&. ه� ه� ح� #�واز �&ار�& �� (��ی&.� ح�, روی� ای�ان را (� ��س, �O&ی� ����� ا�)

�ا�) ه�� �&ا�)ه� ای�ا�, و ه� ا�س�ن �زاد در ای�ان و در ��Nن ��2�4 #��� �ر� �) �.

Page 5: Neda Magazine - 07

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –4

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

!��� ��� �� ��ی�

�2خ

�� �� � ����, .� د�pر �O�د هس�'& اه�/) ای� ه. ه��� � #/o (� #س� (س/�ر زی��ی, در ی` .�2, �پ وع& � دی&ار� دا

&''. ,��ع را در� n���� (�0, را . �r��حس�س(در ه� ���iت اوe, .� داری& �� �d (� �ن ا����ص �, ده/& .� (� ز�)ن ( (�

�O از �ن ای� .� (Se�N o0 . ه� �� و ه� �ن ���، ه� دو ای� (o0 را (� .� از ی�د (�دی�!" �� �دم حس�(, هس��" :(, ز(��, (��ی/&

0�رم") �O��/N "!!!&��س]_� ای� (�د . ی` ��ع�, در(�ر � �/��) ح�ف زدی� و (r& ر�2/� ���� ��ن. ه� (� ذه� ه/� .&ا���ن �/�

�&ا���� .� ��&م، ��e�w ا� .� (�ا� ای� ��ر � . .� ا���0(�ت و #/��&ه�� �ن، رو� ز�&4, احس��, ��ن ه� v4 �/��Oا �� ا�)

��e�w � ای� ��ر ) ���e ایس)، �� ���ی� � �� 27ا��وز (/��� ا�� د��� .� ( ��2�4 �/��O و �� �دم را در��� .'�ر v4ا) �� ��

��r �/�ز . ام را (� ا���0(�ت ا����ص (&ه��N ی� ا�_/) ه�� ای��O ����� (� ع'�ان یd, از ,eرد، و�� ,�ا�p �4 ای� ��� (� درد ه��

(��ه/3ی� داری� .� (/o از ه���� .�4و دی��� از ا

��RH FS�T

FG�G ر�U�G V�Wر ز��

�در ��pر ��ل ا�/� ��دم ای�ان احس�س ��و�&ان .��از �ن ��� �O دروغ 4�ی, در ای�ان وارد �qح N&ی&� . را ��ب در� .�د�& ���و

& .�/j ح&ود �O ,�O�� ر2س'���, و ,� ا�� از ه�� � ای� ه� ��� O �� ،�O'�� ه�� �. &�& � #/o (/', ا� �ح��ب )��

& �, . �_�qن حس/� ه� در .��O Sری� رو��/& iر� ا����N (م ری���w� �0/�, اح�&� ��اد و از د�) ر��2 اح��ام ,)

�S_^ ¡n .�ر و ح� (� S��N ��ار داد) ی�زار�/ (� ���ص #" از o0# ��ی�ل (ای�ان �ه� ای� . ��دم �� را #" از ��e/�ن ��ل در

�n¡ را (�ی& (� �2ل �/` 2�4) و ه� (�ی& از �ن (� (���ی� d_, ا����د .�د� . &'p ه�ی��ن را ه� "�� �ا�/� O ,�� �rدی�� وا� �� �.

(س/�ر� از �� ز���, . #" (�vاری& ع_) ع�ر�n � اح�&� ��اد را (�ر�, .'/� �O ز�/� (�ز� را (��� (�'��/�. .�p`، از د�) (&ه/�

&ی�، وe, ای� را از ��د .� �O #��/&ی� .� ای� �0O را .� v4ا �� .� اح�&� ��اد �.� �ر� (/�ون �ورد ��N (�0 ری��O از ��

�ح��ل ��.�ر ��&� #�و�� � ،` /� (�ی& ای� را (�vی�ی� .� اح�&� ��اد (&ون �) �_r���د؟ ه� .� (� /� و (� ه� �4وه, .� )

�د) ,�O�� ح�ت دورانiTای� ��.. ا �p د ی� ��ح�ل�) ,w/wح �&�24��دم دی�� (� اiTح�ت، �ن ای���, را �&ا �'& .� را� ! �ر�

��, (� T'&و�o (�ی�3&/_/��ط (� �/�ز� �/س) (� ح��O � �l2ری0,. )���� ه�� N �O ن زی�د ��2ر (/�وری����/& "و " وع& دادن"

�دی�، �O�/� در ای� ا���0(�ت ا��، (� عO�� .d�, را (� ی�د �وری�" �'&ان (�دن) " اN��ع, .� (س/�ر� از �� در دور ��� (� �ن ر�/&

(�ا� ا����د � در�) از ای� ���ر.) (�ی& �ن را ��ب '��)، �O �&ا� �� .�د (� �O�¡ احس��, . ا.¤�ی) (� ���ر.) ��ار 2�4)

�د�� ��� �ان (, .�ر، .� ا��وز �, �ی& و �2دا �, رود اN ��دم ا�e�� ی` ���d را (�ی& در در (�ر. و (, ه&ف ی` �4و �/��O ای� �

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –5

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

:��l 2�4) .� (� �ن زی�د #�دا��� ��& ا�)

& (/�ن .�د ,�� �� v4 � �د، ای� �Se�q را در ��ر وe, ح�ل . از �ن �Nی, .� ای� ���ی� ���ی& (� �Oی��ن O�¥/_�O, .س, (&ل

�د (� �ن #�دا�) ,��ر� .س, (� ��م ��&� .�و(, ��pر . .� ا���0(�ت (� #�ی�ن ر�/& ��N (ن .��&ی&اه�� ری���/���ل #/o در

�د ,� ����' ��, ^, دو ��ل ا�/� (� ��م /� اiTح�ت �dح ^_��ن حiTن ا�/�� . ��ار دا ) .� در �� � در ای� دور و دور

&�� ,� &ی& (� حس�ب � �r2ع, دا��دن .�و(, ��د �) &��او را (/��� (� ع'�ان ی` ژو.� �/��, ع�امه��'/� . ا���0(�ت، ��

,rار وا�&��د�& �O ی` �/��) ) ����' � ح3ب اع���د �_, زد و از �2دا� �وع e�r2/) 84#" از ا���0(�ت . /d�O �) (او د� ،

& �ح�ر� را. ه�� ای� ح3ب (� ��ع) د�) (� .�ر ی�ر4/�� ا�2اد و �4و ه�� �/��, ��e�q��د و (�ا� �0س�/� (�ر ��4��ن N�)

�رد. �ورد� ,� ��p �) ر�r �ره�� او ای� " را� (� (����� ا� (�ا� O¥//� ا�). را� (� .�و(,، را� (� ی` �2د �/س):"در �/�ن (�و

(� را� 4/�� �'��� ��dد&����� ه�یo را �� روز ���) ����� "dو (� ع .

�/��ر ا��O�)�0, در ای�ان ه� (&ون ` ورود �����4, � ای��د /eحس/� د�/� ��ا�س) (� &، �pا .� از ی` �O ,�� �����حس/�

ه�� ��ش ��م اiTح�ت (�ا� ح��ی) از ��p ی��O �/�'� دی�� �� ا� ���د و از �& ����' � ��p ان��� (� ه/� ع'���

�'&�& و �¤��p iر ای� را ه� ی�د��ن ��ود .� در �ایq, .� ه�� (� �w&ه�� �/��, . ا���0(�ت از روش ��O�, #, رو� ��dد�& ��iع

��d2 � �د ه�� ��د�,، روO ن�/��ج �/��, در � ��/4 �d �غ ا�)، #/o از _ S ه� �� T&ا� ���ی�d (س/�ر ��'

��r (�ی& در ا(�&ا (� O o�'N��ی� #/&ا .''&�N . و ��وش و �ر� زاد� �n�/_حس� ��ز�4را و ع��د (�'�د و rس�و ای� در ح�e/س) .�

�د از #��� �&ادن . ..�'���l و ,��� (� �ن، (� ع'�ان �¤�ل ��� � �/eاو (�e�0��ح�ر� دی&�&، .� در ��e�q�را ح� را در

�� � دO ��2حd/� وح&ت و دا����ی�ن �/��, ��م (�د�� �) ����� �.) .�و(, در N_س�ت Oحd/� وح&ت . ) ,����� �/j ����O �.

�'�� (� د���/�� دا��� ���r��د�& و )& ,��.�ات .�د���ن (�ا� �.) در ا���0(�ت)�ی�ن �(�ا� ( ، ���wع& .�دن �.) ح3ب د

�ن ا��h و )اوe/� (�ر/_/��ن رأ� دراویo و ا���h (/��/� ه�ی, ���'& .��/� ی` /_/� o �) ¨e�) (� ح�.) در �وردن ، ... � �_/��)

. رو � ��d2 و �4و ه�� ره��� ا�N��ع از Oح�ی� ��رج .�د.�و(, و �3دیo��d، ا���0(�ت را #/o از ه� p/3 دی�� در �/�ن

& .� (� �ن ��اه/� #�دا�) &/�. ������/�حس/� ���ج �/�(��, #" از dس�� ��ح ا���0(�ت (� �� ,eو . ���و�d� ,eت

�رت 2�4)T ,��/� ,�_ر ح3(, و ع�. ���� (� ا. در (�ر � .��/� .�و(, ای� (�د .� (�ا� �0س�/� (�ر در .��ر ����/�حس/� �4

& ,�� �د، �� T ��'O&ایo (� ای� راح�, (�ی&) &��رد �/�ز (� �/&ان ��ه� از ا����ر ._�� � ��3 (� ای� ( i/d�Oت �/��,

&ن ��, (�د ��_/2 �)�� ,�eان ��ی) ی` ح3ب دو� & و ه� ��ی�o (� ع' ,�� ��/4�_N ,راح� . �. ,_����'& ��ی) اع���د

��r ا�)ه'�ز 2/_�� �N �N�O رد���د و (س/�ر ,�� �O از �ن )��& ا�) و روز���� � �ن .� ه'�ز �pپ d��� oا دارا��، ه� ه

�ا�س) o��'N را ره��� .'&O ,��ر 3/2یd, در �/�(�ن (� &، ه� ��د او hن ح��/����/# �د�& .� O'�� را) ) i��. �. ,eدر ح�

O �� �. &'ا��ن هس��N 0© ا�) .� ای���&''. ,��م _r��� را ���ای� ا���0(�ت ). '�� .�ر ��د .� �N) 4/�� ه�� ���د

�/N�O ��e�� ,ح�.�ت احس�� �O وی��) ,�&� � �r��N ع_�, و ح�.�ت (��/� ��� �) ���/) )، وe, �زم ا�) .� در �ی'&v4

�ج . ���e/��ن ��م (���&د�) .� (& �/س) از ���3دان (0�اه/� (� rO&اد ا�����ن د�) از وزرا� اح. ��#vی��از -در n�� (/�ی/& .�, از

& �ج -ه� ��ع, .� (����O `pی� �n(� ا� .� ��دم �� از . �. ،�/'d� (� ع'�ان �O.�/` ا����د .'/� و �ن را (� ع'�ان ه&ف ���

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –6

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

��دم ای�ان (�د ا�) �57�/', (� ا�iwب ��ل ... ��ار� �/��, ��رد، ��ار &ن روح ا .

&ت dس) ��رد�/س�� ا �) o/# ر ��ل��p در ا���0(�ت �. ،�ج (�د�و از �ن (& . ��O�)�0, ح3ب ���ر.) ه�/�� ه�/� ای��د

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� –حس��/) ا�) �) ,q)اول ر �� �&ا ) و در ��� �d�- (اب �ور ه� هس�(� �ن .� ای� دارو ه�34 در از (/� (�دن . ا�� ��Oد2� �

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�/� ا�) را ا���م �&" ه/س��& �� (س/�ر ��ب (�درا دا )، .� �p�4 .�ر� .� (�ایo ^�اح, � �r��N ا��) o/���N ارض�. اد، ع

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��_d) احس�س .''& Sح�T د را�ر�j دع�ت .� (� -���ی��d/�ن ا��iwلو روز G8 �d.� ع�ا��o را در #�ی�ن اiNس . (��ا�'& و (�ز �

& �ر ���� (�v4ار ��اه& hاز دی�_��ت ه�� ای�ا�, (&ون ح �dی��� (eدو � �/eاه/& دی& –او��.

