StereotypeFor other uses, see Stereotype (disambiguation).Not to be confused with Stereotypy.In social psychology, a stereotype is a thought that canAn 18th-century Dutch engraving of the peoples of the world, de-picting the inhabitants of Asia, the Americas and Africa as sav-ages. Shown below are an Englishman, a Dutchman, a Germanand a Frenchman.Police ocers buying doughnuts and coee, an example of per-ceived stereotypical behavior in North America.be adopted about specic types of individuals or cer-tain ways of doing things.[1] These thoughts or beliefsmay or may not accurately reect reality.[2][3] However,thisisonlyafundamental psychological denitionofa stereotype.[3] Within psychology and spanning acrossother disciplines, there are dierent conceptualizationsand theories of stereotyping that provide their own ex-panded denition. Some of these denitions share com-monalities, though each one may also harbor unique as-pects that may contradict the others.1 EtymologyThe termstereotype derives fromthe Greek words(stereos), rm, solid[4]and(typos),impression,[5] hence solid impression.The term comes from the printing trade and was rstadopted in 1798 by Firmin Didot to describe a printingplate that duplicated any typography. The duplicate print-ing plate, or the stereotype, is used for printing instead ofthe original.Outside of printing, the rst reference to stereotype wasin 1850, as a noun that meant image perpetuated withoutchange.[6] However, it was not until 1922 that stereo-type was rst used in the modern psychological sense byAmerican journalist Walter Lippmann in his work PublicOpinion.[7]2 Relationship with other types ofintergroup attitudesStereotypes, prejudice, anddiscriminationareunder-stood as related but dierent concepts.[8][9][10][11] Stereo-types are regarded as the most cognitive component andoften occurs without conscious awareness, whereas prej-udice is the aective component of stereotyping and dis-crimination is the behavioral component of prejudicialreactions.[8][9][12] In this tripartite view of intergroup at-titudes, stereotypes reect expectations and beliefs aboutthe characteristics of members of groups perceived asdierent from ones own, prejudice represents the emo-tional response, and discrimination refers to actions.[8][9]Although related, the three concepts can exist indepen-dentlyofeachother.[9][13]AccordingtoDaniel Katzand Kenneth Braly, stereotyping leads to racial prejudicewhen people emotionally react to the name of a group, as-cribe characteristics to members of that group, and thenevaluate those characteristics.[10]Possible prejudicial eects of stereotypes[3] are:Justication of ill-founded prejudices or ignoranceUnwillingness to rethink ones attitudes and behav-ior towards stereotyped groupsPreventing some people of stereotyped groups fromentering or succeeding in activities or elds[14]12 4 FUNCTIONS3 ContentStereotype content model, adapted fromFiske et al. (2002): Fourtypesofstereotypesresultingfromcombinationsofperceivedwarmth and competence.Stereotype content refers to the attributes that peoplethink characterize a group. Studies of stereotype con-tent examine what people think of others, rather than thereasons and mechanisms involved in stereotyping.[15]Early theories of stereotype content proposed bysocial psychologists such as Gordon Allport as-sumed that stereotypes of outgroups reected uniformantipathy.[16][17]Forinstance, KatzandBralyarguedin their classic 1933 study that ethnic stereotypes wereuniformly negative.[15]By contrast, a newer model of stereotype content theo-rizes that stereotypes are frequently ambivalent and varyalong two dimensions: warmth and competence. Warmthand competence are respectively predicted by lack ofcompetition and status. Groups that do not compete withthe in-group for the same resources (e.g., college space)are perceived as warm, whereas high-status (e.g., eco-nomically or educationally successful) groups are con-sidered competent. The groups within each of the fourcombinations of high and low levels of warmth and com-petence elicit distinct emotions.[18] The model explainsthe phenomenon that some out-groups are admired butdisliked, whereas others are liked but disrespected. Thismodel was empirically tested on a variety of national andinternational samples and was found to reliably predictstereotype content.[16][19]4 FunctionsEarly studies suggested that stereotypes were only usedby rigid, repressed, and authoritarian people. This ideahas been refuted by contemporary studies that suggestthe ubiquity of stereotypes and it was suggested to regardstereotypes as collective group beliefs, meaning that peo-ple who belong to the same social group share the sameset of stereotypes.[13] Modern research asserts that fullunderstanding of stereotypes requires considering themfrom two complementary perspectives: as shared withina particular culture/subculture and as formed in the mindof an individual person.[20]4.1 Relationship between cognitive and so-cial functionsStereotyping can serve cognitive functions on an inter-personal level, andsocial functionsonanintergrouplevel.[3][13] For stereotyping to function on an intergrouplevel (see social identity approaches: social identity the-ory and self-categorization theory), an individual mustsee themselves as part of a group and being part of thatgroup must also be salient for the individual.[13]Craig McGarty, Russell Spears, and Vincent Y. Yzerbyt(2002) argued that the cognitive functions of stereotypingare best understood in relation to its social functions, andvice versa.[21]4.2 Cognitive functionsStereotypes can help make sense of the world. They area form of categorization that helps to simplify and sys-tematize information. Thus, information is more easilyidentied, recalled, predicted, and reacted to.