ZBORNIK ČLANKOV

SODELUJOČIH EKSPERTOV V PROJEKTU EU-PIKA

PROCEEDINGS OF EXPERTS IN THE PROJECT

EU-PIKA

Uredili:

dr. Nada Trunk Širca Jasmina Mohorko, dipl. evr. štud. (UN)

1

KAZALO

1 UVODNA MISEL..........................................................................................................3

2 PREGLED ZGODOVINE EVROPSKE IDEJE ..........................................................4

Špela Majcen, MA ..................................................................................................................4

Asistentka pri slovenski evroposlanki dr. Romani Jordan.... Napaka! Zaznamek ni definiran.

3 KRATEK PREGLED PRAVNE PODLAGE EU ........................................................8

Špela Majcen, MA ..................................................................................................................8

Asistentka pri slovenski evroposlanki dr. Romani Jordan.... Napaka! Zaznamek ni definiran.

4 EU LAW IN ACTION – AN INTERPRETATION OF THE FORCES BEHIND

THE EU REFORM PROCESS .......................................................................................... 11

dr. George Kratsas ................................................................................................................ 11

University College London, United Kingdom ....................................................................... 11

5 THE EUROPEAN UNION AND ITS CITIZENS...................................................... 14

Dr. Frank Delmartino ........................................................................................................... 14

Leuven University and College of Europe, Belgium ............................................................. 14

6 SOCIAL-NETWORKING OPPORTUNITIES AND RISKS, UNIFORM

REGULATION IN EUROPE ............................................................................................ 17

dr. Augusto Sebastio ............................................................................................................. 17

University of Bari, Italy ........................................................................................................ 17

7 EVROPSKA UNIJA O MLADIH…MLADI O EVROPSKI UNIJI ......................... 19

mag. Urška Štremfel ............................................................................................................. 19

Pedagoški inštitut, Slovenija ................................................................................................. 19

8 EU IN MLADI / MLADI V AKCIJI ........................................................................... 22

Sonja Majcen, univ. dipl. polit. ............................................................................................. 22

Informacijska točka Evropske komisije Europe Direct Savinjska .......................................... 22

9 OPINION ABOUT THE ROLE OF RESEARCH AND CHEMISTRY IN THE

TREATMENT AND EVOLUTION OF CANCER CASES ............................................. 24

dr. Santiago Gómez-Ruiz ...................................................................................................... 24

Departamento de Química Inorgánica y Analítica, Universidad Rey Juan Carlos, Móstoles

(Madrid), Spain .................................................................................................................... 24

10 ECONOMIC FACTS REGARDING SCIENCE AND RESEARCH IN SPAIN ...... 26

2

dr. Santiago Gómez-Ruiz ...................................................................................................... 26

Departamento de Química Inorgánica y Analítica, Universidad Rey Juan Carlos, Móstoles

(Madrid), Spain .................................................................................................................... 26

11 THE TRILOGUE WITHIN THE ORDINARY LEGISLATIVE PROCEDURE –

INFORMAL, EFFECTIVE, TRANSPARENT? ............................................................... 28

Josephine Ledezma ............................................................................................................... 28

National School for leadership in education .......................................................................... 28

Matija Vilfan ........................................................................................................................ 28

The Ministry of Economic Development and Technology .................................................... 28

3

1 UVODNA MISEL

Projekt EU-PIKA (Politike, Institucije, Kooperacija, Akcije) je enoletni projekt, ki ga je v letu

2012 izvajala Mednarodna fakulteta za družbene in poslovne študije (MFDPŠ). Projekt je bil

sofinanciran s strani Evropske komisije v okviru projektov Jean Monnet, katerega cilj je

širjenje znanja o Evropski Uniji (EU) po vsem svetu in je namenjen visokošolskim

institucijam, profesorjem in raziskovalcem ter združenjem profesorjev, raziskovalcev,

institucij in raziskovalnih centrov, ki delujejo na področju evropskih študij.

Glavni namen projekta je bilo posredovanje EU vsebin širši javnosti, študentom, dijakom in

učencem. Cilji projekta so bili prispevati k boljšemu razumevanju EU in aktiviranju mladih

Evropejcev, prispevati k razvoju kakovostnega vseživljenjskega učenja in večji udeležbi ljudi

vseh starosti, okrepiti prispevek vseživljenjskega učenja k socialni koheziji, aktivnemu

državljanstvu, medkulturnemu dialogu, enakosti med spoloma in osebni izpolnitvi. Projekt

EU-PIKA je spodbujal odličnost v učenju, raziskovanju in razmišljanju na področju študij o

evropskih integracijah ter okrepil znanje in ozaveščenost s pomočjo specialistov akademikov

med evropske državljane o splošnih vprašanjih evropske integracije.

V okviru projekta EU-PIKA so potekali različni dogodki o delovanju EU, njenih institucijah,

ključnih politikah in o trenutnih aktualnostih ter bodočnosti evropskih integracij. Od marca do

oktobra v letu 2012 se je izvedlo 8 raznovrstnih aktivnosti; tridnevna tabora za srednješolce,

okrogle mize, delavnice za osnovnošolce, izobraževanje za učitelje, tematske delavnice za

študente in splošno javnost, seminarji v e-učilnici in nenazadnje nagradne natečaje. Projekt je

povezal skupno več kot 350 udeležencev, iz Slovenije in in izven njenih meja je gostil več kot

30 visokošolskih učiteljev, razsikovalcev in drugih strokovnjakov, slovenske evroposlance in

druge predstavnike EU institucij.

Izvajanje projekta je pripomoglo k spodbujanju ustvarjalnosti, konkurenčnosti, pridobivanju

kompetenc in razvoju podjetniškega duha. Aktivnosti v okviru projekta so podpirale tudi

razvoj inovativnih vsebin in pedagogike ter okrepile vlogo vseživljenjskega učenja pri

ustvarjanju občutka evropskega državljanstva na podlagi razumevanja in spoštovanja

človekovih pravic in demokracije, strpnosti do drugih narodov in kultur.

Pričujoči zbornik vsebuje prispevke nekaterih gostujočih predavateljev, ki so sodelovali v

okviru projekta. Zbornik predstavlja dodano vrednost projektu, saj bodo gradiva in znanja o

EU dostopna širši javnosti. S tem gradivom prispevamo tudi k rajnosti in uporabnosti

projekta.

Vodja projekta EU-PIKA

izr. prof. dr. Nada Trunk Širca

4

2 PREGLED ZGODOVINE EVROPSKE IDEJE

Špela Majcen, MA

Evropski parlament, Bruselj

Ko govorimo o evropski ideji in zgodovini sodelovanja med evropskimi narodi, se moramo

najprej vprašati nekaj, o čemer le redkokdaj razmišljamo – kaj sploh je Evropa? Je le

podcelina Evrazijskega kontinenta, je kulturni mozaik podobnih si narodov, je omejena z

mejami krščanstva ali je to nek politični konstrukt, ki se je razvil skozi stoletja.

Evropa ni le geografski pojem. Koncept Evrope, katere meja na vzhodu poteka po gorovju

Ural pa do Črnega morja postaja vedno manj relevanten, saj sta se mu pridružila kulturni in

politični koncept, »ki so ga že dolgo nazaj izumile in poskušale udejanjiti na evropskem

ozemlju prebivajoče elite v obdobju kriz in konfrontacij« (Toplak, 2003, str. 19).

Zgodba o Evropi in Evropejcih se začne z zgodbo, ki je navdušila starogrške pisce,

zgodovinarje in politike. Mit o feničanski princeski po imenu Evropa, ki jo je grški bog Zevs

nekega dne ugledal v skupini deklet na obalah Azije in bil neizmerno presunjen nad njeno

lepoto. Da bi jo zapeljal, si je nadel podobo belega bika, ki je po morju priplaval do skupine

deklet v Aziji. Princesi Evropi je ponudil, da jezdi na njegovem hrbtu. Tako je Evropo

odpeljal vse do Krete, svojega rojstnega kraja, kjer se ji je razkril v resnični podobi. V

feničanskem jeziku beseda Evropa ('erebi') pomeni »večerna dežela« oziroma dežela

zahajajočega sonca (Toplak, 2003, str. 26), prav tako pa je koren besede »zahod« moč najti

tudi v današnji arabski verziji imena evropskega kontinenta.

V času antike se o združeni Evropi ni dalo govoriti, saj so prevladovale grške mestne

državice, imperiji pa so se gradili na vzhodu (tudi Aleksander veliki je svoje ozemlje širil na

vzhod v Azijo in ne na ozemlja zahodne Evrope). Prvič pa lahko rečemo, da je bila Evropa

združena pod istim pravnim, denarnim, vojaškim in carinskim sistemom s centralizirano

vladavino v času Rimskega imperija. Rimski imperij je leta 50 pred Kristusom obsegal že

večino celinske Evrope ter kmalu za tem dosegel še otočje Velike Britanije. Kljub temu pa je

jedro imperija ostajalo Sredozemlje, »mare nostrum« (Toplak, 2003, str. 33). V času

Rimskega imperija pa se je tudi pojavilo prvo ljudstvo, ki je naselilo skoraj celotno ozemlje,

ki ga danes imenujemo Evropa. Kelti so med Atlantikom in Črnim morjem vzpostavili

»enovit prostor prevladujoče latenske kulture« (Toplak, 2003, str. 33) in s tem prvič združili

celino. V 20. Stoletju so bili na podlagi opisanih razlogov razglašeni za »zoro evropske

civiliziacije« (Davies, 1997, str. 84 v Toplak, 2003, str. 33).

Eden prvih vadarjev, ki velja za očeta združene Evrope je Karel Veliki kralj Frankov (od leta

768 do leta 814) in vladar Zahodnega sveta (od leta 800 do leta 814) (Gale Cengage, 2000),

saj je v času svoje vladavine združil evropski kontinent oziroma njegovo veliko večino.