�� ام ه� ا �ر .�دم ای� � &ن"ا�� ه��ن 4��� .� در ا(�&ا� � �/4 �N " ,���دم ای�ان �/ ��دم را یd, از (3ر��4ی� #� '� ه�� �

�د. دا��) �د.س, .� (� د���oe را ا��2د) �d�� �Tد ا��د از ا�Nا .''& � ^�ح . ی� ا���� � ,��ر qp"����O ی� رو��� ی� "

�را� ا�iwب �2ه'�, �hد از ع� ,��ر qp ارد، ی�v�) دم اح��ام�� o �# �) �. ( �ا�) �O از –ح�, ه�/� ا®ن -ا���lر دا�

Page 8: Neda Magazine - 07

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –7

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

�دش p. ���س�ر (�dه&� ������/�حس/� � �� ا���0ب ی` �� �l� �) ق (�� �/�ز�wل ح�r2 ��� ن از �ن ه3ار&��ه, (�د .� در �

( �ل و ا�'/�, . دا�� �)�� �/j ن ا���, را��� ه�34 از ز�&ا�, �/��, ���, ���د، اiTح ������ ،,O�)�0رزات ا�����در ^�ل

��d� ,2�rد ، از ی�را�O o'�� زه�ا ره'�رد و ��O�, را S_^ حiTد را ح�, (� ��م ا��2�r, .�د .� ه/� .&ام در دوe) او دا�س)، �

0�اه'& دا ) و در (�ر � r� (/e�r2/& ا��� � ,�w�)رب ح��ری�ن�n ( ر����دم از �Oس او (� دا��ن (و ��ی��و�&ان ��^� � �.

�n/ح ���¡ .''& ا� ارا�� ��dد و) ��O�, �4ی��0 (�د�&O ...

�اn¡ او دی&��4/�� از �ن ا���م داد، (�ی& اع��اف .�د #" از ��رش �را ا��، د4�4��, ا� در _N را (�ا� o iO م��O �p�4 �. ،&

( � ._, Nس) .� 180ای� o��p . .� #���س/_o را داTال را (�ی& در ای� ا��اب ای� �N ؟&��&اران "در�N ا� از .�� � (��/�

&��/4 ,��د �/O 3ح) ��O/� ح��/����ن ��ار � ،���د .� از �را� ��دم .�و(, ا." (� ع'�ان �/�و� ع�) ز ه��ن ��pر ��ل #/o ع�& .�د

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�رد ��lر�O را 34ارش .�دم����د ��رش �رإ (� O��س rO ،,'�_O&اد را� ه�� ه� .��&ی&ا در T'&وق �) �3.���/� ه. د���ر ���د

���ر (�ع» & .� ر�� ه�ی, از ��/� : ������ن، .�و(, 19/_/��ن، اح�&� ��اد 13/_/��ن و ر�nی,5/5/_/�7/3 &��ن (/�ون �/_/�ای� .

&' �) ��� &T ی� ، �ه&ان o/) S_wO از ی`، د �O وزی� . رو�& .�` .�د � ���� i¤� �. & ���'��ی� �&ر., �O &r) در روزه�� ���eا

�� ا� . ره�� ا�) و rO&اد �رای, �l/� ه�/� �را را ���ن �, ده&.��ر (� �� �/'p ای� �'& �����/س) و �. �'. (& �/س) ا �ر

� (� در�) (�دن ای� �'& ه� ای� ا�) .� وزارت .��ر ._� د�) (� ��رش �را� T'&وق ه� و /eی� د�O و (3رگ &�� �� �ه�34 �

�2���&ار� ه �) �� �. ,� .اع&اد� .� در ا���ر دی&ی� از ا(�&ا �����, (�د�&. � ار��ل .�دی� �3دN�¡ �ور� ار��

�� و .�و(, (�vاری&��� ��N د را�wO_�, (� ای� ا(�rد ا���م ��2�4 ا�)؛ �� ع�&� (� ��دم داری&؛ ���ه� #/o از ��د �� . ح�ل �

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�اه& ���& و و�/_� ا� (�ا� #/���� .�و(, (� .��ب ه�� �Oری� ا�)؛ و (�ا� � �� O'�� (�ع» ا�0�2ر او�) .� �/�ا�/س) .� در �ی'&

�� و ��د� �Oری� ا�)'r����� (� ز(��e دان /# ��'r� �) (/r����� از د�) ر��2 ای� ��� .�_N ه�/�� ی` �&م o�'N از ای� �O

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�0/) ��د� و �/�� ��د�در #'´ روز �0س) اع�� �ط (� o0# �را �/�ن ��pر )���د ) ,���dدرون ح ,_d���د ه� O �d��. ا�nت،

Page 9: Neda Magazine - 07

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –8

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

�'� ا� و از د�) ر��2 ار��Oط �ی) ا�� ,�����اه, ���� � ��r، و در #, ��e�0) ای��ن ... وqe �) ,e  زی�د�N ی��wا� (� ح �'���

در �ایr2 ª_, ای� o�'N را (�ی& . &� ��اد (� �/& ع_, ���'� ا� O¥//� �4ایo داد(� ا(�qل ا���0(�ت ��� #/�dن ح�_� از �ح��د اح�

�د ه�� ��دم (� ای� ا�� وا�  ��� '& -��ل ا�/� در .��ر��ن دا�س) �2102ز ��pرم �زاد� ��اه, در O �p �4ا– � ��و �ن را در ادا

&ن r'T) ��) و ا�iwب ��ل ,_� o�'N ،(/^و��� o�'N57 �/س�O وز ره�� ای�ان . .�د���)ی& #vی�(2 .� ح�, ا�4 ه�/� ا

ا(�qل ا���0(�ت را (�vی�د، ��rد�e � �&رت �/�ن ح�.��ن و ��دم (� &ت (� ه� ��رد ا�) و ا�4 ه� �ن را ��vی�د �dف روز (� روز

�د و ای� (/o از ه� ." دی��، (� ��¡ ره��ان ��lم �0�اه& (�د ,���, .س��, ���'& �ری���, و ��e/��ف (� �/��� رو� ���4. (/���

��دم در �ن . ع_) ع�� (� ��دم �/س) o'.ت وا& ،&�d) ل��ن ه� �/3 ای� را ��ب �, دا�'& .� ه� �p ای� در 4/�� (/��� ^

& �اه& � ���/) &� " دو �� ���)"�i. � �Tiم ای� .� ��lم در �ایr2 ª_, . روز� .� �p زود و �p دی� ��اه& �& .ا�)

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0�اه& (�د� �� Sس�eد �'/wی ,eم �/س)، و�_r�را (�/�د، و در ح�e, " (_�"در ح�e, .� او(��� iOش �, .'& از ���� ���'� ا� . ه'�ز

�رد �T(س��ن 2�4)، دوe) ه�� ارو#�ی, و ��n¡ را (�/�د .� در � &ن ��دم ای�ان ه��ن ���. �)�w��د در ) ���ی �dی��� (eدو �.

�ر� ��اه�ن ���ی��N&د��. � �'�ow� �l �'�, ره��� ���ی�d ����&�& و dO_/���ن را درj/�ب او(��� رو �d . ه�� ��ر �¤�ل دو�_^ �)

�dی���� –ا2س��� ا� �'�� ���/e �N و �/. `�iع ر���, (� ای�ا�/�ن �4م (3ر4, را در را ا �ع� � –�Nن (� �یح� � ح��ی) از ا

&'� �.�ا�, در ای�ان (�دا� �����0 در �/��) ��رN/��ن ه/� ��ه�, (� #/�/'/�ن ��ر.. د���, ه� .� �d��e�) و �.���ز�،

�د��O �O/� .�د ا�&. )eرا (�ا� دو ,�N�O ���ور در ح�ل . ��د �&ار�&، از ه��ن روز اول ا�2 ��( �) 3/� ��ای� �N �) �Oی, ر�/& .� او(�

�ر� را .� از ه�/� ا®ن او (� ای� (/�32ا. ��د ا�)" ��ا����ر�"عSw ��/', از ��N (�ا� ری��) ��ی/& iOش ر���� دور �ی'& � او(�

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(� ه�� . ه� �, ر2س'���, ه� .� ��ه�ا دارد از ری��، ���'� ا� را �, ز�&. ��(, (�ا� ��د ی���2 ا�) (� ��م �حس� �0�_��ف

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� اع���ب وd �&�, در ...&''. ,���idت N&� . ه� در را ا�) و ��دم (� �rر دادن رو� (�م ح��ی) ��د را از یd&ی�� (/�ن

�د ,� �وع �dف در �/�ن ای� د�) �O &'p ��/4 از ��ان ���. ا����د� .��ر��ن ه� از #�ی/�O 3ز 3N ,ی�'r�O` .�رت "ه�

Page 10: Neda Magazine - 07

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –9

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

� . �&ارد -����, و ع_, -���ی�ن ���'� ا� " (��&

�ان O ,���i^ (/rی, ا� رو(� روی/� .� � �) ,_r2 ªای� �&�, ای�ان و ی� ی�ران ��رN, �ن در � �r��N ان (�0, از��� (� ع' ��و ا

&���ن ع ����' � (�ا� _N �) ان ی` �4م رو�� .'&(� ع'� . ��iع ��� ��&ی� و �O ا/�) o�'N ن (� ای��� iO م��O �) &ه� (�ی ��–

��N (� (�ور ه�� �/��, �2دی��ن O یس�/� –(&ون�) & �) ��������رزات .� �/�حس/� ���� (�# . ��'r��ا�& (� O ,�ای� .�ر

& � د�2ع او ���)�� �/j � �� v4 ��h��ج ا��2دن ی� ا��د ا���lر ح��ی) �4. در دام ,���دم ا�) و در ع/� ح�ل �N��� ���ه��� �

ا� N&ا از ده� � �) از ��د ���ن ده&��p ������/�حس/� �. ( �� ��q #/�و� .�ر.�را�� از او را ه� . دا ����0� ��

�د �ن ا��وز (� ��اSO رو � �O ا�) �O دی�وز. ��, (/'�� �) ����دم  /_dO .

�� � اع���د �_,روز�� –ه�د� ح/&ر�

Page 11: Neda Magazine - 07

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –10

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

Iran and Leftist Confusion

by Reese Erlich

Published on Monday, June 29, 2009 by CommonDreams.org

When I returned from covering the Iranian elections recently, I was surprised to find my

email box filled with progressive authors, academics and bloggers bending themselves

into knots about the current crisis in Iran. They cite the long history of U.S. interference

in Iran and conclude that the current unrest there must be sponsored or manipulated by

the Empire.

That comes as quite a shock to those risking their lives daily on the streets of major Iranian cities fighting for political,

social and economic justice.

Some of these authors have even cited my book, The Iran Agenda, as a source to prove U.S. meddling. Whoa there,

pardner. Now we're getting personal.

The large majority of American people, particularly leftists and progressives, are sympathetic to the demonstrators in Iran,

oppose Iranian government repression and also oppose any U.S. military or political interference in that country. But a

small and vocal number of progressives are questioning that view, including authors writing for Monthly Review online,

Foreign Policy Journal, and prominent academics such as retired professor James Petras.

They mostly argue by analogy. They correctly cite numerous examples of CIA efforts to overthrow governments,

sometimes by manipulating mass demonstrations. But past practice is no proof that it's happening in this particular case.

Frankly, the multi-class character of the most recent demonstrations, which arose quickly and spontaneously, were

beyond the control of the reformist leaders in Iran, let alone the CIA.

Let's assume for the moment that the U.S. was trying to secretly manipulate the demonstrations for its own purposes.

