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ROYAL IMAGES IN PRIVATE

TOMBS AT THEBES IN THE

EARLY RAMESSIDE PERIOD

by

GABRIELLE HEFFERNAN

A thesis submitted to

The Ui!e"sity o# Bi"mi$h%m

#o" the de$"ee o# M%ste" o# Phi&oso'hy

Istitute o# A"(h%eo&o$y %d Ati)uity

*o&&e$e o# A"ts %d L%+

The Ui!e"sity o# Bi"mi$h%m

,ue -./.


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ABSTRACT

Cultural memory is a relatively new area of study within Egyptology. It is, however, a

key issue in the understanding of how soiety funtioned. Important work has !een done

!y sholars suh as Assmann on the su!"et and this study hopes to !uild on that !y

taking the ase of depitions of kings in The!an tom!s, and disussing what they may

tell us a!out the role of the king in the lives of the people. This study will fous on three

types of sene# the king as a part of everyday life, the king as a historial figure, and the

king as a $divine$ !eing. This will allow a more detailed study of how the king, and

kingship, was understood !y people who were not mem!ers of the royal ourt, or

holders of high offie. Conlusions will !e drawn a!out the senes !oth as sym!ols of

how kingship was understood, and as reords of the ways in whih the king, and the

state, played a part in the lives and ultural memory of ordinary Egyptians.


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TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Maps i

List of Figures ii

List of Appendices viii

Abbreviations x

Introduction 1

Chapter 1: The King as a Part of Everda Life! "

1.1Location and Context of #cenes "

1.2Festiva$s %

1.3Persona$ Tit$es &1

1.4Mortuar Estates &'

1.5(rac$es and A)enhotep I &"

1.6Conc$usion *+

Chapter &: The King as a ,istorica$ Figure! *1

2.1Location and Context of #cenes *1

2.2King$ists and -o.s of Kings *&

2.3Mortuar Te)p$es and Cu$ts */

2.4Conc$usion '0

Chapter *: The King as a 2ivine 3eing! '4


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3.1Location and Context of #cenes '%

3.2(fferings to the King /+

3.3The King .ith ,athor /0

3.4The King .ith (siris 0+

3.5The King .ith Anubis 0&

3.6Conc$usion 00

Chapter ': (ther Aspects re$ating to the King! 04

4.1,eaddresses and Cro.ns 04

4.2Epithets "0

4.3Ite)s he$d b the 5ing "4

4.4Conc$usion 41

Conc$usion 4*

Maps 44

Figures %4

Appendices 1*&

3ib$iograph 14*


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LIST OF MAPS

1. Map of the Theban Necropolis (Porter and Moss 1960: Key Map).

2. eir el!Medina (Porter and Moss 1960: Map "##.)

$. ra %b& el!Na'a (North) (Porter and Moss 1960: Map #.)

. ra %b& el!Na'a (o&th) (Porter and Moss 1960: Map ##.)

*. %saif and el!Kho+ha (Porter and Moss 1960: Map #".)

6. hei+ %bd el!,&rna (North) (Porter and Moss 1960: Map ".)

-. hei+ %bd el!,&rna (o&th) (Porter and Moss 1960: Map "#.)

. ,&rnet M&rai (Porter and Moss 1960: Map "###.)

9. Theban te/ples (Porter and Moss 19-2: Map. ###.)

i


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LIST OF FIGURES

1. TT2: Deceased with wife offers on braziers to statue of Amenhotep I in

palanquin carried by priests, and statue of Amun !IA photo 1""#. $eproduced

with permission of !riffith Institute, %ni&ersity of '(ford).

2. TT2: *Deceased+ before Amenhotep I, Ahmose-efertari and rincess

/erytamun !IA photo 1"0. $eproduced with permission of !riffith Institute,

%ni&ersity of '(ford).

#. TT2: Deceased offers to two rows of in3s and queens 4epsius 105"100:

2*a+).

5. TT2: *Deceased before statue of Amenhotep I in palanquin carried by priests,

and statue of Amun, both protected by /aat 6ern7 1"28: fi3. 15).

. TT2: Deceased and family before Amun and Ahmose-efertari !IA photo

1"08. $eproduced with permission of !riffith Institute, %ni&ersity of '(ford).

9. TT2: hons and wife before Amenhotep twice depicted) and Ahmose -efertari

6ern7 1"28: pl. I *1+)

8. TT2: hons and wife before $e, 'siris and Amenhotep I 6ern7 1"28: pl. I *2+).

0. TT5: Ahmose-efertari and /erytamun on either side, and statue of ;athor cow

protectin3 Amenhotep I in centre 6ern7 1"28: pl. i& *2+).

". TT5: Deceased, ;enutmehyt, and her son, before Anubis, ;athor, Amenhotep I

and Ahmose-efertari !IA photo 2


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11. TT10: Penbuy and brother, Penshenabu, before Amenhotep I, Ahmose-Nefertari,

[Seti I?, !amesses I and "oremhab #$epsius 1%&'-1%(%: 1)* [+.

1. TT1&: Priests before to roya/ statues in pa/anuins #aud 1'*(: p/. iii.

1*. TT1&: 2ema/e mourners #before roya/ statues #3erbrou+4 1'*%: fi5. 6.

1&. TT1': 7e+eased and priests before to ros of seated 4in5s and ueens #2ou+art

1'*(: p/. 8ii.

1(. TT1': ar4 ith statue of Ahmose-Nefertari dra55ed from temp/e #2ou+art

1'*(: p/. i9 [A

16. TT1': [ar4 of ut and bar4 of Amun-!e toed on +ana/, [statue of

Amenhotep of the fore+ourt in pa/anuin +arried by priests, and men a++/aimin5

#2ou+art 1'*(: p/. 9i.

1). TT1': 7e+eased ith son e+4nay and ife adore "athor-+o in mountain

prote+tin5 4in5 #2ou+art 1'*(: p/. i8 [A.

1%. TT1': ar4 of Ahmose-Nefertari toed on /a4e ith trees, heaps of offerin5s,

and fema/e mourners, and statues in Amenhotep I in pa/anuins ith priests in

front of temp/e #2ou+art 1'*(: p/. 8i [A.

1'. TT1': Sin5/e-sti+4 and rest/in5, and bar4 of Thutmose III before his temp/e

#2ou+art 1'*(: p/. 8iii.

0. TT1': Sin5/e-sti+4 and rest/in5, and bar4 of Thutmose III before his temp/e

#2ou+art 1'*(: p/. 8iii.

1. TT1': ar4 of Thutmose III before his temp/e #2ou+art 1'*(: p/. 8i9.

. TT1': [ar4 of Amenhotep I on /a4e ith fema/e mourners and men dra55in5

roya/ statue #2ou+art 1'*(: p/. 89i [A.

*. TT1': [7e+eased ith son e4nay and ife +enses and /ibates to !e-"ora4hty-

Atum, Amenhotep I, "athor and 3estern 5oddesses #2ou+art 1'*(: p/. 88iii.

iii


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24. TT19: [Deceased, mother and daughter(?)] before 3 d!ntes and "ng (#oucart

193$: %%!).

2$. TT23: Deceased adores &menhote' and &hmose*efertar (+e'sus

1491$: 199 [d]).

2-. TT23: athor co/ n mountan 'rotectng 0amesses (+e'sus 1491$ 199

[h]).

2. TT23: aboons adorng, and sous of e and *e"hen before bar" contanng

5eren'tah offerng to &mun (Duemchen 1-9: '. %! [f]).

2. TT31: 6sermontu, 78er, and hs brother u, ro'het of 5ontu, offer bar" to

5ontu, a n bar" to/ed b 2 mtar boats abreast, /th father of deceased and

hs 3 sons censng and batng abo!e, and deceased offers to bar" of Tuthmoss

n "os" (Da!es and ardner 194: '. %).

29. TT31: &rr!a of bar" of 5onthu /th 6sermontu and u and 2 tugs, foo/ed

b 'rests and 'restesses, ncudng 6serhet, ;te/ard of


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33. TT51: Deceased with mother, wife and daughter, offers on braziers to Thutmose

I and Ahmose-Nefertari Da!ies 1"#$: %&. !'

3(. TT5(: Deceased and fami&) cense and &ibate to Amenhote% I and Ahmose-

Nefertari Da!ies 1"##: 5(, fig.5'.

35. TT1*+: Deceased outside tem%&e a%%ro!es statue of eti I e%sius 1("-15:

13# /%0'.

3+. TT1*+: Deceased censes and &ibates before /Amenhote% I and Ahmose-

Nefertari0 ham%o&&ion 1(5:

c&22 /10'.

3$. TT153: Deceased, fo&&owed b) women, censes and &ibates before deified

Amenhote% I, Ahmose-Nefertari and Thutmose III, in ios 4aud 1"35:fig.#.'.

3. TT15$: Deceased, fo&&owed b) fanbearer and %riest with te2t of a%%ointment in

)ear I as igh 6riest of Amun, before 7amesses II and 8er)mut' Nefertari in

%a&ace window chott %hoto ++#$. o%)right:9riffith Institute, ni!ersit) of

;2ford'.

