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The Organic-Hierarchical Paradigm

and Politics in the Philippines*

I

THE SUBJECT I would have wanted to discuss is: "A Theory ofPhilippine Politics/" But, since a theory, strictly defined, is a set of

propositions systematically interrelated with a view to describing,explaining, and predicting reality, and since I have written only two booksabout Philippine politics, which analyze only some of its aspects, I know itis not possible for me to expound on this topic. Howeygr, jf theory *r,usedin a more limited way, e.g., as a model or a paradigm, which is a set of

propositions designed to be more or less isomorphic with an aspect ofreality with a view to indicating the general patterns and relations of thesignificant parts of that aspect of reality, I believe I can discuss with youPhilippine politics from a theoretical viewpoint. Thus, I have entitled thisdiscussion ""The Organic-Hierarchical Paradigm and Politics in thePhilippines."

The organic-hierarchical paradigm of Philippine politics is one of thefruitful results of my study on the politics of Occidental Mindoro, whichwas recently published under the title The Political Elite and the People}

That study showed that the people and the political elite in OccidentalMindoro perceived the society and the polity as an organism composed, ofhierarchical elements. One principal indicator of their perception of societyand the polity as an organism is language. The other is political and social

behavior.The linguistic terms used in Occidental Mindoro, a province which hadbeen peopled by Uocanos, Tagalogs, Visayans, and other Filipinoethno-linguistic groups, for the basic unit of society, the family, forinstance, are all organic. Thus, Ilocanos call their brother or sister kabagis.Bagismeans intestine literally and umbilical cord figuratively. Prefixed withka, the term, therefore, means part of one's intestine or umbilical cord. Arelative among Ilocanos is kabagian,whose root word bagimeans body.

Published as Monograph No. 1 (Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press, 1973).

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16i/ ADVENTURES IN POLITICAL SCIENCE

Descendants of a person in relation to grandparents are aLo called in termsof body or organic partsapo iti tumeng, apo iti bukong-bukong, and apo itidapan. Literally translated, these words mean grandchild of the knee,

grandchild of the sole of the foot, and grandchild of the flat part of thefoot. The Tagalogs and the Visayans have essentially the same terms as the-Uocanos, although one may observe some variations in nuances and

. connotations, owing mainly to ethnic experiences and problems. TheTagalogs, for instance, have terms like apo sa tuhod, apo sa sakong, and apo

sa talampakan, corresponding exactly to the Ilocano terms, although theTagalog word for brother or sister is quite ambiguous if taken alone. TheTagalog brother or sister is kapatidor kaputol,which means "a part of." But

part of what? Organic or inorganic? However, in the context of terms suchas apo sa tuhod and the like, it is clear that kapatid refers- to a part of thebody.

With regard to polity, the terms used are also organic. Thus, the termsfor governor, mayor, and barrio captain are pangulo ng lalawigan, pangulo ngbayan,andpangulo ng baryo.The keyword here ispangulo, which means onewho plays the role of head. The representative or congressman of the

province himself is called kinataivan,one who embodies. The sub-leader ofthe pangulo is his kanang kamay (right hand) or bisig (arm); and his

_ followers, and supporters are his mgq gaiamay(fingers).Behavior m the society and the polity, therefore, is regulated by the

basic law of an organisminterdependence of hierarchical elements. This isreinforced by folk sayings. The Tagalog folk saying is; Ang sakit ngkalingkingan ay damdam ng buong katawan (The pain suffered by the little

finger is suffered by the whole body). The Ilocano counterpart is Uray la iikDdt ti magaradgadan isu amih ti bagi ti masakitan (Even if it is only the littlefinger that is scratched, the whole body is hurt)

Accordingly, in the polity the political elite are expected to lead,protect, and think for the people; and the people are expected to supportthe political elite. Thus, the relationships between die political elite and the

people or between the political elite and their subordinates are symbioticand paternalistic^

The symbiotic relationship is clearly shown in the politics of patronage'as practiced in Occidental Mindoro. The political elite, who desire powerand status, acquire their desiderata through the voting support of the

people. The people support the political elite because die elite take care ofthe people's desideratapersonalistic and particularistic needs, such as aidfor medical, legal, funeral, and similar expense; a recommendation for a jobor promotion in one's work; feeder roads; schools; loans from a bank;license or permit; a contract or franchise, and the like. In this symbioticrelationship, the political elite and the people get what they desire togetthe political elite, power and status; the people, patronage of variouskinds.

As regards die paternalistic relationship between the political elite andtheir subordinates, this is illustrated by the typical behavior of die governor

or a mayor of a town in cases involving quarrels of subordinates. What

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The Organic-Hierarchiciil Paradigm . . . / 165

does the governor or mayor do in such cases? One executive in OccidentalMindoro, replied: "I resolve the problem as a father would in his family. Inappropriate cases, I give castigo (punishment) to guilty persons so that theywould learn. The members of my office are like my children. In fact theyare part of my official family. They also regard me as their father.2

Based on these considerations, we can now construct a paradigm of apolitical system, together with its politics. This polity is an organism, witha head, body, arms, legs, hands, feet fingers, and toes. The body growsthrough the ingestion and absorption of external elements which can beincorporated. Those elements which it cannot incorporate, because they aredestructive or cancerous, are purged, rejected, destroyed, or neutralized. Itspolitics, therefore, is a politics of incorporation. The principal components ofthe political system are the political elite and the people, the political eliteacting as head, and the people serving as the body, together with its limbsand other organic parts. The political elite are recruited from a principal

part of the body, the principalia, which incorporates into itself all emergingsocio-political forces which can be incorporated into die political system.The relationship between the political elite and the people is not a conflictor enmity relationship. On die contrary, it is one of symbiosis andpaternalism. I shall call this model of the political system and the politicsthe organic-hierarchical paradigm. . i -

Such a paradigm is applicable to and fruitful for the study of thepolitical system and politics of the Philippines. First, it can be used as afruitful device for collecting significant data and identifying the majortrends and patterns of politics in die Philippines during the last 100 years,

from 1872 to 1972. This is a very significant period because its openingyear marked the rise' of Filipino nationalism and its terminal year markedthe proclamation of Martial Law with revolutionary implication andrepercussion to the Filipino people. Second, the paradigm can also be usedto shed light on the politics of martial law from September 21, 1972 to thepresent. Thus, if the paradigm can indeed serve as a heuristic device, itwill bring order to the hodgepodge of countless facts, bring out theessential meaning, and alert everyone who is interested in the mainpatterns of the politics of the past and the present of die political elite andthe people of the Philippines. And finally, the paradigm can be used as an

effective device. for the future political modernization and development ofthe country. But it must be used with care because there are great dangersin it that could set back Philippine development

II

In discussing and analyzing the politics of die last 100 years from 1872to 1972, we must begin with the principal part of the political system, theprincipalia, from which the top political elitethe headship in thePhilippinesis recruited. This principalia, which is composed of social

elites, is also the torso of the polity. The source from which the important

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166 / ADVENTURES IN POLITICAL SCIENCE

leaders of the top political elite are also recruited/ the principalia did notemerge instantly but gradually developed in stages before and during the100-year period. Parenthetically, even today it is still growing through a

politics of incorporation.

The original elements of the principalia were an aggregate composed of

the traditional principalia (cabezas de barangay, capi tones and gobemadorcillos),- who were also a landed elite3; an emerging commercial elite (natives and

mestizos who were becoming prosperous as middlemen between, on the onehand, the traditional principalia producing sugarcane, abaca, tobacco, andcoffee and, on the other, foreign businessmen who had establishedthemselves in the Philippines after the termination of the galleon trade in1815); and an emerging new agricultural elite which had been recruitedfrom the emerging commercial elite.5 Their political ideology at the time

was not yet crystallized, although they were well known for theirpragmatic orientations. In the 1870s, the starting point of our analysis, these

elites were already well-established. They were to be joined later by otherelites.

