wasla isuue 20

8/6/2019 wasla isuue 20

1/16

20 - 2011

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2/16

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14/16


The Kings Speech (that wasnt)

March 15th: Arab revolution returns to Palestine

Inspired by events around the region, ac-

tivists in Saudi Arabia have set a day o

rage or March 11 to demand a series o

political reorms, including the creation oa constitutional monarchy. The kingdom

has however utilized multiple approaches

rom cooptation and religious afliation, to

As tragic events in Libya, Syria and other parts

o the region continue to unold, civil struggles

are now spreading to the West Bank and Gaza,but somewhat lower beneath the media radar.

Chanting The people want an end to the divi-

implied threats o coercion, and was able to

neutralize potential disturbances and made

the revolutionary attempts unsuccessul.

Fearing the instability rocking the regionwould eventually fnd its way to the king-

dom, King Abdullah bin Abdul-Aziz respond-

ed with a quick-fx decrees in a televised

sion, Gaza youth broke out calling or unity

and reconciliation, the release o all political

prisoners held by the government in Gaza andthe Palestinian Authority in the West Bank,

and ull democratic representation or Pales-

Fellow citizens,

I speak to you today amidst extraordinary

circumstances surrounding our country.

With revolutions and unrest spreading in the

region, and the winds o change sweeping

across the Arab world, we ace a situation in

which we muse make critical decisions.

Today, we have to ensure a choice between

starting to reorm ourselves now, or wait-

ing until we are orced to reorm. In a ast-moving world, we need to make that choice

quickly. We simply cannot aord to be late.

My amily has been honored to serve the

people o this great country or centuries.

And as a King or the past ew years, I have

been humbled by the unlimited love and sup-

port you generously extended to me. My re-

sponsibility as a leader o this young nation

obliges me to be rank with you.

The challenges ahead o us are enormous,

and to overcome these challenges many sac-

rices must be made. Ater deep thinking

and long deliberation, and ater consulting

my amily members and close advisers, I

have concluded that to make sure a bright

uture o our country we must move or-

ward with a clear vision and a real drive or

reorm. Thereore, I have decided on a set o

measures to be taken in a timely manner, and

they are as ollows:

To signal my personal commitment to

turn the state into a constitutional monar-

chy, I have ordered the ormation o com-

Youth activists in the West Bank and Gaza

seized initiative Monday, beginning a planned

wave o demonstrations a day early in a bid to

outmaneuver Hamas and Fatah authorities who

they say want to co-opt their movement.

Activists on the ground reported that as many

as 5,000 people joined civil society demonstra-

tions (Palestinian fag only) in Gaza, converging

on Unknown Soldier Square, where protesters

have camped out or the night. In Ramallah, 10

young people are on a hunger strike in Manara

Square, with others demonstrating in support.

(Abdullah Abu Rahmah, the Bilin nonviolent

struggle leader, was reported to have saluted

the hunger strikers, hours ater he was re-leased rom the Israeli prison at Oer.)

Ad hoc groups o youth organizers were gear-

ing down or a major unity and democracy pro-

test on Tuesday March 15th. Fearing an Egyp-

tian-style uprising, authorities in the West Bank

and Gaza planned their own demonstrations or

mittee composed o a diverse group rom

the countrys nest men and women, coming

rom dierent backgrounds that show the

richness and complexity o our society. The

committee will be responsible or writing a

national constitution over the next twelve

months. Once the constitution drat is ready,

the people will vote on it in a national reer-

endum.

This constitution, which will derive its

content rom our history and traditions while

looking orward into the uture, will serve as

a social contract between the people and the

state, stating that the people are the source

o power. It will emphasize the separation o

speech on March, 18, including a series o

reorms and cash incentives to residents,

to which Saudi reorm activists responded

with great disappointment. While youngpeople asked or institutional reorm, civil

participation and constitutional monarchy,

the governments responded with wage in-

Saudi Jeans

http://tinyurl.com/yzmr8xo

http://tinyurl.com/48pyh5w

tinians all over the world.

In less than two weeks, Fatah and Hamas

signed, or the frst time since 2006, a reconcili-ation deal, orming an interim government and

fxing a date or a general election,

Jared Maslin

http://tinyurl.com/68kwyep

the three branches o government: the ex-

ecutive, judicial and legislative. It will also

rearm the equality o all citizens beore

law to ensure justice and equal opportunity.

