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    Landscape and Urban Planning 125 (2014) 234244

    Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

    Landscape and Urban Planning

    j o ur na l ho me pag e: www.elsev ier .com/ locate / landurbplan

    esearch Paper

    rban green space, public health, and environmental justice:he challenge of making cities just green enough

    ennifer R. Wolcha,, Jason Byrneb, Joshua P. Newell c

    University of California, Berkeley, 230 Wurster Hall #1820, Berkeley, CA 94720-1820, USASchool of Environment, Griffith University, AustraliaSchool of Natural Resources and Environment, University of Michigan, USA

    i g h l i g h t s

    Urban green space promotes physical activity and public health.Many US minority communities lack green space access, an environmental injustice.US and Chinese cities have developed innovative ways to create new green space.Urban greening can, however, create paradoxical effects such as gentrification.Urban green space projects need more integrative sustainability policies to protect communities.

    r t i c l e i n f o

    rticle history:vailable online 2 March 2014

    eywords:rban green spacescosystem servicesuman healthnvironmental justicelanning strategiesentrification

    a b s t r a c t

    Urban green space, such as parks, forests, green roofs, streams, and community gardens, provides crit-ical ecosystem services. Green space also promotes physical activity, psychological well-being, and thegeneral public health of urban residents. This paper reviews the Anglo-American literature on urbangreen space, especially parks, and compares efforts to green US and Chinese cities. Most studies revealthat the distribution of such space often disproportionately benefits predominantly White and moreaffluent communities. Access to green space is therefore increasingly recognized as an environmentaljustice issue. Many US cities have implemented strategies to increase the supply of urban green space,especially in park-poor neighborhoods. Strategies include greening of remnant urban land and reuse ofobsolete or underutilized transportation infrastructure. Similar strategies are being employed in Chinesecities where there is more state control of land supply but similar market incentives for urban greening.In both contexts, however, urban green space strategies may be paradoxical: while the creation of new

    green space to address environmental justice problems can make neighborhoods healthier and moreesthetically attractive, it also can increase housing costs and property values. Ultimately, this can lead togentrification and a displacement of the very residents the green space strategies were designed to ben-efit. Urban planners, designers, and ecologists, therefore, need to focus on urban green space strategiesthat are just green enough and that explicitly protect social as well as ecological sustainability.

    2014 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

    . Introduction

    The worlds cities are becoming increasingly congested and pol-uted (Blanco et al., 2009). Urban green space provides a wide range

    f ecosystem services that could help combat many urban ills andmprove life for city dwellersespecially their health. Such greenpace is diverse, varying in size, vegetation cover, species richness,

    Corresponding author. Tel.: +1 510 642 0831; fax: +1 510 642 7560.E-mail addresses: [email protected] (J.R. Wolch), [email protected]

    J. Byrne), [email protected] (J.P. Newell).

    ttp://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.landurbplan.2014.01.017169-2046/ 2014 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

    environmental quality, proximity to public transport, facilities,and services (Dahmann, Wolch, Joassart-Marcelli, Reynolds, &Jerret, 2010; Fuller & Gaston, 2009; Sister, Wolch, & Wilson, 2010).Public green space includes parks and reserves, sporting fields,riparian areas like stream and river banks, greenways and trails,community gardens, street trees, and nature conservation areas,as well as less conventional spaces such as green walls, greenalleyways, and cemeteries (Roy, Byrne, & Pickering, 2012). Private

    green space includes private backyards, communal grounds ofapartment buildings, and corporate campuses.