The ilustrados were the next aggregate of elites who joined theprincipalia. It was soon invigorated tremendously when the landed andcommercial elites of the Spanish regime became more prosperous duringthe first two ^decades of the Apierican regime. Much later, it was further

broadened by the inclusion of professional, industrial, and technocraticelites. It must be taken for granted, however, that the religious and the

military elites are also significant elements of the principalia. The religiouselite has been a significant social force in the Philippines since the Spanish

regime, but the military elite is relatively a newcomer.The ilustrados were intellectuals who flourished during the Propaganda

Movement (arbitrarily fixed here from 1872-1895) and the PhilippineRevolution (1896-1901). Their principal representatives are Jose Rizal,Graciano Lopez Jaena, Marcelo H. del Pilar, Felipe Calderon, andApolinario MabinL Their major contribut:on to the politics of 1872-1972 isthe political formula of liberal democracy and nationalism.6

The ilustrados were an ambitious social force, the products of highereducation either at Manila or abroad, especially Spain, during the closing

decades of the Spanish regime. In general, they came from families which

had grown rich in commerce in urban towns or had become prosperousfrom agricultural enterprises. However, a few came from the lower classwho were helped by rich patrons, Spaniards or native Filipinos. Most ofthem were mestizos, Spanish or Chinese, and natives whose parents weretraditional local political leaders (i.e., capitanes, gobemadorcillos and cabezasde barangay).

The ilustrados desired power and status as enjoyed by the Spaniards,but these were closed to them by the Spanish colonial system. Thwarted intheir ambitions and rising expectations, they inevitably clashed with theSpaniards. In their struggle for power and status, perceived in terms of

liberty, they developed nationalism and liberal democracy.

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The Organic-Hierarchical Paradigm . . . / 167

The execution of three Filipino priestsMariano Gomez, Jose BurgoS/and Jacinto Zamorain 1872 is generally regarded as the beginning of therise of Filipino nationalism. In any case, Jose Rizal, the most prominent ofthe reformists, dedicated his second novel, El Filibusterismo,7 to these priests.In his first novel. Noli Me Tangere,8 Rizal also attributed the rise of national

consciousness to the martyrdom of the three Filipino priests in 1872. Rizalwrote: "The sleep has lasted for centuries, but one day the thunderboltstruck, and in striking, infused life."9

By 1889, the rise of nationalism had given birth to the La Solidaridad,the organ of the Propaganda movement which was led by Jose Rizal,Graciano Lopez Taena and Marcelo H. del Pilar. In the maiden editorial ofthe paper, the reformists specifically advocated the political formula ofliberal democracy. Parts of the editorial read: "Modest, very modest indeedare our aspirations. Our program aside from being harmless is very simple:to fight all reaction, to hinder all steps backward, to applaud and accept all

liberal ideas, and to defend progress; in brief, to be propagandist above allthe ideals of democraqf so that these might reign over all nations and

beyond the seas."10

In order that liberal democracy would be propagated in the Philippines,the reformists did not only write for the la Solidaridad but also producednovels, such .as those which Rizal wrote; delivered speeches before variousaudiences; formed civic-political organizations; participated in art contestsand academic conferences; and printed and distributed propaganda letters.

All these activities were net only designed to help in the establishmentof liberal democracy in the Philippines but also meant to bring about the

formation of the FHipino nation and the nationalism of the Filipinos. AsRizal wrote in 1888 to Mariano Ponce: "Let this be our only motto: For thewelfare of the native land. On the day when all Filipinos should think . . .like us, on that day we shall have fulfilled cur arduous mission, which isthe formation of the Filipino nation."11

The political formula of liberal democracy and nationalism of thereformists was not only continued in the Philippine revolution. It was alsostrengthened, popularized, and. partly institutionalized during the greatstruggle. It was strengthened because it became the rallying ideology of the

revolution. It was popularized because the ideas of liberal democracy and

nationalism of the ilustrados were written into native languages, especiallyin Tagalog. Andres Bonifacio, the Father of the Katipunan, translated RizaTs

patriotic last farewell poem into Tagalog,12 and Emilio Jacinto, the brains ofthe Katipunan, popularized RizaTs ideas in Tagalog, paraphrased in"Liwanag at Dilim," "Ang Kartilla ng Katipunan," and other works.13 Itwas partly institutionalized because the ilustrados of the Revolution likeFelipe Calderon, worked hard for the inclusion and adoption of liberalismand democracy in the Malolos Constitution, die organic law formulated andapproved by the Congress of the FLoiippine Revolution in 1898-1899.14

Article 3 of the Malolos Constitution, for example, provides that

"sovereignty resides exclusively in the people." A portion of Article 4declares: 'The government of the Republic is popular, representative.

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alternative, and responsible/' The same article also states that thegovernment is to be "exercised by three distinct powers, called thelegislature, the executive, and die judicial." Furthermore, die article says:'Two or more of these powers shall never be vested in one person or

corporation; neither shall die legislative power be entrusted to a singleindividuaL" Article 5 spells out the provisions on die status of religion and

. church-state relations as follows: "The state recognizes the freedom andequality of religious worships, as well as the separation of the church andstate." And Tide IV, composed of Articles 6 to 32, provides for, amongothers, a bill of rights guaranteeing the rights of expression, association,

petitioning the government for redress of grievances, property, inviolabilityof correspondence and domicile, and a judicial process in accordance withlaw.

To summarize the development of the ilustrados, as well as their

contribution to the politics of 1872-1972, we may put the whole thing infour propositions: (1) The ilustrados emerged as a significant social force inthe 1870s and 1880s; (2) they developed the ideology of liberal democracyand nationalism in the- 1880s and 1890s as they fought for liberty, powerand status vis-a-vis the Spaniards; (3) although they were workingessentially for their group's interests, they were also latently working forthe people's interests because the language of their ideology was generaland national; and (4) they laid trie foundations of liberal democracy and

nationalism as the main pillars of the basic political formula of thePhilippines even before the Americans brought their organic laws to the

country in 1900 and other subsequent years.If the ilustrados provided the principalia with a political formula, the

landed and commercial elites gave it an economic ideology. The latterelites, which were already established during the 1870s, became very

powerful during the first two decades of the American regime. By the thirdand fourth decades, they definitely had become entrenched in thePhilippines. They have remained powerful even fter the independence of

the Philippines in 1946.Between the two, the landed elite is more important, because the

commercial elite was primarily only a spill-over from the former. The

landed elite became very prosperous during the first two decades of theAmerican regime because it was subsidized by the Americans. The principalinstrument of subsidy was the free trade or preferential-treatment-in-trade

policy of the United States.15 According to this policy, trade between thePhilippines and the United States would be free of tariffs and duties. Or, iftariff and duties were to be imposed, they would be in accordance with agradually increasing schedule. This was to provide a transition periodduring which export traders in the Philippines would adjust to thechanging trade relations without wrecking the Philippine economy. Thepivotal law of this American policy, although amended and modified in

later years, was the Payne-Aldrich Tariff Act of 1909.Since the economy of the Philippines under the American regime has

been essentially an economy of an underdeveloped countryand it remains

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so even today despite significant developments in several areasPhilippineexport trade was not in manufactured products but mainly in agriculturalproducts. These products were sugar, coconut, abaca, and tobacco. Freetrade or preferential treatment in trade assured good profits in these

products; and so sugarcane, coconut, abaca, and other plantations wereenlarged and modernized. To further promote and protect their interests,the landed elite organized associations, such as the Philippine SugarAssociation, Tayabas Coconut Planters Association, Philippine AbacaFederation and the Chamber of Agriculture and Natural Resources. Thevalso formulated and developed an ideology revolving around the idea offree enterprise.

