2015 ckespf jrefrmedkifih taxgaxga&aumufyjgwgif …...ခန္႔သာ...

2015 ckESpf jrefrmEdkifiH taxGaxGa&G;aumufyJGwGif

trsKd;orD;yg0ifr+ESifh ywfoufI apmifh-unfhavhvmjcif;

Report on Observing Women’s Participation

in Myanmar’s November 2015 General Election

မာတကာ/ Contents1? tpD&ifcHpm rdwfquf 5

2? t"du avhvmawG‹&Sdcsufrsm; tESpfcsKyf 6

3? apmifh-unfhavhvmr+ awG‹&Sdcsufrsm; 8

1) Oya'rlabmif avhvmqef;ppfcsuf 8

2) EdkifiHa&;ygwDrsm;. qHk;jzwfcsufcsEdkifaom ae&mwGif trsKd;orD;yg0ifr+ 10

3) a&G;aumufyJGaumfr&Sif tqifhqifhwGif trsKd;orD;yg0ifr+ tajctae 11

4) a&G;aumufyJG0if udk,fpm;vS,favmif;rsm;ESifh a&G;aumufcH&olrsm;wGif

trsKd;orD;yg0ifr+ 12

5) a&G;aumufyGJ t}udKumvawG‹&Sdfcsufrsm; 13

trsKd;orD;rsm; EdkifiHa&;wGif yg0ifEdkifa&;twGuf ,Ofaus;r+ESifh pDyGm;a&; •

t[ef‹twm;rsm; 14

EdkifiHa&;wGif trsKd;orD;rsm;yg0ifr+ tay:oabmxm; tjrif• 15

rJqG,fpnf;±kH;r+rsm;wGif trsKd;orD; v$wfawmfudk,fpm;vS,favmif;rsm; •

tay: ±+jrifyHk 16

6) a&G;aumufyJGaeŒ apmifh-unfhavhvmr+. awGŒ&Sdcsufrsm; 17

4? apmifh-unfhavhvmr+rS t-uHjyKcsufrsm; 19

jynfaxmifpk a&G;aumufyJGaumfr&SifodkŒ t-uHjyKcsuf• 19

EdkifiHa&;ygwDrsm;odkŒ t-uHjyKcsuf• 20

tjcm;t-uHjyKcsufrsm;• 20

5? a&G;aumufyGJ apmifh-unfhavhvm&mwGif toHk;jyKcJhaom enf;pepf

21

I. Introduction 23

II. Executive Summary of Key Findings 24

III. OBSERVATION FINDINGS 251. Legal Framework Analysis 252. Women’s participation in Decision-Making Positions of

Political Parties 273. Women’s Participation in Different Levels of Election

Commissions 274. Women’s Representation as Candidates and Elected MPs

285. Observation Findings for Pre-Election Period 29

Cultural and Economic Barriers to Women Entering Politics• 30Perceptions of Women in Politics• 30Treatment of Women Candidates• 31

6. Observation Findings from Election Day 32

IV. OBSERVATION RECOMMENDATIONS 34Recommendation to the Union Election Commission • 34Recommendation to Political Parties • 34Other Recommendations • 35

V. OBSERVATION METHODOLOGIES 35

Legal Framework by Daw Khin Ma Ma Myo 37

ေနာကဆကတြ/ Appendix 47၂ဝ၁၅ ေရြးေကာကပြေလလာေစာငၾကညေရး- ဖနတးအမ • ေဒသဆငရာတာဝနခမား စာရငး/ 2015 Election Observation - PTE’s Regional Supervisors List 47ဖနတးအမမ ေစာငၾကညေလလာခေသာ တငးေဒသႀကး/ ျပညနယ ၁၆ ခ • ေအာကရ ၿမ႕နယမား စာရငး/ List of PTE observed townships in 16 Region and States 48ေရြးေကာကပြ ေစာငၾကညေရး သတငးစာရငးလငးပြ သတငးေဖာျပခက • မား/ News clips of PTE's Election observation press conference 50ေကးဇးတငလႊာ 54• ACKNOWLEDGEMENT 55•

ဖနတးအမ ႐းခပအမတ (ဗြ- ၁၆)၊ ငဝါ (၆)လမး၊ (၅)ရပကြက၊ ျမကနသာအမယာ၊ လႈငၿမ႕နယ၊ ရနကနတငးေဒသႀကး။[email protected], 09-5069-131

Layout Design: Maung Maung Myo Sane @ Feb 2016

၂ဝ၁၅ ခႏစ ျမနမာႏငင အေထြေထြ ေရြးေကာကပြတြင အမးသမးပါဝငမႈ ႏင ပတသက၍ ေစာငၾကညေလလာျခငး အစရငခစာ | 5

အစရငခစာတငျပသ - ဖနတးအမ အရပဘကလမႈအဖြ႕အစညး

1? tpD&ifcHpm rdwfquf

ဖနတးအမအဖြ႕သည အမးသမးမား စြမးေဆာငရည တးျမငလာေစရနႏင ႏငငေရးတြင အမးသမးမားပါဝငမႈ ပမျမငမားလာေစရနအတြက ႀကးပမးေဆာငရြကေနေသာ အဖြ႕ အစညးတစခ ျဖစပါသည။ ႏငငတစခတညေဆာကရာတြင အမးသမးႏင အမးသားတ႔ ၏ သဘာဝအရ မတညေသာ အားသာခကမားက ေပါငးစပတညေဆာကႏငမသာ လငျမနစြာ တးတကႏငမညဟ ယၾကညပါသည။ ျမနမာႏငငတြင ဥပေဒျပေရး က႑ အတြက အေရးပါေသာ လႊတေတာမားတြငလညးေကာငး၊ စမခန႔ခြဆးျဖတခကခႏင ေသာ ရာထးအဆငမားတြငလညးေကာငး၊ အပခပေရးက႑မားတြငလညးေကာငး အမးသမးမား တးတကပါဝငလာပါက ႐ႈေထာငေပါငးစမ စဥးစားထားေသာ ဆးျဖတ ခကမား ခႏငကာ ပမေကာငးမြနေသာ အစးရတစရပ ေပၚေပါကလာမညျဖစၿပး ႏငင လဥးေရ ထကဝကေကာ ရေသာ အမးသမးမားအတြက သာမက အမးသားမား အတြက ပါ အကးရလမမညဟလညး အခငအမာ ယၾကညထားပါသည။

အပခပေရးတြင အမးသားမားသာ လႊမးမးထားေသာ စစအပခပေရးေအာကမ ျပညသ လထပါဝငမႈ ပမအားေကာငးေသာ၊ လအမားက ကယစားျပႏငေသာ ဒမကေရစအစးရ တစရပ အမနတကယ ပျပငစြာေပၚေပါကလာမႈ ရမရက ထအစးရ တစရပတြင အမး သမးမား ပါဝငလာႏငမႈ အေျခအေနႏငလညး တငးတာ ဆးျဖတႏငပါသည။ ထ႔ေၾကာင ျမနမာႏငင ဒမကေရစစနစ၏ အေျခချဖစေသာ ၂ဝ၁၅ ခႏစ၊ ႏဝငဘာလ (၈) ရကေန႔ ေရြးေကာကပြမားတြင အမးသမးပါဝငႏငမႈအား ေစာငၾကညေလလာရန ဖနတးအမအဖြ႕ မ ႀကးစားေဆာငရြကခပါသည။