Evropsko povezovanje v času srednjega veka ni potekalo, kot si ga predstavljamo danes. Ni

šlo za politično sodelovanje in podpisovanje sporazumov ali le sklepanje taktičnih porok med

velikimi plemiškimi rodbinami. V prvi vrsti je šlo za nasilno prevzemanje, odvzemanje in

zasedbo ozemelj, s pomočjo velikih vojsk in sposobnih vojskovodij. V času pred letom 1000

si je Karel Veliki podredil Lombarde, Saksonce, Avare in osvojil Evropo vse do meja

5

slovanskega sveta. Karel Veliki je v svojem ogromnem imperiju uveljavil enotno pravo,

delegiral oblast guvernerjem, za svojo prestolnico pa je izbral nemško mesto Aachen. Postavil

je torej prvo veliko državo na evropskem kontinentu. Kljub temu pa v dobi Karla Velikega

Evropa in Evropejci še niso postali definiran pojem. Prvič se ime Evropejci ('europeenses')

pojavi v zgodovinskem zapisu o bitki pri Poitiersu leta 732, kjer je Karel Martel premagal

Saracene in začel obdobje konca arabske prevlade na Iberskem polotoku. Vendar je tudi ta

prvi zapis o Evropejcih sameval v zgodovinopisju še mnogo stoletij po znameniti bitki

(Toplak, 2003, str 37-39).

Krščanstvo je v srednjem veku počasi postajalo vezni člen med prebivalci Evrope. K temu

občutku so še posebej pripomogle križarske vojne, ki so se zaključile v letu 1187, ko je

Salahadin znova zavzel Jeruzalem, evropski vojščaki pa so nazaj v domovino ponesli utrjeno

zavest o enotni krščanski skupnosti. Prvi načrti o politični skupnosti na celini izvirajo namreč

že iz 13. stoletja (Toplak, 2003, str. 42). Takšen je bil projekt Danteja Alghierija (1265 –

1321), ki je zasnoval Univerzalno monarhijo. Dante v knjihi »Monarhija« obravnava

mednarodne odnose in sestavo mednarodnega sistema tistega časa. Ugotavlja, da je potrebna

neke vrste univerzalna mednarodna oblast, saj je to edini način, da se zagotovi trajni in

univerzalni mir. Po njegovem mnenju je najboljša politika takšna, ki se vodi na svetovni

ravni, saj lahko le tista zagotovi, da je zadovoljeno potrebam vseh ljudi na svetu. Dante je

torej tako zastvail neke vrste politični sistem, v katerem bi bile skupne potrebe in želje

ljudstev vodene s strani univerzalnega monarha, ki bi se zanašal na 'nepristranske' institucije.

V sredini 15. Stoletja pa so Evropejci znova opazili in začeli namenjati pozornost turški

nevarnosti, ki jim je grozila iz smeri jugovzhoda. V tem času se je začela uporabljati beseda

Evropa vedno pogosteje. Velikokrat je zamenjevala in nadomeščala krščansko skupnost. Enej

Silvij Piccolomini, papež Pij II je vodil Cerkev od leta 1458 do leta 1464 in njegovo

protiturško ravnanje je hkrati delovalo kot proevropsko. Pozival je k dvema akcijama hkrati:

miru med kristjani (Evropejci) in vojni proti Turkom (Drugemu). Evropa je v času Pija II

postala ne le geografsko zaokrožena celota (papež je na zemljevid Evrope postavil tudi

Balkanski polotok), temveč tudi versko enoten prostor.

Zelo znan projekt povezovanja evropskih narodov, ki je nastal v času razsvetljenstva. Charles

de Secondat, Baron de Montesquieu (1689 – 1755) se je ukvarjal s popolnostjo državne

ureditve ter predstavil teorijo delitve oblasti na tri veje, kot tudi utemeljeval kulturno

razlikovanje med Evropo in Azijo. Montesquieu definira pojma Evrope kot popolnoma

ločenega od krščanstva in ga identificira z idejo svobode. Ukvarja se z razlogi, za katere meni,

da so podlaga za različni mentaliteti v Evropi in Aziji. Po njegovem mnenju Evropejci naj bi

imeli lastnosti delovne etike, dinamike, medtem ko naj bi Azijce spremljala počasnost,

nemobilnost in prevelika spokojnost (Andželevski, 2002, str. 35 – 36). Poleg Montesquieua je

k razvoju evropske ideje prispeval tudi Immanuel Kant (1724 – 1824), ki je v svojem slavnem

delu »K večnemu miru« predlagal ustanovitev svetovne zveze narodov oziroma svetovne

republike. Sicer v primeru Kantovega prepričanja ni šlo za koncept Evrope in evropskega

povezovanja, so pa njegove ideje opisale in predstavile svet, v katerem monarh ne bi imel

moči, razen, če bi mu jo podelilo ljudstvo. Hkrati bi veljala načela, po katerih naj bi se ljudje

ravnali, v želji po zagotavljanju večnega miru. Ta načela so svoboda, enakost in bratstvo

(Toplak, 2003, str. 68 – 70).

6

Naslednji pomemben mejnik v zgodovini evropske ideje je francoska revolucija. Ta je

spremenila Evropo za zmeraj. Oblikoval se je močan koncept, ki je še danes ključ in jedro do

mednarodnih odnosov in svetovne politike ter sodelovanja na splošno – koncept naroda.

Hkrati so misli o povezani Evropi prešle v novo dimenzijo. O njej se je v tem obdobju

razmišljalo kot o skupni državi sestavljeni iz provinc, ki jih sestavljajo evropski narodi.

Francoska revolucija je zaradi pozitivno sprejetih načel svobode, enakosti in bratstva utrla pot

Napoleonu, ki je ideje revolucije razpršil po skoraj vsem kontinentu. Na višku svoje moči je

imel pod oblastjo, razen skandinavskih narodov, Rusov, Avstrije in Otomanskega imperija,

vso kontinentalno Evropo od Francije, Španije, Anglije, Danske, Švedske in Lombardije pa

do Papeške države, Benetk, nemškega cesarstva, Poljske, Ogrske in Češke, Švice, Italije in

Belgije. Njegova Evropa naj bi postala »en velik federativni sistem« (De Rougemont, 1961,

str. 197 v Toplak 2003, str. 72). Napoleon je obvladoval ogromno evropsko ozemlje, svojo

zakonodajo Code Napoléon, pa je ponesel v vse kotičke imperija. Predvidel je skupno

sodišče, denarno valuto, merski sistem, obstajati bi morala skupna evropska znanstvena

akademija in nagrade za napredek znanosti (Den Boer, 1997, str. 68). Napoleonov cilj je bil

ustvariti enaka načela, enaka pravila in enak sistem za vse. S tem bi se lahko rodil nov narod,

katerega ljudstva bi se skupaj lahko predala sanjam o lepem idealu civilizacije, o katerem je

Napoleon veliko razmišljal (Toplak, 2003, str 71 – 73).

Le nekaj desetletij po padcu Napoleona pa je francoski mislec Victor Hugo lansiral idejo

"Združenih državah Evrope", kjer bi vladali mir in humanistični ideali. Te Združene države

Evrope naj bodo federacija, kot nasprotje hierarhiji narodov ali centralizaciji oblasti (Rajh,

2008, str. 207). Victor Hugo je videl oblikovanje Združenih držav Evrope kot nekaj

neizogibnega, zapečateno bodočnost, ko bodo vojno na evropski celini zamenjali univerzalna

volilna pravica, mednarodna arbitraža ter mirno reševanje sporov. Po njegovem mnenju je

Evropa že v začetku 19. stoletja nujno potrebovala eno evropsko nacionalnost, eno vlado, eno

sodstvo, demokarcijo, in narode, ki sklenejo premirje in ne kuhajo več zamer eden do

drugega. Za prestolnico Združenih držav Evrope je Hugo predvidel Pariz (Toplak, 2003, str.

79 – 80).

Vse čudovite ideje mislecev iz 19. stoletja pa na žalost niso mogle preprečiti prve največje in

najbolj uničujoče vojne v zgodovini človeštva – prve svetovne vojne. Vojna je za sabo pustila

razdejanje, a medvojni Evropi prinesla tudi zavest o skupni usodi in realnih možnostih

njenega propada.« (Černela, 2010, str. 15). Pobud za povezovanje je bilo veliko, njihovi

kreatorji pa raznoliki. Od gospodarstvenikov, do kulturnikov, filozofov in literatov. Kljub

množici načrtov kot sta med drugim tudi projekt Srednje Evrope (Mitteleuropa) Friedericha

Neumanna (1860 – 1919), Nova Evropa Tomaša Masaryka (1850 – 1937) ali pa ideja o

ustanovitvi Društva narodov, predhodnice sodobne Organizacije združenih narodov, pa je

ključni načrt o enem evropskem narodu v tem obdobju podal Avstrijec Richard Coudenhove

Kalergi (1894 – 1972) v delu Panevropa.

Ne glede na vse pacifistične in idealistične programe iz časa po kincu prve svetovne vojne, ki

so skušali evropske narode prepričati, da se prva svetovna vojna enostavno ne sme ponoviti,

pa se je kaj kmalu začela ponovna oboroževalna tekma evropskih držav ter hitre krepitve

nacionalizmov ter totalitarnih režimov na splošno. Čeprav Adolfa Hitlerja (1889 – 1945)

danes poznamo kot rušitelja Evrope, nekoga, ki je evropske narode uspel skregati to te mere,

7

da je svet zapadel v »totalno vojno«, pa bi ironično lahko rekli, da je Hitler na nek način

oblikoval svoje vrste združeno Evropo. Na vrhuncu svoje moči je Hitler nadzoroval večino

zahodno- in srednjeevropskega ozemlja. Preden se je odločil napasti tudi Sovjetsko zvezo je

bil njegov načrt za vzpostavitev evropske celine kot enotnega prostora z ekonomsko in

vojaško nadvlado Nemčije že skoraj izpeljan (Černela, 2010, str. 16 – 17). V tistem času so

številni Evropejci v zasedenih deželah dejansko verjeli, da je »nova federalna Evropa pod

hegemonijo Nemčije mogoča in more trajati« (Toplak, 2003, str. 107). Ne glede na tovrstna

prepričanja, pa se je druga svetovna vojna končala v popolnem uničenju in »drugo svetovno

vojno so 9. maja 1945 v Evropi izgubili vsi« (Toplak, 2003, str. 109).