[13] Stereo-types are categories of objects or people. Between stereo-types, objects or people are as dierent from each otheras possible.[1] Within stereotypes, objects or people areas similar to each other as possible.[1]Gordon Allport has suggested possible answers towhy people ndit easier tounderstandcategorizedinformation.[22] First, people can consult a category toidentify response patterns. Second, categorized informa-tion is more specic than non-categorized information,as categorization accentuates properties that are sharedby all members of a group. Third, people can read-ily describe object in a category because objects in thesame category have distinct characteristics. Finally, peo-ple can take for granted the characteristics of a particularcategory because the category itself may be an arbitrarygrouping.A complementary perspective theorizes how stereotypesfunction as time- and energy-savers that allow people toact more eciently.[1] Yet another perspective suggeststhat stereotypes are peoples biased perceptions of theirsocial contexts.[1] In this view, people use stereotypes asshortcuts to make sense of their social contexts, and thismakes a persons task of understanding his or her worldless cognitively demanding.[1]4.3 Social functions: social categorizationIn the following situations, the overarching purpose ofstereotyping is for people to put their collective self (their4.5 Social functions: social inuence and consensus 3ingroup membership) in a positive light:[23]whenstereotypes areusedfor explainingsocialeventswhen stereotypes are used for justifying activitiesof ones owngroup(ingroup) toanother group(outgroup)when stereotypes are used for dierentiating the in-group as positively distinct from outgroups4.3.1 Explanation purposesAs mentioned previously, stereotypes can be used to ex-plain social events.[13][23] Henri Tajfel[13] described hisobservations of how some people found that the anti-Semitic contents of The Protocols of the Elders of ZiononlymadesenseifJewshavecertaincharacteristics.Therefore, according to Tajfel,[13] Jews were stereotypedas being evil and yearning for world domination to matchthe anti-Semitic facts as presented in The Protocols ofthe Elders of Zion.4.3.2 Justication purposesPeople create stereotypes of an outgroup to justify the ac-tions that their ingroup has committed (or plans to com-mit) towards that outgroup.[13][22][23] For example,ac-cording to Tajfel,[13] Europeans stereotyped Turkish, In-dian, and Chinese people as being incapable of achievingnancial advances without European help. This stereo-type was used to justify European colonialism in Turkey,India, and China.4.3.3 Intergroup dierentiationAn assumption is that people want their ingroup to have apositive image relative to outgroups, and so people wantto dierentiate their ingroup from relevant outgroups ina desirable way.[13] If an outgroup does not aect the in-groups image, then from an image preservation point ofview, there is no point for the ingroup to be positivelydistinct from that outgroup.[13]People can actively create certain images for relevant out-groups by stereotyping. People do so when they seethat their ingroup is no longer as clearly and/or as pos-itively dierentiated from relevant outgroups, and theywant to restore the intergroup dierentiation to a statethat favours the ingroup.[13][23]4.4 Social functions: self-categorizationPeople will change their stereotype of their ingroups andoutgroups to suit the context they are in.[3][23] People arelikely to self-stereotype their ingroup as homogenous inan intergroup context, and they are less likely to do soin an intragroup context where the need to emphasisetheir group membership is not as great.[23] Stereotypescan emphasise a persons group membership in two steps:First, stereotypes emphasise the persons similarities withingroup members on relevant dimensions, and also thepersons dierences from outgroup members on relevantdimensions.[23] Second, the more the stereotypes empha-sise within-group similarities and between-group dier-ences, the more salient the persons social identity willbecome, and the more depersonalised that person willbe.[23] A depersonalised person will abandon his/her in-dividual dierences and embrace the stereotypes associ-ated with his/her relevant group membership.[23]4.5 Socialfunctions: socialinuenceandconsensusStereotypes are an indicator of ingroup consensus.[23]When there are intragroup disagreements over stereo-types of the ingroup and/or outrgroups, ingroup memberswill take collective action to prevent other ingroup mem-bers from diverging from each other.[23]John C. Turner proposed in 1987[23] that if ingroup mem-bers disagree on an outgroup stereotype, then one ofthree possible collective actions will follow: First,in-group members may negotiate with each other and con-clude that they have dierent outgroup stereotypes be-cause they are stereotyping dierent subgroups of an out-group (e.g.,Russian gymnasts versus Russian boxers).Second, ingroup members may negotiate with each other,but conclude that they are disagreeing because of categor-ical dierences amongst themselves. Accordingly, in thiscontext, it is better to categorise ingroup members underdierent categories (e.g., Democrats versus Republican)than under a shared category (e.g., American). Finally,ingroup members may inuence each other to arrive at acommon outgroup stereotype.5 FormationDierent disciplines give dierent accounts of howstereotypes develop: Psychologists may focus on an in-dividuals experience with groups, patterns of communi-cation about those groups, and intergroup conict. Asfor sociologists, they may focus on the relations amongdierent groups in a social structure. They suggest thatstereotypes are the result of conict, poor parenting, andinadequate mental and emotional development. Oncestereotypes have formed, there are two main factors thatexplain their persistence. First, the cognitive eects ofschematic processing (see schema) make it so that whena member of a group behaves as we expect, the behaviorconrms and even strengthens existing stereotypes. Sec-ond, the aective or emotional aspects of prejudice ren-4 5 FORMATIONder logical arguments against stereotypes ineective incountering the power of emotional responses.