From the landed elite or from the activities set in motion by the landedelite, commerce or business as a significant social force subsequentlydeveloped. Those businessmen who were not directly recruited from the

landed elite came from the American, Spanish and Chinese nationals orother aliens, from some members of traditional local elites, as well as some

enterprising individuals who were not members of traditional local elites.Commerce or business was stimulated to flourish because imports from theU.S., as well as from other countries, had to be distributed. As business

began to prosper, it also gave birth to various associations. The Chamber ofCommerce of the Philippines was founded in 1903; the Chinese GeneralChamber of Commerce in 1904; and the Manila Chamber of Commerce, anassociation of British, American, and Swiss and other nationalities, in 1912.In 1920, the Americans seceded from the latter and formed the American

Chamber of Commerce of Hie Philippines.16 Like the landed elite, thebusiness or commercial elite adopted die idea of free enterprise.

In the meantime, the U.S. introduced her political formula andeconomic ideology in the Philippines. The American political formula wasliberal democracy, based on a presidential system of government. This

political formula came to the Philippines in the three organic acts broughtby the United States to the Philippines: (1) McKinley's Instructions of 1900,(2) the Philippine Bill of 1902, and (3) the Jones Act of 1916.17 Theeconomic ideology of the US. was free enterprise.

The four principal elite groups composed of the traditional prindpalia,

the ilustrados, the landed elite, and the commercial elite banded togetherand actively collaborated with the US. After all, their belief system ofliberal democracy and free enterprise was not contradicted by the American

political formula and economic ideology. Instead, it was reinforced and

legitimized by the American belief system. Thus, the bulk of the politicalelite of the Philippines during Hie entire American regime was recruitedfrom other new emerging social forces which the principalia had beenincorporating into its ranks.

Women as a new social force were already emerging as early as thefirst decade of the American regime. The universal language of the politicalformula of liberal democracy as enunciated by the Propaganda Movement,the Philippine Revolution, and the early American organic laws involved acall for the emancipation of women. And as early as the time of Rizal,

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s lO

who wrote a special letter to the women of Malolos, women werewelcomed as equal partners in national development. In 1905, the

Association Feminista Filipino, organized by prominent ladies of the times,launched a feminist movement19 By the 1930s the movement was so strong

that the male-manned political system gave in by incorporating women aspart of the body politic. A few of them were also admitted as members of.the political elite.

Professionals had started emerging, too, as a new social force as earlyas the first decade of the American regime. Although there were doctors,lawyers, teachers, and other professionals even during the Propagandamovement and the revolution, these were a social force not as professionals

but as ilustrados. In the first decade of the American regime, a fewprofessional groups were established, such as the Philippine Medical

Association, founded in 1903, and the Philippine Bar Association,

established in 1904.20

But these groups were still very weak. By the 1930sand 1940s, however, they grew stronger, although it was not until the1950s that the professionals had become sc numerous that they had to beconsidered as a very significant social force in the political system of thecountry. For instance, in the ten-year period between 1956 and 1966, morethan half a million professionals were graduated from Philippine schools.21Aside from doctors and lawyers, the .most important professionals in thecountry before the proclamation of Martial "law in 1972 were the teachers,the engineers, the nurses, the accountants, the journalists, TV and radio

professionals, and the architects.

Professionals emerged and developed as a very significant social forcebecause they were nourished on fertile ground. The fertile ground was themass educational system introduced by the United States'after it took overthe Philippines as a colony from Spain in 1898. Moreover, Filipinos ingeneral have a very favorable attitude towards education. It is significant to

note that the national hero of the Philippines, Dr. Jose Rizal, is aprofessionala doctor and a teacher. In any case, high schools have

proliferated since 1946, producing thousands of high school graduates, fromwhich professionals were recruited.

What is the basic belief system of professionals?. In general, it is safe to

conclude that it is liberal democracy. The Philippine Public School TeachersAssociation, for instance, declares in its by-laws that it will promote andinculcate ideas of the Philippine Constitution, which is based onliberal-democratic principles. The Philippine Bar Association believes insafeguarding constitutionalism and the rule of law. The Philippine MedicalAssociation recognizes in its advocacy and participation in theimplementation of Medicare the doctrine of solus populi supremo lex esto. The

journalists and other professionals of tire mass media believe in freedom of

speech, the press, and other liberal-democratic rights. The engineers, nurses,and other professionals have organized themselves and carried on. their

activities in their respective associations in accordance with democraticprinciples and practices.

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In short tle professionals have been incorporated into the body politic.Because of their strategic positions and high status, they have also become

part of the principalia.

Industrialists relatively are latecomers as a social force in thePhilippines. If a decade is to be chosen to mark their coming of age, it isprobably the 1950s. In any case, the Philippine Chamber of Industries wasfounded in 1950.22 Its economic belief system, like that of the landed andcommercial elites, is free enterprise. Since liberal democracy safeguards ibeconomic ideology and interests, it also adopts liberal democracy as its

political formula. Industrialists have also joined the principalia of thePhilippines. They emerged as a social force principally throughgovernmental subsidy. In the late 1940s, the Quirino Administrationadopted economic policies on import controls, tax exemptions to infantindustries, and similar legislation.

Technocrats are probably the latest additions to the principalia. Theyare spill-overs from the professionals, the business elite, the industrial elite,and the military. They are ltighly regarded as experts in various fields.Believing in efficiency, they themselves are efficient in the advocacy andimplementation of their ideas based primarily on means-end analysis. Witha pronounced distrust against politicking, they are a sharp contrast tocompromising and contentious politicians. Theystarted to become importantin the 1960s, with the election of President Diosdado Macapagal.23UnderPresident Ferdinand Marcos in the late '60s and early 70s, technocrats weregiven additional positions of authority. They are now incorporated into the

political system.The religious elite, on the other hand, has been a significant social forcesince the Spanish regime. In fact, during the Spanish regime, in ChristianPhilippines, it was the dominant partner in the duumvirate of church-stategovernment24 Although religion has been separated from the state since1899 by a constitutional provision, it still remains so significant a socialfoxcc that it cannot be cast aside in our consideration of the recruitingground of the poli^cal elite. In Muslim Philippines, most political leaderstend to be Muslim religious leaders until now. No non-Catholic has beenelected President of the Philippines thus far, and Catholic interests have not

been without some representative or defender of the faith in the national

government2 The Iglesiar ni Kristo has played significant roles in theelection of political elites,26 and to a certain extent the Protestants andAglipayans have also influenced governmental elites. In any case, whetherreligion is a direct recruiting ground of the political elite or not, it isdefinitely a major social force in the Philippines if only for the reason thatreligion, whether Muslim, Catholic, or otherwise, is followed by almost 100

percent of the nation; and as such, incidentally, it also has an inhibitoryinfluence against the success of communism.

The military is another significant social force in the Philippines.Although itis not a very big military force, having only about 50,000 menand officers in 1971, still it is a most significant social force to reckon with

because of ib more or less monolithic organization, professional leadership.

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high morale, an ideology of service to the nation, as well as its efficientand superior communications network, and ample resources in guns,airplanes, trucks, boats, and other war materiel27

The military as a social force traces its history to the PhilippineRevolution, but it was not until World War II that it became a major socialforce in Philippine politics. It is incorporated in the body politic under die

^doctrine of the supremacy of the civilian over the military. Its politicalformula apparently is liberal democracy, although it seems thatmodernization is its operative ideology at present28

What about civic organization elites, the peasantry, labor, the studentxy,the socialists, and the communists? Are they not also component parts ofthe prindpalia?

Civic organization elites, such as leaders and ranking members of theRotary dub, the Philconsa, Knights of Rizal Knights of Columbus, LionsClub, Civil Liberties Union, League of Women voters, and others, do notrequire any extensive discussion. They are spill-overs from professional,commercial, industrial, religious, and other elites; and as such, they are alsoincorporated into the body politic.

The peasantry and labor are not yet significant social forces, althoughthey are already emerging as such.29 As social forces, they are weakened

by a leadership which has not sprung from among them, bv endemicfactionalism, by the manipulation and shrewd6 politics "bf thepolitical elite,and by poor economic conditions. However, since they have numbers ontheir side, they may yet become major social forces in the Philippines. Theyare incorporated in the body politic as followers of various significantelites, but they are not yet admitted into the ranks of the printipalia.