Did it succeed? Or were the protests reflecting 30 years of cumulative anger at a reactionary system that oppresses

workers, women, and ethnic minorities, indeed the vast majority of Iranians? Is President Mahmood Ahmadinejad a

"nationalist-populist," as claimed by some, and therefore an ally against U.S. domination around the world? Or is he a

repressive, authoritarian leader who actually hurts the struggle against U.S. hegemony?

Let's take a look. But first a quick note.

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& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

As far as I can tell none of these leftist critics have actually visited Iran, at least not to report on the recent uprisings. Of

course, one can have an opinion about a country without first-hand experience there. But in the case of recent events in

Iran, it helps to have met people. It helps a lot.

The left-wing Doubting Thomas arguments fall into three broad categories.

1. Assertion: President Mahmood Ahmadinejad won the election, or at a minimum, the opposition hasn't

proved otherwise.

Michael Veiluva, Counsel at the Western States Legal Foundation (representing his own views) wrote on the Monthly

Review website:

"[U.S. peace groups] are quick to denounce the elections as ‘massively fraudulent' and generally subscribe to the ‘mad

mullah' stereotype of the current political system in Iran. There is a remarkable convergence between the tone of these

statements and the American right who are hypocritically beating their chests over Iran's ‘stolen' election.

Bartle Professor (Emeritus) of Sociology at Binghamton University, New York, James Petras wrote:

"[N]ot a single shred of evidence in either written or observational form has been presented either before or a week after

the vote count. During the entire electoral campaign, no credible (or even dubious) charge of voter tampering was

raised."

Actually, Iranians themselves were very worried about election fraud prior to the vote count. When I covered the 2005

elections, Ahmadinejad barely edged out Mehdi Karoubi in the first round of elections. Karoubi raised substantive

arguments that he was robbed of his place in the runoff due to vote fraud. But under Iran's clerical system, there's no

meaningful appeal. So, as he put it, he took his case to God.

On the day of the 2009 election, election officials illegally barred many opposition observers from the polls. The

opposition had planned to use text messaging to communicate local vote tallies to a central location. The government

shut down SMS messaging! So the vote count was entirely dependent on a government tally by officials sympathetic to

the incumbent.

I heard many anecdotal accounts of voting boxes arriving pre-stuffed and of more ballots being printed than are

accounted for in the official registration numbers. It seems unlikely that the Iranian government will allow meaningful

appeals or investigations into the various allegations about vote rigging.

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –12

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

A study by two professors at Chatham House and the Institute of Iranian Studies at University of St. Andrews, Scotland,

took a close look at the official election results and found some major discrepancies. For Ahmadinejad to have sustained

his massive victory in one third of Iran's provinces, he would have had to carry all his supporters, all new voters, all

voters previously voting centrist and about 44% of previous reformist voters.

Keep in mind that Ahmadinejad's victory takes place in the context of a highly rigged system. The Guardian Council

determines which candidates may run based on their Islamic qualifications. As a result, no woman has ever been allowed

to campaign for president and sitting members of parliament were disqualified because they had somehow become un-

Islamic.

The constitution of Iran created an authoritarian theocracy in which various elements of the ruling elite could fight out

their differences, sometimes through elections and parliamentary debate, sometimes through violent repression. Iran is a

classic example of how a country can have competitive elections without being democratic.

2. Assertion: The U.S. has a long history of meddling in Iran, so it must be behind the current unrest.

Jeremy R. Hammond writes in the progressive website Foreign Policy Journal:

"[G]iven the record of U.S. interference in the state affairs of Iran and clear policy of regime change, it certainly seems

possible, even likely, that the U.S. had a significant role to play in helping to bring about the recent turmoil in an effort to

undermine the government of the Islamic Republic.

Eric Margolis, a columnist for Quebecor Media Company in Canada and a contributor to The Huffington Post, wrote:

"While the majority of protests we see in Tehran are genuine and spontaneous, Western intelligence agencies and media

are playing a key role in sustaining the uprising and providing communications, including the newest electronic method,

via Twitter. These are covert techniques developed by the US during recent revolutions in Ukraine and Georgia that

brought pro-US governments to power."

Both authors cite numerous cases of the U.S. using covert means to overthrow legitimate governments. The CIA

engineered large demonstrations, along with assassinations and terrorist bombings, to cause confusion and overthrow

the parliamentary government of Iran' Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh in 1953. The U.S. used similar methods in

an effort to overthrow Hugo Chavez in Venezuela in 2002. (For more details, see my book, Dateline Havana: The Real

Story of US Policy and the Future of Cuba.)

Hammond cites my book The Iran Agenda and my interview on Democracy Now to show that the Bush Administration

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& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

was training and funding ethnic minorities in an effort to overthrow the Iranian government in 2007.

All the arguments are by analogy and implication. Neither the above two authors, nor anyone else of whom I am aware,

offers one shred of evidence that the Obama Administration has engineered, or even significantly influenced, the current

demonstrations.

Let's look at what actually happened on the

ground. Tens of millions of Iranians went to

bed on Friday, June 12, convinced that

either Mousavi had won the election

outright or that there would be runoff

between him and Ahmadinejad. They woke

up Saturday morning and were stunned. "It

was a coup d'etat," several friends told me.

The anger cut across class lines and went

well beyond Mousavi's core base of students,

intellectuals and the well-to-do.

Within two days hundreds of thousands of people were demonstrating peacefully in the streets of Tehran and other

major cities. Could the CIA have anticipated the vote count, and on two days notice, mobilized its nefarious networks?

Does the CIA even have the kind of extensive networks that would be necessary to control or even influence such a

movement? That simultaneously gives the CIA too much credit and underestimates the independence of the mass

movement.

As for the charge that the CIA is providing advanced technology like Twitter, pleaaaaaase. In my commentary carried on

Reuters, I point out that the vast majority of Iranians have no access to Twitter and that the demonstrations were mostly

organized by cell phone and word of mouth.

Many Iranians do watch foreign TV channels via satellite. A sat dish costs only about $100 with no monthly fees, so they

are affordable even to the working class. Iranians watched BBC, VOA and other foreign channels in Farsi, leading to

government assertions of foreign instigation of the demonstrations. By that logic, Ayatollah Khomeini received support

from Britain in the 1979 revolution because of BBC radio's critical coverage of the despotic Shah.

Frankly, based on my observations, no one was leading the demonstrations. During the course of the week after the

elections, the mass movement evolved from one protesting vote fraud into one calling for much broader freedoms. You

could see it in the changing composition of the marches. There were not only upper middle class kids in tight jeans and

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& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

designer sun glasses. There were growing numbers of workers and women in very conservative chadors.

Iranian youth particularly resented President Ahmadinejad's support for religious militia attacks on unmarried young men

and women walking together and against women not covering enough hair with their hijab. Workers resented the 24

percent annual inflation that robbed them of real wage increases. Independent trade unionists were fighting for decent

wages and for the right to organize.

Some demonstrators wanted a more moderate Islamic government. Others advocated a separation of mosque and state,

and a return to parliamentary democracy they had before the 1953 coup. But virtually everyone believes that Iran has

the right to develop nuclear power, including enriching uranium. Iranians support the Palestinians in their fight against

Israeli occupation, and they want to see the U.S. get out of Iraq.

So if they CIA was manipulating the demonstrators, it was doing a piss poor job.

Of course, the CIA would like to have influence in Iran. But that's a far cry from saying it does have influence. By

proclaiming the omnipotence of U.S. power, the leftist critics ironically join hands with Ahmadinejad and the reactionary

clerics who blame all unrest on the British and U.S.

3. Assertion: Ahmadinejad is a nationalist-populist who opposes U.S. imperialism. Efforts to overthrow him

only help the U.S.

James Petras wrote: "Ahmadinejad's strong position on defense matters contrasted with the pro-Western and weak

defense posture of many of the campaign propagandists of the opposition...."

"Ahmadinejad's electoral success, seen in historical comparative perspective should not be a surprise. In similar electoral

contests between nationalist-populists against pro-Western liberals, the populists have won. Past examples include Peron

in Argentina and, most recently, Chavez of Venezuela, [and] Evo Morales in Bolivia."

Venezuela's Foreign Ministry wrote on its website:

"The Bolivarian Government of Venezuela expresses its firm opposition to the vicious and unfounded campaign to

discredit the institutions of the Islamic Republic of Iran, unleashed from outside, designed to roil the political climate of

our brother country. From Venezuela, we denounce these acts of interference in the internal affairs of the Islamic

Republic of Iran, while demanding an immediate halt to the maneuvers to threaten and destabilize the Islamic

Revolution."

From 1953-1979, the Shah of Iran brutally repressed his own people and aligned himself with the U.S. and Israel. After

the 1979 Islamic Revolution, Iran brutally repressed its own people and broke its alliance with the U.S. and Israel. That

apparently causes confusion for some on the left.

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –15

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

I have written numerous articles and books criticizing U.S. policy on Iran, including Bush administration efforts to

overthrow the Islamic government. The U.S. raises a series of phony issues, or exaggerates problems, in an effort to

impose its domination on Iran. (Examples include Iran's nuclear power program, support for Hamas and Hezbollah, and

support for Shiite groups in Iraq.)

During his past four years in office, Ahmadinejad has ramped up Iran's anti-imperialist rhetoric and posed himself as a

leader of the Islamic world. That accounts for his fiery rhetoric against Israel and his denial of the Holocaust. (Officially,

Ahmadinejad "questions" the Holocaust and says "more study is necessary." That reminds me of the creationists who say

there needs to be more study because evolution is only a theory.) As pointed out by the opposition candidates,

Ahmadinejad's rhetoric about Israel and Jews has only alienated people around the world and made it more difficult for

the Palestinians.

But in the real world, Ahmadinejad has done nothing to support the Palestinians other than sending some funds to

Hamas. Despite rhetoric from the U.S. and Israel, Iran has little impact on a struggle that must be resolved by

Palestinians and Israelis themselves.

So comparing Ahmadinejad with Chavez or Evo Morales is absurd. I have reported from both Venezuela and Bolivia

numerous times. Those countries have genuine mass movements that elected and kept those leaders in power. They

have implemented significant reforms that benefitted workers and farmers. Ahmadinejad has introduced 24% annual

inflation and high unemployment.

As for the position of Venezuela and President Hugo Chavez, they are simply wrong. On a diplomatic level, Venezuela and

Iran share some things in common. Both are under attack from the U.S., including past efforts at "regime change."

Venezuela and other governments around the world will have to deal with Ahmadinejad as the de facto president, so

questioning the election could cause diplomatic problems.

But that's no excuse. Chavez has got it exactly backward. The popular movement in the streets will make Iran stronger

as it rejects outside interference from the U.S. or anyone else.

This is no academic debate or simply fodder for bored bloggers. Real lives are at stake. A repressive government has

killed at least 17 Iranians and injured hundreds. The mass movement may not be strong enough to topple the system

today but is sowing the seeds for future struggles.

The leftist critics must answer the question: Whose side are you on?

Freelance foreign correspondent Reese Erlich covered the recent elections in Iran and their aftermath. He is the author of

The Iran Agenda: the Real Story of U.S. Policy and the Middle East Crisis. (Polipoint Press)

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& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

Tehran, June 2009

Kaveh Ehsani, Arang Keshavarzian and Norma Claire Moruzzi

June 28, 2009

http://www.merip.org/mero/mero062809.html

(Kaveh Ehsani is assistant professor of international studies at DePaul University. Arang Keshavarzian is associate

professor of Middle East and Islamic studies at New York University. Both are editors of Middle East Report. Norma Claire

Moruzzi is associate professor of political science and gender and women’s studies at the University of Illinois-Chicago.)