ျမနမာႏငင၏ လႊတေတာေရြးေကာကပြတြင ျပညသ႔လႊတေတာ ကယစားလယ ၃၃ဝ ေနရာ၊ အမးသားလႊတေတာ ကယစားလယ ၁၆၈ ေနရာ၊ တငးေဒသႀကးႏင ျပညနယ လႊတေတာမားအတြက ကယစားလယေနရာ ၆၆၄ ေနရာ သတမတထားပါသည။ (လႊတေတာအသးသးတြင ထေရြးခယခ ဥးေရ၏ သးပတစပ၊ လႊတေတာေနရာ၏ ၂၅ ရာခငႏႈနးက ေရြးခယခ မဟတေသာ တပမေတာသား လႊတေတာကယစားလယမား အတြက သတမတထားပါသည။) ထ႔ျပင သကဆငရာ ျပညနယ၊ တငးေဒသႀကးရ လ မားစ တငးရငးသားမဟတေသာ၊ ႏငငလဥးေရ၏ ဝ.၁ ရာခငႏႈနး ရေသာ လနညးစ တငးရငးသားလမး လႊတေတာကယစားလယ ၂၉ ေနရာအတြက ေရြးခယခြင ရပါသည။

၂ဝ၁၅ ခႏစ၊ ႏဝငဘာလ (၈) ရကေန႔တြင ကငးပခေသာ ေရြးေကာကပြတြင ရမးျပည နယ ေျမာကပငးရ ၿမ႕နယ ခနစၿမ႕နယတြင ျပညေထာငစေရြးေကာကပြ ေကာမရင အေနျဖင ေရြးေကာကပြ ကငးပႏငမည အေျခအေန မရသညအတြက ျပညသ႔လႊတေတာ အတြက ၃၂၃ ေနရာ ႏင ျပညနယႏင တငးေဒသႀကး လႊတေတာမား အတြက ၆၅၉ နယ၊

2015 ckESpf jrefrmEdkifiH taxGaxGa&G;aumufyJGwGif

trsKd;orD;yg0ifr+ESifh ywfoufI apmifh-unfhavhvmjcif;

6 | ၂ဝ၁၅ ခႏစ ျမနမာႏငင အေထြေထြ ေရြးေကာကပြတြင အမးသမးပါဝငမႈ ႏင ပတသက၍ ေစာငၾကညေလလာျခငး အစရငခစာ

လႊတေတာအသးသး၏ ကယစားလယေနရာ စစေပါငး ၁၁၅ဝ ေနရာ အတြက ကငးပ ေပးခပါသည။

ဖနတးအမအဖြ႕သည ရနကန႐းခပ ႏင တငးေဒသႀကးမားႏင ျပညနယ အသးသးရ တာဝနခကယစားလယ ၁၆ ဥး၏ ႀကးၾကပမႈျဖင ျမနမာႏငငတဝမးလးတြင ေစာငၾကည ေလလာသေပါငး ၁၅၈၁ ေယာကအား တာဝနခထားကာ ေရြးေကာကပြေန႔ ျဖစစဥမား က ေစာငၾကညေလလာခပါသည။ ေစာငၾကညေလလာသမား၏ ၆၀ ရာခငႏႈနး နးပါး မာ အမးသမးမား ျဖစပါသည။ ေစာငၾကညေလလာသမားသည ေရြးေကာကပြ ျဖစစဥ မား၊ အမးသမးမား ပါဝငပတသကမႈ အေျခအေနမားႏင မ႐အေနအထား စသည တ႔က ၾကတငျပငဆင သတမတထားေသာ ေစာငၾကညေလလာေရး ပစစာရြကမားက အသးျပ၍ ေစာငၾကညခပါသည။ ဖနတးအမအဖြ႕သည ေရြးေကာကပြေန႔ ႏင ေရြးေကာက ပြၿပး ေနာကတေန႔တြင ထးျခားျဖစစဥ အစရငခစာမား လကခ ရရခပါ သည။ ထအစရငခ စာမားမ ေတြ႕ရခကမားအရ ကနဥးေတြ႕ရခက အစရငခစာ တစေစာငက ႏဝငဘာလ၊ (၁၂) ရကေန႔တြင ထတျပနေၾကညာခပါသည။

ဖနတးအမအဖြ႕သည ေရြးေကာကပြအႀကကာလအတြငး ေရြးေကာကပြဝငမည ကယစား လယေလာငးမား၊ ႏငငေရးပါတ ေခါငးေဆာငမား၊ ေရြးေကာကပြေကာမရင အဖြ႕ဝငမား စသတ႔ႏင ေတြ႕ဆေမးျမနးမႈေပါငး ၃၆ ခ ျပလပကာ ႏငငေရးႏင ေရြးေကာကပြတြင အမးသမးပါဝငမႈ အေျခအေန အခကအလကမားက စေဆာငးခပါသည။

ယခ အစရငခစာတြင ေဒသအသးသးရ ေစာငၾကညေလလာသ ၁၅၅၅ ဥး ထမ ျပနလည ေပးပ႔ေသာ ပစမား၊ ေရြးေကာကပြ မတငမ ေတြ႕ဆေမးျမနးမႈမားႏင တာဝနခ ကယစား လယမား၏ အပတစဥ အစရငခစာမားမ တငျပမႈမား၊ ျပညေထာငစေရြးေကာကပြ ေကာ မရင၏ အငတာနကစာမကႏာမရရေသာ အခကအလကမား၊ တရားဝင သတငးထတ ျပနမႈမား အေပၚ အေျခခ၍ ဖနတးအမအဖြ႕၏ ေရြးေကာကပြတြင အမးသမး ပါဝငမႈ အေျခအေန ေစာငၾကညေလလာမႈ အစရငခစာက သးသပ တငျပ ထားပါသည။

2? t"du avhvmawG‹&Sdcsufrsm; tESpfcsKyf

အခကအလကစေဆာငးမႈ နညးလမးမားအရ ဖနတးအမအဖြ႕သည ေရြးေကာကပြ ျဖစ စဥ၏ ယၾကညလကခႏငမႈ အေျခအေနက ေစာငၾကည႐သာမက ေရြးေကာကပြ ျဖစစဥ တစခလးတြင အမးသမး ပါဝငႏငခြငႏင အမးသမးမား အေပၚ အကးသကေရာကမႈ အပငးကပါ ေစာငၾကညေလလာ သးသပခပါသည။ ဖနတးအမအဖြ႕၏ ေတြ႕ရခကမား က ျခငသးသပရလင ဆႏၵမေပးခြင၊ ဝငေရာကအေရြးခပငခြင၊ မဆႏၵရငဆငရာ အသပညာ ေပးမႈ ရယခြင၊ ေရြးေကာကပြႏင ပတသကဆကႏြယခြင၊ မ႐မားက လကလမးမႏငခြင စသညတ႔တြင အမးသမးမားသည အမးသားမားႏင တနးတ အခြငအေရးမား ရသညက ေတြ႕ရၿပး ေရြးေကာကပြတြင အားလးပါဝငႏငမႈက အေထာကအက ျပခပါသည။