[24]5.1 Correspondence biasMain article: Correspondence biasThe correspondence bias refers to the tendency to ascribea persons behavior to her or his disposition or personalityand to underestimate the extent to which situational fac-tors elicited the behavior. The correspondence bias canplay an important role in stereotype formation.[25]For example, in a study by Roguer and Yzerbyt (1999)participants watched a video showing students who wererandomly instructedtondarguments either for oragainst euthanasia. The students that argued in favor ofeuthanasia came from the same law department or fromdierent departments. Results showed that participantsattributed the studentsresponses to their attitudes al-though it had been made clear in the video that studentshad no choice about their position. Participants reportedthat group membership, i.e., the department that the stu-dents belonged to, had an impact on the students opin-ions about euthanasia. Law students were perceived tobe more in favor of euthanasia than students from dif-ferent departments despite the fact that a pretest had re-vealed that subjects had no preexisting expectations aboutattitudes toward euthanasia and the department that stu-dents belong to. The attribution error created the newstereotype that law students are more likely to supporteuthanasia.[26]Nier et al. (2012) found that people who tend to drawdis-positional inferences from behavior and ignore situationalconstraints are more likely to stereotype low-status groupsas incompetent and high-status groups as competent. Par-ticipants listened to descriptions of two ctitious groupsof Pacic Islanders, one of which was described as beinghigher in status than the other. In a second study, sub-jects rated actual groups the poor and wealthy, womenand men in the United States in terms of their com-petence. Subjects who scored high on the measure ofcorrespondence bias stereotyped the poor, women, andthe ctitious lower-status Pacic Islanders as incompe-tent whereas they stereotyped the wealthy, men, and thehigh-status Pacic Islanders as competent. The corre-spondence bias was a signicant predictor of stereotypingeven after controlling for other measures that have beenlinked to beliefs about low status groups, the just-worldhypothesis and social dominance orientation.[27]5.2 Illusory correlationMain article: Illusory correlationResearch has shown that stereotypes can develop basedonacognitivemechanismknownasillusorycorrela-tion an erroneous inference about the relationship be-tween two events.[1][28][29] If two events which are sta-tistically infrequent co-occur, observers overestimate thefrequency of co-occurrence of these events.The under-lying reason is that rare, infrequent events are distinctiveand salient and, when paired, become even more so. Theheightened salience results in more attention and moreeective encoding, which strengthens the belief that theevents are correlated.[30][31][32]In the intergroup context, illusory correlations lead peo-ple to misattribute rare behaviors or traits at higher ratesto minority group members than to majority groups, evenwhen both display the same proportion of the behaviorsor traits. Black people, for instance, are a minority groupin the United States and interaction with blacks is a rel-atively infrequent event for an average white American.Similarly, undesirable behavior (e.g. crime) is statisti-cally less frequent than desirable behavior. Since bothevents blackness and undesirable behavior are dis-tinctive in the sense that they are infrequent, the com-bination of the two leads observers to overestimate therate of co-occurrence.[30] Similarly, in workplaces wherewomen are underrepresented and negative behaviors suchas errors occur less frequently than positive behaviors,women become more strongly associated with mistakesthan men.[33]In a landmark study, David Hamilton and Richard Gif-ford(1976)examinedtheroleofillusorycorrelationinstereotypeformation. Subjectswereinstructedtoread descriptions of behaviors performed by membersof groups A and B.Negative behaviors outnumberedpositive actions and group B was smaller than group A,making negative behaviors and membership in group Brelatively infrequent and distinctive. Participants werethen asked who had performed a set of actions: a per-son of group A or group B. Results showed that sub-jects overestimated the frequency with which both dis-tinctive events, membership in group B and negative be-havior, co-occurred, and evaluated group B more nega-tively. This despite the fact the proportion of positiveto negative behaviors was equivalent for both groups andthat there was no actual correlation between group mem-bership and behaviors.[30] Although Hamilton and Gif-ford found a similar eect for positive behaviors as the in-frequent events, a meta-analytic review of studies showedthat illusory correlation eects are stronger when the in-frequent, distinctive information is negative.