The studentry emerged as a significant social force in the lab? 1960sand early 1970s, but it could not join the ranks of the prindpalia. In thefirst place, it is put in a disadvantageous position by its youth, for the ageof entry into the political elite is middle age. By the time they reach thisage bracket, these young people are no longer students. By then they havenormally graduated into the professions, in which case, the probability ofincorporation into the prindpalia is high. Or by then, as married people,under the pressure of their new family responsibilities, they becomevulnerable to the politics of incorporation. In the second place, like

peasantry and labor, it is caught in the grip of endemic factionalism. Andfinally, it has no independent source of funds, unlike other significant socialforces- It has to rely only upon contributions, gifts and donations. Students,however, have numbers, and, frequently, idealism, too. These two resourceswhen harnessed by a united competent leadership could transform studentsinto a significant "veto group" or a countervailing power against or astrong ally of the political elite.

The socialists and the communists may be classified as radical socialforces. The Communist Party was established in the Philippines in 1930,and the Socialist Party in 1932.31 The two merged as a combined socialforce in 1938, and in 1942, their top leaders organized and led theHukbalahap.The Huttxilahapcollapsed by the mid-'50s; and since that time

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the old communists have parted ways. Luis Tame, after serving a prisonterm, returned to the political system, claiming that he never became acommunist like some of the Lavas.33The Lavas, in the meantime, remainedold-line communists, following the Moscow orientation. In 1968, after some

preparatory organizational activities starting in 1964, Jose Maria Sisonestablished another Communist Party, following the Mao Tse-Tungthought34 Thus, the Communist Party tecame a divided radical group, inthe same manner as the Hukbalahapwas divided into the Taruc faction andthe Lava faction.

How did the political elite react to the communists and the socialists?In accordance with the politics of incorporation, the political elite attemptedto co-opt some of the radicals that it could incorporate. During theCommonwealth period, the idea of social justice was used to win themover. After Philippine independence, the political elite attempted to

incorporate the socialists and the communists through various sociallegislations, such as the Magna Carta of Labor, various land reform laws,and even barrio legislations. However, the political elite never reallycompromised its political formula of liberal democracy with the ideology ofcommunism. Thus, in 1932 the Supreme Court outlawed the CommunistParty,35and in 1948 President Manuel Roxas acted in the same manner asregards the Hukbalahap and the Pambansang Katipunan ng mga Magsasaka(PKM).36In 1957, the Congress of the Philippines followedR.A. No. 1700 outlawing the Communist Party and similarAnd in 1971, President Ferdinand Marcos suspended the privilege of thewrit of habeas corpus, rounding up and detaining suspected leaders of the

Communist Party and its front organizations.3Considering these developments during the last 100 years, we can,

therefore, summarize the main pattern c' politics of the Philippines as apolitics of incorporation of those social forces that could be incorporatedand of the outlawry of those whose belief system was opposed to theestablished political formula of liberal democracy. As the politics ofincorporation ran its course, the oolitical system became democratized andoriented towards the welfare of the people.

It may be useful to summarize some of the significant social andpolitical changes in the Philippines in connection with democratization andprogress in promoting the welfare of the people.

With regard to democratization, the following developments aresignificant First, the electorate of die nation gradually increased from about1.5 percent of the total population in 1907 to about 30 percent of the entire

population or about 100 percent of the total adult population in the1970s. Second, more and more .officials of the country came under thevoting power of the electorate. During the first decade of the Americanregime, the members of the lower chamber of the national legislature (thePhilippine Assembly), as well as local officials of municipal and 'provincialgovernments, were placed under the elective control of the voters. In 1916,the members of the upper chamber of the legislature were also placed

under popular vote, and in 1935 even the Presidency became elective.40

By

suit, adoptingorganizations.

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the 1950s, city officials followed suit. In 1959, the office of the Vice-

Governor of provinces became elective too, and by the 1960s, even local

barrio officials were placed under the people's control through die ballotThird, the people also won the fight to reformulate and adopt a

constitution for the nation. In 1934-1935, the people won this right in

substance for in spite of the fact that the Constitution adopted had to be. approved by the President of the U.S. and certain conditions had to becomplied with, on the whole, the people were allowed to exercise the

constituent role. In 1967, again this right was exercised by the people toelect delegates to propose amendments to the 1935 constitution. In 1970, the

people did elect the delegates, and in 1971 the delegates convened at

Manila to propose the amendments.Fourth, representation of the people on a geographical basis was

broadened by functional representation through activities of interest group

leaders. The broadening of the base of functional representation was

effected with the proliferation of interest groups.41

And fifth, the party system of the country progressed from a one-

party system at the beginning of the century to a two-party system afterWorld War II. Philippine elections, therefore, became more competitive.42

As regards progress in promoting the welfare of the people, theadvances made in education, life expectancy, local autonomy, social

legislation, and housing have also been very significant.Tn education, for'

instance, literacy increased from 25 percent in 1903 to 33 percent in 1970.43

In life expectancy, the increase was from 11.54 years in 1902 to 51.17 years

in 1960 for males and from13.92 years in 1902 to 55 years in 1960 forfemales.44

With regard to local autonomy, the barrio people were granted powers

of electing barrio officials as well as enacting referendum measures in the1960s. As regards social legislation, laws protecting child and women labor,

protecting labor rights to form unions and go on strike, and providing for

retirement insurance and medicare benefits for both public and privateemployees, have also been enacted. And with regard to housing, people

living in houses made of light materials had been reduced from about 94percent in 1903 to 68.6 percent in 1939. By 1960, only 57.52 percent lived in *

houses of such materials; and in 1970, this was further reduced to 42.15percent. On the other hand, people who lived in houses of strong materialsincreased front 4.7 percent in 1939 to 12.2 percent in 1960 and to 32.05

percent in 1970.45

And what was the basic relationship between the political elite and the

people during the period from 1872 to 1972?

During the latter part of the Spanish regime and the early part of theAmerican regime, the political elite definitely were leaders and the people

docile followers. Thus, the political elite led the Propaganda Movement; and

although the initial leaders of the Katipunan were not the ilustrado politicalelite, ultimately the leadership of the Revolution went to them. In the end,

when the ilustrados laid down their arms and collaborated with theAmericans, the Revolution finally collapsed. The people abandoned the

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revolution when their leaders decided to come to terms with the UnitedStates.

After the collapse of the Philippine Revolution, various new social

forces emerged and developed in the Philippine political system, graduallybroadening the principalia of the country until it included not only thetraditional principalia and the ilustrados but also the new religious leaders,landed, commercial, professional, industrial, technocratic, military elites andspill-overs in civic organizations from various elite groups. From the

prindpalia the political elite, whose main motivation was to win power andstatus, were recruited. To realize their desiderata, the political elite adopteda politics of patronage vis-a-vis die people and a politics of incorporationvis-a-vis the emerging social forces. Ultimately, they established a Filipinodemocracy in the country.

It is Manuel L. Quezon who can serve as the representative of the

political elite of 1872-1972.46 In terms of political strategy and tactics,Quezon adopted the politics of incorporation, the basic pattern of politics of1872-1972. He incorporated into the Nacionalista Party, practically everymajor sector of Philippine societythe landed and commercial elite, die

professionals, the Americans, the Democratic Party, Claro M. Recto theOppositionist, Gen. Douglas MacArthur, the youth, the women, the civicgroups, and the mass media. He even attempted to incorporate labor, the

peasantry, the socialists and the communists.What Quezon could not incorporate, he tried to destroy or neutralize.