3". TT15$: Deceased, fo&&owed b) fanbearer and %riest with te2t of a%%ointment in

)ear I as igh 6riest of Amun, before 7amesses II and 8er)mut' Nefertari in

%a&ace window chott %hoto ++#. o%)right:9riffith Institute, ni!ersit) of

;2ford'.

(*. TT#1*: re 1"#:

fig. 1#'.

(1. TT#1": ?ife %&a)ing f&ute, offers bou@uet on censer to ;siris, Amenhote%. I,

athor and Ahmose-Nefertari in front of a mountain 7oss 1"31: 1+$'.

(#. TT#5*: Deceased adores ;siris and wife adores Amenhote% I. 4e&ow are

Ahmose-Nefertari and Anubis in the same %osition, adored b) two %rocessions

!


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of the family (Bruyre 1927: pl. vi).

43. TT277: Statues of Teye an !menhotep """ ra##e in pro$ession (%anier

!&!''aie 194: pl. vii).

44. TT277: Statues of Teye an !menhotep """ ra##e in pro$ession (%anier

!&!''aie 194: pl. )

4. TT277: *e$ease $enses an li'ates 'efore statue of +e'hepetre,-entuhotep

/ueen +eferys (pro's !hmose,+efertari) an 0athor $o in mountain (%anier

!&!''aie 194: pl. v1).

4. TT277: Boat ith shrine toe on la5e (0ermann 193: pl.a).

47. TT277: *e$ease $enses an li'ates to !menhotep """ an /ueen Teye (%anier

*&!''aie 194: pl. 1).

46. TT29: !menhotep " an !hmose,+efertari fa$in# 8siris an !nu'is (Bruyre

1924: pl.).

49. TT33: !menhotep " ith Buto an +eith (Bruyre 192a: fi#. 14).

. TT33: !menhotep " ith Buto an +eith (Bruyre 192a: fi#. 1).

1. TT341: Son musi$ians offi$ials ith 'ouuets 'efore tah,So5ar,8siris seate

ith 'eare ;amesses "" 'ehin him (*avies (+ina) 193: pl.$).

2. TT341: Son musi$ians offi$ials ith 'ouuets 'efore tah,So5ar,8siris seate

ith 'eare ;amesses "" 'ehin him (*avies an


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1845: pl. cliii [3]).

57. A18: Deceased libates to Amenhotep I and Queen Ahhotep !hampollion 1845:

pl. cliii [4]).

58. !7: "o# o$ %in&s 'hutmose I( II( III( I( Amenhotep II( III) and *o+us

!hampollion 1844: 518).

,ii


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LIST OF APPENDICES

1. Tomb Details.

2. Titles of Tomb Owners.

3. Appendix to Chapter 1 (the King as part of Eer!da! "ife#.

$. Appendix to Chapter 2 (the King as a %istori&al 'igre#.

). Appendix to Chapter 3 (the King as a *Diine* +eing#.

,. The dates of s&enes of the -ing in priate tombs at Thebes

(a# The dates of tombs with s&enes of the -ing as a part of eer!da! life.

(b# The dates of tombs with s&enes of the -ing as a histori&al figre.

( The dates of tombs with s&enes of &ensing and libating to the -ing.

(d# The dates of tombs with s&enes of offering to the -ing.

(e# The dates of tombs with s&enes of worship of the -ing.

(f# The dates of tombs with s&enes of the -ing with %athor.

(g# The dates of tombs with s&enes of the -ing with Osiris.

/. The lo&ations of s&enes of the -ing in priate tombs at Thebes organised b! site

(a# The lo&ation of tombs with s&enes of the -ing as a part of eer!da! life.

(b# The lo&ation of tombs with s&enes of the -ing as a histori&al figre.

( The lo&ation of tombs with s&enes of &ensing and libating to the -ing.

(d# The lo&ation of tombs with s&enes of offering to the -ing.

(e# The lo&ation of tombs with s&enes of worship of the -ing.

(f# The lo&ation of tombs with s&enes of the -ing with %athor.

(g# The lo&ation of tombs with s&enes of the -ing with Osiris.

0. The lo&ation of s&enes of the -ing in Theban priate tombs.

iii


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9. The scenes found adjacent to scenes of the king in private tombs at Thebes.

10. The sizes of gathered crowds in scenes in private Theban tombs in which the

king is part of a festival or procession.

11. The distribution of kings' names in titles of the owners of private tombs at

Thebes.

12. The freuenc! of depictions of gods with ro!al figures in private tombs at

Thebes"

#a$ The number of appearances of each god in scenes of ro!al figures.

#b$ The kings found depicted with each god in tomb scenes.

1%. The number of appearances of each king in scenes of censing and libating&

offering& and worship in private tombs at Thebes.

1. The crowns worn b! ro!al figures in scenes in private tombs at Thebes"

#a$ The number of appearances of each crown organised b! t!pe of scene.

#b$ The distribution of appearances of each crown worn b! ro!al figures.

1(. The number of times each ro!al figure is found in scenes in private tombs at

Thebes"

#a$ The number of appearances of each king.

#b$ The number of appearances of each ueen.

#c$ The total number of appearances of each ro!al figure.

1). Tomb plans.

i*


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ABBREVIATIONS

ASA Annales du Service des Antiquits de l'gypte (SAE) (Cairo).

BACE Bulletin of the Australian Centre for Egyptology (orth !yde).

B" British "useu#.

B$%A& Bulletin de l'$nstitut %ranais d'Archologie &rientale ($%A&)

(Cairo).

Cd Chronique d'gypte Bulletin priodique de la %ondation

gyptologique !eine lisaeth* Bru+elles (Brussels).

EES Egypt E+ploration Society.

,$A photo ,riffith $nstitute Archive -hoto (held in the ,riffith $nstitute

Archives* niversity of &+ford).

," ,/ttinger "is0ellen (,/ttingen).

1ild. 1ildeshei# "useu#.

2as3al 2as3al. 4ournal of 1istory* Environ#ent* and Cultures of the

Ancient ear East.

4A!CE 4ournal of the A#erican !esearch Center in Egypt

(Boston5-rinceton5e6 7or35Cairo).

4EA 4ournal of Egyptian Archaeology (EES* 8ondon).4ES 4ournal of ear Eastern Studies (Chicago).

2"9 2"9: A "odern 4ournal of Ancient Egypt (San %ransisco).

8; 8e+i3on der ;gyptologie. 7vols.*


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Kairo (DAIK) (Mainz/Cairo/Berlin/Wiesbaden).

MMA Metropolitan Museum of Art.

MMA Photo Metropolitan Museum of Art Photo ta!en b" the #$"ptian

#%pedition (held in the &riffith Institute 'niersit" of %ford).

I#* riental Institute #pi$raphi+ *ure" ('niersit" of Chi+a$o).

PI,A Publi+ations de l-Institut ,ranais d-Ar+holo$ie rientale du

Caire (Cairo).

0d1 0eue d-1$"ptolo$ie (Paris).

02 0e+ueil de traeau% relatifs 3 la philolo$ie et 3 l-ar+holo$ie

$"ptiennes et ass"riennes (Paris).

*+hott Photo *+hott Photo ta!en b" Prof. *ie$fried *+hott 'niersit" of

&4ttin$en (held in the &riffith Institute Ar+hies 'niersit" of

%ford).

*AK *tudien zur Alt5$"ptis+hen Kultur (6ambur$).

'CP 'niersit" of Chi+a$o Press.

'MI 'MI Dissertation *eri+es.

78* 7eits+hrift f9r 5$"ptis+he *pra+he und Altertums!unde

(Berlin/:eipzi$).

%i


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INTRODUCTION

Egyptian kingship has been frequently discussed by Egyptologists, who look at state

monuments and inscriptions in order to understand the ideology of the Egyptian

institution. Less frequently studied are the ways in which kingship was understood by

the lower levels of society1. Was the pharaoh viewed in the same way by the common

people as he was depicted on official monuments, and what part did he play in their lives

through images and institutions? odern sociologists have often differentiated between

!high! and !low! culture, implying that the !low! culture of ordinary people is both separate

from, and inferior to, the culture of the elite". #ut can one truly draw such a definite

distinction $ were the cultures of the different social groups in Egypt really so separate?

%his study will look at the way in which lower levels of society viewed the king, in

order to understand how their culture and traditions were linked with the ideas of the

state. &t will also look at how these traditions became embedded in the lives of

communities, such as at 'eir el(edina, and in their cultural memory.

)ultural memory is a term coined by *ssmann+as a development of albwach!s notion

1 %he !lower level! of society e-amined in this study includes all those who were buried in the %hebannecropolis outside of the alley of the /ings and the alley of the 0ueens in the early amesside2eriod.

" annheim 314567 189: suggests that the distinction between !high! and !low! culture is based on theclass distinctions within society. %he concept of !high! and !low! culture has been the focus of muchdebate in recent Egyptology, and in sociology. %he ;rankfurt school tended to emphasise theimportance of low culture 3


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of collective memory. albwachs 3144"7 "5: postulates that all memories have a social

basis, and that memory is a social construction that is largely shaped by present social

concerns. e emphasises the importance of memory in reaffirming familial bonds

3albwachs 144"7 65:9,and its tendency to erase anything that might threaten these

bonds 3albwachs 144"7 18":. *ssmann takes this idea further, suggesting that memory

has not only a social but a cultural basis 3*ssmann "==67 1: in which tradition is key

3*ssmann "==67 8:5. *ssmann argues that cultural memory encapsulates the memories

that are too far in the past to be encapsulated by communicative memory6, and those that

have been disowned by collectiveand bonding memory as being damaging to the

collective identity of the group 3*ssmann "==67 ":.