၂ဝ၁၅ ေရြးေကာကပြတြင ဝငေရာကယဥၿပငသ အမးသမးကယစားလယေလာငးမား မာ ၂ဝ၁ဝ ေရြးေကာကပြႏင ႏႈငးယဥပါက ၁ဝ ရာခငႏႈနး တးတကလာခပါသည။ ေရြး ေကာကခရသ အမးသမးဥးေရမာလညး ၂ဝ၁ဝ ေရြးေကာကပြတြင ၄၅ ေယာကသာ ေရြးခယခခရျပး ၂၀၁၅ ေရြးေကာကပြတြင ၁၅၁ ေယာက ထ ေရြးခယခခ ရပါသည။ သ႔ေသာ ရာခငႏႈနးအားျဖင တြကလင ၁၃ ရာခငႏႈနးမသာ ရေသးၿပး အမးသမးမား၏


စတဝငစားမႈက ကယစားျပႏငေရးတြင တငးျပညရ အမးသမးဥးေရ အခးအစားႏင ႏႈငး ယဥပါက ေကနပဖြယ မရေသးပါ။

ႏငငေရးပါတမားတြင ေခါငးေဆာငမႈအပငး၊ ဆးျဖတခကခႏငေသာ အေရးပါေသာ က႑ မားတြင အမးသမးပါဝငမႈမာလညး အားနညးေနဆ ျဖစၿပး အမးသမးမားအတြက ႏငင ေရးတြင ပါဝငႏငရန မားစြာေသာ အဟန႔အတားမားႏင ရငဆငေနရဆ ျဖစသညက ေလ လာ ေတြ႕ရရပါသည။ ေရြးေကာကပြ မဆြယစညး႐းစဥ ကာလမားသညလညး အမးသမး လႊတေတာကယစားလယေလာငးမား အတြက အမးသားမားႏင ျခားနားေသာ စနေခၚ မႈမားႏင ၾကေတြ႕ခရသညက ေတြ႕ရခရပါသည။ ဥပမာ စညး႐းေရးခရးမား သြားရာတြင ျမနမာႏငင၏ လျခေရးအေျခအေနႏင အစဥအလာမားအရ အမးသမး အေဖာတစဥး ရရန လအပခကရပါသည။ ထ႔အတြက အမးသမးမား၏ စညး႐းေရးခရးစဥ အသးစားရတ မားမာ ပမ အကနအကမားေလ ရပါသည။

၂ဝ၁၅ ခႏစ ေရြးေကာကပြက တာဝနယ ကငးပေပးခေသာ ေရြးေကာကပြ ေကာမရငမား ၏ ျပညေထာငစအဆငမ ျမ႕နယအဆငဆငတ႔တြင အမးသမးပါဝငမႈႏႈနးမာ ၃ ရာခငႏႈနး ခန႔သာ ရပါသည။ ေကာမရငဥကဌသည အမးသားျဖစရမညဟ ဥပေဒျဖင ျပဌာနး မထား ေသာလညး ဖြ႕စညးပအဆငဆငရ ေရြးေကာကပြေကာမရငဥကဌ အားလး နးပါးသည အမးသားမားကသာ ခန႔အပထားသညက ေတြ႕ရပါသည။

ေရြးေကာကပြေန႔တြင မေပးခြငရေသာ မဆႏၵရင ဥးေရတြင အမးသမး ပါဝငမႈႏႈနးက အတအက မခန႔မနးႏငေသာလညး၊ မ႐မားက တာဝနယၾကးၾကပရသည မ႐မး၊ ဒတယ မ႐မး စသတ႔တြင အမးသမး ၆ဝ ရာခငႏႈနးေကာ ပါဝငပါသည။ ထအမးသမးမား၏ ေဆာငရြကခမႈမားက ျခငသးသပရလင အေရးႀကးလေသာ တာဝနမားက သမာသမတ ကၿပး၊ ေကပြနစြာ ေဆာငရြကႏငခၾကသညက ေတြ႕ရပါသည။

မ႐မားမာ ရပကြကေကးရြာတြငးရ အဆငေျပႏငေသာ ေနရာမားတြင သတမတခကမား ႏငအည အတတႏငဆး ျပငဆငထားေသာ မ႐မား ျဖစၿပး အမးသမးမားအတြက သြား ေရာကႏငရန အထးခကခေသာ အေနအထားမး မေတြ႕ခရပါ။ သ႔ေသာ မေပးရန တနးစ ရာတြင အခ႕မ႐မားတြင တခါတရ လမား တးၾကပ တနးစရၿပး အမးသမးမား အတြက ကာအေျႏၵ ထခကႏငေသာ အေျခအေနမား ျဖစခရသညက အနညးငယ ေလလာသရခရ ပါသည။ ထးျခားခက တစရပအေနျဖင မႏေလးတငး ေညာငဥးၿမ႕နယ အတြငးရ မ႐တစ ခတြင အမးသမး၊ အမးသား မေပးရန ေနရာခြျခား သတမတ ထားျခငးမး ေတြ႕ရျပး၊ ထသ႔ သတမတခကက ေယဘယအားျဖင အမးသမး မဆႏၵ ရငမားမ ေကနပခသညက သခရပါသည။

မ႐မားတြင ကယဝနေဆာငအမးသမးမားႏင ကေလးမခငတ႔အတြက ဥးစားေပးစစဥ ေဆာငရြကေပးရမညဟ အတအလငး ညႊနၾကားျပဌာနးထားျခငးမး မရေသာလညး ဖန တးအမ ေစာငၾကညေလလာသမား၏ ေတြ႕ရခကအရ ေစာငၾကညေသာ မ႐မား၏ ၆၀ ရာခငႏႈနးေကာ တြင ကယဝနေဆာငႏင ကေလးငယပါလာသ အမးသမးမားအား တနး စရာတြင ဥးစားေပး ေဆာငရြကမႈမား ရခပါသည။

ဖြ႕စညးအပခပပ အေျခခဥပေဒ၊ ေရြးေကာကပြဆငရာ ဥပေဒႏင ဖြ႕စညးပ စညးမဥးမား က ေလလာေတြ႕ရခကမား အရ အမးသမး၊ အမးသား ခြျခားမႈမရပ တနးတ မဆႏၵ