Thus, he fought Governor-General Leonard Wood and other politicalenemies tooth and naiL

Quezon served under a Constitution wliich provided for a presidentialsystem of government, with separation of powers of the coordinate

branches of the executive, the legislature, and the judiciary. But this systemof government was contrary to his conception of being head of thePhilippine body politic. So, after being elected President of theCommonwealth, he immediately asserted his leadership of the government

Professor Joseph Ralston Hayden, vho was also Vice-Governor of thePhilippines in 1933-1935, wrote that President Manuel Quezon definitelyacted as Head instead of President of the Commonwealth because Quezontransformed the Office of the President to that of a National Chief. Hayden

added:Mr. Quezon has not only known how to govern, but has actuallygoverned. There is no evidence that he has been emharassed by the"interference" of any other element of the state, or by any groupwithin the Philippines. Mr. Quezon has been both President and"national leader . . "He has dominated both the executive and dielegislative branches of government . . . Especially during the earlydays of the Commonwealth, the presidential direction of the legislative machine was perfectly open and undisguised. When hesubmitted his initial program and some twenty "must" bilb to thefirst special session of the National Assembly which was called ten

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days after the inauguration of the new government. PresidentQuezon set up an office in the legislative Palace and went there

personally to see his bills through-

m

We have just finished the analysis and description of Philippine politicsfrom 1872 to 1972 in terms of the organic-hierarchical paradigm. In that

analysis I sought to show that the organic-hierarchical paradigm is a usefulheuristic device for indicating the principal patterns of politics of the last100 years. Is the paradigm also bright enough to shed light on the politicsof martial law which was proclaimed in the Philippines last September 21,1972?

I shall argue that it is.We might begin the analysis by finding out how President Marcos

perceived himself, his subordinates, and the Philippine polity in general inthe context of the martial law he declared. Three of his recent speechesduring the martial law period definitely showed that his perception of themartial law administration was in terms of the organic-hierarchicalparadigm. To the President, he is the head of the national polity, and the

various government officials are his eyes and ears, his arms andfingers. Heis also the father, and the rest of the people are his children. The nation,therefore, is one extended family, an organic whole in which everyone is a

kabagian,a relative, to everybody.In a speech delivered in Cebu on July 4, 1973 before the governors andcity and municipal mayors of the Visayas, Presidennt Marcos told the localofficials: "I want you to be the eyes and ears of the President . . . You aredirectly under me. You are my implementing fingers and arms."4* Thesame thoughts were conveyed to the members of the Kutipunan ng mgaBarangay at Malacaftang Palace on September 11, 1973. President Marcosaddressed the barangay leaders: "You will be the principal instruments of

progress. Keep in touch with the people. This is my message to you on.my birthday . % . Be my eyes, my cars, my tongue, be my hands and arc-3

. . . Since this is your role, perform it well. I will perform mine with allthe energy and talent God has given me."49 And in the Manila speechbefore the public accountants celebrating their golden jubilee cn March 19,1973, President Marcos said: "I wanted to congratulate you on your 50thanniversary ... 1 wanted you to bear the message to everyone that I havecome before you, to appeal as a patient father who lcoks at the . . .children ready to break the crockery and the chinaware. But before youbreak the chinaware, father is watching and may have to spank yOu if youdo. I don't believe that there will be any necessity for that because wehave reached a level of responsibility."50

President Marcos also adopted the politics of incorporation in hismartial law administration. The President, soon after announcing hisproclamation of martial law on September 23, 1972 by nationwide TV and

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radio networks, immediately attempted to incorporate all government unitsas integral parts of the martial law organic body. Thus the Presidentordered that "all executive departments, bureaus, offices, agencies, and

instrumentalities of the national governments of all the provinces, the cities,the municipalities, and barrios throughout the land shall continue tofunction under the present officers and employees and in accordance withexisting laws"51 until otherwise ordered by the President. Likewise, thePresident ordered that "the judiciary shall continue to function inaccordance with its present organization and personnel and shall try anddecide in accordance with existing laws all criminal and civil cases"52except certain specified ones. To allay the people's fear of a militarytakeover, the President assured the nation:

1 have proclaimed martial law in Accordance with the powers

vested in the President by the Constitution of the Philippines. Theproclamation of martial law is not a military takeover. I, as yourduly elected President of the Republic, use this power which may

be implemented by the military authorities but still is a powerembodied in the Constitution to protect the Republic of thePhilippines and our democracy. A republican, a democratic form ofgovernment is not a helpless government When it is imperiled by

-the danger'of violent overthrow, an insurrection or rebellion, it* hasinherent and built-in powers wisely provided for in theConstitutioa . .

1 repeat, this is not a military take-over of civilian government

functions. The government of the Republic of the Philippines whichwas established by our people in 1946 continues. Hie officials andemployees of our national and local governments cor.tirue in officeand must discharge their duties as before within the limits of thesituation.55

After announcing the incorporation of all government units into themartial law administration, the President incorporated the military byget*ng the support of the military top leadership. Although militarysupport must have been obtained before the proclamation, the symbolicincorporation of the military took place ir. Malacanang oh September 26,

1972, three days after the public announcement of the proclamation. On thisdate, the top officials of the military, including the secretary of NationalDefense, gathered at the Ceremonial Hall of the Palace after a call by theCommander-in-Chief in order to assess the development since theapplication of martial law in the country. In this conference, which was

broadcast by radio and TV throughout the nation, it was clear that thenulitary was loyal to the Republic and the Commander-in-Chief. As themilitary top leaders applauded the President after his speech explaining therationale of martial law, the military was symbolically incorporated into themartial law administration.

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After the military, the administration proceeded to incorporate othersignificant sectors of society and the political groups of the polity. Themayors of the Metropolitan Manila were among the first. They werefollowed by the municipal chiefs of police, provincial fiscals, executive

judges, congressmen, municipal and city mayors, provincial governors, and

delegates to die Constitutional Convention.. The peasants were also objects of incorporation, and the President made

his bid to integrate them by proclaiming the revolutionary decreeemancipating the tenants from bondage of the soil on October 21, 1972.54The symbolic incorporation of the peasantry took place at the MaharlikaHall of Malacaftang on the same date the decree emancipating the farmerswas proclaimed. Atty. Jeremias Montemayor, President of the Federation forFree Farmers, as well as several representative members of the association,

attended the proclamation ceremonies at Malacaftang.Other socio-economic sectors or political groups followedthe

Philippine Chamber of Industries, the Chamber of Commerce, and theChamber of Agriculture and Natural Resources, the labor unions, Muslimgroups, the Manila Rotary Club, the District and City Engineers League ofthe Philippines, the Katipunan ng mga Barangay, public accountants, thePhilippine Inventors Society, the Philippine Medical Association, theIntegrated _Bar of the Philippines, and the Veterans Federation of thePhilippines.

While various socio-economic sectors and political groups were beingincorporated into the administration, the public and private schools werebeing consolidated through the regulatory and supervisory activities of the

Department of Education and Culture. At the same time, the mass media,supervised by a Mass Media Council, were serving as communicationcha.jels from the martial law administration to the general public of the

ideas on the need for discipline, cooperative work, and OperationPLEDGESPeace and Order, Land Reform, Economic Development,

Development of Moral Values, Governmental Reorganization, EducationalReforms, and Soda! Services.

And what about the persons who were strongly believed to be theleaders* and followers of rebellious movements and subversive activities, andrightist groups planning a coup d!etat or attempting to assassinate

government officials? They were instantly arrested and detained forinvestigation. However, attempts to incorporate those detainees who could

be incorporated into the New Society were made through the grant ofpardons, either absolute or conditional, or selective amnesties to deservingpersons. Thus, since the proclamation of martial law, periodic releases ofarrested individuals have been effected. Hundreds of detainees have beenincorporated into the New Society through this approach. However, thosewho are unrepentant or intransigent and are regarded as serious securityrisks have not been release d.