... in vse ostalo je zgodovina ...

Na dan 9. maja 1950 je takratni zunanji minster Francoske republike, Robert Schuman,

predstavil načrt združevanja evropskih narodov na podlagi postopnih korakov, postopnega

združevanja kompetenc, ki bodo nekoč v prihodnosti privedle do dejanske enotnosti. Njegov

načrt je bil vzet resno in na njem temelji struktura, ki jo danes imenujemo Evropska unija.

Evropska unija je nikoli končan projekt, ki se s časom razvija, dograjuje, spreminja in

prilagaja razmeram v nacionalnih državah, na evropski celini, v Evropi sosednjih regijah pa

tudi po svetu. Zato je ne smemo karati zaradi njenih pomanjkljivosti, saj nobena struktura in

nobena država nista poponi. Lahko pa jo, za razliko od države, spreminjamo tako, kot nam,

vsam 27 narodom EU, najbolj odgovarja.

Viri:

1. Andželevski, A. (2002). Razvoj pojma Evropa (diplomsko delo). Ekonomska fakulteta,

Ljubljana.

2. Černela, J. (2010). ˝Združeni v različnosti": kulturni vidiki širjenja Evropske unije, stare

in nove članice v primerjalni perspektivi (diplomsko delo). Fakulteta za družbene vede,

Ljubljana.

3. Den Boer, M. (1997). The implementation of Schengen: first the widening, now the

deepening. Maastricht: European Institute of Public Administration.

4. Rajh, Ema. (2008, 17. 7.). De Rougemontova filozofija Evrope. Anthropos. Pridobljeno s

http://www.anthropos.si/anthropos/2008/1_2/14_rajh.pdf

5. Toplak, C. (2003). Združene države Evrope: zgodovina evropske ideje. Ljubljana:

Fakulteta za družbene vede

8

3 KRATEK PREGLED PRAVNE PODLAGE EU

Špela Majcen, MA

Evropski parlament, Bruselj

Intenzivno povezovanje evropskih držav se je začelo po koncu druge svetovne vojne.

Konkreten predlog za začetek evropskih integracij je v svojem govoru na dan 9. 5. 1950

predstavil takratni francoski zunanji minister Robert Schuman. Na podlagi njegove

deklaracije so evropski državniki začeli razmišljati v smeri postopnega oblikovanja skupnih

politik, ki bi ustvarile začetek političnega procesa, nikoli dokončanega procesa, združevanja

Evrope. Ključ do miru na evropskem kontinentu je Robert Schuman videl v pvezovanju in

čim tesnejšem sodelovanju med stoletnima nasprotnicama, ki sta v zgodovini bili marsikatero

bitko – Nemčijo in Francijo. Združevanje pa bi se naj začelo na področju industrij, ki sta

temelj za vojaško tehnologijo in razvoj ter proizvodnjo uničevalnega orožja – premog in

jeklo. Schuman je zato predlagal, da Francija in Nemčija začneta sodelovati na področju

premogovništva in jeklarstva. V kolikor bi ju državi združili pod neko skupno, krovno

institucijo, vojskovanje med njima ne bi več bilo mogoče (europa.eu, 2012).

Na podlagi Schumanovih idej je bila leta 1951 v Parizu podpisana pogodba o ustanovitvi

Evropske skupnosti za premog in Jeklo (ESPJ) med Francijo, Nemčijo, Italijo, Belgijo,

Nizozemsko in Luksemburgom. Pogodba je predvidela nadancionalno institucijo, ki je bila

oblikovana za namene priprave zakonodaje in nadzora nad implementacijo zakonodaje, za

katero bi lahko rekli, da predstavlja prvi zametek današnje Evropske komisije. Po ratifikacije

pogodbe ESPJ z omejenim trajanjem (50 let) so se že kmalu začeli kazati prvi rezultati. Zaradi

njihove privlačnosti so se kmalu začeli pogovori o oblikovanju nadaljnjega sodelovanja na

širšem političnem in gospodarskem področju. Sicer so bili na mizi v času po ustanovitvi ESPJ

že predlogi o oblikovanju Evropske obrambne skupnosti, vendar se je ideja za tisti čas

izkazala za preveč ambiciozno in državniki podpisnic Pariške pogodbe o ESPJ so se odločili

za manj radikalen, a za razvoj Evropske unije ključen korak – gospodarsko sodelovanje (Lajh

in Kajnč, 2009).

Od trenutka, ko so se države članice ESPJ odločile svoje sodelovanje poglobiti, se je

nadaljeval proces približevanja, prilagajanja, nenehnih pogajanj in nenenhnega učenja ter

razvoja evropskih integracij. Evropsko povezovanje je proces, za katerega konec ni

predviden. Gre za postopno širjenje plja kompetenc skupnih evropskih politik ter tudi

geografsko širitev ozemlja Evropske unije. Da pa lahko razumemo razvoj evropskih integracij

pa je potrebno poznati razvoj pravne podlage, ki je ključ in temelj sodelovanja držav članic v

okviru Evropske unije še danes.

Ključna in edina temeljna pravna podlaga za delovanje Evropske unije so tako imenovane

»temeljne pogodbe«, ki vsebujejo skupne vrednote in načela držav članic EU ter tudi natančna

določila glede institucionalnega okvirja Evropske unije, njenih politik ter postopkov

sprejemanja odločitev. Prav tako kot sama integracija, so se tudi temeljne pogodbe Evropske

unije skozi čas razvijale. V nadaljevanju podajamo pregled razvoja pravne podlage Evropske

unije preko treh temeljnih pogodb.

9

Ključni mejniki v razvoju EU (Bebler, 2008/2009)

Leto Dogodek

1951 Ustanovitev Evropske skupnosti za premog in jeklo v Parizu

1957 Ustanovitev Evropske gospodarske skupnosti (Rimska pogodba)

1967 Združitev institucij treh evropskih skupnosti

(Evropska skupnost za premog in jeklo, Evropska gospodarska skupnost in Evropska

skupnost za jedrsko energijo)

1968 V celoti uvedena carinska unija med državami članicami Evropske gospodarske

skupnosti

1970 Urejeno redno financiranje Evropske gospodarske skupnosti

1975 Prvo zasedanje Evropskega Sveta in ustanovitev Računskega sodišča

1979 Prve neposredne volitve v Evropski parlament

1986 “Enotni evropski akt” (“Single European Act”)

1992 Podpis Pogodbe o EU (Maastrichtska pogodba)

1995 Vstop v veljavo Schengenskega sporazuma med 7 članicami o skupnem režimu

nadzora na zunanjih mejah

1998 Ustanovitev Evropske centralne banke

2002 Uvedba bankovcev in kovancev skupne valute Evro

2009 Vstop v veljavo Lizbonske pogodbe

Jeseni 1957 so predstavniki držav članic ESPJ s podpisom pogodb v Rimu ustanovili dve novi

skupnosti: Evropsko gospodarsko skupnost (EGS) in Evropsko skupnost za atomsko energijo

(EURATOM). Vsaka je pokrivala svoje področje in imela podobno strukturo organov.

Osrednjo institucijo EGS so poimenovali Komisija in za njen sedež določili Bruselj. Sedaj so

na političnem zemljevidu Evrope obstajale tri skupnosti ESPJ, EGS in EURATOM, pri čemer

pa je osrednjo vlogo kaj kmalu začela igrati EGS, med tem kot sta ostali ostajali v ozadju.

Skozi čas in naknadne spremembe pogodbe EGS sta povečani vlogi v delovanju skupnosti

dobili dve dodatni instituciji, Svet ministrov ter Parlamentarna skupščina. Bebler (2008/2009)

pravi, da je bila EGS »prava predhodnica današnje EU«, ki se je začela kmalu razvijati.

Temeljna ideja je bila, da se evropska gospodarstva začnejo vedno bolj odpirati, povezovati,

in da se začnejo oblikovati nekatere ključne skupne politike za uspešno delovanje evropskih

gospodarstev. Tako so države članice EGS najprej oblikovale carinsko unijo s skupno zunanjo

carinsko zaščito, kmetijsko politiko, politiko konkurence, kasneje prometno in drugimi

gospodarskimi politikami. S tem so evropske skupnosti vse bolj ustvarjale področje prostega

pretoka blaga in kapitala, kasneje tudi delovne sile. EGS je kmalu pokazala odlične rezultate

in dvakrat višjo gospodarsko rast kot ZDA in VB, »navzlic težki coklji v obliki visokih

subvencij kmetijstvu« (Bebler 2008/2009).

Kljub nekaterim nestrinjanjem in blokažam sprejemanja odločitev predvsem v šestdesetih

letih dvajsetega stoletja (in predvsem s strani Francije) pa je EGS nov zagon dobila v

osemdesetih letih dvajsetega stoletja. Takrat je bil na čelu Komisije francoski politik Jacques

Delors, ki je lansiral idejo o enotnem eropskem trgu. Ta se je uradno začela razvijati s

podpisom in ratifikacijo Enotnega Evropskega Akta (1986) (Lajh in Kajnč, 2009, str. 19 –

20). Enotni evropski trg še danes temelji na štirih svoboščinah, skupnih vsem državljanom

10

Evropske unije. Te štiri svoboščine, do katerih je postopna integracija počasi privedla so prost

pretok blaga, storitev, kapitala in ljudi.