ျပခြင၊ ေရြးေကာကတငေျမာကခပငခြင၊ ေကာမရငတြင တာဝနထမးေဆာငခြင၊ မ႐ႀကး ၾကပသည ဝနထမးမားအျဖစ ေဆာငရြကခြင စသညတ႔က ခြငျပေပးထားပါသည။ သ႔ေသာ အခ႕ေသာ အခနးက႑မား၊ အထးသျဖင ေခါငးေဆာငမႈ က႑မားတြင ကား-မ ပါဝငမႈမာ အခးအစား အားျဖငလညးေကာငး၊ အခြငအလမး အေနျဖငလညး ေကာငး တနးတညမမႈ မရေသာ အေျခအေနမားက ေတြ႕ရပါသည။ ႏငငေရးပါတမား ႏင အစးရဌာနမား၏ ေခါငးေဆာငမႈ ရာထးမားတြင ကား-မ တနးတညေရးက အာမခ ခကေပးႏငမည ဥပေဒမား၊ မဝါဒမားက မေတြ႕ရပါ။ ဥပေဒမေဘာငမားမာ တနးတ ပါဝငမႈက ခြငျပထားေသာလညး အမးသမးမား ေခါငးေဆာငမႈ ရာထးတြင ပါဝငႏငမႈ က အားေပးသည ညႊနၾကားခကမား၊ မဝါဒမားကမ ခမတထားျခငး မရေၾကာငး ဖနတး အမ အေနျဖင ေလလာေတြ႕ရရပါသည။

ကမၻာကလသမဂၢမ ထတျပနထားေသာ ေထာငစႏစ ရညမနးခကမားတြင ကား-မ တနးတညမေရး အတြက တကမာၻလး အတငးအတာျဖင ေဆာငရြကရနအခကလညး ပါဝငပါသည။ ျမနမာႏငငသည ကမၻာကလသမဂၢ အဖြ႕ဝင ႏငငတစႏငင ျဖစသည အျပင အမးသမးမားအေပၚ နညးမးစျဖင ခြျခားဆကဆမႈ ပေပာကေရး သေဘာတ စာခပ (စေဒါ) ကလညး ပါဝင လကမတေရးထးထားေသာ ႏငငတစႏငင ျဖစပါသည။ သ႔ေသာ ထသေဘာတညခကတြင ပါသညအတငး၊ အမးသမးမား တနးတညမ အခြင အလမးမား ရရလာေရးအတြက အထးျပလပေဆာငခကမား သတမတ ေဆာငရြက ေပးျခငး၊ ဥပေဒမား ျပဌာနးေပးျခငး၊ စသညတ႔က လကေတြ႕ လပေဆာငႏငျခငး အား နညးေနေသးသညက ေတြ႕ရပါသည။

3? apmifh-unfhavhvmr+ awG‹&Sdcsufrsm;

1) Oya'rlabmif avhvmqef;ppfcsuf

ျမနမာႏငငတြင ေရြးေကာကပြဥပေဒ အရ အမးသမးမားက အမးသားမားႏင ခြျခား ျခငး မျပပ တနးတ မေပးခြင၊ ဝငေရာကယဥၿပငခြငမား ရေစပါသည။ ျမနမာႏငင၏ ဖြ႕စညးအပခပပ အေျခခဥပေဒ အခနး(၁)၊ ပဒမ(၂၁-က) တြင “ႏငငသားတငးသည ဤဖြ႕စညးပအေျခခဥပေဒတြင သတမတျပဌာနးထားသည တနးတညမမႈ အခြငအေရး၊ လြတလပမႈ အခြငအေရး၊ တရားမတမႈ အခြငအေရးတ႔ ခစားခြငရသည” ဟလညး ျပ ဌာနး ထားပါသည။ ထ႔အတ “ႏငငသားတငးသည ဥပေဒႏငအည ေရြးေကာက တင ေျမႇာကခြငႏင ေရြးေကာကတငေျမာကခပငခြင ရသည” ဟလညး အခနး(၁)၊ ပဒမ (၃၈-က) တြင ျပဌာနးထားပါသည။ အခနး(၈)၊ ပဒမ(၃၄၈) တြင “ႏငငေတာသည ျပညေထာငစသမၼတ ျမနမာႏငငေတာ၏ မညသည ႏငငသားကမ လမး၊ ဇာတ၊ ကး ကြယရာဘာသာ၊ ရာထးဌာနႏရ အဆငအတနး၊ ယဥေကးမႈ၊ အမးသား၊ အမးသမး၊ ဆငးရခမးသာ တ႔က အေၾကာငးျပ၍ ခြျခားမႈ မရေစရ” ဟ ပါရပါသည။

ထ႔ျပင အမးသားလႊတေတာ၊ ျပညသ႔လႊတေတာ၊ တငးေဒသႀကးႏင ျပညနယလႊတ ေတာမား အတြက ေရြးေကာကပြဆငရာ ဥပေဒမားတြင ဆႏၵမေပးပငခြငရသမား အခနး(၄)၊ ပဒမ(၆) ႏင ေရြးေကာကတငေျမာကခပငခြင ရသမားႏင ဆကလကရပ တညပငခြငရသမား အခနး(၅)၊ ပဒမ(၈) တ႔တြင ကား-မႏင ကးကြယရာဘာသာ ကြ ျပားမႈတ႔အေပၚ မတည၍ မသတမတရန ျပဌာနး ထားပါသည။ ထအခကမားအရ ျမန မာႏငင၏ ႏငငသားတစဥး အေနျဖင ေရြးေကာကပြႏင ပတသကၿပး ရပငခြင အေျခခ


အေၾကာငးအားျဖင ညမမႈ ရသညဟ ဆႏငပါသည။ လကေတြ႕တြငမ အမးသမးမား မာ မသားစတာဝနမား ဖစးေနျခငး၊ ကေလးငယမားက ျပစေစာငေရာကရျခငး စေသာ အေျခအေနမားေၾကာင မေပးျခငးတြင အမးသားမားကသ႔ အခနေပးႏငရန ခကခပါ သည။ ထ႔ေၾကာင အမးသမးမားအေနျဖင မေပးႏငရန အမးသားမားထက ပမ အား ထတရသညက ေတြ႕ရပါသည။

ျပညေထာငစ ေရြးေကာကပြေကာမရငမ ထတေဝေသာ မ႐မးလကစြ အခနး(၁.၄) မ႐မးႏင မ႐အဖြ႕ဝငတ႔၏ လပပငခြငမား၊ အပဒ(င) ရ မ႐လျခေရး တာဝနရသ လပပငခြငတြင ကနးမာသနစြမးမႈ မရသတ႔အား ကညရန ညႊနၾကားထားပါသည။ သ႔ ေသာ ကယဝနေဆာငအမးသမးမား၊ ကေလးျဖငလာေရာကရေသာ မခငမား၊ စသ တ႔အတြက မေပးသညေန႔တြင မညသ႔ ဥးစားေပး အစအစဥမား ျပလပရမည စသည တ႔က သးျခားညြနၾကားခက၊ နညးဥပေဒ ျပဌာနးခက စသညျဖင အကာအကြယေပး ထားျခငးမးလညး မရပါ။ ဖနတးအမမ ေစာငၾကညေလလာခေသာ မ႐မား၏ ၆၁ ရာခငႏႈနးခန႔တြင မ႐တာဝနရသမားသည အမးသမးမားအတြက ဥးစားေပး စမ ေဆာငရြကသညက ေတြ႕ခရပါသည။ ထကသ႕ေသာ အေလအထမားက အမားစ လကခ ကငသးႏငရနအတြက ေရြးေကာကပြဆငရာ စညးမဥး၊ စညးကမးမားႏင လကစြ စာအပမားတြင ထညသြငးေဖာျပရန အႀကျပလပါသည။