Considering that practically every significant socio-economic group or

political sector in the Philippines has already been incorporated into theNew Society, one can now conclude that the martial law administration has

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already consolidated itself as a system of government. Buc it has not onlyconsolidated itself; it has also been significantly legitimized/ althoughstudents of politics may perhaps contend that its legitimation has been asyet incomplete. The martial law administration has been legitimized by

several acts: (1) approval by the Constitutional Convention of the proposedNew Constitution, with provisions stating that the proclamation of martiallaw, as well as other proclamations, the general orders, the letters ofinstructions, presidential decrees, and acts promulgated, issued, or done by

President Marcos shall be part of the law of the land and shall remainvalid and binding after the lifting of martial law or the ratification of the

New Constitution, unless modified, revoked, or superseded by subsequentproclamations and other presidential acts, on November 29, 197255; (2)ratification of the New Constitution by the Citizen's Assemblies in January1973; (3) proclamation by the President of the Philippines on January 17,

1973 that the people through the Citizen's Assemblies had ratified the NewConstitution;56 (4) resolution of the Supreme Court on March 31, 1973declaring that "there is no further judicial obstacle to the New Constitution

being considered in force and effect"57; and (5) the decision of about 90percent of the Filipino electorate in the July 27-28, 1973 referendum thatthey wanted President Marcos to continue as head of the government

beyond 1573., and finish ,fhe reforms .he had initiated under Martial Law.?8

Tfie martial law administration has not only been successful inconsolidating and legitimizing itself. It has also been effective and efficient

in implementing the rationalization of the structure of authority of the

Philippine political system.In the days before martial law, especially the two years immediately

preceding the proclamationof martial law by President Marcos, it cannotbe denied that there obtained in the Philippines a structure of authorityrent by contradictory principles and elements, bringing about costly andwasteful delays or even paralysis in government decision-making. Therewas no principal center in the political system. What existed werenumerous power structures clashing with one another as the*' struggle forstatus, power, and spoils in the polity. The governmental system, whichwas framed in terms of separation of powers, encouraged or made

inevitable conflicts between or among the coordinate branches. To aggravatethe sorry situation, the legislative branch of the government wasfragmented by numerous power blocs, cliques, and factions. To render thewhole thing almost an impossible state of affairs, there were multifariousinterest groups, hustling lobbyists, and scandal-mongering mass media

badgering, pestering, importuning, and sometimes intimidating thepolicy-makers. Even the President, who was believed to be very powerful,was hamstrung by several significant countervailing elites who had thecapability to emasculate, mutilate, and even annihilate policy proposals ofthe Chief Executive. Hence, the policy-making process was haphazard,

discontinuous, bahala na,and frustrating.After the proclamation of martial law,59this frustrating state of affairs

was supplanted by a reorganized governmental structure in accordance with

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tfcs principles of means-ends rationality, integrating all agencies and unitsunder the Martial Law Administrator, the President, who is alsoCommander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Philippines. The legislativeobstructionists/ the partisan lobbyists, the ubiquituos fixers, and thenumerous and garrulous political cooks who tended to spoil the political

broth, were eliminated. As a result, policies could be passed and. implemented expeditiously, whether land reform or the national budgetRed tape in the bureaucracy had been cut quickly. Several incompetentunnecessary, or notoriously undesirable personnel in the government had

been removed. As a result the objectives of the New Society were in theprocess of becoming attained.

IV

We have just applied the organic-hierarchical paradigm to past and

present Philippine politics.There remains the future, which is the most significant period,

especially to creative political participants. Of the two aspects of timepastand futurethe latter is the more significant because, as Bertrand deJouvenel says, with regard to the past, "man can exert his will only in

vain; his liberty is void, his power nonexistent"; but "the future is a fieldof liberty and power."60 We cannot change or undo what happened in the

past but we are free to formulate, revise, or redirect our future goals, andwe have some power to realize them. And compared with the present, thefuture is still more significant, for the present is merely an infinitesimal

period while the future is vast. Since it is also an area of liberty andpower, it provides political actors much room for tactical or strategic movesm order to carry out or change goals.

In relation to our subject, the relevant questions are (1) In theimmediate and distant future, what ends should we pursue or seek toattain? (2) In order to attain those ends, wliat paradigm must we use? (3)Are lliere dangers that could arise from the use of the paradigm? (4) Ifthere are dangers,, how can we cope with or avoid them?.

In order that the ends for the nation which we shall posit will berealistic and relevant, we must relate them to actual Filipino concerns and

to man as man. According to Cantril, in a 1959 survey of the Philippines,the aspirations Filipinos had for themselves were61:

Percent

Children 37

Decent standard of living 19

Family life 17

Own house 17

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Own business 13

Wealth 10

Success 9

Modem conveniences 8

Improved standard of living 7

Recreation and leisure 6

Congenial work 5

Health for self 5

On the other hand, the aspirations Filipinos had for their nation at thetime were62:

Percent

Good government 34

Technological advances _ ... - 24

Improved standard of living 17

Employment11

Peace -10

Economic Stability 8

National Independence 6

Averch, Denton, and Koehler, in their 1969 study of Philippine society,economy and politics, found that Filipinos perceived that the number onenational problem involved g-ateral economic issues, such as raising taxes,

increased exports, and high cost of living; number two national problemwas widespread graft and corruption; number three was high crime rate;number four, dissidence or HMB problem; number five, rapid populationgrowth; and number six, treatment of minority groups.63

Secretary Francisco S. Tatad, speaking during the symposium onPhilippine development at the Hyatt Regency Hotel on June 28, 1973, saidthat the aspirations of Filipinos for their country, as disclosed by a survey

in Greater Manila, were, in the order of importance: 'That it (the country)industrialize; that it be economically stable; that there be lasting democracy;

that there be clean and honest government that there be full employment

for the population; that there be equality between the rich and the poor inthe eyes of the law; that there be an effective control on the prices ofcommodities; that there be free education for those who want and deserve

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to be educated."64 As regards their fears, they were "involvement in war orrevolution, invasion by a foreign country, economic crisis, riots, violentdemonstrations, natural calamities, abuse of government power, and thecurtailment of free speech."46

With regard to man as man, I believe that we cannot improve uponAristotle's conclusion made about 2,500 years ago: "Man is by nature a

political animal"66

Based on these considerations, we can summarize all these as beingsubsumed under, first modernization of the country at the social economic,cultural and political levels; and second, political development

Under the present circumstances where the private sector either lacks

adequate resources, or is unwilling to invest in social economic, cultural,and political modernization and political development, or tends to bemotivated more by particularistic rather than national interests, it can be

easily seen that social, economic, and cultural modernization cannot beadvanced significantly unless political modernization first occurs. We must,therefore, modify our proposition from the earlier formulation to thefollowing: the ends which the Philippines must pursue are politicalmodernization and political development

At this point, it is necessary not only to define political modernizationand political development but also to distinguish one from the other.Political modernization is a* process of change from a minimum to a

maximum level of rationalization of authority, national integration, andpopular participation.67 Political development, however, is a process of

change from lack to full flowering and fruition of the rule of law, civility,and social justice.68 The former is a new field of interest of politicalsociology, and the latter is the perennial concern of political philosophy.Both, however, are major and legitimate interests of political science.

What paradigm must we use in order to bring about politicalmodernization and political development?

I believe that the original paradigm which was discussed earlier cantake care of these two political goals. The paradigm has a powerful logicfor political modernization, and it has a wise precept for politicaldevelopment. . - .

The logic of the original paradigm, which can take care of politicalmodernization, is die logic of the dominant head. According to this logic,all parts or elements of the system not linked or related to the headshould be linked or related to it.

Thus, in the political system where the structure of authority iscomposed of contradictory social forces and norms, rationality can berealized by bringing to bear upon it the logic of the organic-hierarchical

paradigm. This was in fact effected through the proclamation of martiallaw, which subordinated all units and agencies of the government underthe martial law administrator and suspended or aboHshed the activities or

operations of political organs which ran counter to the work or objectivesof the administration. However, the organic-hierarchical paradigm need notnecessarily appear in the form of martial law administration. It could

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appear in other forms of centralized government. As a matter or fact,martial law is not the normal manifestation of the paradigm for martiallaw administration is an emergency government In political systems, such

as the Philippines, where liberty, human dignity, and democracy are higlyvalued, it is justifiable only under such abnormal situations as an invasion,a rebellion, an insurrection, or imminent danger thereof.