[28]Hamilton and Giords distinctiveness-based explanationof stereotype formation was subsequently extended.[31] A1994 study by McConnell, Sherman, and Hamilton foundthat people formed stereotypes based on information thatwas not distinctive at the time of presentation, but wasconsidered distinctive at the time of judgement.[34] Oncea person judges non-distinctive information in memoryto be distinctive, that information is re-encoded and re-represented as if it had been distinctive when it was rst5processed.[34]5.3 Common environmentOne explanation for why stereotypes are shared is thatthey are the result of a common environment that stimu-lates people to react in the same way.[1]The problemwith the common environment explanationin general is that it does not explain how shared stereo-types can occur without direct stimuli.[1] Research sincethe 1930s suggested that people are highly similar witheach other in how they describe dierent racial and na-tional groups, although those people have no personal ex-perience with the groups they are describing.[35]5.4 Socialization and upbringingAnother explanation says that people are socialised toadopt the same stereotypes.[1]Some psychologists be-lieve that although stereotypes can be absorbed at any age,stereotypes are usually acquired in early childhood underthe inuence of parents, teachers, peers, and the media.If stereotypes are dened by social values, then stereo-types will only change as per changes in social values.[1]The suggestion that stereotype content depend on socialvalues reects Walter Lippman's argument in his 1922publication that stereotypes are rigid because they cannotbe changed at will.[10]Studies emerging since the 1940s refuted the suggestionthat stereotype contents cannot be changed at will. Thosestudies suggested that one groups stereotype of anothergroup would become more or less positive depending onwhether their intergroup relationship had improved ordegraded.[10][36][37] Intergroup events (e.g., World WarTwo, Persian Gulf conict) often changed intergroup re-lationships. For example, after WWII, Black Americanstudents held a more negative stereotype of people fromcountries that were the USAs WWII enemies.[10] If thereare no changes to an intergroup relationship, then relevantstereotypes will not change.[11]5.5 Intergroup relationsAccording to a third explanation, shared stereotypes areneither caused by the coincidence of common stimuli,nor by socialisation.This explanation posits that stereo-types are shared because group members are motivatedto behave in certain ways, and stereotypes reect thosebehaviours.[1] It is important to note fromthis explanationthat stereotypes are the consequence, not the cause, of in-tergroup relations. This explanation assumes that when itis important for people to acknowledge both their ingroupand outgroup, then those people will aim to emphasisetheir dierence from outgroup members, and their simi-larity to ingroup members.[1]6 ActivationThe dual-process model of cognitive processing of stereo-types asserts that automaticactivationof stereotypesis followedbyacontrolledprocessingstage, duringwhich an individual may choose to disregard or ignorethestereotypedinformationthat hasbeenbrought tomind.[12]A number of studies have found that stereotypes are ac-tivated automatically. Patricia Devine (1989), for exam-ple, suggested that stereotypes are automatically activatedin the presence of a member (or some symbolic equiv-alent) of a stereotyped group and that the unintentionalactivation of the stereotype is equally strong for high-and low-prejudice persons. Words related to the culturalstereotype of blacks were presented subliminally. Duringan ostensibly unrelated impression-formation task, sub-jects read a paragraph describing a race-unspecied tar-get persons behaviors and rated the target person on sev-eral trait scales. Results showed that participants who re-ceived a high proportion of racial words rated the targetperson in the story as signicantly more hostile than par-ticipants who were presented with a lower proportion ofwords related to the stereotype. This eect held true forboth high- and low-prejudice subjects (as measured bythe Modern Racism Scale). Thus, the racial stereotypewas activated even for low-prejudice individuals who didnot personally endorse it.[12][38][39] Studies using alterna-tive priming methods have shown that the activation ofgender and age stereotypes can also be automatic.[40][41]Subsequent research suggested that the relation betweencategory activation and stereotype activation was morecomplex.[39][42] Lepore and Brown (1997), for instance,noted that the words used in Devines study were bothneutral category labels (e.g., Blacks) and stereotypicattributes (e.g., lazy). They argued that if only theneutral category labels were presented, people high andlow in prejudice would respond dierently. In a designsimilar to Devines, Lepore and Brown primed the cate-gory of African-Americans using labels such as blacksandWestIndians and then assessedthe dierentialactivationof theassociatedstereotypeinthesubse-quent impression-formation task. They found that high-prejudice participants increased their ratings of the tar-get person on the negative stereotypic dimensions anddecreased them on the positive dimension whereas low-prejudice subjects tended in the opposite direction. Theresults suggest that the level of prejudice and stereotypeendorsement aects peoples judgements when the cate-gory and not the stereotype per se is primed.