The morning after Iran’s June 12 presidential election, Iranians booted up their computers to find Fars News, the online

mouthpiece of the Islamic Republic’s security apparatus,

heralding the dawn of a “third revolution.” Many an

ordinary Iranian, and many a Western pundit, had already

adopted such dramatic language to describe the burgeoning

street demonstrations against the declaration by the

Ministry of Interior that Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the sitting

president, had received 64 percent of the vote to 34

percent for his main challenger, Mir Hossein Mousavi. But

the editors of Fars News were referring neither to the protests, as were the people in the streets, nor to the prospect that

the unrest might topple the Islamic Republic, as were some of the more wistful commentators. Rather, the editors were

labeling the radical realignment of Iranian politics that they wish for. This realignment would complete the removal of the

old guard, as did the “first” revolution of 1978-1979, and consolidate the rule of inflexible hardliners, as did the “second

revolution” symbolized by the US Embassy takeover of 1979.

Whatever history’s verdict on the desiderata of Fars News, neither the institutional structure nor the political culture of

the Islamic Republic will emerge unchanged from the crisis following the 2009 election. The stakes are nothing less than

these: Should the protesters persevere, the limited traditions of political and civil rights and citizen participation in the

Islamic Republic may be considerably strengthened. Should Ahmadinejad and his supporters prevail instead, the political

system in Iran may lose all remaining meaningful traits of a republic.

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& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

As in 1979, or in 1997, when the “reformist” cleric Mohammad Khatami captured the presidency, or in 2005, when

Ahmadinejad won his own (highly contested) landslide victory, the Western media has been caught off guard by events

on the Iranian stage. The crudest analysts insist upon seeing an epic battle between the government and “the people” --

but neither of these actors is unitary. Others, writing from left, right and center, extrapolate theories from the supposed

characteristics of the dramatis personae. Hence “the opposition,” urban, educated, technologically savvy and broadly

supportive of Mousavi, is said to be arrayed against the poor, exaggeratedly pious peasants and plebeians who back

Ahmadinejad. Such interpretations are also far too simple. They fail to explain why the election campaign was so

competitive and why the popular reaction became so virulent once the scale of the fraud employed by the regime to fix

the election for Ahmadinejad became evident.

The conflict over the 2009 election has sent multiple, cross-cutting fracture lines both through the core of the regime and

through Iranian society.

The Expectations Game

Many inside and outside Iran expected that the June 12 election would be a yawner. After all, previous incumbents had

been comfortably reelected, and the assumption was that Ahmadinejad would be as well. He had the full resources of the

state at his disposal. The global economic downturn notwithstanding, the state was flush with revenue accrued during

the 2003-2008 oil boom. The president had the clear backing of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, the Iranian military and

the Guardian Council, the unelected panel of senior clerics empowered by the Islamic Republic’s constitution to block acts

of Parliament. He held a monopoly upon the state-run TV and radio networks. Lastly, the security services had

systematically suppressed civil society and political organizations critical of Ahmadinejad’s policies. These opponents,

disillusioned by the failures of Khatami and the “reformist” bloc in Parliament in years past, were expected to stay home

on June 12, while radical Islamists and the immediate beneficiaries of Ahmadinejad’s populist economic gestures were

predicted to turn out in droves.

Such predictions were a bit misleading. The number of deeply conservative voters, of the sort who back Ahmadinejad,

has not exceeded 12 percent of the electorate since 1993. True, in 2003, these voters seized control of the city councils

of major cities, not because of a surge in the popularity of their agenda, but because of the widespread abstention of

those who had lost hope in the effectiveness of reformist candidates. With less than 12 percent of eligible voters

participating in Tehran, the arch-conservatives of Abadgaran, the coalition of Ahmadinejad’s allies, grabbed the city

council, appointing the little-known former provincial governor as mayor. Ahmadinejad spent liberally from city funds to

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& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

position himself as a credible presidential candidate in 2005, when he wound up in a runoff with former President Ali

Akbar Hashemi-Rafsanjani, perhaps the most polarizing figure in Iranian politics at the time.

Ahmadinejad’s win stunned many in the Islamic Republic, to the point of arousing suspicions of rigging. The “moderate

reformist” Mehdi Karroubi, who had been speaker of Parliament from 2000-2004, strongly objected to his own elimination

in the first round, claiming that the Revolutionary Guards and Mojtaba Khamenei, the Supreme Leader’s son, had

conspired to doctor the vote tally in several key provinces. In the second round, Rafsanjani raised objections of his own.

Khatami, then president, promised he would reveal details of election irregularities before leaving office, but this was a

promise he did not keep. Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf, another contestant who later replaced Ahmadinejad as mayor of

Tehran, announced that $330 million of the municipal budget was unaccounted for, hinting broadly that the monies had

been illegally diverted to the Ahmadinejad campaign. Parliament formed a commission to investigate, but the new

speaker, loyal to Ahmadinejad, suspended the investigation.

Despite the allegations of fraud, most Iran watchers accepted the result of the 2005 race. It was assumed as well that

Ahmadinejad’s populism -- he promised to “bring the oil money to people’s dining tables” -- would expand his electoral

base beyond the solid conservative bloc. But instead greater mass participation in the local elections of 2007 cost the

hardliners their grip upon local councils. In Tehran, Ahmadinejad’s men lost two thirds of their seats and had to share

power with reformists and moderate conservatives. In the absence of credible polling and free independent media after

Ahmadinejad’s ascent, local elections are a bellwether for shifts in the national political mood. There was, therefore, good

reason to think that the 2009 presidential race would at least be close.

Ahmadinejad’s glide path back to the presidential palace encountered additional turbulence when Khatami, still popular

despite the reformists’ troubles, entered the fray in February. Khatami, however, faced strong opposition from hardline

conservatives and difficulties with building bridges to moderates. He wisely bowed out when Mir Hossein Mousavi

declared candidacy, throwing his weight behind a figure whose revolutionary credentials could not be questioned by any

segment of the establishment. As prime minister, Mousavi had guided the economy during the lean years of the Iran-Iraq

war (1980-1988). His administration had implemented far-reaching grassroots development measures that integrated the

provinces into the national economy, at a time when Iran was under international embargo and Iraqi bombardment and

oil prices had plummeted below $9 per barrel. His administration’s extensive rationing system had ensured that no one

went hungry. And then there were his heated disputes with Ali Khamenei, who was then president and vociferously

objected to Mousavi’s redistributive policies. Everyone recalled that Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, still revered by millions,

had unequivocally backed Mousavi against the cleric who would later succeed him as Supreme Leader.

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –19

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

Mousavi never disguised the fact that he was a pillar of the establishment and a firm believer in the legacy of Khomeini

and the Islamic Revolution. Nevertheless, in the popular mind, Mousavi was a candidate untainted by the corruption of

continuous presence in the corridors of power, someone with a track record of exhibiting management skills, standing for

social justice and, above all, standing up to Khamenei. The attraction of Mousavi was that he might be able to unify

reformists and the politically neutral, professionals and the working classes, city dwellers and the peasantry. No one,

however, doubted that Ahmadinejad could win the day, given the advantages enumerated above.

In short, cold-eyed analysis said to expect Ahmadinejad’s reelection, even as many hearts yearned for an upset. And the

instinct of those with deep knowledge of contemporary Iranian history said to predict the unpredictable and, perhaps, to

expect the unimaginable.

“Black Is White”

No one fully predicted what began to occur in late May, as the campaign began in earnest. Two critical factors widened

the fissures in both the elite and the electorate, setting off the frictions that built into the seismic tremors of the weeks

after the balloting.

First, a series of nationally televised debates

exposed the cleavages splintering the political

establishment. These divides had been exposed

many times, often in vicious terms, but always in

partisan newspapers with a small circulation. Now,

on TV, the plainspoken, occasionally fiery duels

were on display as never before in the history of

Islamic Republic, and they were eagerly watched

and discussed. Mousavi and his fellow challengers,

former Speaker of Parliament Karroubi and former Revolutionary Guards commander Mohsen Rezaei, raked Ahmadinejad

over the coals, stressing his lackluster stewardship of the Iranian economy and his taste for confrontation in both

domestic and international affairs. The incumbent, meanwhile, defended his term in office by recounting a laundry list of

(often questionable) statistics and accomplishments, juxtaposing his record with those of previous presidents, whom he

audaciously mocked as champions of injustice and inequality.

Ahmadinejad claimed that inflation had dropped to 15 percent, when readily available estimates by the Central Bank put

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& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

the figure at 25 percent (and, in any case, Khatami had presided over 13 percent inflation). He asserted, based on

equally dubious estimates, that gross domestic product had grown by 6 percent under his administration versus 5 percent

under Khatami, neglecting to acknowledge that this was no stellar accomplishment. Thanks to skyrocketing prices before

2008, some $300 billion in oil revenues had flowed into Iran under the arch-conservative’s watch. Ahmadinejad said that

the state’s deficit and level of borrowing from banks had decreased, but this was also not proof of improved economic

performance. It happened due to windfall oil revenues and the selloff of public assets to banks, pension funds and front

companies, many of which are set up by the military and security apparatus and the president’s conservative allies. The

president claimed the gap between rich and poor had never been so narrow, though, again, his own Central Bank

estimates that more than 7 million Iranians (out of an estimated 76) live in extreme poverty. He said that unemployment

was falling, failing to note that his Labor Ministry had changed the definition of unemployment to pad its résumé, and

ignoring the vocal mass actions undertaken by bus drivers, sugarcane workers, oil workers and teachers, all of which

were savagely repressed. Ahmadinejad took credit for having privatized more public assets than his predecessors, and

argued that the companies privatized under Khatami were doing poorly because they had been sold to well-connected

“fake” entrepreneurs, without mentioning that, in many instances, these companies relied on government contracts and

that his administration had refused to consider competitive bids from these privatized companies, bringing them to the

verge of bankruptcy.

Mousavi did not let Ahmadinejad’s economic boasts go unanswered. (Neither did Rezaei.) For 20 years after serving as

prime minister, Mousavi had been perched at think tanks: the Art and Culture Academy, the Center for Research and

Development in Human Sciences, and the Association of Religion and Economics. He had maintained an uneasy silence

as his successors took an increasingly neo-liberal approach toward the economy. Though he discreetly supported the

cultural and political glasnost of the Khatami administrations, Mousavi felt strongly that the identity of the Islamic

Republic should be redefined around a combination of social justice and more solid economic performance, as well as

political reforms. Ahmadinejad’s hijacking of the social justice agenda seems to have forced Mousavi back into politics.

Awash in the flood of untrustworthy numbers, Mousavi responded on television: “One of our problems is that we are

facing an amazing phenomenon: someone who can stare at the camera, look you in the eyes, and claim, with the utmost

self-confidence, that black is white, that two times two is not four, but ten, and state it so emphatically that some of you

are swayed! Nothing is worse than when the government lies to the people -- and today we are witnessing exactly that.

The only reason I have decided to get involved in this campaign is that I fear the consequences of this phenomenon.” His

campaign posters were emblazoned with the slogan, “Lying is forbidden.”

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& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

The economics debate, perhaps dry to some Iranians, was coupled with a little sensationalism. After four years of

promising to “name names” of those involved in corruption and nepotism, Ahmadinejad directed a series of insinuations

at regime notables, including Rafsanjani and the influential conservative and former Speaker of Parliament Ali Akbar

Nateq Nouri. In one debate, he asked Karroubi why he took money from Shahram Jazaeri, a young entrepreneur

imprisoned, to great media fanfare, for bribery of parliamentarians (mostly reformists). Jazaeri’s confession that he had

also bribed people in Khamenei’s office was hushed up. Ahmadinejad prefigured his strident rhetoric condemning the

post-election protests with vows to entrench his “government of justice” by “cleansing” the system of those who stand in

the way of “the people.” In attacking his opponents, he went so far as to smear the educational pedigree of Zahra

Rahnavard, a respected Islamist feminist, the head of a women’s university and Mousavi’s wife, who was removed from

her position when Ahmadinejad came to power.