National integration, likewise can be realized by the application of theoriginal paradigm, for its logic requires all unattached elements to beintegrated with the main body. If the paradigm, therefore, is used as ameans for national integration of the Philippines, it follows that all culturalcommunities or aggregates, such as the Tasadays, Muslims, labor, peasantry,students, and the youth between 15 and 20 years old, if not yet integrated,must be integrated with the body politic

If the policy of national integration is followed, it will also mean that

more and more social and political groups will become participants inPhilippine politics. The paradigm, therefore, ultimately becomes aninstrument for increased popular participation. National integration and

popular participation, however, should not be construed as having onlyquantitative dimensions. They also have qualitative aspects which shall bediscussed later in liberal democracy.

The original paradigm can also, lend itself as an effective instrument forthe political development of the nation because it has a wise precept whichcan guide or teach the political elite and the principalia to live by thevalues of the rule of law, civility and social justice. This is the preceptwhich teaches:Ang saSdt ng kclingjdngan ay damdam ng btumg katawan.

This precept prescribes defense or promotion of the interest of theweak, the poor, and the minority, whether as persons or regions. Suchpersons or regions are usually oppressed, dominated, discriminated against,or otherwise unjustly treated because of their weakness or poor resources.Since the precept gives special care to the poor, the weak, and theminority, it necessarily prescribes the norms of the rv'e of law, civility andsocial justice. The precept tells the political elite and the principalia: "If youdon't want to suffer, take care of the sufferings of the weak."

Hence, since the weak are easily oppressed, in order that they will notbe subjected to oppression, there ought to be the rule of law, under which

the weak and the strong are equal; there ought to be civility, so that eventhe poor are not humiliated; and there ought to be social justice, so thateveryone, whatever his status, position, or role, will receive his due inaccordance with his nature and attributes.

Which of the two endspolitical modernization and politicaldevelopmentshould be regarded as the higher value?

Ay the present stage of Philippine development considering the strategicposition and ample resources of the government, the lack of sufficientresources of or the unwillingness to invest resources by private sectors inmodernization projects, the relative weakness of social and politicalinfrastructures, the urgent need to catch up with the modernization and

development achieved by other countries in a short time, it cannot be

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denied that political modernization is a necessity. As early as June 1965, Isaid during the golden jubilee celebration of the Department of PoliticalScience of the University of the Philippines: "Our problem now is nolonger how to gain independence, but how to modernize as a nation

economically, socially, and politically/'69

But political modernization must be subordinated to political, development. Political modernization is required, but it is only an

intermediate end, and, therefore, only a means to a higher end. The higherend is still political development, which involves rule of law, civility andsocial justice.

Why do I commit myself to political development? Why is it that Iregard it as a higher end?

Following Aristotle and Cicero, I would say that man's unique attributeis his capacity to build a civilization.70 Civilization, however, is the

flowering and fruition of the civitas, of the polis. There can be nocivilization if there is no city, no sambayanan. Outside the polis or thecivitas, man is a savage or beast. As either a savage or a beast, he willfollow the way of the brute, the law of the jungle. Thus, if the law of the

jungle is followed, there will only be the survival of the strongest, andnature will be red with gore. Thrasymachus' terrible doctrine will be king:"Justice is nothing else than the interest of the stronger."71 Hobbes' grimgeneralization will be vindicated: "Ir. such condition^ there is ... no society. . . and which is worst of all, continual feare, and danger of violent death;and the life of man, solitary, poore, nasty brutish, and short."72

But what are the marks of a civitas, a polis,. a civil order? The threemost-important ones found in the ideas of great political thinkers, such as,Confucius, Mencius, Plato, Aristotle, Cicero, St. Augustine, Marsiglio ofPadua, Ibn Khaldun, St Thomas Aquinas, Locke, Rousseau, Montesquieu,Jefferson, Madison, Mill, Rizai, Mabini, Sun Yat Sen, Gandhi, and Laurel,are the rule of law, civility and social justice. These three cardinal virtuesthemselves are not the ultimate values. The ultimate value is manhimselfhis life, liberty, dignity, and happiness.

If the summum bonum is man himself, who can enjoy his life, liberty,dignity, and happiness in a civitas or sambayanan, with the foundations of

rule of law, civility and social justice, it follows that political developmentmust have a higher value than political modernization.There is another reason why I regard political development as the

higher end of man. This time political development must be contrasted toeconomic or material development. While economic development, like

political modernization, is urgently needed in the Philippines today, it doesnot follow that it should be given a higher value than. politicaldevelopment. As the Hebraic-Christian doctrine, enunciated about 2,000years ago, says: "Man shall not live by bread alone."73

Like the Graeco-Roman idea of Aristotle and Cicero, the .Hebraic-

Christian doctrine posits the uniqueness of man. And for the same reason,it concludes by justifying human freedom and dignity. According to thisidea, all animal beings, including man, have material needs. This fact

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underlies man's fmitude. But man is not only made for material things.With a spark of the divine, he aspires for higher values of thespiritfreedom, justice, and human dignity. Therefore, because man is

unique, he cannot be treated like lower animals. Lower creatures, such aspigs, may be contented if their material needs are provided for. To man, acontented pig, fed with the best food and housed in a well-lighted,air-conditioned, faultlessly sanitary pen, is still a pig. Without liberty,

justice, and human dignity, what is economic development for? Or, asAldous Huxley has argued with cogency in his Brave New World, "What islife for, if man's humanity and dignity are denied?"74

Let us summarize the argument of this section so that it can be relatedeasily and clearly to our final point

To take care of Filipino concerns and man as man, two goals must bepursuedpolitical modernization and political development. Political

modernization can be effectively taken care of by the original paradigmbecause it has a powerful logicthe logic of the dominant headto bringit about. Political development can also be taken care of, if the headfollows the logic of the precept; Ang sakit ng kalingkingan ay damdam ngbuong katawan. Of the two political valuespolitical development is thehigher value, because man is the ultimate end.

As matters stand, it can be seen that jpofitUgl development ne. d -not begiven higher priority by the government or the head even if it has been

posited to be of higher value. In the first place, the head may not believein the rule of law, civility and social justice, and it may not follow the

precept of giving special care for the poor, the weak and the minority

because the head is superior, powerful, and autonomous. In the secondplace, there are no political or social institutions provided which will see toit "that the head does not abuse his powers, discretion, and authority.

The original paradigm, therefore, is fraught with possible dangers. As Isee it, there are at least three dangers which could arise from itsapplication, setting back what has been gained thus far in Philippine

political developmentFirst the original paradigm may lend itself to endangering the rights

and liberties of the people, especially their constitutional and democraticrights and liberties. During the last 100 years, the Philippines had gained alot of ground in this area. For this reason, students of politics haveconcluded that among the numerous new nations of the Third* World, thePhilippines is one of the very few which have succeeded in establishingand maintaining a constitutional democracy.75The original paradigm positsorganic unity and coordination. In the attempts of the head to coordinateand integrate all persons and groups into, as well as rationalize thestructure of authority in the body politic, the head could impose absoluteconformity or uniformity. Although rights are not absolute, there are validlimitations to them as they are exercised in a social context Still, there areareas of human dignity, liberty and happiness which the government orhead should not encroach upon or violate. Otherwise, man, the ultimate

end, is regarded as worthless, a mere thing or means. Considering that the

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government or head of the polity has tremendous resources upon which tobase its powerauthority/, money, armed forces, the mass media, thegovernmental bureaucracy, and the like, the danger definitely is dear evenif it is not inevitable.