%his study will focus on depictions of royalty in private tombs at %hebes, in order to

e-amine the issues more fully. %he first chapter will discuss the ways in which the king

played a part in the everyday lives of the people, looking at statue cults, temple estates

and personal titles8. %his will further our understanding of how the state was involved in

the lives of the people, and the willingness with which the people accepted this

involvement. %he second chapter will look at the king as a historical figure, studying the

!kinglists!4found in private tombs. %his will lead to discussion of the importance of royal

genealogy and knowledge of history for ordinary people, and whether there was a public

adoption of royal attempts to legitimise its rule through genealogy, as seen in official

9


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kinglists such as the list of


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period and its related upheavals1+also makes it interesting, allowing discussion of how

people understood kingship following what was a period of great change. *ny study is

also constrained by the evidence, and this period offers a wealth of both tombs and

writing, largely thanks to the settlement of 'eir el(edina. %he %heban Decropolis

comprises several parts, namely 'eir el(edina, 0urnet urai,


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the tombs, which may account for any copying of scenes that occurred.

*ny study will encounter limitations, and these will be looked at fully in the following

chapters. owever, some must be addressed before continuing any further discussion.

Cne of the main criticisms will, undoubtedly, be that the %heban Decropolis 3in

particular 'eir el(edina: is not representative of the rest of Egyptian society. 2art of

the issue when looking at %heban private tombs is that they tend not to belong to the

lowest levels of society"=,which limits their relevance when discussing society as a

whole 3even the workers at 'eir el(edina, who were not elite, were skilled craftsmen

3Lesko 14497 1::. &t is questionable whether conclusions on the beliefs of ordinary

Egyptians can be drawn when much of the evidence comes from the elite classes, and

literate sections, of society. %his study will, therefore, qualify any conclusions that may

be drawn accordingly. #ut, by including the entire %heban necropolis, and drawing

comparisons with other sites where appropriate"1, this essay will ensure as balanced a

discussion as is possible. &t is arguable that until there are many more studied sites with

which to create comparisons, it is not possible to Budge which sites represent general

society and which do not"". &t has not been possible to obtain copies of all the depictions

mentioned in this study and so it has been necessary to rely in some cases on

descriptions given in 2orter and oss 3146=: and in other works. 'ue to the reliance in

some cases on secondary material, it is possible that a small number of relevant scenes

have been missed from this research, but it is hoped that this will not alter the

"= %he costs involved in building and decorating a rock cut tomb on the west bank at %hebes must, surely,have e-cluded the lower levels of society.

"1


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conclusions made. *nother issue is the frequent use of *menhotep & and *hmose(

Defertari"+as e-amples. %his essay includes all kings depicted in private tombs but a

large amount of evidence involves this couple"9.*gain, it may be suggested that they are

not typical e-amples, but, arguably, they represent a specific type of belief in kingship

and show how kings may be viewed by the populace.

"+ %he !queen! in private %heban tombs is almost always *hmose(Defertari, which makes it difficult todraw conclusions about !queens! in general. owever, it is still worth discussing the ways in which sheis depicted to compare images of queenship with images of the king.

"9 ;orty(seven of " relevant scenes include only these two royal figures.

6


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CHAPTER 1

THE KING AS A PART OF EVERYDAY LIFE25

%here is a lack of evidence of direct interaction between the king and the non(elite in the

localities during this period, but royal visits to the villages may have occurred

sporadically. C.)airo "556= records


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tombs date to the reign of amesses && 3although %%"16 may be from the slightly later

reign of


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1." ;E


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certain processions+. Cnly two out of 19 scenes include women holding sistra 3both in

%%+1: which suggests that the presence of such women was not common+8, although

seven of the 19 scenes show female watchers, or mourners, 3who have their hands held

up:. ale watchers are also included in seven scenes, so that, in total, 11 of the 19

scenes include people who were not priests or priestesses watching the procession. %his

shows that many people were involved in, or witnessed, festivals of deceased kings and

were, in this sense, connected with him+4. Cne must not assume that the numbers shown

in festival scenes in tombs are an accurate depiction of the e-act numbers of people at

the festivals, as it is likely that they were restricted by space, time and aesthetic

preference. owever, the scenes create an impression of many people and, therefore,

one must assume that events such as this involved a !crowd!. Without written evidence it

is difficult to speculate as to the e-act numbers of people, but mention of such crowds in

later periods gives some idea. erodotus claims that @men and women are wont to

assemble there Nat #ubastisO to the number of seven hundred thousandA 3>odley "==97

+9:. Cne must not accept this number unquestioningly as e-aggeration is likely, and it

is important to remember that erodotus was writing about a divine festival rather than

a royal one9=,but it does demonstrate that large crowds were present at festivals in the

Late 2eriod, which may give an idea of the numbers of people who took part in earlier

periods. Cne must also remember that this scene is only a part of the festival and more

people are likely to have been involved at other points91.%he public festivals of kings

+ %his issue is discussed below 3pp. 16(1:.+8 Cf course, this may have been due to aesthetic preference.+4 ;estivals may have occurred in several conte-tsP these included within local communities and villages

3such as the hafestivals discussed by c'owell 3144"7 1=1("::, in temple compounds 3such as thosethat occurred on sacred lakes like those seen in %%14, fig. 18: and along the Dile 3such as as the;estival of the Ioyous Fnion discussed by Watterson 314487 1=5(111::.

9= %here may not, however, have always been a clear distinction between !royal! and !divine! festivals andcults 3see p.1 for more discussion:.

91


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had, it could be argued, a double purpose $ the first was to appease the gods and provide

for the deceased in the afterlife 3which could also be achieved through private cults

within the temples:P the second was both to demonstrate the power of the state to the

people and to bring them together under a common aim, thus creating a unity within the

community. %he success of the second aim depended on the willingness of the people to

support the festivals $


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included carrying the divine image in processions99. %hey were not particularly high(

ranking positions but were, according to the depictions in private tombs, necessary for

the carrying(out of rituals and festivals. %his shows that it was not only the elite priests

who had roles within festivals ( all levels of personnel played a part. %he crowds of

people who witnessed processions95show that it was not Bust members of the priesthood,

or even the temple employees, who were involved in the event, but members of the

wider community. *n e-ample of lay men who were involved in festivals are those

rowing the boat in %%+1 3fig. +1:96. %heir roles could be seen as mundane, simply that of

transporting the priests and shrine to the temple, but they were vital to the completion of

the ritual. Cne must be careful not to assume that only the men and women who played

an active part in the ritual itself 3e.g. the priests: had a connection to the god, or the king.


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shows that the role of the women was to observe the rituals and mourn, which contrasts

with the men mentioned in the te-t whose roles were more practical5=. %hat is not to say

that female roles were necessarily viewed as less vital than that of the men $ that they

have been included in tomb depictions suggests that their presence held symbolic

importance.

erodotus claimed that @no woman is dedicated to the service of any god or goddessA

3>odley "==97 +1:but depictions in private tombs at %hebes, such as that of %%+1,

contradict this claim. %he women depicted in this tomb had roles that included more

than watching ( they can be seen holding sistra 3fig. +1:. &n the description of the scene

'avies and >ardiner 314987 "=: call the women in %%+1 @chantresses of ontNhuOA.

owever, the sistra may also suggest a link to the goddess athor 3#lackman 14"17

151:51. &n %%+1 two of the women who are holding sistra are referred to as !Smayt'3fig.

+1:, whom #lackman 314"17 195: claims were musician priestesses who @rattle the

sistrum before themA. e also argues that @almost every woman who dwelt in or near

%hebes during the Dew /ingdom seems to have served as a musician priestessA

3#lackman 14"17 195: $ this may be an overestimation of the numbers of women who

held this role, but it demonstrates that the numbers ofSmaywt3and xnywt)were high.

While not dismissing a possible link to athor, Cnstine 3"==57 1": also suggests that the

women may have been connected to eret, and goes on to link them with her role in

announcing the king at festivals. Evidence for titles relating to female musician

line 3#ommas "==8b:.5= %he male roles included !carrier of the forelegs of animals 3'XrywxpS.w'3line 4":: and carrier of the

ointment 3'Xryw mnHwt! 3line 84::, as well as officiating 3'Hm-pr m pr-wr'3line 54::.51 #lackman 314"17 151: suggests that, by the 2tolomaic period, all temples had songstress priestesses

attached to them and goes on to link their role with athorP he claims that through holding and rattlingthe sistrum the priestesses were not only representing the goddess, but were invoking her, so much sothat certain members of this priesthood were referred to as @athorsA. %he goddess athor had a linkwith the royal family 3as will be discussed in more detail in ch. +, pp. 56(6=:.