More incredible still, Ahmadinejad claimed that the

expulsion of politically active university students had been

a policy pursued under Khatami, whereas his

administration had nothing but respect for higher

education. He confronted Mousavi about the political

repression of the 1980s, a dark chapter referred to

euphemistically as “cutting neckties,” in order to cast

aspersions on his rival’s defense of civil liberties. Mousavi

responded that within the Islamic Republic there had

always been warring camps, some who fought for the civil liberties principles enshrined in the constitution, and others

who distrusted any manifestation of dissent, however feeble. Incredulously, the ex-premier exclaimed: “They keep telling

me, ‘They used to cut neckties in your era.’ Who do you think used to cut neckties? Who do you think Imam Khomeini

forbade from interfering in people’s lives? It was the same people who are in the administration now!”

But the content of the verbal broadsides during the campaign was somewhat beside the point. The tenor of contention

was the important fact. In the past, the elite of the Islamic Republic had managed its rivalries through consensus building,

horse trading and arbitration by the Leader. But the TV debates showed that the disputes had overflowed their

containers. For the first time, in much starker terms than in the 2005 runoff, Iranians witnessed the establishment at

public odds with itself, its usual united front in smithereens. The ruling clergy, it seemed, could only settle their dispute

by turning to the citizens they claim to represent.

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –22

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

No Mere Show

The second critical factor during the official campaigning from late May until June 12 was the positive and hopeful vision

of Iran’s future presented by Ahmadinejad’s rivals, especially Karroubi and Mousavi. Against all expectations, and despite

a very modest war chest, the Mousavi campaign proved capable of rousing swaths of Iranian society from the political

torpor that had set in when the conservative forces in the regime proved too strong, and the reformists too weak, to

open up the system during the “reformist moment” of 1997-2005. A growing number of Iranians, schooled by bitter

experience to be skeptical of electoral exercises, realized that the 2009 contest would be no mere show. Here were

divisions among candidates that would directly affect their lives.

Karroubi’s campaign, for instance, staked out an explicit position in defense of the political and social rights of Iran’s

Kurdish, Baluch, Azeri and other ethnic minorities, as well as Sunni Muslims and other religious minorities whose

relationship with the Shi‘i Islamist state is fraught. Karroubi also spoke out for the interests of students and women.

Mousavi’s campaign framed itself more broadly as defending the rule of law, as well as civil and personal freedoms. One

plank of his platform promised to discontinue the patrols of the morals police who enforce “Islamic” dress and behavior

upon urban pedestrians, demonstrating an understanding that social exclusion under the Islamic Republic is as important

as class inequality to young people, women and the intelligentsia. Mousavi acknowledged that the project of using

violence to Islamize society, revived under Ahmadinejad, is nothing but an elite tool of domination over the urban middle

classes.

In the face of Ahmadinejad’s populist puffery, Mousavi aimed to snatch away the mantle of social justice in the minds of

Iranian voters. He specified that, by social justice, he meant creating employment opportunities by strengthening existing

state and private institutions. He touted the concept of “good governance” -- with its implication that technical

competence ought to be valued more highly than ideological bombast in the state’s economic managers -- and insisted

on making the executive branch accountable to strong regulatory institutions. As an example of sustainable development,

he argued that Iranian oil must become the basis of a network of linked secondary domestic industries, rather than a

mere export commodity. He opposed the piecemeal privatization of public assets, as well as Ahmadinejad’s notion of

social justice, which seems to be built exclusively upon cash and in-kind handouts, without any thought to how to bolster

the purchasing power of the disenfranchised in the long run.

Through numerous rallies and other gatherings in the week before the election, the Mousavi campaign illustrated that it

could mobilize many diverse thousands of peaceful and enthusiastic supporters in Tehran and other major cities. This

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –23

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

successful electioneering was a double-edged sword. On the one hand, it convinced an increasing number of Iranians

that Ahmadinjead’s victory was not a foregone conclusion. On the other hand, the prospect of a large turnout that

included the disenchanted may have contributed to the hardliners’ decision to manipulate the results to ensure victory.

More important in the long run may be the fact that the campaign again broke the monopoly of the Iranian regime over

the expression of political opinions in public spaces. For three decades, the Islamic Republic has managed for the most

part to limit public displays of “politics” to pro-government mass demonstrations, while conducting the public’s real

business behind closed doors. Independent associations and trade unions, grassroots organizations and political

groupings have been crushed. The eight years of Khatami, notwithstanding the serious shortcomings of the reformists’

program and political skills, saw the emergence of a relatively independent press and the curtailment of direct

government interference in the home and the private behavior of citizens. Ahmadinejad and his ilk have tried mightily to

roll back these changes.

In defiance of these efforts, citizens actively took advantage

of the political opening of the 2009 campaign in unheard-of

numbers. By all accounts, Iranian citizens were deeply

engaged in debate over the candidates right up to the

actual voting. Numerous observers in Tehran and other

cities report that political debates in public spaces, like

Vanak Square or Enqelab Square, were substantive and civil,

if impassioned. People who had been intimidated or

demoralized, or who had considered their differences with all Islamic Republic politicians, of whatever stripe, to be

irreconcilable, began to poke their heads above the battlements. Artists, filmmakers, political activists, feminists and

student groups across the ideological spectrum forged alliances and acknowledged common interests. Thirty-four Islamist

and secular feminist groups coalesced to form the Women’s Movement Convergence, for instance, with nearly 700

activists gathering to hammer out a common platform. A week before the election, the Convergence held a debate with

the representatives of the reformist candidates in the Office of the Islamic Revolution’s Women to assess which candidate

would be most consistently committed to women’s rights.[1]

In sum, the 2009 presidential election campaign was unique. Not even amidst the ferment that presaged Khatami’s

sweeping triumph in 1997 was a candidate able to mobilize support across so many social boundaries and to be so

inclusive of elements of the population that have been actively marginalized under the Islamic Republic. The effort at

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –24

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

broad-based mobilization by non-incumbents was new, as was the degree of interplay between the political contestation

roiling the ranks of “the regime” and that reverberating in “the street.”

Slaps in the Face of Reason

In the early afternoon of June 13, the Ministry of Interior announced the final “result” of the election. The turnout was a

record-setting 85 percent and Ahmadinejad had won with 63 percent of the vote, followed by Mousavi with 34 percent,

with Rezaei and Karroubi earning a mere 2 percent and less than 1 percent, respectively. These figures were remarkably

congruent with early morning returns released prior to the closure of some overseas polls and strangely consistent across

all regions of the country.

For many Iranians, the dispute over this “result” is not simply about the outcome -- Ahmadinejad’s anointment as

president -- but about the basic election procedures and laws that were violated. Beyond this, many voters are insulted

by the responses of both Ahmadinejad and Khamenei to the popular skepticism, with the president-select dismissing the

protesters’ misgivings as “dirt” and the Supreme Leader unaccountably averring that the entire nation is united behind

the official tally. The cries of CIA and MI-6 manipulation are likewise a slap in the face of reason. The Tehran municipality,

run by the conservative mayor Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf, has estimated the number of protesters in mid-June at 3

million. These are not only the chic middle classes beloved of Western photographers: They are also the women in

chadors, working-class youths and older people who are supposedly in thrall to the undying revolutionary fervor to which

Ahmadinejad appeals.

Several examples will illuminate the reasons for the rampant disbelief in the June 12 “result.” Unlike in previous elections,

the Ministry of Interior authorized deployment of 14,000 mobile voting booths, making it very difficult for candidates to

send monitors to observe the balloting at every booth. Some 14.5 million extra ballots, by some reports, were printed

and no clear system was delineated to track them. When several polling stations in urban centers ran out of ballots,

Mousavi supporters asked where the extra ballots were, but they could not be found, and remain unaccounted for to date.

Communication among campaign workers was hindered when SMS messaging was turned off and a web page associated

with the Mousavi campaign was shut down. The popular BBC Persian service was jammed to restrict the flow of

information. In the evening of June 12, a Mousavi campaign building was raided by the authorities, with several

volunteers detained, before being released and then rearrested the next day.

Yet the clearest violation of the law would be Mousavi and Karroubi’s claim that their observers were not allowed to be

present when ballots were counted and the ballot boxes sealed. By law and custom, these observers confirm that the

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –25

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

boxes are empty before voting starts, and they are present at the count, sign the result sheet and take away a copy.

They are also supposed to be present when the ballot boxes are finally sealed and sent to the Interior Ministry. A 65-year

old monitor in charge of a station at a mosque in the modest, middle-class Yousefabad neighborhood of Tehran told local

journalists: “Compared to previous elections, we had a huge turnout. Two years ago we had barely 400 votes at our

station. This time, more than 2,000 voted. We closed the station and started counting the votes. By midnight we were

done. Mousavi had 1,600 votes, Ahmadinejad approximately 300, and Karroubi and Rezaei each had around 150 or 200.

We were in the process of filling out the forms and signing them when the announcement came that Ahmadinejad had

won with two thirds of the votes!” Interviews by local journalists in and around the Shahid Mahallati neighborhood of

northeast Tehran, where a vast quadrant of the city is closed off in gated communities for the families of the military,

Revolutionary Guards and intelligence personnel, indicated that even this stratum of the electorate was divided in its

choice of candidate. Several women who live in the compound indicated that they had neighbors who supported various

candidates.

Unlike in previous elections and despite the enormous turnout, the Ministry of Interior was quick to declare a victor and

the Leader officially congratulated Ahmadinejad before a final tally was released or the Guardian Council could make time

to review complaints. The “result” generated sub-controversies as well. To highlight just a few, Karroubi is said to have

won less than half a million votes (less than the number of spoiled ballots), when in 2005 he earned about 5 million votes,

or 17 percent of the total vote. The initial count, oddly, did not include any ruined ballots. The Guardian Council was

compelled to acknowledge that, according to the numbers that had been released, at least 50 voting districts had more

than 100 percent turnout.

Since June 12, opposition candidates, Iranian journalists and independent researchers have marshaled a host of evidence

that calls into question both the procedural fairness of the elections and the veracity of the result.[2] This evidence is so

overwhelming that no impartial observer can credit the hardliners’ protestations that the election was clean.

What Lies Ahead

During the campaign, opposition candidates repeatedly argued that Ahmadinejad had flaunted regulatory procedures in

attempts to circumvent the constitutional checks and balances on the powers of the presidency. Today, it is apparent that

this major campaign theme has been borne out in the election itself.

Supporters of Mousavi therefore had clear, ready-made language for protesting the election “result” on procedural

grounds -- and thus Ahmadinejad’s retort that their outcry is mere sour grapes is completely off point. Using the network

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –26

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

of civil society organizations and campaign workers that had taken shape starting in late May, the protesters

disseminated information quickly and people congregated in front of the Ministry of Interior and in the squares that join

the main thoroughfares in Tehran and other cities. The unprecedented mass protests have demonstrated that the splits

in the political elite are in fact a reflection of deep discontent in the polity. Although Mousavi is the symbolic leader of the

street movement, it is not at all clear that he is in charge. The strength of the street actions was their sheer size and

spontaneity, yet it is plain as well that they have been partly organized by the commitment of the participants to work

toward a common goal: the rule of law and the right of citizen participation. Opposition campaign workers and civil

society activists have helped a great deal in choosing effective locations for the gatherings, as well in promoting the tactic

of silence and the ethic of inclusiveness and non-violence.

Initial responses by leading hardline clerics, even Khamenei, and other political figures seemed to offer some opening for

reconciliation among the factions and with the populace. But Ahmadinejad, Khamenei and members of the Guardian

Council, as well as state radio and television, rapidly turned against the protesters, trying at first to deny the extent of

the outcry and then to denigrate it with flippancy, condescension and mindless conspiracy theory. Increasingly, however,

and predictably, they brought to bear the coercive apparatus of the state to repress it.