ႏငငေရးပါတ အမားစ၏ မဝါဒမားတြင အမးသမးမားအတြက ဥးစားေပး ေဆာငရြက ရန စသည ေယဘယ ေဖာျပခကမားက ေတြ႕ရေသာလညး ပါတဖြ႕စညးပတြင အမးသမးပါဝငမႈႏင ပတသကေသာ မဝါဒမား၊ (ဥပမာ- အမးသမး ကယစားလယ ေလာငး အေရအတြက သတမတေသာ မဝါဒ) ခမတထားျခငးမးက ပါတ အနညး ငယတြငသာ ေတြ႕ရပါသည။ ထကသ႔ မဝါဒ ခမတထားေသာ ပါတမားတြငပင သတ မတထားခက အတငး လကေတြ႕တြင ျပညမေအာင မေဆာငရြကႏငေသးေၾကာငး လညး သရပါသည။ ဖနတးအမမ ေတြ႕ဆေမးျမနးမႈမားအရ ေရြးေကာကပြတြင ပါတ ကယစားျပ အမးသမးကယစားလယေလာငး ရာခငႏႈနးမညမ ပါရမညဟ သတမတ ထားေသာ ပါတ အနညးငယသာ ရခၿပး ထအထမ အမးသားဒမကေရစအငအားစ ပါတသာ သတမတခက ျပညမခေၾကာငး ေတြ႕ရရပါသည။ ႏငငေရးပါတမား၏ အမး သမးပါဝငႏငမႈႏင အမးသမးမားအတြက ဥးစားေပးအစအစဥမား ေဖာေဆာငရာတြင ပါတမား၏ မမတ႔ သေဘာဆႏၵ အတငးသာ ေဖာေဆာငမႈမးျဖစၾကၿပး ႏငငေရးပါတ မား အေနျဖင အမးသမးပါဝငမႈက ျမႇငတငရမညဟေသာ ဥပေဒမား ျပဌာနး ထားျခငး မရသညက ေတြ႕ရပါသည။

ဖနတးအမမ ေတြ႕ဆေမးျမနးခသ အားလးနးပါးသည ႏငငေရးေခါငးေဆာငမႈ အပငး တြင အမးသမးမား ပါဝငရနအတြက အခးကေနရာေပးသတမတမႈ စနစသေဘာ တရား (သ႔မဟတ) အမးသမးမားက ဥးစားေပးသည ယာယအထးျပ အစအစဥမား က ဥပေဒအရ ျပဌာနးျခငးကေသာလညးေကာငး၊ ပါတတြငး မဝါဒမားအျဖစ ျပဌာနး ျခငးကေသာလညးေကာငး လကမခလသမား ျဖစၾကသညက ေတြ႕ရပါသည။ ေျဖဆ သအားလးက အမးသမးမား ႏငငေရးတြင ပါဝငေရးက ေထာကခၾကၿပး ထသ႔ ပါဝင ႏငရန အမးသမးမားသည အမးသားမားထက ပမ ႀကးစား အားထတၾကရသညဟ အသအမတျပ လကခၾကေသာလညး ထအဟန႔အတား ခြျခားမႈမားက ေကာလႊား ႏငရနအတြက အမးသမးမားက ဥးစားေပးသည ယာယအထး အစအစဥမား သတ မတထားရရမညဆသည အခကကမ လကချခငး မရၾကေပ။


အမားစ၏အျမငမာ ကယစားလယေလာငးမားက အမးသား၊ အမးသမး မတေအာင ေရြးခယျခငးထက အရညအခငးအေပၚ မတည၍သာ ေရြးခယသငသညဟေသာ အျမင ျဖစသည။ အမးသမးမားသည အရညအခငးရလင ေခါငးေဆာငမႈ ေနရာကရၾကလမ မညဟေသာ သေဘာထားမားသည ေတြ႕ဆေမးျမနးမႈက ေျဖၾကားေပးေသာ အမးသမး မား ကယတင၌ပင ရၾကသညက ေတြ႕ရပါသည။ ဤသညမာ အမးသမးမား ရငဆငရ သည အခကအခမားက အသအမတျပေသာလညး အဆပါ အခကအခမားက ေကာ လႊားရန အကအညေပးရန မလအပဆသည ေရ႕ေနာက မညေသာ အျမငမား ရေနျခငး က ေဖာျပေနသည ျပယဒတစခ ျဖစသည။ ထအခက သညပင ႏငငေရးပါတမား အၾကား တြင မညသ႔ေသာ အခးကေနရာေပး သတမတမႈစနစမား လအပေနေၾကာငးႏင ထစနစ က မညကသ႕ အကးရစြာ အသးခရမညႏင စပလဥးသည နားလညမႈ ဗဟသတမား လ အပေနေသးေၾကာငးက ျပသေနပါသည။

2) EdkifiHa&;ygwDrsm;. qHk;jzwfcsufcsEdkifaom ae&mwGif trsKd;orD;yg0ifr+

၂ဝ၁၅ ေရြးေကာကပြတြင ဝငေရာကယဥၿပငရန ျပညေထာငစေရြးေကာကပြ ေကာမရင တြင မတပတငခေသာ ႏငငေရးပါတေပါငး ၉၁ ပါတ ရပါသည။ ထပါတမား အနက ဥကဌ၊ ပါတေခါငးေဆာငႏင ဒတယေခါငးေဆာင ေနရာမားတြင အမးသမး ျဖစေသာ ပါတမာ အမးသားဒမကေရစအဖြ႕ခပပါတ၊ အမးသမးပါတ (မြန)၊ ဓႏ အမးသားမားအဖြ႕ခပ ပါတ တ႔တြငသာ ေတြ႕ရပါသည။ အတြငးေရးမးေနရာတြင အမးသမးျဖစေသာ ပါတမာ ၆ ပါတ ရပါသည။ ယခင အာဏာရပါတ ျဖစခေသာ ျပညေထာငစၾကခငေရးႏင ဖြ႕ၿဖးေရး ပါတ၏ ဗဟအလပအမႈေဆာငအဖြ႕ ၄ဝ ဥးတြင အမးသမး ၂ ဥးသာ ပါသညက ေတြ႕ ရပါသည။ ၂ဝ၁၅ အေထြေထြ ေရြးေကာကပြတြင ေနရာ အမားစတြင အႏငရေသာ အမး သားဒမကေရစအဖြ႕ခပ၏ ဗဟအလပအမႈေဆာငအဖြ႕တြင အမးသမး ပါဝငမႈမာ ၃၅ ရာ ခငႏႈနးရေၾကာငး သရရပါသည။