[43]Research has shown that people can be trained to acti-vate counterstereotypic information and thereby reducethe automatic activation of negative stereotypes. In astudy by Kawakami et al. (2000), for example, partic-ipants were presented with a category label and taughtto respond No to stereotypic traits and Yes to non-stereotypic traits. After this training period, subjects6 8 EFFECTSshowed reduced stereotype activation.[44][45] This eectis based on the learning of new and more positive stereo-types rather than the negation of already existing ones.[45]6.1 Automatic behavioral outcomesEmpirical evidencesuggeststhat stereotypeactivationcan automatically inuence social behavior.[46][47][48][49]For example, Bargh, Chen, and Burrows (1996) acti-vated the stereotype of the elderly among half of theirparticipants by administering a scrambled-sentence testwhere participants saw words related to age stereotypes.Subjects primed with the stereotype walked signicantlyslower than the control group (although the test did not in-clude any words specically referring to slowness), thusacting in a way that the stereotype suggests that elderlypeople will act. In another experiment,Bargh,Chen,and Burrows also found that because the stereotype aboutblacks includes the notion of aggression, subliminal expo-sure to black faces increased the likelihood that randomlyselected white college students reacted with more aggres-sion and hostility than participants who subconsciouslyviewed a white face.[50] Similarly, Correll et al. (2002)showed that activated stereotypes about blacks can inu-ence peoples behavior. In a series of experiments, blackand white participants played a video game, in which ablack or white person was shown holding a gun or a harm-less object (e.g., a mobile phone). Participants had todecide as quickly as possible whether to shoot the tar-get.When the target person was armed, both black andwhite participants were faster in deciding to shoot the tar-get when he was black than when he was white. Whenthe target was unarmed, the participants avoided shoot-ing him more quickly when he was white. Time pressuremade the shooter bias even more pronounced.[51]7 AccuracyAmagazinefeaturefromBeautyParadefromMarch1952stereotyping women drivers. It features Bettie Page as the model.Stereotypes can be ecient shortcuts and sense-makingtools. They can,however,keep people from process-ing newor unexpected information about each individual,thus biasing the impression formation process.[1] Early re-searchers believed that stereotypes were inaccurate rep-resentations of reality.[35] A series of pioneering studieswhich appeared in the 1930s found no empirical supportfor widely held racial stereotypes.[10] By the mid-1950s,Gordon Allport wrote that it is possible for a stereotypeto grow in deance of all evidence.[22]Research on the role of illusory correlations in the forma-tion of stereotypes suggests that stereotypes can developbecause of incorrect inferences about the relationship be-tween two events (e.g., membership in a social group andbad or good attributes). This means that at least somestereotypes are inaccurate.[28][30][32][34]There is empirical social science research which showsthat stereotypes are often accurate.[52] Jussim et al. re-viewed four studies concerning racial and seven studieswhich examined gender stereotypes about demographiccharacteristics, academic achievement, personality andbehavior. Based on that, the authors argued that some as-pects of ethnic and gender stereotypes are accurate whilestereotypes concerning political aliation and national-ity are much less accurate.[53] A study by Terracciano etal. also found that stereotypic beliefs about nationalitydo not reect the actual personality traits of people fromdierent cultures.[54]8 Eects8.1 Attributional ambiguityMain article: Attributional ambiguityAttributional ambiguityrefers totheuncertaintythatmembers of stereotyped groups experience in interpret-ing the causes of others behavior toward them. Stereo-typedindividuals whoreceivenegativefeedbackcanattribute it either to personal shortcomings, such as lackof ability or poor eort, or the evaluators stereotypes andprejudice toward their social group. Alternatively, posi-tive feedback can either be attributed to personal merit ordiscounted as a form of sympathy or pity.[55][56][57]Crocker et al. (1991) showed that when black partici-pants were evaluated by a white person who was awareof their race, black subjects mistrusted the feedback,attributing negative feedback to the evaluators stereo-types and positive feedback to the evaluators desire toappear unbiased. When the black participants race wasunknown to the evaluator, they were more accepting ofthe feedback.[58]Attributional ambiguity has been shown to impact a per-sons self-esteem. When they receive positive evalua-tions, stereotyped individuals are uncertain of whetherthey really deserved their success and, consequently, they8.3 Self-fullling prophecy 7nd it dicult to take credit for their achievements. In thecase of negative feedback, ambiguity has been shown tohave a protective eect on self-esteem as it allows peopleto assign blame to external causes. Some studies, how-ever, have found that this eect only holds when stereo-typed individuals can be absolutely certain that their neg-ative outcomes are due to the evaluatorss prejudice. Ifany room for uncertainty remains, stereotyped individu-als tend to blame themselves.[56]Attributional ambiguity can also make it dicult to as-sess ones skills because performance-related evaluationsaremistrustedordiscounted. Moreover, it canleadto the belief that ones eorts are not directly linkedto the outcomes, thereby depressing ones motivation tosucceed.[55]8.2 Stereotype threatThe eect of stereotype threat (ST) on math test scores for girlsand boys. Data from Osborne (2007).