1+


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priestesses can also be found in other conte-ts, such as on temple walls. Cne instance is

in an inscription of amesses &&, which describes female citiGens greeting the king with

Boy and music3'uemichen 1867 pl. &&&:.*nother inscription, at 'endara, gives five

titles of musician(priestesses 3'uemichen 18657 pl. &&&: $the titles in this temple date

from 2tolemaic times, which shows that the importance of musician priestesses

continued beyond the 2haraonic period. Cnstine 3"==57 "4(+": suggests that the higher

numbers of Smaywt at certain times may be linked to a perceived need by the state to

legitimise the position of the king.


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such as enkheperresonb in the temple of %hutmose &&&, and 2tahemheb, in the temple

of *menhotep &&& 3aring 1447 ""+:55. %herefore, the people depicted with religious

titles in %heban tombs in the amesside 2eriod may also have been workers and

ordinary56members of the communities in which they lived, showing that it was not

only a separate priestly class that had a connection with the cults of gods and kings, but

also people who had roles within the local community5.

%he use of secular titles within temples and in festivals shows that it was not Bust priests

who were involved in the running of cults. aring 31447 "9=("91: states that roles for

the laity within temple comple-es included stewards of the house 3imy-r pr a3 (n) pr:

and overseers of cattle 3imy-r iH.w:58.


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employed members of many different trades. &t is arguable that the king only truly

became a part of the lives of the people when they played a role in his memorials, in this

case festivals, and it was only when the king became a part of the lives of the people that

he could be fully integrated into the cultural memory of the community.

*s mentioned earlier, the royal barks used in festivals were often rowed on water. %%51

shows the royal statue in a bark on the lake, while %%" includes a scene of two boats,

one of which contains a shrine 3fig. 9+:. %his scene closely resembles that of %%51,

suggesting that such events were not uncommon in the lives of ordinary people. %%+1

also includes a scene of two boats, one rowed by five men, and the other containing a

royal bark 3fig. +1:. )ertain titles in the temple of %hutmose & show the importance of

boats within the cult. Cne was'imy-r dp.w.tImn n t3 Hwt Mn-xpr.w-Ra' 3!Cverseer of

boats of *mun in the mansion of enkheperrure!: 3aeny 14487 1==:. %he sacred lake

at /arnak 3)hristophe 14517 1(18, pl. ii: and that of 'endara 32orter and oss 14+47

9=:, both of which are known to have been used in festivals, show the importance of

lakes in such events, although they were not the only setting in which boats were used in

festivals. %he ;east of the Ioyous Fnion included the towing of athor aboard her

barque up the Dile from 'endara to Edfu 3Watterson 14487 1=5(6:6=.%his supports the

idea that images were rowed on bodies of water as part of festivals. %he use of boats

may have served to increase the sense of drama and importance of the festivals, thus

helping them to remain in the memory of the people who witnessed them. %here is no

evidence of such a lake at the mortuary temple of %hutmose &&&, whose statue is depicted

and what they entailed. * large amount of aring!s evidence comes from the time of amesses &&&, butthis does not preclude its being relevant to the earlier Dew /ingdom.

6= %his feast celebrated the marriage between athor of 'endara and orus of Edfu. Watterson 3144871=5: suggests that the Bourney took 19 days to complete, during which the barque also visited severalother shrines that bordered the Dile, and that the Dile @must have been thronged with peoplewatchingA.

16


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as being rowed in a bark in %%+1 3fig. +1:, although this does not preclude there having

been one. owever, %hutmose &&& is known to have built the temple of onthu at

*rmant and it is likely that this is the temple depicted in scenes of his festivals in %%+1

and %%1461.%he temple in the depiction in %%+1 3fig. +1: has the same name as the

temple of onthu at *rmant and supports the idea that the festivals of onthu and

%hutmose &&& occurred at that site, although unfortunately the temple has not survived

intact and so it is difficult to confirm whether there was a sacred lake in the Dew

/ingdom on which the festival may have taken place6".%he town of *rmant 3&uny: lies

about 1"km south of %hebes, and so it is reasonable that men buried at %hebes could

have been involved in festivals there. %hat there is an archaeological basis for the

depictions of statues of %hutmose &&& being rowed on a lake makes it more likely that the

scenes depicted were actual events rather than merely symbolism. &t is also a reminder

that festivals related to deceased kings did not only take place at the temples which have

been designated, in modern times, !ortuary %emples!6+.

61 ond and yers 3149=a7 15: state that a main reason for dating the temple to the reign of %hutmose&&& is the e-istence of the depiction in %%+1 of the festival of onthu and %hutmose &&&. %his makes itdifficult to use the dating of the temple as proof of the accuracy of the depiction. owever, otherartefacts, including a stela of %hutmose &&& Bust inside the pylon 3ond and yers 149=a7 "5: lendweight to the theory that the temple was built under %hutmose &&&.

6" ood >od...!:. %he use of the plural !ouses of illions of Qears! suggests that it was not simplythe term for the mortuary temple of the king, of which there would have been only one, and that it isfollowed by a list of temples dedicated to gods 3although'ntr nfr' could be understood as referring to

1


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De-t to the temple depicted in %%14, which was dedicated to onthu, are the cartouches

of %hutmose &&&, !Mn-xpr-Ra'3fig. 14:, which shows that kings linked themselves to

specific gods through the building of temples69.


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amesses && promoted himself both through integration with the local deities and by cult

activity at %hebes, in particular at 'eir el(edina. #y connecting himself to a god, and

building temples dedicated to that god, the ruler was allocating himself a place in the

festivals dedicated to that deity, even if only in the sense that the temple used for the

festival was built by that king. &mages of festivals in private tombs such as %%+1, which

connect with the king with a god, suggest a public acceptance of this agenda. Ionker

314457 14: suggests, however, that the main concern when setting up a personal statue

3and, one supposes, endowing a temple: was to ensure that the individual remained in

the minds of the gods, and that their remembrance by mortals was a secondary concern.

&t is, therefore, important to remember that temples were created, not Bust to underline

the king!s position among humans, but to secure his place with the gods.

c'owell 3144"7 1=1: notes that several of the festivals at 'eir el(edina were referred

to as !xa'3!appearance!: (festivals of the statue of a particular king, which not only served

to keep alive the memory of that king, but also helped to retain knowledge of key dates

in their reign68. &f this is true of 'xa'-festivals then perhaps one may attribute other

festivals of kings to specific events, such as the death or succession of a pharaoh. #arta

argues in favour of this theoryP he includes a list of festivals relating to kings of the

pharaonic period, and links them to one of four events $ the death, succession, burial

and coronation of each pharaoh 3#arta 148=7 51(5":. owever, in the case of some

kings, such as *menhotep &, there were too many !appearances! to make such a theory

feasible64.2erhaps certain of the festivals were related to events but others were not =.

68 &n the later case of a festival of amesses &&& it can be shown to correlate to the king!s accession 3elck14667 "+9:, and c'owell 3144"71=1: argues that the same may be true of festivals of other kingsthat were celebrated in the Dew /ingdom.

64 c'owell 3144"7 1=1(": includes a table of seven festivals of *menhotep & and another of twofestivals of the same king.

= %his leads to the difficult question of why some festivals commemorated events and others appear to

14


36/154


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":, literature such as %he %ale of the %wo #rothers emphasises the king!s mortal

aspects53Lichtheim 1467 "=+("11:. 2erhaps the problem of defining the status of the

king lies in the fact that the Egyptians had no term for a being between humanity and the

gods, labelling things either as human or divine 3#aines 14457 4:. %he king, however,

e-isted between these two worlds, neither fully divine nor fully human. Cckinga 314457

4": stresses the importance of the bAw as a @manifestation of Nthe king!sO divine

power...with which he has been imbued by the godsA, suggesting that the king did not

hold divine status e-cept that which has been given to him by the gods. #ell!s discussion

of the royal kAimplies a similar concept, that the kAof the king was greater than that of

others because of the power and position given to him by the gods 3#ell 14857 "56(8:6.

Cckinga goes on to suggest that statues could be used as the seat of a person!s kAand, as

such, played a role in the cult of living kings 3Cckinga 14457 4:. oyal statue cults,

therefore, may have been directed towards the royal kArather than towards the mortal

person of the king, which may e-plain the use of palanquins in this conte-t.

1.+ 2E


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*menomonet 3%%": had titles relating to *menhotep &&&, namely @ead wab(priest,

divine father in the temples of *menhotep &&&A 3>authier 14"=7 8: and @'ivine father of

the mansion of *menhotep &&&A 3andier d!*bbadie 14597 +5:8. %hese titles are clearly

displayed in tombs, which shows that they were highly valued by the holders.


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that the people who requested smiting stelae did not have a full understanding of the

meaning of the scenes contained within them89, but they had seen them on temple walls

and, therefore, connected them to the gods. * smiting stela noted by 2etrie 314=4a7 pl.