ဖနတးအမမ ၂ဝ၁၄ စကတငဘာလမ ဒဇငဘာလ အတြငး ျပလပခေသာ ႏငငေရး ပါတ ၃၄ ပါတ အတြငး ေခါငးေဆာငမႈ အခနးက႑မားတြင အမးသမးမား ပါဝငမႈက ေလလာ သးသပထားသည သေတသန၏ ေတြ႕ရခကမားတြငလညး သေတသနတြင ပါဝငခသည ပါတမား၏ ဗဟအလပအမႈေဆာငေကာမတတြင အမးသမးပါဝငမႈ ရာခငႏႈနးမာ ၁ဝ ရာခငႏႈနးသာ ရခသည။ ျပညနယႏင တငးေဒသႀကးမား၏ ပါတ ဥကဌ ရာထးမားတြင အမးသမးမား ပါဝငမႈမာလညး ၆ ရာခငႏႈနးသာ ရခသည။ (ကးကား - ဖနတးအမ၊ ျမနမာ ႏငငေရးပါတမားရ အမးသမးမားႏင ဆးျဖတခက ခမတျခငး သေတသန အစရငခစာ)

အဆပါ အစရငခစာေတြ႕ရခကအရ ႏငငေရးပါတအေတာမားမားတြင အမးသမးဌာန ခြမား ရေသာလညး ထဌာနမားသည မမတ႔ ပါတဝငအမးသမးမား၏ ႏငငေရး စြမး ေဆာငရည ျမငမားေစရန သးသန႔ လပေဆာငႏငသည အရငးအျမစမား လေလာကစြာ မရၾကေခ။ အမးသမးဌာနခြမား အေနျဖင အမးသမးမားက စြမးေဆာငရညမား ျမငတင ေပးႏငသည အခြငအလမးမား ဖနတးေပးႏငလင အနာဂတ ေခါငးေဆာငမႈ ရာထးမား တြင အမးသမး ပါဝငမႈမား တးတကလာႏငမည ျဖစသည။


3) a&G;aumufyJGaumfr&Sif tqifhqifhwGif trsKd;orD;yg0ifr+ tajctae

ေရြးေကာကပြေကာမရငမား၏ ဖြ႕စညးပအရ ျပညေထာငစအဆငတြင ေရြးေကာကပြ ေကာမရငအဖြ႕က ႏငငေတာသမၼတမ ဖြ႕စညးေပးထားၿပး ဥကဌက ႏငငေတာ သမၼတ မ တက႐ကခန႔ထားပါသည။ ျပညနယ၊ တငးႏင ခ႐င၊ ၿမ႕နယ အဆငမားတြင အမား ယၾကညေလးစားသ ၆ ဥးခန႔ ႏင ဥးစးဌာန ၉ ခမ အႀကးတနး အရာရမားျဖင ဖြ႕စညးထားေလ ရပါသည။ ႏငငေတာသမၼတမ ခန႔ထားေပးေသာ ျပညေထာငစအဆင ေရြးေကာကပြေကာမရငတြင အဖြ႕ဝင ၁၅ ဥးျဖင ဖြ႕စညးထားၿပး၊ အမးသမး ၁ ဥးသာ ပါရပါသည။ တငးႏင ျပညနယအလက ေကာမရငအဖြ႕မား၏ အမား ယၾကညေလးစား ခရသမားတြင အမးသမးပါဝငမႈမာလညး တစဥး (သ႔) ႏစဥး ပတဝနးကငသာ ရပါသည။ ျမနမာႏငငရ ၿမ႕နယအားလး၏ ၿမ႕နယေကာမရင ဥကဌႏင အတြငးေရးမး ေနရာမားတြင အမးသမးပါဝငမႈမာ ၃ ရာခငႏႈနးသာ ျဖစပါသည။ (ကးကား - အခကအလကမားက ျပည ေထာငစေရြးေကာကပြ ေကာ မရင အငတာနက စာမကႏာမ ကးကားပါသည။)

၂ဝ၁၅ ခ၊ ဇလငလတြင ျပညေထာငစ ေရြးေကာကပြေကာမရင အေနႏင ကား-မ ညမေရးမဝါဒစာတမး (မၾကမး) တစခက ေရးဆြ ထတျပနခပါသည။ ထစာတမးတြင ျပညေထာငစ ေရြးေကာကပြေကာမရင အေနႏင ေရြးေကာကပြ လပငနးစဥ က႑ အား လးတြင အမးသားႏင အမးသမးမား အၾကား တနးတညမမႈရေစရန ရညရြယခက ျဖင ဆကစပက႑ အခနး(၁၂) ခနးပါ မဟာဗဟာစမကနး (၂ဝ၁၄-၂ဝ၁၈) တစခက ေရးဆြ ေဆာငရြကေနေၾကာငး သရပါသည။ ေဆာငရြကရန လာထားခကမားမာ အမး သား၊ အမးသမးမား၏ အခြငအေရးမားက ဥပေဒေဘာငတြငးမ တနးတျမႇငတင ကာ ကြယေပးရန၊ ျပညေထာငစ ေရြးေကာကပြေကာမရင ျပနလညဖြ႕စညးမႈ လပငနးအား လးတြင လပငနးခြငရ အမးသမး၊ အမးသား ဝနထမးမားအား ကား-မ တနးတညမ ေရး အသအျမင ရလာေစရန ပညာေပးရန၊ စြမးရညျမႇငသငတနးမား ေပးရန၊ အမးသမး အသငးအဖြ႕မားႏင ေဆြးေႏြးညႇႏႈငး ေဆာငရြကရန၊ အမးသမးမား သရရမည သတငး အခကအလကမားက ထညသြငးကာ မဆႏၵရင ပညာေပး အစအစဥမား ျပလပရန၊ မသနစြမးသ အမးသမးမား၊ တငးရငးသားလနညးစ အမးသမးမား၊ ျပညတြငး ေရႊ႕ ေျပာငးေနထငသ အမးသမးမား စသတ႔အတြက ထညသြငး လပေဆာငရန၊ အမးသမး မားသည ၿပငဘက အမးသားမားႏင တနးတပါဝင ယဥ ၿပင ေရြးေကာကခႏငရန၊ ကား-မ ႏစရပစလးႏင သငျမတေသာ အျငငးပြားမႈ ေျဖရငးေရး ဥပေဒႏင လပထးလပနညးမားက တးျမႇငေဖာေဆာငရန စသညတ႔ ပါဝငၿပး အေကာငအထည ေဖာရန မညသ႔တြင တာဝန ရသညကပါ အကျဖတ သတမတမည စသညတ႔ ပါဝငပါသည။