Second, the original paradigm could inhibit the emergence or thediscovery of the truth about various aspects of the society, the economy,culture, and politics. The original paradigm posits hierarchy, and in thehierarchy, there is an all important and superior head. The head himself, orthe people around him, may believe that the head is omniscient. If thehead believes that it is all-knowing and can never make a mistake, anyview which is contrary to its own will would be regarded as invalid, false,or wrong. If the people recognize the superiority of the head, they mightfeel that there is no need to reason out, bring out facts to, or articulateviews with, the head, either on grounds of inherent inferiority to, or simple

fear, of the head. The original paradigm, therefore, could bring about astate of affairs where illusion or delusion is regnant. In the realm ofpolicy-making, this could result in the adoption of policies which violatepeople's ideas of what is right or good, or policies which are contrary tothe reality of society, the economy, culture, and politics.

And third, the two dangers, once they are abroad, could strike fear inthe hearts of people. This fear would then undermine die legitimacy of the."regime, for the regime will be precarious if based on fear instead of activeconsent of the people. As the legitimacy of the regime becomes precarious,the leadership of the regime itself will be gripped by fear, prompting it touse coercive measures. As the vicious circle of fear becomes more

entrenched, the basic foundations of polityrule of law, civility, and socialjustice, whatever substance of them existswill be weakened until theyultimately collapse. With their collapse, the entire civil c-der would follow,

plunging the whole system either into anarchy or dictatorship.There is a crucial question, therefore, which must be answered with

regard to the original organic-hierarchical paradigm. The problem is: Howcan the paradigm be used for political modernization and politicaldevelopment but still cope with or avoid its dangers, thereby vindicatingman as the summum bonum of political life?

The answer to this crucial question is also an answer to another bigproblem: What kind of government is the best and most appropriate forthe Philippines?

These two problems appear too formidable to tackle. Actually, they canbe answered easily if we do not ignore our culture and history, as well asour basic national concerns. The answer, if based on these considerations,will have to be: We must adopt Filipino liberal democracyin order to achievemodernization and political development In other words, Filipino liberalDemocracy is the best and most appropriate kind of government for diePhilippines.

I say it is Filipino in the sense that we should have a government thatfollows the main patterns of the original organic-hierarchical paradigm; that

is, it must have aPangulo, adopting a politics of incorporation and guided

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The OrganiC'Hiererchical Paradigm . . . / 187

by the wise precept of Ang sakit ng kalingkingan ay damdam ng buongkatawan. These elements of the original paradigm must be included in thegovernment of die Philippines not only because they provide a powerful

logic supporting an effective and efficient government to tackle the bigtasks of modernization and an enlightened precept enjoining the politicalelite to give special care and protection to the people, thereby promoting

political development, but also because they cannot be cut off since theyare the very roots of Filipino political culture.

It is for this reason that in spite of the American idea of presidentialgovernment, with its principle of separation of powers and checks and

balances/ which was introduced in the country as early as 1900, thePhilippines has always had some kind of dominant executive.

And I say it is liberal democracy in the sense that it must embody theliberal-democratic ideas of Jose Rizal, Graciano Lopez Jaena, Marcelo H. del

Pilar, Emilio Jacinto, Apolinario Mabini, The Malolos Constitution,Mckinley's Instructions of 1900, the Philippine Bill of 1902, the Jones Act of1916, die 1935 Constitution, the New Constitution of 1973, Sergio Osmeha,Manuel Quezon, Jose P. Laurel, Claro M. Recto, Ramon Magsaysay,Diosdado Macapagal, and Ferdinand Marcos, as well as interpretations andelaborations of all organic laws by the Supreme Court Among the basicelements of the liberal-democratic belief system as embodied in tiu: ideas o.'these men, organic laws, and interpretations of such laws are popularsovereignty, the bill of rights, private property, competitive party system,

pluralist politics, independence of die judiciary, separation of church andstate, and the supremacy of the civilian authority over the military.Practically all these are Western in origin or inspiration, but they areintegral parts of Philippine history developed by Filipinos as theyresponded to the various problems and crises of Philippine society,economy, culture, and politics during the last 100 years. They cannot bediscarded, therefore, without doing violence to Filipino political tradition.The more important reason, however, why they cannot be discardedinother words, why they should be incorporated in the government of thePhilippinesis that they can. regulate or civilize the primitive and elementalforce inherent in the original paradigm. More specifically, the politicalinstitutions of liberal democracypublic opinion, political parties, interest

groups, elections, independent judiciary, and a vigorous legislature-canregulate the Pangulo through their healthy functioning; and the politicalprinciples of the separation of church and state, supremacy of the civilianauthority over the military, and the bill of rights can civilize the politicalelite who may not follow the precept of Ang sakit ng kalingkingan aydamdam ng buong katawan. The last especially can also provide thequalitative elements lacking in national integration and popularparticipation, two of the aspects of political modernization, which werediscussed eailier only in their quantitative dimensions.

Fortunately, for the Philippines, the incorporation of liberal democracyinto the original paradigm does not have to begin only now. Liberal

democracy was advocated by Rizal, del Pilar, and Jaena as early as die

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1880s; and the Philippine Revolution of 1896-1901the first nationalrevolution against colonialism and imperialism in Asia and Africawasfought under the banner of liberal democracy.

Since then/ Filipinos have carried on their sodab economic/ cultural/ andpolitical life under the aegis of an evolving and dynamic liberal democracy,

adapting themselves through reforms as required by needs, problems, andcrises of the changing times. However, there are still some national officialsand several journalists who conclude that liberal democracy has failed inthe Philippines. I take issue with them on this conclusion because, on

balance, liberal democracyproperly understood as Filipino liberaldemocracyhas been workable/ although since the 1960s it has beenworking under severe strains, owing primarily to (1) uninstitutionalized or

partly institutionalized new social forces which have emerged from therapid modernization of the Philippines since World War II, and (2) amisunderstanding that liberal democracy must necessarily manifest itself as

American liberal democracy.77 In any case, it is not that liberal democracyhas failed in the Philippines but that some of the most significant politicalelites and social forces failed to live by the ideas and the ideals of liberaldemocracy; or it is not that the essential elements of liberal democracyfailed but only some particular aspects of it which are peculiar to thenative of _the U.S.e.g., the separation of powers and checks and .balances.

Hence, the worst that can be said about Philippine liberal democracy isthat it has not worked like American liberal democracy or that it has notsufficiently socialized some elements of the system into the ways of liberaldemocracy. In either case, the situation is neither irreparable nor hopeless,

for the tradition of liberal democracy in the Philippines is one of thelongestprobably it is the longestin Asia and Africa. Filipinos can always

fall back on this long tradition in repairing and maintaining the country'sliberal democracy. But it cannot be repaired and maintained if Filipinos donot use as the foundation of the political system the imperatives of theorganic-hierarchical parad^m.

There is another kind of argument being presented te show that liberaldemocracy has failed in the Philippines. According to this view, liberaldemocracy failed because the country succumbed to martial law on

September 21, 1972; and since then it has become die law of die land. This

thesis is likewise untenable because martial law was used and is beingused not as a weapon of dictatorship per se but as an instrument of aliberal-democratic regime to defend itself against its enemies as providedfor in the Constitution. In other words, it is a constitutional weapon tocope with national emergencies such as invasion, a rebellion, aninsurrection, or imminent danger thereof. However, it is pointed out thatmartial law has been incorporated in the new Constitution in Article XVII,

and this provides that it can be lifted or amended only through the initialaction, which is discretionary, of the President. Hence, it is concluded,martial law could become permanent in the Philippines. This thesis,

however, has to be rejected because it is well to remember that theincorporation of martial law as part of the law of die land in the new

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Constitution is put in an article under the heading 'Transitory Provisions."In any case. President Marcos has made several assurances that martial lawis only an emergency measure; and when the emergency is over, it willhave to be lifted.

To summarize the evaluation of the original organic-hierarchicalparadigm as a means for the political modernization and development ofthe Philippines, there is no doubt that

1. It provides a powerful logic for the political modernization of the

country;

2. It has a wise precept to guide the political elite and theprindpalia to focus their attention on political development; and

3. Coupled or merged with liberal democracy, it can be transformed

into a new model of government resting on the rule of law, civility,and social justice.

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