83"::85also includes several ears this appears to be an attempt to include as many

!religious symbols! as possible on one stela86. 2erhaps the inclusion of 'nb t3.wy'in

tombs and other private monuments is another e-ample of the practice of including

!religious symbols! in private conte-ts8. owever, this is not a picture but te-t and the

men who wrote in the royal tombs 3and in the workers! tombs: would have been fully

literate and likely to have understood what they were writing. %his view is supported by

Ianssen in his discussion of literacy in *ncient Egypt88.%herefore, one must accept that

the choice to include this phrase was deliberate and with full comprehension. #y

choosing to place it in their own tombs, and linking it with their own names and titles,

thus possibly making them visible to those Egyptians who were not allowed to enter the inner areas oftemples, using the e-ample of two scenes of


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tomb owners, and artisans, gave it a place in their own lives, and demonstrated their

connection with the king as his chosen workers.amesses && is known to have promoted

his cult throughout EgyptP there are over 6= stelae dedicated to him from 2i(amesses84,

and colossal statues at many sites 3E-ell "==67 61:. 'oor Bambs from 0antir also support

the idea that there was a cult of the ruler during the amesside 2eriod 4=. %herefore, it is

quite possible that the stelae, doorBambs, and use of nb tAwyin tombs are all evidence of

the success of amesses &&!s efforts to integrate his cult into the everyday lives of his

workers, again using active cults to promulgate his place in the traditions and cultural

memory of the people41.

1.9 C%F*Q E


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and socially4". &n %%+1 there is a depiction of activity relating to the mortuary estate of

the kingP herdsmen are shown bringing animals before the deceased, who has the title

!imy-r kA.w Mn-xpr.w-Ra!3!overseer of the cattle of %hutmose &!:, and his wife 3fig.

+1:4+. %his is especially interesting as /honsu is known, from titles in his tomb, to have

been a !prophet! of %hutmose &&& 3'avies and >ardiner 14987 1":. %his shows that it was

possible to be connected to more than one estate in one!s lifetime. %herefore, it may be

suggested that there was not a great symbolic importance in belonging to a mortuary

estate, as those who held titles did not necessarily see themselves as !belonging! to a

specific king, and may become connected with another at any time. 2erhaps this shows a

focus by the people on the eternal aspect of the office of kingship, rather than on the

individual king through which the office was able to function on earth 3


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considerable role that they played in the lives of the Egyptian people. Dumbers of

temple personnel from other temples give an idea of the numbers of people involved in

carrying out ritual tasks. *t %hebes, by the time of amesses &&&, there were over 8=,===

male personnel in the employ of the estate of *mun46,although this estate was unusually

large, and not all of these people would have been involved in festivals. *t eliopolis

there were over 1",===, while at emphis were +,=== 3>randet 14497 84:.)alendars

from temples show the huge amounts of food and provisions that were needed to run

festivals and temple rituals in the amesside 2eriod, all of which would have needed

large amounts of staff to tend the animals, work the fields, and control the property. %he

calendar of amesses && at *bydos includes huge lists of bread needed for the feast of

Csiris and goes on to list the animals involved in the ritual and sacrifice, which included

a bull, long(horned o-en, long(horned ory-, a rnk(bull, a crane, gaGelles and geese 3el(

randet!s translation supports this view, listing the 6",6"6

people under the headingA !Le chUteau de roi de aute et #asse(Vgypte CusermaUtre(ryamen v.s.f.,dans le domaine d!*mon dans le3s: partie3s: sud et nord 3du pays:..!A 3>randet 14497"+5:.

4 %hese images have been published by anniche 3147 "1, fig. 9:. omer 3148"7 15(6=: suggeststhat these scenes were a form of political satire commenting both on the unusual nature of having afemale pharaoh and her alleged affair with her chief steward


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show that public opinion of the pharaoh may not have always followed the respect

shown in private tomb scenes.

1.5 C*)LE< *D' *EDC%E2 &7

&t would not be possible to conclude a discussion on the role of kings in everyday life

without e-amining the role of *menhotep & at 'eir el(edina. %he large number of

depictions of *menhotep & 3who appears in 6+ of all images of royalty in this period:

and *hmose(Defertari 3who appears in 54 of all images of royalty in this period:,

including those in scenes of festivals 3+5 of festival scenes include either *hmose(

Defertari or *menhotep &48:, may be linked to their perceived position as founders and

!protectors! of the village of 'eir el(edina. %heir place in the lives of villagers may

have been, in many ways, anomalous, but it does clearly demonstrate that past kings and

queens could be a vibrant part of present day life. ;estivals of *menhotep &, such as that

seen in %%14 3figs. 18, "":, appear to have been similar to those of other kings, but one

must remain aware of an added symbolism in scenes of statues of this king. %%"

contains several depictions of statues of *menhotep &, which include two of his statue

being carried in a palanquin by priests with the deceased or his wife standing before it

3figs. 1, 9:. SernT 314"7 1=: suggests that scenes such as the ones in %%" may depict

*menhotep as an oracle44, which would seem to be a reasonable assumption. Cther

written sources from 'eir el(edina, such as o.1="64 #erlin1==and o.>ardiner 91=1,

48


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show the importance of such oracles in the lives of the villagers. %here were also cases

in which the oracle of *menhotep & was required to solve a dispute over who should

have the right to be buried in a specific tomb 3SernT 14"7185:. ere, the king was not

Bust depicted within the tomb, but was instrumental in the creation of it. SernT

314"7185: also suggests that the ramp leading to the tomb of /aha would have held the

processions of *menhotep &, like those seen in private tomb scenes at %hebes. owever,

the evidence for this is circumstantial, and so it cannot be said with any certainty

whether this was the case.

)ertain epithets are used for *menhotep in scenes in private %heban tombs in this period

that have been linked to his role as an oracle. Cne e-ample is !p3 dmi' 3!of the town!:

(SernT 14"716: 3fig. 9:, which refers to 'eir el(edina 3#orghouts 14497 114:.

*nother common epithet found again, for e-ample, in %%", is !m rn nfr n p3...'3!of the

beautiful name of...!:1="3SernT 14"716:.


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Cracles of deceased kings can be found elsewhere in Egypt, albeit irregularly. %here was

an oracle of *hmose at *bydos in the Dew /ingdomP arvey 314487 app. 1.994(95":

includes a list of personnel of the cult of *hmose at *bydos which shows that the cult

was important in the area, while


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survive in the memory if they remain @at least fictitiously in contactA with the living.

Cracles allowed people to have such contact with royal ancestors and, therefore, helped

to keep their memory alive.

1.6 )CD)LF


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CHAPTER 2

THE KING AS A HISTORICAL FIGURE107

".1 LC)*%&CD *D' )CD%EJ% C;


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8:. %he relevant tombs date almost e-clusively from the reign of amesses && 3si- out of

seven tombs: 3app. 6:, which suggests that ideas relating to royal genealogy may have

been particularly prevalent in the reign of amesses &&. *lthough the scenes are not

restricted to one area of the tombs, the hall was the favoured location with five out of

nine scenes occurring there. Cther such scenes can be found in the chapel, shrine and

burial chamber 3app. 8, 16:. 9+.5 of adBacent scenes are of the gods, and +=.9 of

adBacent scenes are other scenes of kings 3app. 4:. %his shows a tendency towards

linking this type of scene with other scenes of royalty115, but the link must not be overly

stressed as several other types of scenes can be found ne-t to the scenes discussed in this

chapter. %he percentage of scenes of the deceased and their family found ne-t to scenes

of the king as a historical figure is very low 39.+: in contrast to the percentage of this

scene found ne-t to the scenes discussed in other chapters116. %his may be merely

coincidence but it may suggest that the commonly followed ordering of tomb decoration

placed these two types of scenes separately. Done of the scenes discussed in this chapter

include the reigning king11, which suggests that he was generally seen as separate to

royal ancestors118.

"." /&D>L&


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%he geographical variation of the tombs containing kinglists 3app. : suggests that there

was no real connection between them and, therefore, their decoration. &t is, however,

possible that there was a connection in life that is not obvious in the tombs, such as links

within the %heban community 3through trade, social activity, employment:. Cne must

also remember that the same craftsmen may have been responsible for several

constructions and it is, therefore, possible that the tombs discussed may have shared an

artisan. *n interesting e-ample is that of %%1=. %his tomb housed two men, 2enbuy and

/asa, and their families. Within the tomb are separate scenes for each, and each has

included a row of kings being praised by the deceased and his family. /asa 3fig.1=: has

included the same rulers as 2enbuy 3fig. 11: but without the inclusion of *menhotep &

and *hmose(Defertari. %he reproduction of almost identical scenes suggests either that

the content of one affected that of the other114,or that both scenes were inspired by a

single, other, source. &f this is possible within shared tombs, it may be possible in a

wider conte-t. andier '!*bbadie 314+5b7 "6: cites the e-ample of the tomb of Defer(

*bou 3%%5:, arguing that, based on the style, it was probably painted by the same artist

who painted %%"11, %%"14, %%+"+, %%++5, %%++6 and %%+56. %his shows the

possibilities of links between tombs that were not geographically connected1"=. %he

114%he reason for which *menhotep & and *hmose(Defertari were omitted from the scene of /asa isunclear. &t is possible that 2enbuy held a position within a cult of the royal coupleand this inspiredtheir inclusion 3while a lack of such a position in /asa!s case led to their omission:, although onewould e-pect to find this among 2enbuy!s titles if it were so. *lternatively one may look to artistic

preference, or issues of space available for the scene. edford 3148675": suggests that the inclusion ofcertain figures may be related to the importance of certain numbers 3namely + 3the triad:, 4 3theennead: and 19 3relating to the royal ka:: $ kings were either included or reBected in an attempt tocreate a group of the correct siGe, rather than for solely historical reasons. &n this tomb the kings are ingroups of + 3/asa: and 5 32enbuy:, which neither supports nor fully contradicts this theory.