[59]Main article: Stereotype threatStereotype threat occurs when people are aware of anegative stereotype about their social group and expe-rience anxiety or concern that they might conrm thestereotype.[60] Stereotype threat has been shown to un-dermine performance in a variety of domains.[61][62]Claude M. Steele and Joshua Aronson conducted the rstexperiments showing that stereotype threat can depressintellectual performance on standardized tests. In onestudy, they found that black college students performedworse than white students on a verbal test when the taskwas framed as a measure of intelligence. When it wasnot presented in that manner, the performance gap nar-rowed. Subsequent experiments showed that framingthe test as diagnostic of intellectual ability made blackstudents more aware of negative stereotypes about theirgroup, which in turn impaired their performance.[63]Stereotype threat eects have been demonstrated for anarray of social groups in many dierent arenas, includ-ing not only academics but also sports,[64] chess[65] andbusiness.[66]8.3 Self-fullling prophecyMain article: Self-fullling prophecyStereotypes lead people to expect certain actions frommembers of social groups. These stereotype-basedexpectationsmayleadtoself-fulllingprophecies, inwhichones inaccurateexpectations about apersonsbehavior, through socialinteraction, prompt that per-son to act in stereotype-consistent ways, thus con-rming ones erroneous expectations and validating thestereotype.[67][68][69]Word, Zanna, and Cooper (1974) demonstrated the ef-fects of stereotypes in the context of a job interview.White participants interviewed black and white subjectswho, prior to the experiments, had been trained to act ina standardized manner. Analysis of the videotaped in-terviews showed that black job applicants were treateddierently: They received shorter amounts of interviewtime and less eye contact; interviewers made more speecherrors (e.g., stutters, sentence incompletions, incoherentsounds) and physically distanced themselves from blackapplicants. In a second experiment, trained interview-ers were instructed to treat applicants, all of whom werewhite, like the whites or blacks had been treated in therst experiment. As a result, applicants treated like theblacks of the rst experiment behaved in a more nervousmanner and received more negative performance ratingsthan interviewees receiving the treatment previously af-forded to whites.[70]A 1977 study by Snyder, Tanke, and Berscheid found asimilar pattern in social interactions between men andwomen. Maleundergraduatestudentswereaskedtotalk to female undergraduates, whom they believed to bephysically attractive or unattractive, on the phone. Theconversations were taped and analysis showed that menwho thought that they were talking to an attractive womancommunicated in a more positive and friendlier mannerthan men who believed that they were talking to unattrac-tive women. This altered the womens behavior: Femalesubjects who, unknowingly to them, were perceived to bephysically attractive behaved in a friendly, likeable, andsociable manner in comparison with subjects who wereregarded as unattractive.[71]8.4 DiscriminationBecause stereotypes simplify and justify social reality,they have potentially powerful eects on how people per-ceive and treat one another.[72] As a result, stereotypescan lead to discrimination in labor markets and otherdomains.[73] For example, Tilcsik (2011) has found thatemployers who seek job applicants with stereotypicallymale heterosexual traits are particularly likely to engagein discrimination against gay men, suggesting that dis-crimination on the basis of sexual orientation is partly8 9 ROLE IN ART AND CULTURErooted in specic stereotypes and that these stereotypesloom large in many labor markets.[14]Agerstrm andRooth (2011) showed that automatic obesity stereotypescaptured by the Implicit Association Test can predict realhiring discrimination against the obese.[74] Similarly, ex-periments suggest that gender stereotypes play an impor-tant role in judgments that aect hiring decisions.[75][76]8.5 Self-stereotypingMain article: Self-stereotypingStereotypes can aect self-evaluations and lead to self-stereotyping.[3][77]Forinstance, Correll (2001, 2004)found that specic stereotypes (e.g., the stereotype thatwomen have lower mathematical ability) aect womensand mens evaluations of their abilities (e.g., in mathand science), such that men assess their own task abilityhigher than women performing at the same level.[78][79]Similarly, a study by Sinclair et al. (2006) has shown thatAsian American women rated their math ability more fa-vorably when their ethnicity and the relevant stereotypethat Asian Americans excel in math was made salient.In contrast, they rated their math ability less favorablywhen their gender and the corresponding stereotype ofwomens inferior math skills was made salient. Sinclair etal. found, however, that the eect of stereotypes on self-evaluations is mediated by the degree to which close peo-ple in someones life endorse these stereotypes. Peoplesself-stereotyping can increase or decrease depending onwhether close others view them in stereotype-consistentor inconsistent manner.[80]Stereotyping can also play a central role in depression,when people have negative self-stereotypes about them-selves, according to Cox, Abramson, Devine, and Hol-lon (2012).