Ob koncu osemdesetih let dvajsetega stoletja se je politično okolje v Evropi drastično

spremenilo. Končala se je hladna vojna, padel je Berlinski zid in komunistilni sistemi so

postopoma izginjali. To je privedlo do razmišljanja o možnosti večje reforme EGS,

posodobitve in prilagoditve dotedanjega sistema delovanja skupnosti novih svetovnim

političnim trendom. Ta razmišljanja so se odrazila v podpisu in ratifikaciji Mastrichtske

pogodbe (1992/1993). Najpomembnejše točke nove pogodbe za novo obdobje so bile

nedvomno priprava na Evropsko monetarno unijo in oblikovanje zametkov skupne valute

(Evro) ter uvedba nekaterih elementov politične unije, ki do takrat še niso obstajali

(europa.eu, n. l.). Maastrichtska pogodba je Evropsko gospodarsko skupnost uradno

preimenovala v Evropsko unijo (EU), uvedla evropsko državljanstvo za vse državljane držav

članic Evropske unije, oblikovala skupno zunanjo politiko, kjer države članice skupaj

nastopajo v odnosu do ostalih držav po celem svetu in oblikovala skupno notranjo politiko v

obliki sodelovanja na področju sodstva ter policije. Ta določila so kasneje pomembno vplivala

na nadaljnji razvoj integracij ter kasnejše spremembe temeljnih pogodb EU.

Pogodbi, ki sta uvedli manjše reforme ter uveljavili nekatera dopolnila k Maastrichtski

pogodbi sta Amsterdamska pogodba (podpisana 1997 in ratificirana 1999) in Niška pogodba

(podpisana 2001 in ratificirana 2003). Slednja je predvsem pripravila strukture EU na

največjo širitev integracije v njeni zgodovini. Leta 2004 se je EU namreč pridružilo deset

novih držav članic, osem nekdanjih držav s komunističnim režimom ter Malta in Ciper.

Zadnji korak na področju zakonodajnih sprememb temeljnih pogodb EU je bil narejen s

podpisom (2007) in fatifikacijo (2009) Lizbonske pogodbe. Pogodba je bila oblikovana z

namenom omogočanja boljše učinkovitosti delovanja Evropske unije in njenih institucij ter

okrepitve vloge Evropske unije kot enotnega akterja v svetu (Slovenija v Evropi, n.l.).

Najnovajša pogodba želi zagotoviti čim bolj demokratično, učinkovito ter enotnejšo Evropsko

unijo, predvsem ko gre za doseganje notranje kohezije in reševanje globalnih problemov (npr.

podnebne spremembe). Pogodba močno poveča moč Evropskega parlamenta, spreminja

nekatere postopke glasovanja v Svetu ministrov, uvaja novi funkciji stalnega predsednika

Evropskega sveta ter Visokega predstavnika za zunanje zadeve ter oblikuje popolnoma novo

diplomatsko službo EU. Poleg tega pa Lizbonska pogodba prvič v zgodovini postavi jasna

pravila glede območij pristojnosti držav članic in Evropske komisije, ko gre za skupne

evropske politike (europa.eu, n. l.) in s tem pomembno prispeva k preglednosti celotnega

sistema in delovanja Evropske unije.

Viri:

1. Bebler, A. (2008/2009). Skripta za predmet Temelji EU. Ljubljana: Fakulteta za družbene

vede.

2. Lajh, D., Kajnč, S. (2009). Evropska unija od A do Ž. Ljubljana: Uradni list RS.

3. Vladni portal z informacijami o življenju v EU. (n.l.). Pridobljeno s

http://www.evropa.gov.si/si/kratka-predstavitev/zgodovinski-mejniki/

4. Uradni portal Evropske unije. (2012). Pridobljeno s http://europa.eu/about-eu/eu-

history/index_sl.htm

11

4 EU LAW IN ACTION – AN INTERPRETATION OF THE FORCES BEHIND

THE EU REFORM PROCESS

dr. George Kratsas

University College London, United Kingdom

The European Union (EU) is an unprecedented effort to achieve the cooperation between a

number of nations with different legal and governance traditions. This cooperation in a long

list of fields, ranging from the economic to the social sphere, is possible through the help of a

complex regulatory structure. The legal system regulating the functioning of the EU is widely

seen as one of the most rapidly and constantly developing legal systems worldwide. This

change is necessary to not only respond to new and changing conditions, but also to

accommodate the accession of new members in the EU. As a result, the EU bodies and

administration are constantly the focus of reflection and debate. Since the early days of the

EU, the functions of the European Council, the European Commission and the European

Parliament, but also voting and decision-making procedures within those bodies, have

undergone significant reform.

Understanding this aspect of constant reform is crucial to comprehend the wider issues and

intricacies of the EU structure. It becomes then necessary to inquire what are the elements that

drive EU reform. This article identifies four components: the process of establishing the main

objectives of the EU; the level of development of EU economies; the inadequate reflection of

the rules from the beginning; and the trade-off between enlargement and integration. Each of

these components will be analysed in turn.

First, the process of establishing the main objectives of the EU has undeniably been a long

one. Since the adoption of the European Coal and Steel Community in 1951, the Treaties

regulating the functioning of the EU have been reformed seven times, with the Treaty of

Lisbon being the latest reform in 2009. This number does not take into account the

unsuccessful attempt to adopt a Constitutional Treaty in 2004. During this period, the EU

Member States have extended the reach of the EU to regulate new areas. For example, the

EURATOM and the EEC Treaties of 1957 first spoke of competition and free movement of

workers, while the Maastricht Treaty of 1992 spoke of a Common Foreign and Security

Policy. At the same time, the EU has had the chance to establish common goals, the most

important of which was perhaps the establishment of the ‘internal market aim’ in the Single

European Act in 1987. Under this aim, the EU would strive to achieve a market without

internal frontiers, but with free movement of goods, persons, services and capital. Equally

important was the establishment of the ‘single currency’ as an objective of the Union in the

Maastricht Treaty. However, due to the constraints of such a union, and in particular the

impossibility of devaluation of national currencies, the single currency project would have to

12

be composed of developed economies abiding by strict rules on budget deficit and budget

debts. In particular, single currency members must not surpass a budget deficit of 3% and a

public debt of 60%, as provided by the Treaty on Stability, Coordination and Governance in

the Economic and Monetary Union. Surpassing those limits would activate an ‘excessive

deficit procedure’ aiming at reducing it to an acceptable level. Establishing these aims at the

EU level, let alone achieving them, has been a lengthy process, while a number of rules

proved excessively difficult to implement at the national level.

The above point relates to the next element driving EU reform, namely, the varying levels of

development of EU economies. The EU is composed of countries with different structural and

macroeconomic needs, which increases intra-EU coordination and governance problems. The

global financial crisis that began in the U.S. in 2007, and sent aftershocks in the rest of the

world, serves as a good example in this respect. The effects of this crisis in Europe hurt

primarily exporting economies, such as Germany, or economies with a strong reliance on the

financial sector, such as the United Kingdom. However, the aftereffects of the global crisis

were particularly harmful on countries that suffered from low competitiveness and chronic

high debts, such as Greece and Portugal. As a result, these countries underwent a sovereign

debt crisis, the effects of which reached not only the core of Europe, but went as far as the

U.S. This crisis, in the opinion of many European leaders and officials, call for a revision of

the Treaties to enable the EU to tackle similar crises at an early level and impose sanction on

Member States that infringe the established rules of the Economic and Monetary Union. A

new Treaty, then, may well be under way.

Thus, it becomes relevant to touch upon the third element driving EU reform: the inadequate

reflection of the rules from the beginning. This omission made their subsequent revision

necessary. The EU, as a matter of fact, has been often marked by an inefficiency that

precluded from addressing international economic and political challenges. For instance, the

limited powers conferred to the European Parliament since its establishment in 1951

reinforced criticism about the EU’s democracy deficit. The position and role of the European

Parliament has been strengthened over time, but the criticism persists to this day. Moreover,

until the Lisbon Treaty, the Presidency of the Council of the EU was not permanent, but

rotated among the heads of Member States, thus increasing the workload of national

administrations and incurring additional costs. In addition, the limited status accorded to the

previous position of the High Representative for Common Foreign and Security Policy

accounted for a communication failure by the EU during the Iraq war. Under the Lisbon

Treaty, this position was reformed to a High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs

and Security Policy, likening this role more to a Minster for Foreign Affairs.

Unfortunately, a number of deficient rules have yet to be amended. The cost of maintaining

multiple seats for the European Parliament (Brussels, Strasbourg and Luxembourg) as well as

13

the relatively lower tax rates applied on EU officials continue to give credit to arguments

about waste of funds. Still to this day there is no post of European Public Prosecutor to bring

cases of EU interest before national courts, thus giving the impression of a dysfunctional and

weak union. Many of these rules and practices may be changed in the future to consolidate

and improve the functioning of the EU. But an important question remains, how effectively

can EU reform be given the new challenges posed under an enlarged EU?

This question points to the last element driving EU reform, which is the trade-off between

enlargement and integration. Since 1951 the EU has been enlarged six times. It begun as a

union of six countries, and is now composed of twenty-seven. A growing number of members

is normally associated with positive outcomes: a more powerful and stable Europe and a

larger market for EU products and services. But more members also means slowing down the

reform process and overburdening the EU administration. At the same time, it may create a

need for more reform, since it requires changing the voting procedure within the Council.

Twelve or fifteen members may easily reach unanimity or reinforced majority, attempting

though to do the same with twenty-seven appears near impossible.

The EU is a historically unique effort to achieve the cooperation between a number of nations

with different legal and governance traditions. This unprecedented project is necessary to

respond to the new circumstances of globalisation and will allow Europe to maintain its

influence and standing as well as promote democracy and human rights in world affairs. It is,

moreover, a way of celebrating common European civilisation and strengthening European

values. Achieving this goal, however, necessitates the creation of a complex structure, subject

to constant reform and improvement. This is a worthy cost.

14

5 THE EUROPEAN UNION AND ITS CITIZENS

Dr. Frank Delmartino

Leuven University and College of Europe, Belgium

Twenty years ago, in 1992, EU citizenship was introduced as one of the striking innovations

in the Maastricht Treaty. After the collapse of the Communist regimes in Central- and Eastern

Europe, the EU wanted to highlight the quintessential political character of the European

integration process. Therefore, the Economic Community was re-baptized as a Union and the

observance of its political values put forward as a precondition for membership.

If democracy within the member states was given that momentum, the functioning of the

Union should as well be characterized by transparency, open debate and civic participation.

Not only the governments should decide on common policies and the ‘rules of the game’, but

citizens should be directly represented at Union level in the European Parliament, whereas

opportunities had to be created for participatory democracy wherever possible and

appropriate.