The constitution will unequivocally state

responsibility o the state in guaranteeing

human rights, protecting the right to peace-

ul expression o opinion, and reinorce

public reedoms, including the right to orm

political and proessional associations, lead-

ing to a ully elected parliament and ully

elected government that is o the people, by

the people, and or the people.

The constitution will, in no ambiguous

terms, stress the role o women as ull part-

ners in building our country, and will refect

the government commitment to empower

them and ensure that no discrimination is

being practiced against them.

To indicate my goodwill and show my

true commitment to reorm according to

the aorementioned principles, I have given

these orders to be eective immediately:

I have ordered the release o all political

prisoners.I have ordered to lit the ban on womens

driving.

I have ordered to stop all orms o cen-

sorship.Fellow citizens, it is my hope that

these rst steps will lead to comprehensive

political and social reorms, and will allow us

to move into the uture with condence and

pride. God bless you, and may God bless our

great country.

Signed,

Your King

PS. Ater it was announced that the King

will give a speech, I started to imagine what

it would be like. What you read above is the

result o my imagination. I believe King

Abdullahs actual speech last Friday was

loved by the people, and the royal decrees

that ollowed it will benet wide segments

o society. I just had something dierent in

mind, and I wanted to share it with you here.

Tuesday in attempt to pass the m ovement o

as their own. Police in Gaza have also arrested

and allegedly tortured at least one protest orga-

nizer, while the PA the West Bank is maintaining

close surveillance on activists there. Police in

both areas did not physically interere in Mon-

days protests.

The youth outfanked the authorities on

Monday, descending into the streets 24 hours

early. This tactic appears to have worked or

now. Tuesday will be another test as to wether

the young activists can get their message across

without intererence rom Hamas and Fatah and

the respective security orces in both places.

The political morass in Palestine is arguablymore complex, and more intractable than that

in Egypt or Tunisia, and this is refected in the

variations in the stated aims among the protest-

ers. Some are calling or the dismantling o the

Palestinian Authority; others are not. There ap-

pears to be unity on one point, however: the need

or new elections to the Palestinian National

Council, the long dormant parliamentary body

o the PLO. From a March 15th Movement press

release:

- Democratic Palestinian National Coun-

cil (PNC) elections based on a one-person one-

vote electoral system that guarantees equal rep-

resentation or all Palestinians around the world

(Gaza Strip, West Bank, 48 territories, reugee

camps, and in the Diaspora). This necessitates a

complete overhaul o the PNCs structures and

the establishment o new electoral procedures.

This is a departure rom the conventional

approach to Palestinian unity. In conversations

with several March 15th organizers in the pasttwo weeks, each stressed to me that their move-

ment is demanding something much more than

dividing o ministries between Hamas and Fatah.

Fadi Quran, one o the protest organizers in Ra-

mallah (who is said to be one o the hunger strik-

ers), told me the idea is to build a broad based

liberation movement vis-a-vis Israel. This what

he told me in a short prole o him I wrote or the

Institute or Middle East Understanding (IMEU):

We want democratic representation rst

and oremost and then move to nonviolently

challenging the occupation in the same sense

that Martin Luther King Challenged segregation

in the south, and in the same sense that Gandhi

challenged British colonialism in India. Were

trying to move toward that goal. March 15th is

seen not as an end in itsel but the beginning o

a new generation o struggle.

This is the overall understanding among

these activists: ocial political unity is not an

end in itsel. Its a necessary step toward remo-bilizing the Palestinian national movement. And

Monday appears to have been something break-

through in that direction.

creases, and cash gits!

Ahmed Al-Omran, an activist who runs oneo the kingdoms most popular English-

language blogs, had in this post rewrote the

Kings speech in a way that meets the mini-

mum aspirations or young Saudis.



15/16

2011 20 www.wasla.anhri.net 15Regarding Maikel Nabils sentence : It pours

Despite the act that the Syrian President has

had the advantage o time and precedence tolearn rom the experiences o his Arab coun-

terparts and to eect serious reorm, Bashar

al-Assad seems to have drawn the wrong lessons

rom the patterns o change in the Arab region

repeating each and every mistake made by his

ellow autocrats, reacting with the very same

violence, brutality and stupidity with peoples genuine calls or reedom, in the time it has

became clear that no degree o violence will help

any leader to salvage their regimes

His long awaited speech on March 30, in which

he announced reorm measures, including the

Until recently it seemed that Syria,

along with wealthy Saudi Arabia, was the

state least likely to all to the revolution-

ary turmoil sweeping the Arab region.