[3] This depression that is caused by prejudice(i.e., deprejudice) can be related to a group member-ship (e.g., MeGayBad) or not (e.g., MeBad). If some-one holds prejudicial beliefs about a stigmatized groupand then becomes a member of that group, they may in-ternalize their prejudice and develop depression. Peo-ple may also show prejudice internalization through self-stereotyping because of negative childhood experiencessuch as verbal and physical abuse.9 Role in art and cultureStereotypes are common in various cultural media, wherethey take the form of dramatic stock characters. Thesecharacters are found in the works of playwright BertoldBrecht,Dario Fo,and Jacques Lecoq,who character-ize their actors as stereotypes for theatrical eect. Incommedia dell'arte this is similarly common. The in-stantly recognizable nature of stereotypes mean that theyare eective in advertising and situation comedy. TheseAmerican political cartoon titled The Usual Irish Way of DoingThings, depicting a drunken Irishman lighting a powder keg andswinging a bottle. Published in Harpers Weekly, 1871.stereotypes change, and in modern times only a few ofthe stereotyped characters shown in John Bunyan's ThePilgrims Progress would be recognizable.Media stereotypes of women rst emerged in the early20th century. Various stereotypic depictions or types ofwomen appeared in magazines, including Victorian ide-als of femininity, the New Woman, the Gibson Girl, theFemme fatale, and the Flapper.[81] More recently, artistssuch as Anne Taintor and Matthew Weiner (the producerof Mad Men) have used vintage images or ideas to inserttheir own commentary of stereotypes for specic eras.Weiners character Peggy Olson continually battles gen-der stereotypes throughout the series, excelling in a work-place dominated by men.Some contemporary studies indicate that racial, ethnicand cultural stereotypes are still widespread in Hollywoodblockbuster movies.[82] Portrayals of Latin Americans inlmand print media are restricted to a narrowset of char-acters. Latin Americans are largely depicted as sexual-ized gures such as the Latino macho or the Latina vixen,gang members, (illegal) immigrants, or entertainers.Bycomparison, they are rarely portrayed as working profes-sionals, business leaders or politicians.[83]In literature and art, stereotypes are clichd or predictablecharacters or situations. Throughout history, storytellershave drawn from stereotypical characters and situations,in order to connect the audience with new tales imme-diately. Sometimes such stereotypes can be sophisti-cated, such as Shakespeare's Shylock inTheMerchantof Venice. Arguably a stereotype that becomes complexand sophisticated ceases to be a stereotype per se by itsunique characterization. Thus while Shylock remains po-litically unstable in being a stereotypical Jew, the sub-ject of prejudicial derision in Shakespeares era, his many9other detailed features raise him above a simple stereo-type and into a unique character, worthy of modern per-formance. Simply because one feature of a character canbe categorized as being typical does not make the entirecharacter a stereotype.Despite their proximity in etymological roots, clich andstereotype are not used synonymously in cultural spheres.For example, a clich is a high criticism in narratologywhere genre and categorization automatically associatesa story within its recognizable group. Labeling a situa-tion or character in a story as typical suggests it is ttingfor its genre or category. Whereas declaring that a sto-ryteller has relied on clich is to pejoratively observe asimplicity and lack of originality in the tale. To criticizeIan Fleming for a stereotypically unlikely escape for JamesBond would be understood by the reader or listener, butit would be more appropriately criticized as a clich inthat it is overused and reproduced. Narrative genre re-lies heavily on typical features to remain recognizable andgenerate meaning in the reader/viewer.10 See also11 References[1] McGarty, Craig; Yzerbyt, Vincent Y.; Spears, Russel(2002). Social, cultural and cognitive factors in stereo-type formation (PDF). Stereotypes as explanations: Theformation of meaningful beliefs about social groups. Cam-bridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 115. ISBN978-0-521-80047-1.[2] Judd, Charles M.; Park, Bernadette (1993). Def-inition and assessment of accuracy in social stereo-types. Psychological Review 100 (1): 109128.doi:10.1037/0033-295X.100.1.109.[3] Cox, William T. L.; Abramson, Lyn Y.; Devine, Patri-cia G.; Hollon, Steven D. (2012). 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ISBN978-0-470-47921-6.[10] Katz, Daniel; Braly, Kenneth W. (1935). Racial prej-udice and racial stereotypes. The Journal of Abnormaland Social Psychology (American Psychological Associa-tion) 30 (2): 175193. doi:10.1037/h0059800.[11] Oakes, P. J., Haslam, S. A., & Turner, J. C. (1994).Stereotyping and social reality. Oxford: Blackwell.[12] Devine, Patricia G. (1989). Stereotypes and Prejudice:TheirAutomaticandControlledComponents(PDF).Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 56 (1): 518. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.56.1.5.[13] Tajfel, Henri (1981). Social stereotypes andsocialgroups. In Turner, John C.; Giles, Howard. Intergroupbehaviour. Oxford: Blackwell. pp. 144167. ISBN 978-0-631-11711-7.[14] Tilcsik, Andrs (2011). PrideandPrejudice: Em-ployment Discrimination against Openly Gay Men in theUnited States. American Journal of Sociology 117 (2):586626. doi:10.1086/661653.[15] Operario,Don; Fiske,Susan T. (2003). 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Social perception and interpersonal behavior:On the self-fullling nature of social stereotypes (PDF).Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 35 (9): 656666. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.35.9.656.[72] Banaji, Mahzarin R. (2002). The Social Psychology ofStereotypes. In Smelser, Neil; Baltes, Paul. InternationalEncyclopedia of the Social and Behavioral Sciences. NewYork: Pergamon. pp. 1510015104. doi:10.1016/B0-08-043076-7/01754-X. ISBN 978-0-08-043076-8.