Khamenei’s Friday prayer sermon on June 19, and the ensuing violent crackdown, have ensured the further alienation of

the population from the powers that be and deepened the splits in

the governing class. Khamenei’s choice to throw his personal clout

behind Ahmadinejad, and thereby compromise the institutional

neutrality of the Leader’s position, is almost inexplicable in terms of

long-term strategy for maintaining his position and the structure of

the Islamic Republic. By aligning himself so strongly with a divisive

extremist who has only a hammer for every Iranian nail, Khamenei

has undermined his institutional authority -- not only with the

population but also with members of the political elite. He has done so rrevocably. By openly condoning the shooting of

civilians, the powers that be have crossed another red line. The fact that regime spokesmen and the state media are

calling the protesters “terrorists” will only inflame Iranian opinion further. Meanwhile, the video clips showing the June 20

death of an unarmed young woman, Neda Agha Soltan, at the hands of the authorities have given the protesters an

unimpeachable martyr.

What is painfully clear is that violence and intimidation are the methods of choice by the new elite in its quest to

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –27

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

monopolize the political space. This is a highly costly and risky strategy for all involved. As signaled by the June 19 Friday

sermon, the Khamenei-Ahmadinejad alliance has turned its back on the two other tried-and-true methods of conflict

management in the Islamic Republic: intra-elite negotiation and mass participation. The two men have shown little

willingness to compromise with “the old guard” or to acknowledge the demands of the mass of Iranian citizens.

The problem now for the protest movement is to find a way to keep up the pressure while defusing the impact of state

violence. Given that many of the movement’s leaders and mid-level cadres are now in prison (and reportedly under

torture), this will be no mean feat. The movement will probably conclude that protest should move off the streets, where

violence is easier to employ and the flame of dissent itself burns hotter and more unsustainably. The state escalation of

violence has made the streets a site of confrontation rather than mobilization. In order to continue the momentum, the

movement will have to shift tactics and weave tighter its ties with disgruntled factions of the power structure.

Rafsanjani’s faction is already making overtures in this direction. The political alternative would presumably be a series of

lower-key and less dangerous, but increasingly costly, work stoppages, boycotts of state manufactures and strikes,

maybe including general strikes, combined with intermittent street mobilizations, most likely on the monthly and annual

anniversaries of protesters’ deaths.

Such is the pattern of resistance that emerged during the revolution that overthrew the Shah. Everyone in Iran is acutely

aware of this pattern’s significance, both practical and symbolic. It is not to be forgotten, as well, that Mousavi’s

supporters have appropriated a chant that animated the crowds in 1978 and 1979. Banished for now from the avenues

and byways of the Iranian capital, they call it out from the rooftops of their houses in the evenings. “Allah-o Akbar”

resounds once again in Tehran -- and, once again, the forces of political and social change have taken the religious

invocation back from the state.

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –28

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –29

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

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Page 31: Neda Magazine - 07

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –30

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

�ی�ر� راه�/��ی, .�د�&) �ح_� رو '��dان �/�ی�ر.,( ��0_  از �4ی'�ی� وی_´/� �3.���'���) او��e�� �/eد وا��r ا���ن . �O #�ر�

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��د ,����ز �dس�.

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& ��دار و دی�� رؤ��� �� ه� ���e در . ه��'" �4ای�ن

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.و دو���ن ا�2اد د�4(�ش و ا���e ��(�زان

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –31

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

��r د�4(�ش را در ا��/�ر .س��, ��ار . #�ش ه��N ی� ��در��, از��O (ا� �d���ی� ای� �س�) از راه�/��ی, �O &د��. ,� �d2 ����

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�ر .� 34ارش �4 �/�ی�ر� �Oی�N 3', ا��dت 34ارش داد . (�34ار .�د�&l�� ا���م (� ه� ر�/&�& و�� در �Nی��, و�/¡ از : "دو �4و

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�س�و� .

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دارد 200000&''. (.� ���.

�ود ����� /e400.000راه�/��ی, ه� ,)�'N ��/���/e�. م��O در (/r�N ح�ظe راه�/��ی, از �/�� دارد .� (� ای� حس�ب �&''. (.�

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�O ی� راه�/��ی, ه���O & ����' � ا�)در �/�ن d1971روی&اد� .� از . (س���,، راه�/��ی, ��ن �2ا�س/س & راه�/��ی, . ��jز

دارد&''. (.� ه� ه3ار ��� &T �dای&ز، ��^�ن �/'� و 184، 2002در ��ل . ��ن �2ا�س/س �) �4و ر��, .� (� ���رز

�, #�دا��'&، �4وه, از ��دران ه��'" �4ا و �2ز�&ا���ن و �T, از �/)�2���� (/�ز .iب در �/�ن �.) .''&�4ن دی& هhا�2اد ع

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –32

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

�د را �Mikes on Bikes ان��د�& (� د���ل ���� ح�.) �, .�د�& و (�pسS ه�ی, (� ع') &/���"iم� !�dی�� �� .دا �'&" ا��

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�رو��� ا�) .� ����� p/�3 ح&و O ����� ,دارداز دی�� راه�/��ی, ه�� (3رگ، راه�/��ی &''. (.� �ن ��� /_/�و در ی�d'�� د ی`

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�ن و .��3اس �/�, �/3(�ن ��N ه�� �jور ��/3 4, ه�� ��2ی�wی,��'/ ���'& وا 3/� �4�d/ ��ی�dی, ا�) - � .

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Page 34: Neda Magazine - 07

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –33

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

& ر.�رد دار &''. (.� .

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�/��, راه�/��ی, را �wO/ح ��ان �vه�, و (hr, ی��دی�ن ارO&و." و. (�34ار ��& �O ,�'�2002 (/) اw�e&س زود�O از ��ل

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –34

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�دم (� �ه� دادم و ���4 ��دش ه� ���e, .� دو�) دار از .�& (�دار و ��دم از ا�Oق (/�ون او�&م) ` (�ز� #/&ا .�د��.

ری��0 و رو� �Oاس ر��2��� �O دو.

&��ار� p. # ,����. ,e'& د�/r) �w& رو� �Oاس او_ �دی� (_�ز pسS ��/& و ) &/ ��ر؟؟؟" :�pخ زد و �4) .qp"

- "�/eدت دو���! ع��� �O Se�� ا���ر. �/� �د� و ��� �&ا) �d��� !"د���

- "� دی&�! �ررر ��."!

/&ا N&� (�ی& ی� ��d2 (� ح�ل ����eت (d'," :رو� e&'T, ��س) و ادا�� داد �� !"ا

�ر ���؟" -qp"

Page 36: Neda Magazine - 07

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –35

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

�/��3 .'�ر ی� ��d,، ��� ای� .�& ��eس (�د ی� ��ا�� O&2/�؟" - ,pا� ی� ��.س��� ه� ���/��, ! ی� ��ر ,�/� ���ش ا2س�د

�� ه� �م ��/&� �/�/�� د���، �) "!

�م ی�دت ��/� ��؟؟؟ " زدم زی� �'& و ���4"

�� رو ��/�م ول ��/d'� .�ری� (d', .� ح�ا�� #�ت (�� ه�! ��" -� �O ��"!

ات رو (0�ر ����م ��´" -� !" دی� ز! ��

� i/4س �/�/'� .ی� �/� ��ع) دی�� رو �Oاس ��س�/� و ح�ف زدی�e��e� دی�� دارن � .��ع) ح&ودا دو (�د .� دی&م ���p �ه

� (�ی� (0�ا(/�" - �ن (_'& N �� .iس راه) ��/& .�Tح .iس دار� .�هO دی� (�� ا���دت"!

- "����اب (�� �د ا���د ��ار� �/� o/# �. ر�q'وا� ای"!

�ف! ه/"" -��� ,�� ."(3ن (�ی�!(_�� ز(

�� .از .�& ی� #�� و (�oe (�دا

0�ا(�" -/��3 ��ا��,، .�� رو .���#� /p �4راح) (�ش ا".

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- "�/0) S ".

- "�/0) S "

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.(� T&ا� �ه� از ��اب (/&ار &م

- "�nح��� ح��T"!

� �pا ���" -O ؟ .وا�&'p (ع��"

- "�3���.. ه'�ز و�) زی�د� � �O �/) ر��) ��Oر�T".

�ر�O رو س�� و ����e رو ع�ض .�دم .(_'& &مT. 0'& زدم�e �/3 ا��2د ����د��4 �) �. ���p ����3� � ��O. در SO��ای� د���

�دح�ل �) ���ر#�ای3 .�دن .

��غ رو عس_, دوس دارم؟ ای� ���ر د�/� رو از .�� �/�ر�؟؟" - �0O �� "از .�� �/&و�س�,

Page 37: Neda Magazine - 07

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –36

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

- "��/� �ji. !& !"(/� (�/� .� دی�

� ��pش ��� .�دم O س����. ( �ر�O (��&اT رو از oه���. ( � ��pش ی� (�ق ��T, داO. 0'& زد�e. ی��O ³'�� 0'&ش�e

�د .�) �3/p &ح دی�T اول &�/�. &�/� ,'rی. �'d/��رت رو .'�رم (�/'�؟؟؟ ه� روز .� �p��م رو (�ز T ای�

.���ه� رو ازش (��&ا �� و (� ��ردن �Tح��� ادا�� دادم

***

( v4 ,�/(� ��ع) ع� ��د او�&م S و��, (� ���� .اون روز (� �d2 .�دن (� �ه) &���احس�س O'��ی, .ه'�ز ع�q �ه� او���

.ع�/�, .�دم

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�م'�/� � .eح�l � دی�� T&ا

( , رو (�دا��ق ��م 4) �).

�؟" -eا"

�دش ���د�.

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- "�� /o رو ���� v4 �Nا�4 ������� �ه. ����/� o/# S یd, از دو���ش . �����) o�) �� ."ا�4 #/¥��, داری&

�ن" -'�� ."�&ا ���&ار .�� �/_,

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�د .اع��(� �� ��د��4 (�� ری��0 (�د) �� /o رو v4 �Nا��د .�pا ����� (�د ���� �/س)؟ �pا 4) ��p. ". �) �'dا ا��S ز�³ �3د

�'d/��ه�� (_'& و ��o/d رو ��ازش � �� و ای� ا�d2ر �d.� .دی�� ا� (� �؟ �d'� ا�ن ی� ��� دی�� دار �) ('re .�� ر�q'ح��� ای

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Page 38: Neda Magazine - 07

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –37

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

*******

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( .(�دا

- "�& !"اس 12ه'�ز ��ع) ! (� ا���د �ح� �/3

� �دم �ح� �/3 �/�� .دی�S زود ��ا(/&م" -��� ,� ."و��, ���4

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"��� (/�م د���e) ��ه�ر (�ی� (/�ون؟ ..�ر� �&ارم" -

- "�/)�� �d2 ����/�� ای'��؟ .4� ,."

��د (�ش .��ع) دی�� او���م �O ی� .ی� دوش (�/�م" -�".

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- "(�'/�/� "#. ir2"

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*****

/� رو رو � .�دم و �&ا �/&و�� (� �p ��ع�, ��دم رو (� ���� اش ر���&م���ق زدم و p'& د�/r) �w& #�ی/� او�& .(� ع�_� ).

!"�iم اe/` ا���د" -

.."را زی�د� در #/o داری�(�� (�� .� .�iم ع3ی3م" -

�/�ی�؟" - ��."

- "�� ��د اس .یd, از ه�/� ر���را��� ��رج از ,_/� �� �/qrO روز...����ش (�O دوس �&ارم".

��/� (r& یd, ه� #/�د رو� .'/�" -�/� �)� ."�ر ه�ا ه� �/_, �

0�ا�" -) �O ر� ."ه� ^

Page 39: Neda Magazine - 07

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –38

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

�ن ر� 45را ا��2دی� و ح&ود �&�w� �) &r) �w/دی� ./&ی�د��� ر���ران (O ,و�� & �O د���ش رو (��ر &'_) ��� ع�دت ، ^�ه

o/��/�ه ( �(�ی_o رو رو� �/v4 �N 3ا�.