The rst reason or the Asad regimes

seeming stability is Syrian ear o sectar-

ian chaos. Beyond the Sunni Arab major-

ity, Syria includes Alawis (most notably

the president and key military gures),Christians, Ismailis, Druze, Kurds and Ar-

menians, as well as Palestinian and Iraqi

reugees. The state has achieved a power

balance between the minorities and rural

Sunnis while building an alliance with the

urban Sunni business class. This means

that Syria is the best place in the Middle

East to belong to a religious minority,

certainly better than in liberated Iraq or

in the Jewish state, and or a long time

domestic peace under authoritarianism

has looked more attractive than the neigh-

bouring sectarian and strie-torn democ-

racies in Lebanon and Iraq (the American

dismantling o the Iraqi state provided a

serious blow to Arab democratic aspira-

tions, neo-con antasies notwithstanding).

Next, the head o the regime President

Bashaar enjoys a degree o genuine pop-

ularity. Its the regimes body Bashaars

corrupt cousins, and the stalwarts o the

security services who are much more

ercely hated. There is thereore no

chance that the military will sacrice the

leader to placate the people, as happened

in Egypt.

At the turn o the millenium Syrians ac-

cepted Bashaars inheritance o the presi-

dency rom his ather as the least worst

option: it prevented a recurrence o the

tank battles between rival generals which

had characterised Syrian politics beore

Haez al-Asads ruthless stabilisation o

the country. Beyond that, young, mild-

mannered Bashaar was seen as possessing

hands clean o his athers eras crimes.

Even i his promised Damascus Spring rap-

idly zzled out, he was generally given the

benet o the doubt. The ailure to reorm

was blamed rst on the regimes persistent

old guard, and then, with turmoil gripping

Palestine, Lebanon and Iraq throughout

the Bush years, on the perilous regionalenvironment.

Regime oreign policy, urthermore, has

been broadly in line with Syrian opinion.

Syria has preserved a delicate condition

o no war with Israel but also no peace, at

least not so long as the Golan Heights, and

the crucial Golan water supplies, remain

occupied by Israel. Aid to Palestinian and

Lebanese resistance groups has satised

the nebulous street (although policy has

not been as heroic as the propa ganda would

have it even during the Israeli massacre

in Gaza peace overtures were being made,

and Syria tortured rendered suspects such as the unortunate Canadian Maher

Arar on Americas behal until it ell out

with the superpower over Iraq.)

Finally, unrest has been kept under

wraps by pervasive repression. While

Egyptians had some ability to organise

politically and to publically criticise state

policies, the Syrian regime allowed no

space whatsoever or dissent. Whenever

discontent had bubbled to the surace in

the past, it was violent, and was met by

even greater violence. The slaughter o

tens o thousands in rebellious Hama in

1982 traumatised a generation. In com-

parison, the repression o the Bashaar

years elt gentle.

Yet Syria houses the same explosive

brew that brought change to Tunisia and

Egypt: social stagnation, a young popu-

lation, a precarious economy. And now

the nearby revolutions have changed ev-

erything. Suddenly it seems possible or

Arab democracies to promote nationalist

agendas; indeed the West would nd it ar

more dicult to dismiss the empowered

anti-imperialist and anti-Zionist voices o

a democratic Syria.

And i Arabs elsewhere could insist on

their dignity, why should Syrians continue

to put up with the regimes casual barbar-

ity? One example o this a riend o mine

was arrested and tortured not because he

had committed any crime but because the

authorities wished to squeeze out o him

the location o one o his relatives, who

was guilty o small-scale embezzlement.

When my riend was released, his mother

didnt recognise him. His head, she said,

had swollen to double its normal size.

In Tunisia the revolutionaries held up

signs which said, No Fear From Now On.

Arabs everywhere read these signs. The

rst clear indication o the new age inSyria was a spontaneous demonstration

in Damascus Old City in response to the

police beating o a shopkeepers son. The

protestors demands were not directly

political, but called or basic rights and

creation o a committee to study the possibility

o liting the countrys emergency law, was dis-appointing at best, especially or those hoping,

at a minimum, urgent political and economic

demands. With the regime ailing to understand

the very simple truth that Syria is not immune

to the wave o protests that shook the Arab world

respect. The Syrian People Wont be Hu-

miliated, they chanted. The regime dealt

intelligently with that one, sending the In-

terior Minister to address the crowd, and

punishing the policemen in question.