[73] Fiske, Susan T.; Lee, Tiane L.(2008). Stereotypesand prejudice create workplace discrimination. In Brief,Arthur P. Diversity at Work. New York: Cambridge Uni-versity Press. pp. 1352. ISBN 978-0-521-86030-7.[74] Agerstrm, Jens; Rooth, Dan-Olof (2011). The role ofautomatic obesity stereotypes in real hiring discrimina-tion. Journal of Applied Psychology96 (4): 790805.doi:10.1037/a0021594. PMID 21280934.[75] Davison, Heather K.; Burke, Michael J. (2000). Sex Dis-crimination in Simulated Employment Contexts: A Meta-analytic Investigation. Journal of Vocational Behavior 56(2): 225248. doi:10.1006/jvbe.1999.1711.[76] Rudman, Laurie A.; Glick, Peter (2001). PrescriptiveGender Stereotypes and Backlash toward AgenticWomen (PDF). Journal of Social Issues 57 (4):743762. doi:10.1111/0022-4537.00239.[77] Sinclair, Stacey; Huntsinger, Je (2006). The Interper-sonal Basis of Self-Stereotyping. In Levin, Shana; VanLaar, Colette. Stigma and Group Inequality: Social Psy-chological Perspectives. Claremont Symposium on Ap-plied Social Psychology. Mahwah,NJ: Lawrence Erl-baum Associates. p. 239. ISBN 978-0-8058-4415-3.[78] Correll, Shelley J. (2001). Gender and the career choiceprocess: Theroleofbiasedself-assessments(PDF).AmericanJournal of Sociology 106(6): 16911730.doi:10.1086/321299.[79] Correll, ShelleyJ. (2004). Constraints intoPrefer-ences: Gender, Status, and Emerging Career Aspirations(PDF). AmericanSociological Review69 (1): 93113.doi:10.1177/000312240406900106.[80] Sinclair, Stacey; Hardin, Curtis D.; Lowery, Brian S.(2006). Self-Stereotyping in the Context of Multiple So-cial Identities (PDF). Journal of Personality and SocialPsychology (American Psychological Association) 90 (4):529542. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.90.4.529.[81] Kitch, Carolyn L. (2001). The Girl on the Magazine Cover:The Origins of Visual Stereotypes in American Mass Media.Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press. pp.116. ISBN 978-0-8078-2653-9.[82] van Ginneken, Jaap (2007). Screening Dierence: HowHollywoodsBlockbusterFilmsImagineRace, Ethnicity,andCulture. Lanham: Rowman & Littleeld. ISBN9780742555839.[83] Romn, Ediberto (2000). Who Exactly Is Living La VidaLoca: The Legal and Political Consequences of Latino-Latina Ethnic and Racial Stereotypes in Film and OtherMedia. Journal of Gender, Race & Justice 4 (1): 3768.12 Further readingHilton, James L.; vonHippel, William(1996).Stereotypes. Annual Review of Psychology 47 (1):237271. doi:10.1146/annurev.psych.47.1.237.Stuart Ewen, Elizabeth Ewen, Typecasting: On theArts and Sciences of Human Inequality.New York(Seven Stories Press) 2006Stereotype&SocietyAMajorResource: Con-stantly updated and archivedRegenberg, Nina (2007). Are Blonds ReallyDumb?". In mind (magazine) (3).Are Stereotypes True?Stereotype Susceptibility: IdentitySalience andShifts in Quantitative Performance, Margaret Shih,Todd L. Pittinsky, Nalini Ambady Research aboutthe eects of 'positive' and negative stereotypes onencouraging/discouraging performance.13Turner, Chris (2004). Planet Simpson:How a Car-toon Masterpiece Documented an Era and Dened aGeneration. Foreword by Douglas Coupland. (1sted.). Toronto: RandomHouseCanada. ISBN0679313184. OCLC 55682258..Crawford, M. & Unger, R. (2004). Women andGender: AFeminist Psychology. McGrawHill NewYork. New York. 45-49.Spitzer, B.L., Henderson, K, A., & Zavian, M. T.(1999). Gender dierences in population versusmedia body sizes: A comparison over four decades.Sex Roles, 40, 545-565.13 External linksInterview with social psychologists Susan Fiske andMike North about the stereotyping of older peopleHowgender stereotypes inuence emerging career as-pirations lecture by Stanford University sociologistShelley Correll on 21 October 2010Social Psychology Network StereotypingStereotypes Media Smarts, Canadas Centre forDigital and Media LiteracyAge and Health based stereotyping Age and Healthbased stereotyping14 14 TEXT AND IMAGE SOURCES, CONTRIBUTORS, AND LICENSES14 Text and image sources, contributors, and licenses14.1 Text Stereotype Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stereotype?oldid=676061996 Contributors: The Anome, -- April, ClaudineChionh, Deb,William Avery, SimonP, Jtoomim, Zadcat, Frecklefoot, Edward, Patrick, Michael Hardy, Menchi, Ixfd64, Zanimum, IZAK, CameronDewe, (, Paul A, Goatasaur, Tregoweth, Ahoerstemeier, Angela, Kingturtle, Vzbs34, Rotem Dan, Jiang, Jeandr du Toit, MichaK, Jen-god, Agtx, Saint-Paddy, Daniel Quinlan, SatyrTN, Freechild, Furrykef, Wiwaxia, Dpbsmith, Secretlondon, Slawojarek, Bearcat, Robbot,Tonsofpcs, RedWolf, Donreed, Cogibyte, Altenmann, Mirv, FredR, Hemanshu, Auric, Andrew Levine, Hadal, Benc, Dina, Adam78,Alan Liefting, Graeme Bartlett, Pretzelpaws, Zigger, Everyking, Snowdog, Avalean, Curps, Nkocharh, Mboverload, Taak, Allstar86,159753, Alexf, Formeruser-81, Antandrus, Beland, J3, Loremaster, Piotrus, LERK, The MoUsYspell-checker, Kiteinthewind, Jokestress,Rlquall, Neutrality, Ensrifra, Jcw69, Ukexpat, Cab88, Lucidish, D6, Pastinakel, A-giau, Discospinster, Rich Farmbrough, Oliver Line-ham, YUL89YYZ, Westendgirl, User2004, Kzzl, Bender235, Goplat, The Iconoclast, Violetriga, Aranel, RJHall, Kaszeta, Mr. Billion,JustPhil, Bobo192, Superking, Revolutionary, Elipongo, Fritz freiheit, Ziggurat, Neg, SpeedyGonsales, Jeodesic, Ben@liddicott.com, Ha-ham hanuka, OGoncho, Maberk, Alansohn, Thand, Gssq, Ashley Pomeroy, Bz2, Flyspeck, Fritzpoll, Benefros, Mailer diablo, Cdc, Wt-mitchell, Benson85, ZeiP, QuixoticKate, Henry W. 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