�/�dدم .� T&ا� ه�&ار �س/´ ه�ش رو '/&م ��� �'� .ه�/� ^�ر (�

�س/´ �/_, .'��dو &م (� رو� ��دم ���وردم �/��(�ی_o رو ون ا^�اف �&ی&م��م رو (�� �وردم و و��, �ه� رو ا .(� او�&ن دو�

.(�دا �� و �س/´ ه�ش رو (�ز .�دم

�د) `N ی� o/eر��2 .او �&r) ´/س� .(&ون ای� .� (0��� ��اغ

- ",�� ای'� .� .'�ر¤� .(� ای'�d ر�2, ه'�ز &��� ���e�) ت رو�qع ��دی�S (�� ��() .�د� .� .��/���� از �d2ت (/�ون (/�م .(

��) ی� � � ��p اون (�#�د دارNن و�)��� S_. ی�&/�� & و��, ( ,dی ��0�ام .احس�س .�دم روح) (� /�(�� ز�³ (3ن

�م'�) �Oا&T".

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�� .v4ا

�/��ع دا �� .احس�س �/�dدم ��م 4/´ �O (eح�. 0�ا��� ز�/� ده� (�ز .'� و �� ��د � اح�� رو در��� ��رت (&/�.

(�4�) 3/� �� ��د .� �ه) ¡��� .��س) و در ح��d/e ���ه� �/�dد 0�e'& زد .ه�/�

��� دروغ (��؟ .(� وح�) ���هo .�دم�) ��# ����p ای� ( یr', ا��dن دا

...ادا�� دارد

Page 40: Neda Magazine - 07

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –39

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

ی� و ه�@?:<�ای�A �Bوی

Wikipedia & Homosexuality

.�ر �ن ر: ��یس'&

[email protected]

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�ع را (&�) �وری&n���r, را �س�) (� �ن �N ع�تi^ا�/& ا�O ,� �o/# �&'p ����0 �س. ��O�lن ��) �2ر�, �

(& . �ن �/�d) 3ر ا��2د ا�) .� ع�_/�ت Nس��� در ای� ��ی) را (�ا� .�ر(�ان �2ر�, ز(�ن راح) �O .�د ا�)

�رد ه��'س��ای, (� �� ارای� �, ده& ��یس'&. �)/س) (&ا�/� ای� ��ی�p ( ا^iع�O, را در �(

ی� A �Bوی)www.Wikipedia.org (

,dی� (� ا��_/س, وی&# )Wikipedia (,� �� �� S_^ر� ا�2اد داو�d�ی�ت �زاد ا�) .� (� ه��د ی` دا��'��� ای'����, p'&ز(��� (� �ح�

,���ª ه� .س, .� (� ای'���) د����, دارد، وی�ایo �4دد و ���wت �ن O &ا��O .,dم وی�� ه�� ا� �O./�, ا�) .� از واژ #&ی� واژ

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Page 41: Neda Magazine - 07

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –40

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

� د�/� و (/o از ٢Ü١دارا� _�4٧��� ز(�ن �e�w��ن /_/� . ا�)

,dوی (/rnو �رد ا��iف (�د�����r، ه�/��، ¡�'���^� o0# رای��ن، وی�4, ��(� وی�ایo را (� (��, �ن. �)ا #&ی� (� ع'�ان ی`

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ویd, ا�2�n ی� وی�ای�0O ،&'. oیS و ع&م Tح) �Se�q از ��idت

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,� & دN�4'"(� �2د� .� (. (� & �س�) (� N'" ه���ن (� ��د �2د �) �� �4ا و (� ا�2اد� .� ه� (� � N'" دی�� �4ایo دا

"'Nدار�& دو �4�ی'& �4ا �, N'" دی�� و ه� (� ه��'" ��د O��ی.

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�س�ح«(/� ز��ن �w «,�4�ی'& .

Page 42: Neda Magazine - 07

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –41

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

�/3 -زن ی� ��د -�4ا در 4�یo �/�(��,، از ا�2اد ه��'"��/wحO ان��د، ه��'/� واژ ی�د �,» (�ز ه��'"«(� ع' ه�� دی��� �/3 در

�م ���4ر ع�ام (�ا� ا �ر (� ا�2اد ه��'"dح��/3 و ��/wحO ���r��د دارد .� N�4ا و ��د �4ای�ن هس�'&؛ (� ع'�ان �¤�ل ه��'" .''&

�ن اوا��اه�، ا('�p س, ه��'" �4ای�ن(ا� در ز(�ن �2ر�, (� ع'�وی�'N ��ل در ع�r�� ©0 (�, و ع'�وی� ز�'& �ا�&� �O &�� .

���ر«(�ا� ا �ر (� ه��'" �4ای�ن ��د در ز(�ن ادب �2ر�, واژij « ه&(�ز«و� «,� �د ا����د ا�� (�ا� ا �ر (� ه��'" .

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�� ه��'" زن ���4 �, �4ای�ن زن، & �� ��رد ا����د ��ار . ا�) ز�, ا �ر دا �� ا�) .� (� ع��ای� e¥) ا��وز ('&رت

,� .4/�د

�د#&ی& ه��) ا�) و در اد(/�ت و ه'� ��Nن از ز��ن (س/�ر .��، �ه& ا �راO, (� ای� '" �4ای, از ا(�&ا� �Oری�، (� (�� ه��ا

.#&ی& هس�/�

�:?G ای��H - �Bزاد از ویT F��?L�ی�، داA

N ،,wت ع�iی��O 3.��O ��ع و �ح� &''.  /T�O & &/�'س,، احس��, و �4ایN o'س, .� N�O/ح و O��ی� N'س, �/3 ��

�رت �, ('&� �4ایo رد. 0O/_, ا�2اد ا�)T (����� ��رد O��ی��� (�#�ی� ��ع N'س/�, .� �r� �دات ز�&N��. 4/�د ه�� N'س,

oاع ای� �4ای� :ه� ع��رO'& از ا�

�اhomosexual (�2: (�4ای, ه��'" •� "'N �) o�4ای

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�&ا �� �4ایN o'س,)N) :asexual'س, (, •

�ال و �O) :transgender ("��OاN'س, ی� دN�4'س, •�dس��O �_�N د� از&r��و���ی) و .� ��د (� زی� ��� ه��

,��� wOس/� ) �&/e و �/�/ �د .

• 2���,) hermaphrodite(�ودی) �4و دی��� �/3 (� ��م ه� ����' �T/�ت ه� دو N'" را دارا هس�'& و در �� �. &��

�د�/� ای� ا�2اد (� ��ع, ا��iل N'س, ���i هس�'&. اiqTح (� ���� دوN'س� ���4

V?@ه� F���ای� ز�H - �Bزاد از ویT F��?L�ی�، داA

�ف �4ای, ز���� ��ع, �4ایN o'س, ��0© ز��ن ا�) .� ع� ه��'"qr��، احس���ت و O��یiت N'س, زن (� دی�� ز��ن

�'& . ا�)�'/� �/)3e حiqTرا در ا oز��ن ی� د���ان (� ای� �4ای.

�س�ح�w» ه��'" �4ای, ز���� در ای�ان زی� ع'�ان »& ���� اعiم ��� � .ا�) ع�

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –42

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

١٢٧��د �س�ح�w را ای� ^�ر �rOی  .�د ,�iزات ا�����س�ح�w،«:ا�) ����ن ,_��'O (�ز� ز��ن ا�) (� ا�&ام "'N ه�« .

��j �.vیS ا�) "'N م ا�����N �wحO ی�ن�N دو زن (س��, دارد و در �r2 �) م�N �wس�ح��ع n����د . در SN�� �)١٣å

,�iزات ا���� o ��ار 4/�«: ����ن � '& (&ون �nورت، (�ه'� زی� ی` #�) �� �& ه��4 دو زن .� (� ه� ��ی��و�&� �س�, �&ا

,���& (� .��� از �O &Tزی��� 3rOی� .,� �م (� ه� ی` �O &Tزی��� زد� ��O���رت �dOار ای� ع�� و �dOار 3rOی� در T د در� در . »

,��رت �dOار �Nم، ��SdO را اع&ام T &''.) ١٣١��د ,�iزات ا����یd, از راه��� ا���ت �Nم ه� N'" �4ای, ز��ن ). ����ن

�د ا�)� ��دت .,��ع Nدان ر���i ز���� ������vار (�ا� ا���ت ای� �Nم (� ��دت �. �. ,��N دت ز��ن را در�� ا�) .'& و

,�� ���r� &��' .

�D� ��ز - �Bزاد از ویT F��?L�ی�، داA

�از� ^�����س��، #�ه� را ز�,، ��ع, ر��2ر ه��'" �4ای��� در (/� ز��ن ه��'" �4ا ا�) .� در �ن دو زن رو(�و� ه� (� ^�ر

�ن (� ه� O��س #/&ا ,_��'O (e� ,Nح ��رq� �. &'ده ,��ر �n(&ر� (��رO, ��ار ^ �)

.�د و ��" (� ح�.) #�ی/� O'� �ن ه� را (� یd&ی�� �dOن داد و �/��e'& واز ای� .�ر احس�س

&''d/� .veت

,��رد ا����د ��ار � .4/�د ��4', ا�) .� ای� e¥) ا��وز (� �&رت

�,د � دی&)���) 3����� �/3ش O'�� در ح/�ا��ت ��د از � ����د ر �/�ن ح/�ا��ت، ای� 4 .

� ��.� هس�'&���. `/Oا�.���ر� د��N ه� در�)���).

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&  �. i���دا��, .� (e3 در ای��د ح�¥�ردو.��ز 5-��3ی� � ا���ادی�ل و Oس�����ون .� (� و�/_�. ا�) زیس) '��, ع��,

,���دا��, را (� ا��Oل (� 4/��& �O&ی� (� د� ه/&روOس�����ون (eای��د ح� ���&، ع� �ن(ه�� ��&روژن �ه�� N'س, ��دا�� ه�ر

,���& .� (�ع» ای��د ��Tت ����ی� ���'& ریo و ._��, T&ا ��& .� O¥//�ات Nس�, و روا�, ز���, ��ه� �,. (� ع�& دار�&)

���'& ز��ن ���i (� #�ی����, (���'& ������ن (, حس, ��&روژ�, و ی� (س/�ر زی�د (� & (ه�� ��&روژن (س/�ر .� د ای� 4/��&rO&ا

2�ق ._/� &j درزاد���در ای� ��re�qت دی& .ح���� ه��'س��ای, �p در ��دان و �p ز��ن ��/�� p'/� د4�4��/��ی, ا�) )

& ا�) .� در ز��ن ه��'س & �� (/o از ز��ن دN�4'س��ا ح��ت ��دا�� ای��د ��د Oح�w/wت در(�ر . ا�) ��ا ع�Nای� و �)

,��ل (�ع» ه��'س��ای, در ��دان ه��'س��ای, ��دان ���ن �r�ده& .� ای��د ح��ت ��دا�� o/) �p از ح& و �p .��� از ح&

,��د .