What came next was just plain stupid.

In the southern city o Daraa stricken by

drought, its population swollen by climate

change reugees rom the east teenschoolchildren were arrested or spray-

ing walls with revolutionary grati. The

resulting protests were countered by live

ammunition. Such repression is worse than

clumsy. The lesson rom Tunisia, Egypt

and Libya is that extreme state violence

converts even the previously unconvinced

to revolt. Protests predictably spread to

Sananaym, suburban Damascus, Homs and

Banyas. At least 60 people, and perhaps

many more, were killed. Ater these days

o blood, Bashaars clean-handed image

has dissolved.

So too has the regimes status as guar-

antor o sectarian coexistence. In the

most sinister development so ar, armed

gangs were unleashed on Latakia, Syrias

Mediterranean port city. In Sunni areas

they declared themselves to be vengeul

Alawis; in Alawi areas they posed as venge-

ul Sunnis. Most inormed Syrians believe

these thugs are the regime-linked Shabiha

militia aiming to provoke sectarian con-

fict and thereby scare Syrians back to

loyalty to the devil they know. Competing

rumours rom the mouths o regime sup-

porters blame Lebanese, Iraqi or Palestin-

ian provocateurs, but these versions are

hardly reassuring. I, ater hal a century

o strict emergency laws, shadowy oreign

militias can still roam the streets, whats

the point o the security-obsessed state?

On Tuesday, hundred o thousands o

Syrians demonstrated in support o the

regime. Many were dragooned state sector

workers, but many others demonstrated

out o conviction. They certainly outnum-

bered those who have protested or great-

er reedoms, but this is no cause or regime

complacency. We can be sure that that the

protesting crowds would be ar larger i

they didnt ace the risk o being ripped

apart by exploding bullets.As well as organising loyalty demon-

strations, the regime appeared to be on

the verge o meeting many o the reorm-

ists demands. Al-Asads cabinet resigned.

Presidential advisor Boutheina Shaaban

and Jihad Makdissi at the London embassy

announced that the state o emergency

would be ended. Former oreign minister

Farouq ash-Sharaa told Hizbullahs al-

Manar TV that the president would make a

speech that would please everyone.

And yesterday Bashaar nally ad-

dressed the nation, via a speech to his

tame parliament. Frequently interruptedby the delegates choreographed declara-

tions o loyalty, he admitted that reorms

have been too slow coming but promised

that they would come now. He seemed to

suggest that the state o emergency would

nally end, at some point, in some way or

other but only through hints and impli-

cations. He didnt spell out what this would

mean or the countrys media or political

lie, or or its political prisoners. He gave

no time rame or reorms, but stressed

that they should not be overly hasty. And

he undercut the vaguely positive aspects

o his speech by rehearsing the conspira-

cy line as i the people o Daraa needed

oreigners and traitors to tell them that

the arrest o their children was an injus-

tice, or that the real traitors are those who

open re on their unarmed compatriots.

Mixed in with the brutality, the Syr-

ian regime has oten proved itsel highly

adaptable to changing circumstances. But

not during yesterdays speech. Bashaar

missed his (already very belated) histori-

cal moment, revealing himsel to be a cold

and unimaginative operator. The president

appeared to be in a state o denial. He ap-

peared to enjoy the parliamentarians alse

applause ar too much. He came across as

an archaism in this new era, as a dinosaur.

This doesnt necessarily mean the regime

is about to all, but it does mean theres a

great deal o trouble ahead. Which spells

disaster or Syrians o all backgrounds, as

well as or anyone who cares about Syrias

vital regional role.

Ater the speech the president blew

kisses to adoring crowds. In an unscripted

moment a woman ran towards his car and

said something. Secret policemen rapidly

mobbed her, and the state TV screen went

blank.

Qunuz

http://tinyurl.com/5wccfa6

since the beginning o the year, Arab British

writer, analyst and blogger Robin Yassin Kassabthinks defant Bashar Al Assad is suering a

serious state o denial

http://tinyurl.com/5wcca6



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