၂ဝ၁၅ ေရြးေကာကပြတြင ေရြးေကာကပြေကာမရငအေနျဖင သတငးအခကအလက ပညာေပးရာတြင ဒဇငးႏငအသးခမႈတ႔တြင ကား-မ ကစၥရပမားက ထညသြငးစဥးစား ချခငးမးက ေတြ႕ရပါသည။ အခကအလကစာရငးမား ထတျပနေရးသားရာတြင မဆႏၵ ရင ကား-မ အေရအတြကက ခြျခားေဖာျပျခငး မရေသာလညး ေရြးေကာကပြ ဝငမည ကယစားလယေလာငးစာရငးႏင ေရြးေကာကခကယစားလယ အေရအတြကက ေဖာျပရာ တြင အမးသမးဥးေရႏင အမးသားဥးေရ၊ ရာခငႏႈနး စသျဖင သးျခား စာရငးျပစ ေဖာျပ ေပးသည တ႔က ေတြ႕ရရပါသည။ သ႔ေသာ အျခားေသာ အခနး က႑မား ျဖစသည ဥပေဒ မေဘာငမား ခမတျခငး၊ ဖြ႕စညးပႏင လ႔စြမးအားအရငး အျမစ အသးျပမႈ၊ အားလး ပါဝငႏငမႈ စေသာ က႑တ႔တြင ကား-မ တနးတညမေရး ေဆာငရြကခကမား အားနညး ေနေသးသညက ေတြ႕ရပါသည။


4) a&G;aumufyJG0if udk,fpm;vS,favmif;rsm;ESifh a&G;aumufcH&olrsm;wGif

trsKd;orD;yg0ifr+

ျပညေထာငစ ေရြးေကာကပြေကာမရငမ ရရေသာစာရငးအရ အမးသမးလႊတေတာ ကယစားလယေလာငး ပါဝငမႈႏႈနးမာ လႊတေတာအသးသးတြင (၁၃) ရာခငႏႈနး ပတဝနး ကငတြငသာ ရေနပါသည။ ေရြးေကာကပြ ဝငေရာကေသာ အမးသမး လႊတေတာ ကယ စားလယေလာငး အေရအတြကမာ ၂ဝ၁၅ ခ၊ ႏဝငဘာလ (၃) ရကေန႔ ရကစြျဖင ျပည ေထာငစ ေရြးေကာကပြေကာမရငမ ထတျပနေသာ၊ လႊတေတာကယစားလယေလာငး စာရငးအရ၊ စစေပါငး ၇၉၈ ဥး ျဖစၿပး ထအထတြင ႏငငေရးပါတမားမ ေရြးခယ တင သြငးသ ၇၇၉ ဥးႏင တစသးပဂၢလ ၁၉ ဥး ပါဝငပါသည။

အမးသမး အမးသား စစေပါငး အမးသမး ပါဝငမႈ ရာခငႏႈနး

အမးသားလႊတေတာ ၁၂ဝ ၇၆၆ ၈၈၆ ၁၄%

ျပညသလႊတေတာ ၂၃၅ ၁၄၉၉ ၁၇၃၄ ၁၄%

ျပညနယ/တငးေဒသႀကး လႊတေတာ ၄၂၅ ၂၈၃၃ ၃၂၅၈ ၁၃%

တငးရငးသားလမး လႊတေတာ ၁၈ ၁၄၃ ၁၆၁ ၁၁%

စစေပါငး ၇၉၈ ၅၂၄၁ ၆ဝ၃၉ ၁၃%

ဇယား(၁) လႊတေတာအသးသးတြင ဝငေရာကယဥၿပငခသ ကယစားလယေလာငး ဥးေရ စာရငး

လႊတေတာ ၃ ရပတြင လႊတေတာကယစားလယေပါငး ၁၁၅ဝ ဥး ရသညအနက အမးသမး လႊတေတာကယစားလယ ပါဝငမႈအေနျဖင ျပညသ႔လႊတေတာတြင ၄၄ ဥး၊ အမးသားလႊတေတာတြင ၂၃ ဥးႏင တငးေဒသႀကး/ ျပညနယ လႊတေတာတြင ၈၄ ဥး၊ စစေပါငး ၁၅၁ ဥး ရျခငးေၾကာင ရာခငႏႈနးအားျဖင ၁၃ ရာခငႏႈနး ရပါသည။


အမးသမး အမးသား စစေပါငး အမးသမး ပါဝငမႈ ရာခငႏႈနး

အမးသားလႊတေတာ ၂၃ ၁၄၅ ၁၆၈ ၁၄%

ျပညသ႔လႊတေတာ ၄၄ ၂၇၉ ၃၂၃ ၁၄%

ျပညနယ/တငးေဒသႀကး လႊတေတာ ၈၄ ၅၇၅ ၆၅၉ ၁၃%

စစေပါငး ၁၅၁ ၉၉၉ ၁၁၅ဝ ၁၃%

ဇယား (၂) လႊတေတာ သးရပတြင ေရြးေကာကခရသ ဥးေရ စာရငး။

စဥ ႏငငေရးပါတအမည အမးသမး လႊတေတာ ကယစားလယ ဥးေရ

၁ ကခငျပညနယဒမကေရစပါတ ၁

၂ ဇမးဒမကေရစအဖြ႕ခပ ၁

၃ တေအာငး (ပေလာင) အမးသားပါတ ၁

၄ တငးလင (ရမးန) အမးသားမားဖြ႕ၿဖးတးတကေရးပါတ ၁

၅ ျပညေထာငစၾကခငဖြ႕ၿဖးေရးပါတ ၃

၆ ရခငအမးသားပါတ ၂

၇ ရမးတငးရငးသားမားဒမကေရစအဖြ႕ခပပါတ ၇

၈ လဆးအမးသားဖြ႕ၿဖးတးတကေရးပါတ (ဒးေလးပါတ) ၁

၉ အမးသားဒမကေရစအဖြ႕ခပပါတ ၁၃၄

စစေပါငး ၁၅၁

ဇယား(၃) ပါတအလက ေရြးေကာကခရသ အမးသမး ဥးေရ စာရငး။

5) a&G;aumufyGJ t}udKumvawG‹&Sdfcsufrsm;

ဖနတးအမေစာငၾကညေလလာေရး လပငနးစဥတြင ေရြးေကာကပြ စညး႐းေရးကာလ အတြငး အမးသမးမားႏငပတသက၍ သတငး မဒယာမားမ ေဖာျပခကမား၊ မမတ႔ ကယတင ေတြ႕ဆေမးျမနးမႈမားက အေျခခ၍ ေလလာသးသပမႈမား ျပလပခပါသည။ ေတြ႕ဆေမးျမနးမႈမားက တငးႏငျပညနယမားတြင စစေပါငး ၁၄ ခ ျပလပခၿပး ရနကန ႐းခပမ ၂၂ ခ၊ စစေပါငး ၃၆ ခ ျပလပခပါသည။ ေတြ႕ဆေမးျမနးခရသမားတြင ႏငင ေရးပါတဝငမား၊ ေရြးေကာကပြဝငမည ကယစားလယေလာငးမား၊ ေကာမရငအဖြ႕မ တာဝနရသမားႏင အရပဖက လမႈအဖြ႕အစညးမားႏင အပခပေရးပငးမသမားလညး ပါဝငၿပး အမးသမး ၂၁ ဥးႏင အမးသား ၁၅ ဥးအား ေမးျမနးခပါသည။ ေတြ႕ဆေမးျမနး ခေသာ ႏငငေရးပါတ ၁၇ ပါတ ရပါသည။ ေမးျမနးမႈက ေျဖၾကားေပးခေသာ ပါတမားမာ- ၁။ အမးသားဒမကေရစအဖြ႕ခပပါတ၊ ၂။ တငးရငးသားစညးလးညညြတေရးပါတ၊ ၃။ ရမးတငးရငးသားမားဒမကေရစအဖြ႕ခပပါတ၊