The democratic deficit

Although 2013 has been proclaimed ‘Year of the European Citizen’, the challenge launched

twenty years ago, has not yet been fully met. There are various reasons for this ‘democratic

deficit’.

First, one should keep in mind that a legal document such as the Treaty of Maastricht and,

more recently, the Lisbon Treaty (2009), cannot effectuate on short notice a mental shift in the

appreciation and behaviour of half a billion Europeans. For centuries, citizenship has been

associated with local, regional and, especially, national loyalty and commitment, not with any

transnational cooperation. Even if this European citizenship is providing real opportunities,

such as the freedom of travel and settlement within the Union, this advantage is mainly

noticed by the people that are effectively using it. On the other hand, the rather symbolic

value of the right to vote at EP and local elections (and eventually to be elected) as a resident

in another member state, has hardly mobilized the general public. Let alone the consular help

one can obtain from another member state’s embassy if the proper state is not represented in

that third country. In one word, despite the mentioning of the EU in our passports and the

showing of the European flag at all official buildings, most people hardly experience these

innovations as an opportunity to express their sense of belonging to a transnational Union.

Secondly, one has to admit that participation in EU affairs is no easy assignment. The issues

dealt with in Strasbourg, Luxembourg and Brussels are -per definition- of a sophisticated

nature and formulated in a technocratic language, despite the fact that, at the end of the day,

15

they are affecting the quality of the daily life of citizens. Food safety, climate change,

employment, migration, economic development -to name only a few policies- are part of

everybody’s concern. At EU level they are tackled in their macro-dimension. This framework,

however, is decisive for the opportunities and limitations experienced at the national, regional

and local levels of governance. Consequently, citizens’ mobilization at the grass roots’ level is

incomplete and finally even frustrating without presence on the EU scene.

Representative democracy

Fortunately, the European Parliament is most active in representing citizens’ views at the very

heart of the EU decision-making process. In recent years this EP has become a genuine co-

legislator on most issues dealing with the quality of life, on an equal footing with the national

governments. Therefore, the problem is not that much an institutional one. The democratic

deficit is caused by the cleavage between citizens’ concerns and expectations on the one hand

and the machinery of decision-making, including the EP, on the other. This has nothing to do

with the personal efforts of so many parliamentarians who are committed to their mandate as

representatives of their constituency and of European people as a whole. What we lack,

however, are genuine European elections, based on transnational political parties with a clear

transnational programme, instead of a power contest within the national political horizon.

Citizens should be given the opportunity to take part in a debate on the future of our ‘old

continent’, beyond the limits of the nation-state. A truly European public sphere should

emerge, where opinions can be expressed and eventually clash, where interests can openly be

defended and the inner circle of decision-makers is no longer isolated from public opinion.

Traditional arguments questioning the feasibility of such pan-European forum for dialogue

and debate refer to the multilingual character of the Union and the quasi-absence of

transnational media. On the other hand, some social movements, for instance the one pleading

for better environmental protection, have proven that action groups can mobilize across

national borders. Motivated people manage to get in touch with each other. Moreover, the

breakthrough of the so-called social media could greatly contribute to setting-up such

international dialogue.

Participatory democracy

Having stressed that “the functioning of the Union shall be founded on representative

democracy”, art. 10 of the Treaty on European Union adds that “every citizen shall have the

right to participate in the democratic life of the Union”. In other words, the cornerstone of

each and every democratic system is a well-functioning representative parliament. On the

other hand, the political participation of citizens is not limited to the election of their

representatives, every five years in the EP’s case. Representative democracy should be

complemented by a variety of forms of participatory democracy, if we want to see genuine

‘democratic life’ flourish in the EU.

16

We already mentioned the need of truly European political parties, with transnational

programmes, taking position vis-à-vis the themes that are debated on the public forum :

solidarity between the well-off and the indigent.member states, regional development,

migration, employment, climate change, etc.

In addition, specific forms of participatory democracy aim at contributing effectively to the

quality of some citizens-related policies by adding their experiences to the problem analysis.

Combating poverty, social exclusion or addictions of all kind, is impossible without the

information and the motivation emanating from the ‘target group’. The European Commission

has very well understood this message and systematically includes large consultations before

launching a policy proposal.

Finally, an important innovation has been introduced by the Lisbon Treaty : The European

Citizens’ Initiative. A substantial group of citizens ( one million actually ) from at least 7

member states can request the European Commission to come to the fore with a legislative

proposal in a certain field, of course in line with the overall EU objectives and within the

realm of its competences. This is not a kind of popular referendum. Consequently, the EU is

not compelled to take an initiative, but it has at least to motivate its reaction.

By way of conclusion, it’s quite clear that there is still a long way to go on the road to active

citizens’ participation in the European Union. New opportunities have to be explored, new

methods developed. But the Treaties have expressed it unequivocally : no democratic

legitimacy for the EU without effective citizens’ participation !

17

6 SOCIAL-NETWORKING OPPORTUNITIES AND RISKS, UNIFORM

REGULATION IN EUROPE

dr. Augusto Sebastio

University of Bari, Italy

Social-networking is the first form of communication and It is becoming, more and more, the

intangible place most frequented. A virtual square with huge potential in human context,

commercial, political and social. Internet is the greatest public space of the world, the ideal

virtual place for trading ideas, impressions, sharing preferences but at the same time the place

of the waiver of privacy by sacrificing private aspects of lives just to be part of sharing, just

to feel part of a system of participation that would otherwise produce exclusion and

discomfort. A new mechanism of common elective based on affinity of interests, cooperation,

mutuality and reciprocity of purpose, a participatory system for a global identity. These new

sorts of meeting points are social-networks on line networks capable of connecting people

sharing information and keeping in touch twenty four hours a day with an incomparable word

of mouth effect.

The social-networking is a new philosophy of public life and a new way for ecommerce to do

business and market through unintentional user participation who offers himself oblivious to

the new laws of the market and becoming complicit in market research by being in constant

showcase. Millions of people recognize themselves as belonging to a community, social-

friends with a common identity, part of the social e-belonging, a system that they create with

their participation and data entry. Social-networks are the normal evolution of the

technological aspects of social life in the transition from formal to informal from analog to

digital. The crisis of social relations in contemporary society analog spawned the development

of new online social phenomena such as blogs, chat and more specifically Social Network.

This new form of human social partnership made by adhesion to the virtual community is the

effect of difficulties in social analogical approach distorted by the absence of materiality This

population of members, 700 million participants around the world, determine theoretically

the third most populated country in the world while taking into account the phenomena of

multiple registrations and multiple identities, definitely a huge metropolis a kind of dual

citizenship with no sign of belonging to a specific nationality just the intention to be part of

the globalized system without more evidence of glocalization. These data may not be

completely sincere but they determine a value for reflection, a new social international policy

between continents and commercial expectations. Extensive discussions are addressed on the

social economic value of the accumulation of data, tastes, preferences, all at the expense of

respect for privacy and interiority as always visible on the stage of the Web. Data entered

knowingly into network are subject to attacks, to recordings for private and commercial use,

to marketing research regardless of the age of the user, regardless of the consent expressed

with legal value or in the absence of legal age. The data are subject to attack and apprehension

through the true nature of access that are hidden behind a preference or a “like”. Such conduct

surreptitious hiding behind new threats that correct the online way of the user or creating new

profiles exchanging information gleaned computer.

18

Internet and social networks are now more than ever an instrument of democracy. The

transition from obsolete email to new forms of social communication in the event more

rewarding instantly generates active and continues communication in real-time with plenty of

room for improvement for citizen participation. Social networks in the historical moment of

belonging become instruments of direct democracy. This kind of approach also determines the

real-time control of the institutional work and active participation for citizens in national and

international policy, which is not only a simply expression of vote, but also expression of

ideas and assessments in the service of politics and law.

The social network is an essential tool, in terms of the processes of participatory democracy,

where the citizen turns out to be useful to the cause of their country, while feeling himself

more and more social part of a shared world in which there is a not restricted membership to

virtual communities of interest. The lack of a single standard law for the protection of online

citizen in the world and it cannot affect the development of technology in its important

implications for daily life and the diversity of legal systems must not be an obstacle to the

regulation of the matter. While it is true that wealth cannot export democracy is true that

common sense and reflection can simplify the process of democratization of the web and its

use. The different approach to the law of Europe, tending to legislation in relation to the case,

not the deregulation raises the need for regulatory intervention for an electronic bill

containing the democratic principles that inspire the Union. The many community initiatives

for the protection of minors on the net as the Safer Internet forum are an example of a

reflection on the main issues and it is desirable that attention to these topics may include

consumer protection and the control of respect for democratic principles and human rights on

the net.

References:

1. Cate, F. (1997). Privacy in the information age.

2. Lessig, L. (1998). Code and other Laws of Cyberspace.

3. Maffè, C.A. (2007). Shared Identity: social networks and companies.

4. Morozov, E.(2011). The Net Delution: The Dark Side of Internet Freedom.

5. Palfrey, J. Gasser U.(2008). Born Digital: understanding the first generation of Digital

Natives.

6. Shih, C. (2011). The Facebook Era: Tapping on-line Social Networks to Market, Sell and

Innovate.

7. Vaidhyanathan, S. (2012). The Googlization of Everything.

19

7 EVROPSKA UNIJA O MLADIH…MLADI O EVROPSKI UNIJI

mag. Urška Štremfel

Pedagoški inštitut, Slovenija

Evropska unija (EU) s svojimi politikami in programi mladim posveča posebno pozornost,

zavedajoč se njihovega velikega potenciala za razvoj EU na eni strani ter njihove ranljivosti,

ki se je v času finančne krize še povečala na drugi strani. Trenutno v EU živi okoli 96

milijonov mladih med 15. in 29. letom oziroma mladi predstavljajo 19,4% prebivalstva EU.