1"=


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kinglists discussed in this chapter all have strong similarities. %he deceased is depicted

adoring or making offerings to the kings, who are seated in rows1"1, with the only

e-ception being in %%+=6 where there are not kings, but cartouches.


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argues that @the close imitation of obBects, figures and entire scenes in the private tombs

at %hebes makes it obvious that there e-ists some form of relationship between the

various renditions of any given !stock scene!A1"9. %he suggestion that scenes were

included because they were !fashionable! appears to contradict the idea that deceased

kings were a part of the cultural memory of the community $ these images were

included not because they had meaning for the tomb owner, but because the tomb owner

wanted to integrate himself into a specific group by emulating its artistic fashions. &t is

important to remember, however, that by depicting these kings, the tomb owner was

helping to support their place in the traditions of the community, no matter what the

reasons for their inclusion. Iust because a depiction was part of a !fashion! does not mean

it cannot also be a part of the cultural memory of the people.

".+ C%F*Q %E2LE< *D' )FL%


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1= out of the 1+ recognisable figures had mortuary temples in the vicinity1"5. 2erhaps,

therefore, mortuary estates and their related cults allowed members of the %heban

community to retain knowledge of deceased kings, whilst also making them relevant

enough to early amesside workers to encourage their depiction in tombs. %he absence

of *khenaten from any rows of kings depicted in the tombs 3or, indeed, from any tombs

depictions at all in this period: supports this theory as there were no functioning

monuments to *khenaten in the %heban vicinity in the amesside 2eriod ( he had

become completely detached from the !cultural memory! of the %heban people1"6. %his

could e-plain his absence from tomb depictions, and also support the idea that

inspiration for depictions within private tombs came from the active cults and

monuments of the pharaohs. owever, atshepsut is also not found in any tomb

depictions. *s the pharaoh who ordered the construction of the Dsr-Dsr.wtemple at 'eir

el(#ahri 3raefe 314867 18:

suggests that it descended from the alley ;estival of Debhepetre(entuhotep. owever, it grew inimportance in the Eighteenth 'ynasty, with the temple of atshepsut as a key location in the festivalroute 3see map in Wilkinson "===7 45:.

1"8&t is, however, uncertain if atshepsut!s link with this temple would have been referred to in theamesside 2eriod.

+6


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monuments in Western %hebes $ this may have been merely one of several factors.

2erhaps one must look at the !history! documented by pharaohs in official monuments $

although this may not have acted directly as a source of knowledge for the builders of

private tombs, it is evidence of the !royal ancestors! that were officially recognised and

may have been publicised in various ways 3such as in state festivals or cults:. Ionker

314457 "+5: writes that @forgetting is an essential element in the process of

rememberingA, noting that those who had @no place in the past could make no

contribution to the presentA 3Ionker 14457 "+8:. %herefore, by e-cluding individuals

such as atshepsut and *khenaten from the memory of the country the state was

attempting to prevent any ideologies connected with them from affecting the ideas of the

present1"4. &n the Eighteenth 'ynasty there was an attempt by certain pharaohs to use

genealogy, and knowledge of history, to legitimise their rule. %he %uthmoside rulers

encouraged the worship of royal ancestors in the form kA-mwt.fand kings such as

*menhotep & restored iddle /ingdom monuments 3edford 14867 11:. ;rom the

Eighteenth 'ynasty, the #eautiful ;estival of the alley involved taking a statue of

*mun to mortuary temples on the West #ank, thus becoming a state commemoration of

royal ancestors 3#ell 14487 1+:. Eighteenth and Dineteenth 'ynasty scarabs also

grouped current kings with kings of the %welfth 'ynasty 3ayes 14547 fig. "9:. %his

desire to link current kings with rulers of the past continued into the Dineteenth 'ynasty

with emphasis laid on offerings to ancestors in temple rituals 3edford 14867 14+:.

oyal king lists also became more common on royal monuments in this period.

amesside e-amples are that of aballa 1447 +=:.

+


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'ynasty onwards 3'avid 14817 146:1+=, and the 9== Qear


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reverencing cartouches of oremheb, amesses & and raffiti may be a truer representation of the

ideas that were important to the community at the time, as they were more spontaneous

than tomb depictions and were less likely to be the result of careful planning. %he fact

that short kinglists appear in the graffiti suggests that they were a part of the cultural

memory of the community.

&t would appear, therefore, that the inclusion of kinglists in private tombs in the period

demonstrates a private continuation of the official legitimisation of the ruler based on

the !ancestors! that were promoted by the state in monuments and festivals. * connection

between the kings mentioned in official monuments and the kings depicted in private

tombs can be found with the king


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on a kinglist at /arnak led to his inclusion in two private kinglists, thus supporting the

idea that private lists imitated the ones found in official conte-ts. ansina 314857 46(:

argues that not everyone had access to all knowledge about the past, and that the public

only knew what the state chose to tell them, which shows the importance of the state in

promoting the role of the king in the tradition and cultural memory of the people.

c'owell 3144"7 45(1=5:, however, disagrees with ansina!s claim, purporting several

ways in which people could gain knowledge, including monuments, literature, festivals

and private archives.

* second possibility is that tombs of kings were sources of knowledge in the Dineteenth

'ynasty. %he inclusion of


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so had no recognised burial site in the Dineteenth 'ynasty1+4:. *s the builders of the

royal tombs it is possible that the workers of 'eir el(edina may have had knowledge

of all the tombs in the alley of the /ings, although this does not e-plain the knowledge

of deceased kings held by %hebans who were not resident at the village. ere, again, one

can see the importance of the state in supporting local traditions, although less

deliberately than through state cults and monuments. &t is also important not to forget the

value of oral tradition in helping memories to survive, meaning that knowledge of old

tombs may have been passed down orally along with other historical knowledgeP utton

3144+7 16: notes that memory is @first conceived as a repetitionA, which implies that it is

through oral tradition that memories enter society!s consciousness.

aspero 3188"7 11": suggests that the workers of 'eir el(edina were a kind of

religious community who maintained the cults of kings who were buried at %hebes.

%here is not enough evidence of such activity to prove this theory definitively, but the

idea that cults of deceased rulers played a part in the lives of the villagers of 'eir el(

edina 3indeed, in the lives of the %heban people in general: does seem likely19=. &tems

such as offering tables and stelae from the temple at 'eir el(edina have the name of

*menhotep & on them, which suggests that cultic activity relating to him occurred there,

and SernT 314"7 1=: argues that there may have been a temple at 'eir el(edina

dedicated to %hutmose &&&. c'owell 3144"7 1==: states that @almost all the kings...who

were honoured Nin private tombs at %hebesO had a cult in the %heban area which is

sufficient to e-plain the interest in themA. Qet while this may e-plain scenes of festival

1+4eeves 3144=7 1: suggests that after her death the body of %hutmose &, whom she had buried withher, was moved from /"= into /+8, while @atshepsut!s burial, however, seems to have been leftto its fate...A.

19=%he importance of cults was discussed in greater detail in ch.1.

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and cultic activity relating to deceased kings191, it does not fully e-plain why some

artists chose to draw a kinglist, as opposed to depicting an event from their own life,

such as a festival19". %his does not mean, however, that personal e-perience did not play

a part in the selection of kings to be included in tomb depictions.


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cultural spaceA ( royal mortuary installations were built, at least in part, for the same

reason.

%he organisation of the figures in private kinglists, however, suggests more than simply

knowledge of names gained from the e-istence of temples and official kinglists. %he

kings depicted in %%14 3fig. 19:, for e-ample, are organised with an understanding of

chronology195. %his knowledge may have come from royal kinglists, but archaeological

evidence points to other possible sources of knowledge. any bricks from 'eir el(

edina include the name of %hutmose & 3Lesko 14497 :, who was probably responsible

for the building of structures containing these bricks196.%his introduces the idea that

certain kings were seen as a part of the !history! of certain groups or areas 3such as as the

founder of a village:, which may have encouraged more detailed remembrance of their

reign, or place in the history of the country. *nother possible source of knowledge was

religious ritual. %he daily liturgy of *menhotep & included *menhotep &, amesses &&

and 19 ancestors as well as several gods 3>ardiner 14+5b7 pl. 5+a:19,and the ;estival of

in and #eautiful ;estival of the alley198also included images of royal ancestors.

%hese were events in which detailed knowledge of past kings may have been accessible

to certain members of society and demonstrates, again, the importance of !active!

195%he kings are shown in chronological order beginning with Debhepetre entuhotep and *hmose, andending with


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remembrance of the past194. /nowledge of genealogies were best relayed to the people

not through temple kinglists, but through festivals and rituals that they could both

witness and take part in, even if only as a !watcher!15=. %hrough these events the

community felt connected to the kings of the past whose statues were paraded in front of

them, and were able to integrate them into their own cultural memory. When one looks

at the images of royalty in private tombs it becomes clear that that they are depictions,

not of the king or queen, but of a statue of them151%his is an important distinction. When

one looks at festival depictions it is clear that the artist has painted the statue of the king

that was used in the festival in order to represent the scene faithfully. owever, if the

same images are used in kinglists, one is forced to suggest that it was only through these

statues that the people were able to connect themselves with the king, and that they did

not see the king as a living being15", but as an image who e-isted only in the form of

statues ( the cult of the king was more important to them than the king himself15+.