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –43

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

�Cی�~�ژی�B ه�@?:<�ای�ن �N7وت Kه�

Oح�w/wت (س/�ر& ��، ���ن �, � .� در ای� ز�/'� ا���م e ن� '�س �/� Sع� ����ده'& .� ��Oو���O ا�&، ���'& Oح�w/wت #/���

�د داردNس��ا و'N�4دان د���ژ� ��دان ه��'س��ا و e���N, در 3/2یO �3¥، 4�ش �/��,، و ح" .��(�ای� ��Oو��O ا(�&ا ��د را در

,��� در �ز��ی�. ��ز�& (�ی�ی, � �dر e 3¥� �dر� �) ٪١٠, دری�(2 .� � ,dژی�e��رد �ز��ی��O oوت 3/2ی�از ��دان ه��'س��ا�

o0) س��ا دارد ه��ن'N�4دان د���,. ه� در �'r�ا� 4/��& .� ه��'س��ای, در ا�2اد #&ی& �4ه, ���ی´ ای� Oح�w/wت را (� ای�

��«(� ای� ح�ل ��د .��درزاد� ا�)e «,�4�ی& :». ()�� ��� ژ��/d, (�ا� ه��'س��ای, �/س�'&Oح�w/wت /eی` د �� ه/� . ''&

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,� ��رد ��re�q ��ار و از ���� .� ... .'& �O ی` هس�� ه��'س��ا.''& ده'& ر��2ره�� N'س, ��دان و ز��ن ع���¥3 ا�2اد (�e¨ را ��

��درزاد� (�د داد ��Oو��O د �&ارد .� ��/�� (�/�ی� ای��Nو ,_/eام ه/� د &��د �/�Nو �) &e�O از &r) رد . ا�& ا�& و�� ��e ت�w/wحO

�د�&، در ا���wده�ی, ��ار 2�4) .� یd, از د�ی_o ا���0ب ��دان ه��'س��ای, (�د .� (� ع_) (/��ر� ای&ز �Nن ) �د را از د�) داد�

�د�&�� i����رد ��re�q (� ای� (/��ر� ���wیس�. ح�e, .� دN�4'س��اه�� در ا�2اد ���i (� ای&ز دN�4'س��ا INAH -3ا� .� (/� ا�&از

& ��ر�(و ه��'س��ا ا���م � �r��N دن�) `p��د .N3 در ه� دو ����) (� و¥�ا���e (�ی& . ا�) ���(� ���ن داد .� ا�&از ای� (o0 از

��N دا ) .� ه/� �&ر., ��', (� ��O/� ا(�i (� ای&ز (� ا�&ازO3 - INAHOح�w/wت در ز��ن ه'�ز (� ه/� ��/�� . ا�) ی���2 ��&

&�� ,��'� ,�)���.

اعiم ١٩٩٧.��i در ��ل (�d�iرد و. (� & �O (� ه��'س��ای, �2د �, (hr, از Oح�w/wت ا�/� ح�., از ار��Oط rO&اد (�ادره�� (3رگ

ه�� یd, از ��O ���rی� ی���2«ای� ی��d�i) ���4 ��^ ��2رد .(�د (�� �, ٪�O٣٣ اح���ل ه��'س��ای, �2د را �O .�د�& ه� (�ادر (3رگ

&  �d/س'N �4ای���� �) �q)ح�ل در را �) �O �. (ا� ,dژی�e�/��د .� ه� (� ^�� ای� ی���2، ���4 �,» .ا�) ا#/& �.v� �/'N

,��د .'& و ای� وا.'�O �&r) �/'N �) o&ی& �, در ��در وا.'�, ای�', ای��د را .� ��o ���� در O¥//�ات H-Yای� N'/'�� ���, ژن .

��� N'س, & �, ه� �wOی�� ��() &/e�O (در� ا���(� �ن وا.'o داد و �/��H-Y 3ز�& و ای� ه��ن ���, ژ�, ا�) .� ���, (�د�

��در (� N'/� ح�_� �, ��H-Y" ���, (�دی��� . ���ی& �,) از ��l ای�', '���,(�ور� ی�د ª��O & &/e�O ,��� ,و .�رای &''.

,��ع (� ��م . �ور�& ژ���� �����د را در ای��د ح��ت ��دا�� در �N 3¥'/� #�ی/� n���e& (�ادر«از ای� O S/O�O ا�� «,��د ی�د در .

�د�& ��wیس� �, ر & ی���2 (� (�ادر (3رگ �O�re�q, .� #س�ه��) .�د، .�  & .� �O ��'O را (� ���� .� N&ا از (�ادران ر & .�د

,��/� (�ر #س�� (� د�/� &'p در� .� (�ا��� &ن از &e��� ,� oدن را در ا�2اد ا32ای�ده& و (3رگ &ن در �ورد اح���ل ه��'س��ا (

��ع ªw2 در ��دان را�) د�) �Tدق ا�). س��e �&ارد.'�ر �)ادران د��p (e'&ا�, در ای� n��در(�ر ز��ن .Se�N ای'���) .� ای�

��N, ی�2) ��&O � .ا�) ���ی´ ���(� ی� ��(

Page 45: Neda Magazine - 07

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –44

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

V?@ر ه��I �Hای��F در ح��ا��ت ر

&���dا�س�ن �3دی �) ,_��dO �&') �Nدر در �. ,Oا����ران و (�0�ص ح/��N و�����, ر��2ره�� ه��'س��ای��� در �2 �د �/3 دی&

����� (3رگ(�/� &'��� .(�رج �Oون �Tیح� ای� ��lی� را ��qح .�دN ����، #�و2س�ر دا���� (��N در �ا�) .� ه��'س��ای,، �ا�

���4 � و ح�iت و ��Oوزه�� دا�&��د �Nو �) ���dO 3ی�, ا�) .� در ا��� ��'/�eد ,� oدر ��ه� .�ه �T� .ده& ا� را ��

���'# ,hr)&دار� ���� �) ������ �N) (� ��ه�� دی�� و ��� ��ز� /d�O �) ��ا�¡ از ی` �'³ (� ع'�ان . '��� �� O��ی�در ای�

,� �د �Nی�3ی� �0O ا����د را (� ی` �0O (�رور ٢٠٠åدر ��ل .& ��ی�d، �'³ ی�د� #�ر� ��.�3 ح/�ا��ت وا�¡ در ای��ت ��ح&

(�غ وح���� �e���, و ژا#', �/3 34ار �O, در(�ر ه��'س��ای, (/� . '�ان �2ز�& ��د (3رگ .�د�&�Nی�3ی� .�د .� زوج �� �ن را (� ع

. ا�& #'���� ه�ی��ن �'��� .�د& �ن در �و._'& �/�زی_'& ���ه&�eر�O ,_. ,)� .ا�) ای� #&ی& ه��'/� در زیس���

�ه�ن. o/�� در روا(ª �4وه�� ��، ���T� �4و� �w و د��ل .��r��ل ا�) �r�ه�� ��ع دی��� روا(ª ای'�'/', در ��د. دار ا��ی�dی,

.از �4وه� رواج دارد

�, ٪ã �O١٠.� در (ه��'س��ای, در 4���'&ان �د ����p دی& (o0) وت در ح����O �) ه�� �r/', از �¥3 و e�r2/���� ه��ا

/�/�ی, ا�) . ،& ��_� درون ری3 '��, ا���م ª��O �. ,O�re�q��ژیd, و زیس) '���, v4�/��Oار�&e�� 3/2ی�. ���ن داد ع�ا

����� رو� ��e �. ,ی´ ای� (�ر�/�� (� (�ر�/��ی��� �)��� .ا�) ه�� ا�س��, ا���م داد

,�4���'&ان �� .�ه, ا��ی�dی, �/3 از ای� ��l (� دو د��� wOس/� &�� :,���& و �4و دی�� ���� .� در4/� روا(ª ه��'س��ای���

..� ای'���� �/س�'&

�, N'" در �/�ن .���Oان �/3 ه� �د �4ای, ��ه� دی& .,�) .���Oان N'�ق �N ح� (� ای�iqTزان ا�)�O�4�ی'& .�.

V?@ه� ��?L�ای�ن روا�H

,��ن Oح_/� روا�, در2�4) .� ادع� ��4ای, (� .�د در ه�� ا�2اد ^, ��� روا�,، دوN'" در ا(�&ا� ��ن (/س��، ���ح¤, ���l #/�ا

,��د Nد .'�3 در ��ل . �ی& و��e� ت ع&د��re�q�١٩åد�& ١٩٨٠و ه��'/� د.�� �2ی�3 ._/� در ��ل ٠� .�Oی/& .''& ای� ��lی�ت (

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,��'� ,���#�وه���� ع_�, . ا�& &، (/���� ای� (�د .� ا.¤� ��دم در �r^�w, دارا� ��O(/�ت و ی� ع�ا^  ه��'" �4ای��� (�د

,���r ا�س��, O��یiت دوN'" �4ای��� دار�& ��T�r ادع� �N (ا.¤�ی �. &''. .,��ر �O دم��.''& �4ایN o'س, (��iف ���� (/���

����» ه��'" �4ا«و » دN�4'" �4ا«�4و ٢ی` ��¥/� 4سس�� �/س) .� (� /# ��/¥�� �d_) ،د� `/d�O ت�/T�ا�) .� ��

درT& از (�e¥/� ا��ی�dی, (�ا� O��م ع�� �'ح��ا åده'& .� ح&ود ���ن �,» .'�3«34ار �ت . ه� را �/3 دارا�) ��(/� ای� �4و

(� ای� ح�ل درT& ا�2اد� .� (� . ا�& " �4ای��� (�وز داددرT& �/3 در �r^�w, از ز�&4, ر��2ره�� ه��' ١٠ه��'" �4ا هس�'& و ح&ود

Page 46: Neda Magazine - 07

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –45

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

�رد ا���lر ا�)��ر (�ا(� (� ه� دو N'" را(�q دار�& .��� از �/3ان ^ .,��ا�& (� ع_) ��2ره�� ا�N��ع (� ا�2اد (� & .� ���� را ای� O

,��ر ��� N (ی�دN�4'" «ی� » ه��'" �4ا«'س, را از ��/� .'& (� �iف �jای3 درو�, ��د و (� ^�ر ����د��4 (�pس���� �q_� ه

.(�vی��&» �4ا

�, (� LGBT ��'Nه�� .'�3، (� ه��ا ��r2ن �4و &/.�O ,س'N �4ای���� (/e�/� ری0, و�O ت .'�3 ه��'/� . .�د ه���re�q�

,� & ���ت vNب &ن (� N'س/) ا�d) و �� 3eو��(.'& و �&رO� ���ن داد .� �4ایN o'س, در دوران ح/�ت �2د در ��Nت ��0_  ر

,�����وO, را �2اه� &'. .o�0, �4ای ه�� N'س, ��د را O¥//� ده& و ه��'/� r)/& ا�( .� ای� ا��Oق ��در )س/�ر ��در ا�( .�

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�ب �Oری0, �ن ���یس)pر��p .�r��N ات�/��O ل�ا�) و ی` وی�O ,4ح) .'��ل ا�س�ن و اراد او در ای� ���، �4ایN o'س, �ح�

�د �حس�ب ��, دار�&، .� در (/��� روا��'���. &/wس, ع'N تiی��O ����/# �� �اw2'& و (� ر�ن (� ���ی´ ._, �ز��ی��ت .'�3

,� �/d�O �4ای�ن "'N�4ا در دو ا����� (�دار و ا�_/) ��ار دار�& و ا.¤�ی) را دو "'N�4د i�. ده'& �ن ا�2اد .��i ه��'" �4ا و .�

&/wی�� ه�� روا��'���ن ه� ع�wO �,ا�& (irو �d ا���e .4/�د و (� ^�ر اراد� ��(� O¥//� �/س) .� �4ایN o'س, در �'/� #�ی/�

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��0_  ��ز�4ر� دارد.

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ای� واژ از S/.�O ح�ف& :ا�) ه�� �0س) واژ�4ن ا��_/س, زی� در�)

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• Gay د�� �4ا ه��'"(�ا�

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• Transgender ی�Transsexual ,س'Nا�O ا� �2د�)

Page 47: Neda Magazine - 07

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –46

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

رA �Xروا- �B� و �:A �:?G Kره��I K��H ر

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Page 48: Neda Magazine - 07

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –47

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

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Page 49: Neda Magazine - 07

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –48

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

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Page 50: Neda Magazine - 07

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –49

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

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Page 51: Neda Magazine - 07

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –50

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –51

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

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ا�)& �ن ای�ا�, در . �� (�ا(� /_/��2ض (� Tح) ای� ادع�؛ �ی� ه���د و o ه3ار ��� را� ده'& از �/�ن o/) (/r�N از ��pر

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –52

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –53

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

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Page 55: Neda Magazine - 07

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –54

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –55

& و از �ن #" 2008در ��ا��� ��اغ ���ی� ��ر � ���ی� � ���'� ا�) ن د ا &�� �� ا �ز� ��اغ ا� . (� ���� ه�� �

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؟�و ی� (���� و ی� �� د ��س�زا�

Page 57: Neda Magazine - 07

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ه��� ��ر - اول��ل –56

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