    Ecosystem services provided by urban green space not onlysupport the ecological integrity of cities, but can also protect the

    dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.landurbplan.2014.01.017http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/journal/01692046http://www.elsevier.com/locate/landurbplanhttp://crossmark.crossref.org/dialog/?doi=10.1016/j.landurbplan.2014.01.017&domain=pdfmailto:[email protected]:[email protected]:[email protected]/10.1016/j.landurbplan.2014.01.017

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    J.R. Wolch et al. / Landscape and

    ublic health of urban populations. Green space may filter air,emove pollution, attenuate noise, cool temperatures, infiltratetorm water, and replenish groundwater; moreover, it can pro-ide food (Escobedo, Kroeger, & Wagner, 2011; Groenewegen, vanen Berg, de Vries, & Verheij, 2006). For example, trees in urbanreas may reduce air pollution by absorbing certain airborne pollu-ants from the atmosphere (Nowak, Crane, & Stevens, 2006). Greenover and urban forests can also moderate temperatures by pro-iding shade and cooling an area, thus helping reduce the risk ofeat-related illnesses for city dwellers (Cummins & Jackson, 2001;owak et al., 1998).

    But within cities, green space is not always equitably distributed.ccess is often highly stratified based on income, ethno-racial char-cteristics, age, gender, (dis)ability, and other axes of differenceByrne, Wolch, & Zhang, 2009; McConnachie & Shackleton, 2010).ver the past two decades, the uneven accessibility of urban green

    pace has become recognized as an environmental justice issue aswareness of its importance to public health has become recog-ized (Dai, 2011; Jennings, Johnson Gaither, & Gragg, 2012). The

    iterature has focused on how to measure access to urban greenpace, primarily parks; the relative access of socio-demographicso these spaces; and how lack of access affects public health. Mostas originated from the United States, the United Kingdom andustralia.

    The reasons why green space is differentially distributed withinhe urban landscape are varied, including the philosophy of parkesign, history of land development, evolving ideas about leisurend recreation, and histories of class and ethno-racial inequalitynd state oppression (Byrne, 2012; Byrne & Wolch, 2009). Oftenxplanations are interrelated and mutually reinforcing. For exam-le, US histories of property development are intertwined withistories of ethno-racial oppressions, philosophies of park designnd land-use systems.

    In the United States, people of color and low-income earn-rs typically occupy the urban core and/or low-income inner ringuburbs where green space is either scarce or poorly maintained.

    ealthier households often reside on the suburban peripheryhere green space is abundant, well-serviced, and well-maintained

    Heynen, Perkins, & Roy, 2006). This environmental injustice hasecome a planning priority, leading to parkland acquisition pro-rams and diverse strategies to deploy underutilized urban landor additional green space.

    Redressing park-poverty in communities of color and/or lowncome households can, however, create an urban green spacearadox. As more green space comes on line, it can improve attrac-iveness and public health, making neighborhoods more desirable.n turn, housing costs can rise. Such housing cost escalation canotentially lead to gentrification: the displacement and/or exclu-ion of the very residents the green space was meant to benefit. Inurn, residents may face higher rents and thus become precariouslyoused, while those who are actually displaced may be forced to

    eave their communities, ending up in less desirable neighborhoodsith similar park-poverty problems. This paradox has negativeublic health implications, not only because of continued parkoverty but also because displacement and precarious housing sta-us themselves have negative public health implications (Bentley,aker, & Mason, 2012; Centers for Disease Control, 2011).

    This paper offers a synthesis of Anglo-American research on theole of urban green space in shaping public health and environ-ental justice. This literature has focused on urban parks, and to a

    esser degree, green cover. Other types of green space (e.g., greenoofs, green walls) have yet to be systematically studied. We first

    eview scholarship on urban green space and public health, not-ng that many studies demonstrate the importance of green spaceccess for health and wellbeing. Then, we review studies of urbanreen space and environmental justice (Section 3), finding evidence

    Planning 125 (2014) 234244 235

    that access to urban park resources is differentiated by class andethno-racial dimensions, warranting intervention. In Section 4, weconsider these health and justice findings as they relate to therapidly urbanizing Chinese city of Hangzhou, and assess whetherinnovative efforts to expand inner-city green space there have beensuccessful. We identify some similarities, but also significant differ-ences. In the final section, we evaluate potential interventions forurban greening, such