Zaradi demografskih trendov in “staranja evropske družbe” statistične projekcije

napovedujejo, da bo leta 2050 delež mladih v EU znašal le 15,3%. Dodatno skrb vzbujajo

podatki o zaposlenosti mladih. V EU je brezposelnih približno 5,5 milijona mladih, ali

natančneje, vsak peti prebivalec, mlajši od 25 let, ki se želi zaposliti, ne najde dela. Stopnja

brezposelnosti med mladimi presega 20 %, kar je dvakrat več, kot znaša stopnja

brezposelnosti za vse starostne skupine skupaj, in skoraj trikrat več kot stopnja brezposelnosti

med starejšimi od 25 let. Navedeni podatki so EU spodbudili, da med ključne cilje evropskega

sodelovanja na področju mladine uvrsti: razvoj občutka pripadnosti EU, spodbujanje

sodelovanja mladih v demokratičnem življenju, podpora mobilnosti, medkulturnemu učenju,

iniciativnosti, podjetnosti in ustvarjalnosti, zagotavljanje evropske razsežnosti neformalnega

in priložnostnega učenja mladih. V nadaljevanju navajamo bistvene značilnosti skupnega

evropskega sodelovanja na področju mladine.

Zgodovinski razvoj in pravne podlage

O neformalnem začetku evropskega sodelovanja na področju mladine lahko govorimo od leta

1988 dalje, ko je bil sprejet program Mladi za Evropo (Youth for Europe) in so se začele prve

obsežnejše izmenjave študentov. Naslednji večji mejnik in formalni začetek skupnega

sodelovanja predstavlja Maastrichtska pogodba (1993), ki v 149. členu predvideva

»spodbujanje mladinskih izmenjav ter izmenjave mladinskih voditeljev in mladinskih

delavcev«, hkrati pa so mladi posredno omenjeni tudi v področjih, ki urejajo zaposlovanje,

mobilnost mladih raziskovalcev, kulturo, zdravje ter varstvo potrošnikov. Nadalje pomembno

okrepitev sodelovanja predstavlja leto 2000, ko je bil sprejet program Mladina (Youth) ter

Evropski mladinski pakt (European Youth Pact). Leta 2001 je bila sprejeta Bela knjiga o

mladih (White Paper on Youth). Pomembno prelomnico v razvoju skupnega sodelovanja

predstavlja tudi leto 2005, ko Svet določi prednostna področja evropskega sodelovanja na

področju mladine kot podporo izvajanju Lizbonske strategije. Leta 2007 sledi sprejem

programa Mladi v akciji (Youth in Action), leta 2009 pa nova strategija “Mladi – vlaganje

vanje ter krepitev njihove vloge in položaja” ter Zelena knjiga »Spodbujanje učne mobilnosti

za mlade«. V letu 2009 je seveda pomemben tudi sprejem Lizbonske pogodbe, ki v 65. členu

predlaga naj bodo aktivnosti EU na področju mladine osredotočene na “spodbujanje razvoja

mladinskih izmenjav in izmenjav učiteljev ter poučevalcev ter spodbujanje participacije

mladih v demokratičnem življenju v Evropi”. V letu 2009 lahko govorimo še o enem

pomembnem dokumentu in sicer Resoluciji Sveta o prenovljenem okviru evropskega

sodelovanja na področju mladine za obdobje od leta 2010 do 2018. Cilj navedene resolucije je

zagotoviti več in enake priložnosti mladim v izobraževanju in na trgu delovne sile, spodbuditi

mlade, da postanejo aktivni državljani in sodelujejo v družbi. Pri tem je potrebno poudariti, da

v sodobnem svetu ni pomembna le politična razsežnost aktivnega državljanstva (udeležba na

20

volitvah, referendumih, pisanje pisem, podpisovanje peticij, demonstracije) temveč tudi

kulturna razsežnost (poznavanje kulturne dediščine naroda, priznavanje in razumevanje

drugih kultur), ekonomska razsežnost (izboljšanje poklicnih kvalifikacij, zaposlenost, varstvo

potrošnikov) ter socialna razsežnost aktivnega državljanstva (boj proti socialni izključenosti,

varovanje človekovih pravic, enakopravnost med spoloma) (Marry 2003). Resolucija

vzpostavlja medsektorski pristop s kratkoročnimi in dolgoročnimi ukrepi ter vsebuje vsa

ključna področja politik (izobraževanje, zaposlovanje, zdravje, kultura, prostovoljstvo,

sodelovanje, socialna vključenost), ki zadevajo mlade v Evropi. Resolucija poudarja pomen

delovnih izkušenj mladih, določa ukrepe za boljše izvajanje mladinske politike na ravni EU

ter poziva vse države EU k odprtemu dialogu z mladimi; poziva k mladinski politiki, ki

temelji na dejstvih in je podprta z raziskavami.

Način sodelovanja držav članic na področju mladine

Sodelovanje držav članic na področju mladine je prostovoljno, pristojnosti institucij EU so

omejene na spodbujanje sodelovanja med državami članicami. Sodelovanje med državami

članicami poteka po postopku t.i. odprte metode koordinacije (glej Štremfel 2009), mladi pa

so v oblikovanje skupnih evropskih smernic vključeni predvsem preko t.i. strukturiranega

dialoga. Strukturirani dialog na področju mladine je instrument, s katerim se mladi, mladinske

organizacije in sveti ter raziskovalci s področja mladine aktivno vključujejo v politični dialog

z odgovornimi za mladinsko politiko v povezavi z evropskimi temami in politikami EU, ki jih

zadevajo. Dialog poteka tako na lokalni, regionalni in nacionalni, kot tudi na evropski ravni.

Poteka v rednih osemnajstmesečnih intervalih, ki so tematsko strukturirani.

Trenutno sta na področju skupnega evropskega sodelovanja na področju mladine aktualna

predvsem program Mladi v akciji (Youth in Action) in pobuda Mladi in mobilnosti (Youth on

the Move). Program Mladi v akciji nudi podporo za evropske in mednarodne mladinske

projekte, ki spodbujajo mladinsko delo in neformalno učenje v obdobju od leta 2007 do 2013.

Vsako leto je v več kot 6.000 projektov s področja evropskega državljanstva, kulturne

raznolikosti, vključevanja mladih z manj priložnostmi, ki jih obsega program, vključenih več

kot 100.000 mladih med 13. In 30. letom starosti. Program obsega pet operativnih akcij 1)

Mladi v akciji (mladinske izmenjave, skupinski projekti na lokalni, regionalni, nacionalni

ravni); 2) Evropska prostovoljna služba (podpora sodelovanja mladih v različnih oblikah

prostovoljnih akcij, znotraj in zunaj EU); 3) Mladi v svetu (projekti s sosednjimi partnerskimi

državami in drugimi državami sveta, mladinske izmenjave, usposabljanja); 4) Podporni

sistemi na področju mladine (mladinske nevladne organizacije na evropski ravni (Evropski

mladinski forum, informacijski portali), financiranje nacionalnih agencij, partnerstev,

srečanj); 5) Podpora evropskemu sodelovanju na področju mladine (podpora strukturiranemu

dialogu, podpora sodelovanja EU z mednarodnimi organizacijami aktivnimi na področju

mladine).

Pobuda Mladi in mobilnost (Youth on the move) zajema celovite ukrepe v zvezi z

izobraževanjem in zaposlovanjem mladih v Evropi. Poteka od leta 2010 dalje in je del

strategije za pametno, trajnostno in vključujočo gospodarsko rast Evropa 2020. Pobuda Mladi

in mobilnost si prizadeva izboljšati izobraževanje in zaposljivost mladih, zmanjšati visoko

brezposelnost mladih ter povečati stopnjo zaposlovanja mladih, kar je v skladu s splošnim

ciljem EU, po katerem naj bi do leta 2020 dosegli 75-odstotno stopnjo zaposlenosti delovno

21

aktivnih prebivalcev (tj. v starosti od 20 do 64 let). Za uresničitev teh ciljev si pobuda

prizadeva prilagoditi izobraževanje in usposabljanje potrebam mladih, spodbuditi mlade, da

izkoristijo štipendije EU za študij in usposabljanje v drugi državi, spodbuditi države EU, da z

ustreznimi ukrepi olajšajo mladim prehod iz izobraževanja v delovno razmerje in pot

odraslosti.

Sklepne misli

Iz kratkega prispevka so razvidni številni ukrepi s katerimi si EU prizadeva mladim omogočiti

kakovostno izobraževanje, uspešen osebni in karierni razvoj ter prehod na trg delovne sile. Pri

tem se področja skupnega evropskega sodelovanja na področju mladine vedno bolj širijo in

poglabljajo. Mladim v EU je na voljo vedno več projektov s pomočjo katerih lahko razvijajo

svoje potenciale. Prvi korak k temu je vsekakor, da mlade ozavestimo o številnih priložnostih,

ki so jim v tem pogledu na nacionalni in EU ravni na voljo. Tu igrajo pomembno vlogo

mladinske organizacije, šole, učitelji in starši ter projekti v katere tudi na nacionalni ravni

vključujemo mlade. Mednje zagotovo lahko uvrščamo tudi projekt EU PIKA ter dogodek EU

Kamp na katerem smo mladim predstavili priložnosti ter jih spodbudili k izkoriščanju vseh

potencialov, ki jim jih na njihovi poti nudi EU.

Viri:

1. Lajh, D., Kajnč, S. (2009). Evropska unija od A do Ž. Ljubljana: Uradni list Republike

Slovenije.

2. Evropska komisija. Mladina. (2012). Pridobljeno s http://ec.europa.eu/youth/index_en.htm

3. Evropska komisija. Mladi in mobilnost. (2012). Pridobljeno s

http://ec.europa.eu/youthonthemove/

4. Izvajalska agencija za izobraževanje, avdiovizualno področje in kulturo. Mladi v akciji.

(2012). Pridobljeno s http://eacea.ec.europa.eu/youth/index_en.php

5. Štremfel, U. (2009). Odprta metoda koordinacije. V S. Kajnč., Lajh. D. Evropska unija od

A do Ž. Ljubljana: Uradni list Republike Slovenije.

22

8 EU IN MLADI / MLADI V AKCIJI

Sonja Majcen, univ. dipl. polit.