/inglists at other sites are hard to come by, largely because private tombs in good

condition from this period are not numerous. owever, a kinglist, thought to be from the

tomb of %Buneroy, can be found at


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including royal lists in private tombs e-tended beyond %hebes. &n this instance the tomb

owner was the chief lector priest of deified rulers, and this may have been his reason for

including such a list155. 2ossibly it was e-pected of him, or even ordered by the royal

court at emphis, a practice that may also have occurred at %hebes156. Cne must also

remember that the tomb of his brother 2aser, who held the role of Cverseer of the

#uilders of the Lord of the %wo Lands 3


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more than Bust the pharaoh ( they were personalising them. %his suggests that the

workers saw the ruler not only as a symbol of generic !kingship! but also as an individual

with individual accomplishments, and a specific place in the history of the country158.


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mean that there was a deliberate attempt by the people to learn such things. &t is highly

likely that these kinglists were inspired by the same source as festival scenes $ that of

the royal cults. )ertain festivals161allowed the people to see what was essentially a

!kinglist! in the form of a festival procession. /nowledge gained from these events may

have been added to by knowledge gained from other sources, such as royal tombs and

temple inscriptions, but it is likely that active involvement in festivals and cults was the

overriding factor in encouraging kinglists in private tombs. Cne must not, however,

overemphasise the importance of the idea that ordinary people gave royal !ancestors! a

place in their lives equal to that of private ancestors. %he inclusion of kinglists may have

been the e-ception rather than the rule. While it seems reasonable that knowledge of

royal genealogy was becoming more widespread, it certainly was not all(encompassing

in terms of tomb imagery. *lthough the e-istence of kinglists in private tombs suggests

some interest in royal genealogy by ordinary people, the small number of tombs which

include such scenes suggests that it was not of overreaching importance to tomb owners

in the period.

161%hese festivals included the in ;estival and the #eautiful ;estival of the alley.

9


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CHAPTER !

THE KING AS A DIVINE "EING162

Cne important issue when understanding the role of the pharaoh is that of his

relationship with the gods and how this was perceived by the people. &t would not be

possible to e-amine every relevant scene in detail, so this study will look at certain

issues relating to the subBect. &t will look primarily at the place of the king in scenes of

offering and worship, in which he either accompanies or replaces the gods, as well as his

relationship to certain deities. %here are a large variety of deities depicted with royal

figures in private %heban tombs at the time, but those found most frequently are athor

319 times:, Csiris 3seven times:, e(orakhty3(*tum: 3four times: and *nubis 3four

times: 3app. 1"a:. *nother 16 gods are depicted less than three times each. %he

distribution of kings depicted with gods is largely what would be e-pected, given the

prevalence of images of *menhotep & and *hmose(Defertari in tombs in the area. 16

gods are shown with *menhotep & and 1" with *hmose(Defertari, and 1" gods are

shown with them e-clusively, while only athor and orus are shown with more than

three different royal figures 3app. 1"b:. athor is depicted with *menhotep &, *hmose(

Defertari, Debhepetre entuhotep 3which may be due to her connection with his temple

at 'eir el(#ahri: and amesses &&, 3which may have been caused by increased support of

her cult during the reign of amesses &&16+:. orus is shown with eight different kings,

although si- of these can be e-plained by a depiction of a row of kings alongside orus

in ) 3fig. 58:. %his study will look at the two gods found most commonly with royal

16"


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figures, athor and Csiris, as well as depictions of *nubis with royal figures $ this is

because *nubis is the only god to be found more commonly with a queen, *hmose(

Defertari, than with any king169, which will allow discussion of the place that a queen

may have had in beliefs relating to the divine.

+.1 LC)*%&CD *D' )CD%EJ% C;


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Cnly seven of the relevant scenes include a depiction of the reigning king, three of

which are scenes in which the deceased is being rewarded or appointed to office by the

king, and one in which the king himself is offering to a god 3fig. ":. %his suggests that

autobiographical scenes of the king as a !divine! being were not particularly common168.

+." C;;E&D>< %C %E /&D>

;orty(one out of the 9 tombs in this study contain scenes in which the king receives

offerings or worship164from the deceased. %his position is usually reserved for the gods

and suggests an elevated position for the pharaoh in the minds of the people.


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in a higher frequency of scenes of worship, while earlier Eighteenth 'ynasty kings and

queens are found more often in scenes of offering and of censing and libating 3app.

1+:1+. %his could suggest that there was little perceived difference between scenes of

offering, censing and libating, and worship, and that use of one or the other was merely

due to personal preference on the part of the tomb owner or artisan19. 2erhaps the

choice of scenes was affected by the rituals and festivals, or images on state monuments,

that the tomb owner had witnessed involving statues of the king $


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image, with the te-t stating that he is @giving incense to amesses(eramenA 3abachi

14647 5:16. &t is possible, therefore, that scenes such as this became popular in private

conte-ts in the Dineteenth 'ynasty1because of the agenda of the king, who

commissioned depictions of himself in deified form in order to reinforce his position as

the divine pharaoh. 2erhaps people saw the king, when depicted on temple walls, in the

same light as the gods with whom he was shown18, leading them to reproduce images of

both in private tombs and shrines14. #uildings such as the amesseum contained many

images of the king, and such images may have been observed by the people who lived

on the West #ank. &n the case of 'eir el(edina it is also possible that similar scenes

were used in the creation of royal tombs and then brought back to the private tombs of

the workers18=.

Cne cannot, however, attribute scenes of offering to a king solely to the ideas of

amesses &&. &f this were true then one would e-pect a vast maBority of such evidence to

include him while, in fact, many stelae from 'eir el(edina are dedicated to *menhotep

&. Cne e-ample of this is stela D. 5==+9, of *menemope, from the early Dineteenth

16*s discussed earlier such scenes may show the king offering to a statue of his kA3Cckinga 14457 4:.urnane 314457 86(: discusses the position of amesses && as a living god further.

1*n e-ample of this is a stela belonging to ahotep, found at 2i(amesse, showing amesses && actingas an intermediary between a worshipper and a statue of himself 3abachi 14647 +9, fig. "1:.

18>oebs 3"==7 "8: uses the e-ample of the king as the official performer of rituals for the gods, whichwould have been depicted on monuments, to show that the king was seen as the mediator between manand the gods throughout Egyptian history, relating it to his role as the maintainer of maat.

14riffin 3"==: for discussion of which parts of the temple wereaccessible to ordinary people:, such as on the front of the first pylon at edinet abu 3C&E< 14+=7 pl.6:. %his scene is from the reign of amesses &&&, but scenes, such as that of the king in a smiting poseon the north wall of the hypostyle hall of the temple of *mun at /arnak 3Wilkinson 14497 188:reminds one that such images were in use in the earlier part of the Dew /ingdom as well. %hat theywere copied onto private stelae suggests that people viewed them in much the same way as theyviewed images of the gods, who were also copied from temple walls onto private obBects.


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'ynasty, which is dedicated to *menhotep and *hmose Defertari 3%osi and occati

14"7 6:. %he top register shows the king and queen seated on thrones, while in the

lower register are *menemope and *mennakht with their hands held up in adoration.

%he pose of the two men suggests that *menhotep & and *hmose(Defertari held a

position close to that of godliness in the minds of the people at 'eir el(edina, as it is

the same position held by worshippers on stelae and depictions dedicated to gods181.

>oebs 3"==7 "8+(5: stresses the importance of the myths of kingship, such as the

contending of orus and itton 3146: discusses the importance of this stela.

5+


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queens in general, who held an important position in private tombs at %hebes $ her

elevated position may have been as !co(founder! 3in the eyes of the people: of 'eir el(

edina and as a !local deity!, the consort of *menhotep &, rather than in her position as a

queen. %herefore, one must not use her position to argue that the people gave queens, in

general, a high position alongside the pharaoh.