Informacijska točka Evropske komisije Europe Direct Savinjska

Vloga mladih v EU

Mladi se dandanes soočamo z vrsto problemi, ki so povezani s šolanjem, zaposlitvijo,

vključevanjem v družbo,… Zato je decembra leta 2006 je v Uradnem listu Evropske Unije

bilo objavljeno Priporočilo Evropskega parlamenta in Sveta o ključnih kompetencah za

vseživljenjsko učenje skupaj s prilogo Ključne kompetence za vseživljenjsko učenje –

Evropski referenčni okvir. Dokument jih opredeljuje kot eden od pomembnih predpogojev za

ustrezno delovanje posameznika v življenju, pri svojem delu, učenju in osebnem razvoju.

Te ugotovitve so potrdile že ustaljeno delovanja Celjskega mladinskega center in posledično

tudi Informacijske točke Evropske komisije Europe Direct Savinjska, da smo razvoj ključnih

kompetenc pri mladih postavili kot osrednje vodilo pri izvajanju ne samo programa, ampak

celotnega procesa neformalnega učenja v centru.

Ključne kompetence za vseživljenjsko učenje

Materni jezik kot ena izmed ključnih kompetenc za vseživljenjsko učenje, predstavlja

sposobnost razumevanja in komuniciranja, ki omogoča posamezniku vključevanje v družbo,

aktivno participacijo družbi in uresničevanje svojih ciljev. V okviru programa Mladi v akciji

(program Evropske komisije namenjen mladim) se krepijo te kompetence pri mladih pri

pripravi in izvedbi lokalnih, nacionalnih in mednarodnih projektov. Sama koordinacija,

priprava in izvedba projektov zahteva uporabo maternega jezika in seveda sposobnost

izražanja v njem. Druga ključna kompetenca je sporazumevanje v tujem jeziku in sicer

mednarodni projekti so tako enkratno orodje za krepitev kompetenc in sporazumevanja v

tujem jeziku. Z organizacijo, pripravo, izvedbo in koordinacijo teh projektov spoznavamo

enojezičnost, dvojezičnost, večjezičnost različnih udeležencev, ki prihajajo iz različnih okolij

in različnih držav. Mednarodni projekti so tako enkratna priložnost, da posamezniki preverijo

in nadgradijo svoje znanje tujega jezika, pridobi samozavest, se nauči dodatnih fraz in besed

in se tako dobro spoznajo z jeziki. Pri sporazumevanju v tujem jeziku lahko govorimo tudi o

razumevanju drugih kultur, ki jih spoznamo preko jezika. Tudi matematične kompetence so

pomembne pri mednarodnem delovanju in predvsem pri pripravi mednarodnih projektov, kjer

se krepijo tudi ostale kompetence. Potrebne so pri načrtovanju projekta, predvsem pri

finančnem vodenju projekta in tudi pri koordinaciji projekta (koordiniranje udeležencev,

logistične zadeve,.. prevoz, prehrana, nastanitev,.. skratka celoten stroškovnik), kjer večkrat

uporabljamo matematične sposobnosti še posebej pri reševanju različnih težav, pripravljanju

zaključkov projekta. Vsa ključna matematična znanja so potrebna za delovanje v vsakdanjih

situacijah in v reševanju vsakdanjih ovir s katerimi se srečujemo. Vedno znova pozabljamo

tudi na pomembnost učenje učenja, ki predstavlja “sposobnost slediti in vztrajati pri učenju«

(Ključne kompetence za vseživljenjsko učenje, stran 14, 2006). Vključevanje v različne

mobilnosti predstavlja učenje, ki je večkrat neusmerjen, naključen, hkrati pa izkušnje, ki jih

posameznik pridobi, predstavljajo učenje učenja, ki lahko traja še po končanih projektih. Gre

za sprotno učenje in izkušnje, ki jih pridobivamo. Če to apliciramo na program Mladi v akciji

in priložnosti, ki jih program nudi mladim, se ta kompetenca krepi predvsem z izvedbo

23

projektov mobilnosti in vključevanje v različne mobilnosti. Za novodoben tehnološki svet

predstavlja digitalna pismenost pogoj za aktivno vključevanje v družbo. Posameznik krepi z

digitalno pismenostjo sposobnost iskanja, zbiranja in obdelave informacij ter se uči le te

uporabit predvsem na sistematičen in kritičen način. Medosebne, medkulturne in družbene

kompetence predstavljajo sposobnost sporazumevanja v različnih okoljih, spodbuja strpnost,

gre za izražanja in razumevanja različnih pogledov. Posameznik ima s krepitvijo te

kompetence sposobnost učinkovitega vzpostavljanja odnosov, izkazovanja solidarnosti in

zanimanja za reševanje problemov. Podjetnost in inovativnost je ključnega pomena za aktivno

vključevanje v družbo in spodbujanje participacije mladih, saj posamezniki pridobijo znanje,

ki se nanaša na vodenje projektov (vključno z znanjem, kot so sposobnost načrtovanja,

organizacije, vodenja in koordinacije, analiziranja, sporazumevanja, ovrednotenja in

zapisovanja), učinkovito predstavljanje in pogajanje ter sposobnost za delo posameznika in

skupinsko v timih. Ima sposobnost ovrednotiti prednosti in pomanjkljivosti in oceniti

tveganja. Tudi brez kulturne zavesti in izražanja ne gre – krepitev te kompetence

posamezniku omogoča spretnosti priznavanja in izražanja: upoštevanje in uživanje v

umetnosti ter predstavitev in izražanje skozi različne medije. K tem spretnostim spada tudi

sposobnost povezovanja pogledov in mnenj ter prepoznavanje priložnosti. Kompetenca

kulturnega izražanja je nujna za razvoj ustvarjalnih spretnosti, ki jih lahko prenesemo na

različna poklicna področja.

Krepitev teh kompetenc se v večji meri izvaja skozi polje mladinskega dela, ki prinaša

pomembne izobraževalne učinke za mlade. Ti predstavljajo pomemben korak naprej pri

osebnem razvoju. Mladi so deležni učinkov tovrstnega izobraževanja na različnih ravneh in

sicer s članstvom v različnih društvih, z izvajanjem mladinskih pobud, z udeležbo na

delavnicah, z udeležbo v mednarodnih mladinskih izmenjavah, s sodelovanjem v

prostovoljskih organizacijah, športnih klubih,… Vse to omogoča pridobivanje izkušenj in

pridobivanje kompetenc, ki jih potrebujemo za nadaljnji konkurenčnejši položaj na trgu

delovne sile in hitrejšo zaposlitev.

Vir:

1. Zavod Movit na mladina. (2006). Ključne kompetence za vseživljenjsko učenje.

Pridobljeno

http://www.mva.si/fileadmin/user_upload/doc/2_OGLEDALO/2_Publikacije/Brosure/Bro

sura_Kljucne%20kompetence.pdf

24

9 OPINION ABOUT THE ROLE OF RESEARCH AND CHEMISTRY IN THE

TREATMENT AND EVOLUTION OF CANCER CASES

dr. Santiago Gómez-Ruiz

Departamento de Química Inorgánica y Analítica, Universidad Rey Juan Carlos,

Móstoles (Madrid), Spain

Developing of many key competences for life-long learning has led to significant advances in

Science in the World, from the ancient cultures to the current society. Especially those

competences indicated by the EU in its programs, namely, communication in the mother

tongue and foreign languages, basic competences in science and technology, digital

competences, learning to learn and sense of initiative and entrepreneurship are being the basis

of the scientific development of our society. Science has been the recipient and scientists the

authors of many discoveries that have helped the humanity in its development; and many

other scientific discoveries are now at the disposal of the humanity solving the problems

associated to environmental, energy, sustainability and health issues.

In this context, Chemistry is really important in Science, because chemists are always so

curious that want to know very important things like the building blocks and components of

the chemical universe, the molecules that form materials and the component of living cells

and complete organisms, for example. In addition, chemists want to create and to synthesize

useful substances (even those that do not exist in the Nature) and mimic those compounds that

are considered natural products with interesting properties. As a service to the society,

chemists want to understand how biology works so it can be manipulated for health purposes.

But not only a synthetic work is associated to Chemistry in Health, because, Chemistry is

needed in tweaking molecules to interact appropriately with the body to be effective getting to

the right place to do its job, for example.

The curiosity and willingness to learn of the chemists has led to the use of Chemistry, in all its

areas, to help in the treatment of many diseases such as: cardiovascular, respiratory, VIH,

dengue, malaria, leismaniashis, Alzeheimer, Parkinson and cancer.

Thus, Chemistry is at the disposal of the fight against cancer, which is one of the most active

research fields which is in continuous development. The term “cancer” refers to a group of

about several hundreds of different diseases that have in common the uncontrolled cell

division and growth that produces hyperplasia or cancer. Cancer cells can invade the organ

where they were originated crossing the organ boundaries and migrating into the bloodstream

and lymphatic systems, giving rise to metastasis which is mortal in a high rate. The formation

of cancer is defined by a carcinogenetic initiator (UV light, sun radiation, asbestos, human

papilloma virus, etc.), which in combination with a promoter (alcohol, tobacco, poor diet,

etc.) allows the division process of the damaged cells becoming more active and destructive.

Cancer is a major public health problem in the world. Currently, approximately one in 4

deaths in the OECD countries is due to cancer, which is the second cause of death after

diseases of the circulatory system. The number of cancer cases has rapidly and progressively

25

increased due primarily to different factors like remarkable gains in life expectancy (cancer

cases increase with the age), the lack of anti-smoking campaigns, because lung cancer

remains the leading cause of cancer death in OECD countries, and some changes in lifestyle,

especially for breast and colon-rectal cancer.

The slope in the increase of the total number of deaths due to cancer cases has been clearly

smoothed since 1990, due to research advances in this field. If the slope in the increase of

number of cancer cases had remained the same we would have now around 25% more cases

of cancer in 2012.

Chemistry has played a very important role in the research against cancer, for example, the

discoveries of chemotherapeutic agents like cisplatin, carbaplatin or oxaliplatin from 1960 to

1990, the use of elements in radiotherapy or the discovery the preparation of novel hormone-

like compounds which are very useful for the hormonotherapeutic treatment of cancer and the

introduction of nanotechnology in the treatment of cancer have led to significant advances

which are the basis of the future treatment of this disease.