While a high percentage of scenes of offering or worship in %heban tombs in the early

amesside 2eriod depict *menhotep & and *hmose(Defertari18+, scenes from other

periods do not follow this pattern. *ppro-imately 6 scenes in tombs from other reigns

include depictions of the deceased worshipping, or offering to a king, and in almost all

of the depictions the king shown is the reigning pharaoh of the time189. ;or e-ample, a

scene in %%9 shows men before *menhotep &&& in a kiosk 3Z[\]^Z_`]] j

+1, ++, +9:, and a scene in %%6= depicts the deceased before


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tombs as the subBect of worship, but that they were the only figures to be depicted

frequently after their deaths. Cther kings were included in images during their reign but

appear to have fallen out of favour afterwards 3although they can occasionally be found

in festivals and kinglists186:. %his suggests that *menhotep and *hmose(Defertari were

viewed as !local deities! while other kings were seen solely as monarchs whose

importance began and ended with their role as pharaoh. %his contradicts the evidence of

kinglists in private tombs at %hebes which suggest that the individuality of kings was

recognised and afforded respect even after the death of the pharaoh. &t implies, instead,

that individual kings, as mortal beings, were only afforded divine status while they held

the office of pharaoh. %his divine status was passed on, along with the crown, to the ne-t

king on his accession. 2raise of a living king can be seen as depicting an

!autobiographical! event in the life of the tomb owner18, while the worship of a deceased

king is likely to have had a further symbolic meaning 3perhaps relating to his position as

a !local deity!:188.Cne must not, however, underestimate the importance of linking

oneself to the king through one!s biography $ inscriptions in the Dew /ingdom 3as for

other periods: demonstrate that great pride was taken in describing how the deceased

was honoured by, or served, the king, although such te-ts are less common in the

amesside 2eriod than in the earlier Dew /ingdom 3;rood "==7 1:. *n e-ample of this

genre is the biographical te-t of 2aser in %%1=6P here can be found two te-ts, one

addressed to


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in both, although the address to amesses && is shorter, suggests that it was not loyalty to

a specific pharaoh that was important to the writer, but loyalty to the pharaoh as a

representative of the state and the gods. %he pharaoh was @the embodiment of divine

power on earthA 3>oebs "==7 "81: who sat on the @throne of orus of the livingA

3>oebs "==7 "8+:, and this position demanded the loyalty of the people. %his supports

the idea that it was not personal service of a specific king that was important but an

emphasis 3through repetition: on the loyal character of the tomb owner and his service to

the state of Egypt. %he king held importance as the representative of the state and the

gods, not as an individual. &t was the divine office that was important, an office that

received its legitimisation through the gods and was dependant upon them 3#aines 14457

19:. Cne could argue, therefore, that the king held an important position in the lives, and

the cultural memory of the people not as an individual person but as a representative of

central and divine authority. *utobiographies of the Dew /ingdom stress the importance

of loyalty to the state, and by revering the pharaoh as the representative of the state, the

people were continually reaffirming their loyalty. alek 3"===7 "9": notes, in his

discussion on iddle /ingdom royal cults, that a king or his statue may be a

@manifestationA of a god, but this does not necessarily make the king himself a god.

%herefore, one must be careful when discussing the deification of royal figures as no

written evidence has been found e-plaining e-actly what beliefs were held by the

Egyptians relating to them.

+.+ %E /&D> W&% *%C7

Cne common scene depicts the king with the goddess athor, who is in the form of a

56


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cow184. Fsually she is depicted protecting himP %%9 3fig. 8:, %%"16, %%"85, %%+"6and

%%+5 3fig. 59: depict the athor cow protecting *menhotep &, while %%"+ 3fig. "6: and

%%+91 show her with amesses &&. %%14 3fig. 1: and %%+ also include athor

protecting the king although the identity of the king is less certain14=. %he relatively wide

spread of scenes of the king with athor, both chronologically and geographically 3app.

6f, f: suggests that the ideas behind it were not confined to a specific group.

%he goddess athor was closely linked with the pharaoh in belief 3#leeker 14+7 51:.

*s the wife, and mother, of orus1413who was closely identified with the king: it is

understandable that she had a close relationship with the pharaoh. Cf course, this was

not her only persona, and it was in her guise of a cow(goddess that she played a key role

in %heban tombs. Cne aspect of her personality was as the nurturing and protective

mother of the king, a fact that is emphasised when the king was referred to as the !son of

athor!14". %he king was also closely connected with the !KAmwt.f' 3!bull of his mother!:

theology ( in this theology the god *mun approached the queen 3who was linked with

athor: in the guise of the king and caused her to conceive the ne-t pharaoh14+.%here is

also clear evidence of the link between the queen and athor in the amesside period,

for e-ample at *bu reat hymn to Csiris of *menmose3Lichtheim 1467 8+(9:. oyal depictions show athor suckling the pharaoh, an e-ample being that of


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3'odson "=="758:.

*nother goddess with similar connection to the king, in her role as his mother, was

&sis149, yet interestingly, depictions of her protecting the king in private tombs at %hebes

are not found in the early amesside 2eriod. 2erhaps the reason for the prevalence of

athor in scenes of the king lies in the e-istence of the cult of the cow(goddess at 'eir

el(#ahri, which was closely linked with the temples of several pharaohs $ Debhepetre

entuhotep, *menhotep &, %hutmose &&& and atshepsut145.&t is this connection of

athor with temples of pharaohs, reinforced by the active nature of the cult at 'eir el(

#ahri146, and the #eautiful ;estival of the alley14,that is copied onto tomb walls.

/itchen 3144+7 "=8)notes the e-istence of songstresses of &sis148in the Dineteenth

'ynasty at 'eir el(edina144, showing that there was a cult involving her, but there

appears not to have been a cult of &sis on the scale of the cult of athor at the time, on

149Lesko 314447 156: suggests that she was a divine personification of the Egyptian throne, which

emphasises her connection with the person of the king. Witt 31417 +=: notes that &sis could often beequated with athor, and took on many of her attributes such as the imagery and the sistrum 3a >reekhymn to &sis calls her the @bearer of the sistrumA:. %obin 314417 14+: suggests that athor was thematernal source of the life of orus, while &sis was the source of the position of orus as a politicalfigure. &n this way, both goddesses were maternal figures for orus and for the pharaoh. %heir closeconnection can be seen in the temple of Defertari at *bu


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the west bank at %hebes"==. %his may e-plain the lack of scenes of &sis with the king in

private tombs at the time.

#lumenthal 3"==17 98: suggests that the link between the athor cow and royal

ancestors was emphasised at 'eir el(edina in the reign of amesses &&. %his is

supported by E-ell!s discussion of the evidence linking amesses && to the /henu(chapel

at 'eir el(edina and the @athor cow worshipped within itA 3E-ell "==6759:"=1.


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athor was also the local deity, and protector, of the %heban necropolis 3and of

necropoleis in general within Egypt: in the Dew /ingdom and protected all the people

who were buried there, whether royal or commoner 3#leeker 14+7 99:"=9. %his is

emphasised by the inclusion of the mountain in several of the scenes that include

athor, for e-ample in %%+5 3fig. 59:. %he tombs at %hebes were cut into hillsides and

so the mountain may be seen as a generic allusion to the place of burial. owever, it

may also be understood as showing el(0urn, the pyramid(shaped mountain which

overlooked the necropolis, and in particular the alley of the /ings. Cne of the epithets

of athor was @istress of the WestA 3Lesko 14447 1=":"=5and it may be in this capacity

that she is depicted in tombs. &f this were the sole reason for her inclusion, however, one

would e-pect her to be depicted as such, with anImnt(headdress, rather than in her cow(

form. Cne must assume, therefore, that the inclusion of the athor cow is related to the

cult at 'eir el(#ahri and that images found in temple conte-ts were responsible for the

inclusion of athor scenes in private tombs at %hebes.

+.9 %E /&D> W&% C


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tombs are at 'eir el(edina"=6, while two are at riffiths 3148=7 1+(189: discusses his role as the ruler and Budge of the dead."1=riffiths 3146=7 "9(6: for a discussion of Csiris and his link to the deceased king."11Fnfortunately copies of the scenes are in bad condition and so it is difficult to verify the accuracy of

this claim, but that both SernT and #ruyYre have noted it suggests that it is correct."1"* good e-ample is that in %%14 3;oucart 14+57 pl. -vii(-i-:.

61


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seen as e-isting alongside the gods, but he may take the role of the gods at important

events such as this. 2erhaps the king may be seen here as a manifestation of the god"1+.

While modern understanding of the pharaoh!s relationship with the gods has ranged

from ;rankfort!s belief in his divinity 3;rankfort 14987 5: to 2osener!s attempt to

encourage more emphasis on his human attributes 32osener 146=7 -v:, #aines!

description of the place of the king seems the most accurateP he states that the king

@manifested on earth aspects of the gods, but he was himself only a god in so far as there

was no term for a being intermediate between human and godA 3#aines 14457 4:. #y

putting *menhotep & in the place of Csiris, the artist was not necessarily attributing fully

divine status to him, but may have been acknowledging the close links between the king

and Csiris"19. Cne is forced to question whether this was a role ascribed to *menhotep &

in his position as a local deity of the area, or to the pharaoh more generally. *gain, one

must be careful not to assume general beliefs based on one depiction, but its e-istence

does lead to the possibility that *menhotep & was viewed in such a way. %his scene

cannot be found in any official conte-ts, and so it is unlikely that it has been copied into

the tomb from a monument. &t is possible that the tomb owner amalgamated a well

known funerary scene, the weighing of the heart, with an image from his own life, a

statue of *menhotep & 3used, for e-ample, in a festival: to create this unusual scene.

Without a clear copy of the scene it is difficult to verify whether the *menhotep

depicted is a statue, but it is a likely hypothesis"15.

+.5 %E /&D> W&% *DF#&oebs 3"==7 "4=("41: argues that items such as staffs and

sceptres were important in helping the king to appear as the divine being represented in

the ideology of kingship after his transformation at his coronation. %he pharaoh is most

commonly depicted in private %heban tombs in the period with a combination of three

itemsP the flail, the anx, and the HqA. While the anxis found in the possession of both

kings and queens, the flail and the HqAare only held by the king in depictions"1.

%he HqA (crook: is one of the most recognisable symbols of rule. &ts use as the

hieroglyph fo

ghriptterp

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