Research programs funded by European entities like European Union, or European Research

Council have led to a higher degree of understanding of cancer, with the development of

novel alternatives for its treatment. It may be just a coincidence in time, but the decrease in

the tendency of the number of cases each year (from 1990) is very close to the establishment

of the Programs of the European Union devoted to research. Thus, during the last 25 years,

EU has invested a lot of money in research programs which have led to significant advances

in Chemistry which have been translated to advances in Health issues, especially in cancer, in

spite of the more stressful and unhealthy living habits. However, in times of austerity like

now, one may have the temptation to think that the reduction of the research budget in the EU

is an alternative; however, this is not the way if we want to back down health advances 25

years ago.

References:

1. Cancer Statistics, 2011. The Impact of Eliminating Socioeconomic and Racial Disparities

on Premature Cancer Deaths. Rebecca Siegel; Elizabeth Ward, Otis Brawley, Ahmedin

Jemal. CA Cancer Journal for Clinicians 2011, 61, 212–236.

2. Chemical induction of cancer: modulation and combination effects: an inventory of the

many factors which influence carcinogenesis. Joseph C. Arcos (Editor). Birkhäuser

Boston (1995).

3. Health at a Glance 2011, OECD Indicators. OECD Publishing. OECD (2011),

http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/health_glance-2011-en

26

10 ECONOMIC FACTS REGARDING SCIENCE AND RESEARCH IN SPAIN

dr. Santiago Gómez-Ruiz

Departamento de Química Inorgánica y Analítica, Universidad Rey Juan Carlos,

Móstoles (Madrid), Spain

Spain is a country that has around 47 millions habitants and in the last years was considered

the seventh world economy. Traditionally, Spain has been a country in which the agriculture

sector was the basis of its economy, at least during the first half of the last century. However,

right now this sector is employing less than 5% of the active population. Something similar

has happened with stockbreeding and fishing, which, in the recent years, have been lured far

away from the importance that they had in the final part of the last century. They are now

marginal sectors in the Spanish economy.

Regarding the industrial sector, this was really important in Spain during the 1980’s and

1990’s with a highly productive metallurgy and steel industry. Currently, industrial

productivity is relatively advanced only in textiles, iron, steel, some chemicals, shoes, ships

and cement with also interesting numbers in self-propulsion industry and aeronautics.

Outstanding economic perspectives are normally associated to its food industry, with wine

and olive oil leading this industry as one part of “Spain Trade Mark” which is normally

associated to the touristic view of these products.

With these data, it can be clearly seen that Spain is decreasing its agriculture, stockbreeding

and fishing activity, basing the major part of its economy in tourism, which has considerably

increased in recent years, doing this country as one of the most important destinies world

level. Spain is now the third country in number of visiting tourists, in front of many important

countries such as USA, for example. Tourism is because of that, one of the main contributors

of the GDP of this country.

On the other hand, the importation / exportation balance, is always pointing towards

importation, mainly due to the energetic necessities. This energetic dependence has led to the

former presidents of Spain to do considerable budgeting efforts for the improvement of the

conditions of this country in this sector. Having in mind that the budget for the mining

industry has been progressively reduced from 1996, both for metal extraction and for carbon

extraction, and that Spain does not have crude oil production (only around 2.5 millions of

barrels per year), a complete restructuring of the sector was necessary. The remodeling of the

system was started at the beginning of the new century and was pointed towards renewable

and alternative energies with an intensive investment in the development of technology and

industry associated to this field.

Spain is now the first producer of solar energy in the world and the third in wind power.

Millions of photovoltaic panels and windmills have been spread throughout Spain since 2000.

This energetic advance has been possible because Spain is really well equipped in terms of

technology and the associated spin-off industry, because of the proliferation of technological

parks in the main industrial areas of Spain, as well as around the top Universities and

Research and Development Institutes. There are above 30 technological parks with around

27

800 spin-off companies and 100 research institutes which have been the basis of this energetic

advance of Spain in the last years.

These excellent energetic results have come from an increment of the investment in research

between 2000 and 2010 (reaching investments of up to 1.5% of the GDP of the country),

which have led Spain to be one of the top-ten countries in scientific production, for instance,

Spain was the seventh country in Chemistry during 2009, with better results than potent

countries like United Kingdom and Italy.

All these achievements in Science and Research were really important for the diversification

of the productive network in Spain, however, with the current economic situation and with the

austerity as the strategy proposed by the European Union for all its country members, in the

budgets of 2010, 2011 and 2012 and for the next year 2013, the budget for research,

development, innovation and science has been significantly decreased. These data of

investment lead to think that if the austerity is not associated to a reactivation of the economic

sector associated to industry in Spain, the technological development and the research in

Spain will be stopped for the next years, especially in those sectors in which an important

previous investment has been carried out (energy, for example). This will surely reverberate

negatively in the Spanish industry as well as in the productive sector, inducing the increase of

unemployment, already very high in this country.

The Spanish society is then wondering, what will happen if there is a day in which Spain is

not any more attractive for the foreign tourists? What will be the future of our economy?

References:

1. “OECD Perspectives: Spain Policies for a sustainable recovery”, (2012) OECD

Publishing. http://www.oecd.org/spain/44686629.pdf

2. “Risk Management in Agriculture in Spain”, (2011), Antón, J. and S. Kimura. OECD

Food, Agriculture and Fisheries Working Papers, No. 43, OECD Publishing.

http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/5kgj0d57w0wd-en

3. “Science and Innovation: Spain” (2012) OECD Science, Technology and Industry, OECD

Publishing. http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/888932690852

28

11 THE TRILOGUE WITHIN THE ORDINARY LEGISLATIVE PROCEDURE –

INFORMAL, EFFECTIVE, TRANSPARENT?

Josephine Ledezma

National School for leadership in education

Matija Vilfan

The Ministry of Economic Development and Technology

1. Ordinary Legislative Procedure (former »Codecision Procedure«)

Today the vast majority of EU legislation is made in the Ordinary Legislative Procedure. The

European Parliament and the Council of the EU Member States have to vote in favour of a

legislative text before it is deemed adopted as EU law. Before the entry into force of the

Lisbon Treaty in 2010 this legislative procedure was known as Co-decision Procedure,

because European Parliament and Council have to decide together.

The formal procedure

The European Commission transfers its text proposal simultaneously to the European

Parliament (EP) and to the Council. Members of the EP make changes to the proposed text

and vote in plenary on their changes. After the plenary vote the EP transfers the text proposal

including the changes adopted in plenary to the Council of the Member States. If the Council

votes in favour of the text proposed by the EP, the law is adopted in First Reading.

If the Council position differs from the EP position, it transfers its own proposal back to the

EP. In Second Reading four scenarios are possible. If the EP plenary accepts the proposal of

the Council, the law is adopted. However, if it rejects the proposal by qualified majority, the

legislative proposal has failed and the EU Commission has to draw up a new proposal. Instead

of rejecting it the EP can again propose changes in the text to the Council. If the Council now

agrees to the changes, the law is adopted in Second Reading.

If not, a Conciliation Committee of 27 Members of EP and 27 Members of the Council is

formed to seek to reconcile the positions. The aim of the Conciliation Committee is to agree

on a Joint Text on which EP plenary and Council take a final vote to either adopt or reject the

proposed law.

The scope of the procedure

The EU policy areas for which legislation has to be passed through the Ordinary Legislative

Procedure are determined in the Treaties of the EU, the legal foundation of the EU. The

number of areas for the original Codecision Procedure according to the Maastricht Treaty in

1993 was 15. In order to increase the influence of the EP - the only democratically elected EU

institution – the number was raised to 38 areas with the Amsterdam Treaty (1997), to 43 with

the Nice Treaty (2001) to now 83 with the Lisbon Treaty. This significant rise in policy areas

29

to be dealt with by Codecision has led to a corresponding increase of legislative texts on

which EP and Council have to work together.

2. The Trilogue

Efficiency gain

The growing workload demanded better coordination of the three institutions involved at

earlier stage of the procedure. Initially, Trilogue was only foreseen within the Conciliation

Committee – the last stage in the Codecision Procedure. For this reason, only few legislative

texts were adopted in First Reading at that time. Most texts went without Trilogue contacts

through the whole procedure until inter-institutional discussions finally took place in

Conciliation. This trend was reversed entirely since 1999 when the three institutions jointly

declared to reconcile their positions “as far as possible so that, wherever possible, acts can be

adopted at first reading.” Other inter-institutional agreements followed and rules of procedure

for the Trilogue negotiations were set up by the institutions themselves. The number of

Trilogue meetings increased significantly. While in 2000 only 40% of legislation in

Codecision procedure was discussed in Trilogue meetings (in any stage of the procedure), in

2006 the number was already 90%. More Trilogue meetings at earlier stage of the procedure

led to more adoptions in First Reading and accordingly a shorter duration of the legislative

activity. Calculations show that the average time for legislative decision-making went down

from 630 days in the year 2000 to 350 days in 2006.

Transparency loss

Despite the efficiency gain critics – especially within the EP - complain about a loss of

transparency as there is no determined composition of the negotiating teams and no general

rule about how much information has to be shared. Due to their informality Trilogue meetings

are not public and no minutes are made. The extent to which the parliamentary committee

responsible for the text is informed and consulted during the negotiations differs between the

committees and much depends on the way the Rapporteur of the dossier conducts the

discussions. To counter these deficiencies the Conference of Presidents of the EP adopted in

2009 a “Code of Conduct” which foresees inter alia a clear mandate of the negotiating team

which must be politically balanced and accountability to the committee within certain time

frames.

Outlook

Albeit the disadvantages the Trilogue is an instrument that grew out of the necessity to keep

up efficient decision-making in the Ordinary Legislative Procedure with a growing work load.

Instead of putting the instrument as such in question more efforts should be made to improve

it regarding more democracy and publicity. It is the duty of politicians to do their outmost to

30

keep their colleagues and the citizens they represent informed about the work they perform.

We live in the age of communication technologies - there should be enough ways to do so.