၄။ ရမးတငးရငးသားမားဒမကရကတစပါတ၊ ၅။ ျပညေထာငစၾက႕ခငေရးႏငဖြ႕ၿဖးေရးပါတ၊ ၆။ ေခတသစျပညေထာငစပါတ၊ ၇။ အမးသားတးတကေရးပါတ၊ ၈။ ဖယဒရယျပညေထာငစပါတ၊ ၉။ ဒမကေရစႏငၿငမးခမးေရးပါတ၊ ၁ဝ။ ဗမာျပညသ႔ပါတ၊ ၁၁။ ဒမကရကတစပါတ (ျမနမာ)၊ ၁၂။ အမးသားဒမကေရစအငအားစပါတ၊ ၁၃။ ညညႊတေသာဒမကရကတစပါတ၊ ၁၄။ ခငးအမးသားဒမကရကတစပါတ၊ ၁၅။ ဇမးဒမကေရစအဖြ႕ခပ၊ ၁၆။ ဖလစေဝၚဒမကရကတစပါတ၊ ၁၇။ ရခငအမးသားပါတ - တ႔ျဖစၿပး ပါတ၏ ဗဟအလပအမႈေဆာငမား၊ ေရြးေကာကပြဝငမည ကယစားလယ ေလာငးမား၊ ေအာင ႏငေရး အဖြ႕ဝငမား စသညသမားႏင ေတြ႕ဆေမးျမနး ခပါသည။

trsKd;orD;rsm; EdkifiHa&;wGif yg0ifEdkifa&;twGuf ,Ofaus;r+ESifh pDyGm;a&; •

t[ef‹twm;rsm;

ဖနတးအမမ ေတြ႕ဆေမးျမနးခေသာ ပါတမားႏင ကယစားလယေလာငးမား၏ ေျဖ ၾကားခကမား အရ သးသပရလင အမးသမးမားသည ႏငငေရးတြင ပါဝငႏငရနႏင ေရ႕တနး ေခါငးေဆာငမႈ ေနရာတြင ရရႏငရန အမးသားမားထက ပမႀကးစားေနၾက ရသညဟ ေဖာျပၾကပါသည။ အထးသျဖင မသားစ တာဝနမားက အမးသားမား ထက အမးသမးမားက ပမ တာဝနယ ၾကရပါသည။

အမးသားတစဥး ႏငငေရးလပလလင မမဇနးသည သေဘာတရန အေရးမႀကးပ မမ ဆႏၵအေလာက လပႏငေသာလညး အမးသမးတစဥး ႏငငေရးလပလလင ခငပြနးသည ၏ သေဘာတညမႈ ရရန အဓက လအပခက အေနျဖင ရေနပါသည။ လကရတြင ျပညသ႔လႊတေတာ ကယစားလယတစဥး ျဖစသလ၊ ၂ဝ၁၅ ေရြးေကာကပြတြင ထပမ ဝင ေရာကအေရြးခမည ကယစားလယေလာငး တစဥးလညး ျဖစသက သ၏ ႏငငေရးဘဝ ျဖတသနးမႈမားက ေျဖၾကားရာတြင ေအာကပါအတငး ဖြငဟ ေျပာဆခ ပါသည။

“မသားစကသာ အားမေပးခရင အခလ နငငေရး လပနငဖ႔ဆတာ မလြယပါဘး။ ခင ပြနးေၾကာင ဒေလာကထက စနေခၚမႈသပမရဘ ေရာကလာခပါတယ။ အမးသမး တစေယာက ေရ႕တနး ထြကလာနငဖ႔ ခငပြနးသညရ႕ ေထာကခမႈက ရာႏႈနးျပည အေရးႀကးပါတယ”

ဖယဒရယျပညေထာငစပါတမ အမးသမးလႊတေတာ ကယစားလယေလာငး တစဥးက လညး မမအေနျဖင ေရြးေကာကပြတြင ဝငေရာကအေရြးခရန ခငပြနးျဖစသႏင အတကအခ ေျပာဆခရၿပး၊ သေဘာတညမႈ ရေအာင အေတာ ႀကးပမးခရေၾကာငး ေျပာျပခပါသည။

ေတြ႕ဆေမးျမနးမႈတြင ပါဝငခသည ႏငငေရးပါတမားမ အမးသားအခ႕ ေထာကျပ ေျပာ


ဆရာတြင အမးသမးမား ႏငငေရးတြင ပါဝငႏငမႈတြင ေငြေၾကးဆငရာ အဟန႔အတား တစခလညး ပါဝငေနသညဟ ဆပါသည။ မသားစ၏ စးပြားေရး ဖလမႈ မရပါက ျဖညဆညး ရမည တာဝနမာ အမးသမး (ဇနးျဖစသ)၏ တာဝနျဖစလာသညဟ ဆပါသည။ အျခား ေျဖ ၾကားသ အမးသမးတစဥးကမ အမးသမး (ဇနး (သ႔) မခင) တစဥးျဖစလင အမေထာငမႈ တာဝနမားကသာ ထမးေဆာငေစရန အျခား မသားစဝငမားက လလားၾကၿပး ႏငငေရး လပငနးမားတြင ပါဝငလပေဆာငရန ေထာကပမႈက မေပးသေလာကပင ရသညဟ ဆပါသည။ အဆပါ ေျဖၾကားခကႏစခက ေကာကခကခရလင အစဥအလာယဥေကးမႈ အဟန႔အတားမားက အမးသမးမား၏ လ႔အဖြ႕အစညးအတြငးႏင မသားစအတြငး အခနး က႑က ကန႔သတထားၿပး အမးသမးမားႏင ႏငငေရးလပငနးမားက မအပစပေသာ အရာမားပမာ တားဆးထားၾကပါသည။

EdkifiHa&;wGif trsKd;orD;rsm;yg0ifr+ tay:oabmxm; tjrif•

ေတြ႕ဆေမးျမနးမႈမားမ မတခကမားက သးသပရလင ႏငငေရးနယပယတြင အမးသား မားမာ အမးသမးမားအား လကတြေခၚရန ဝနေလး တတၾကသညက ေတြ႕ရပါသည။ အမးသမးမား အရညအခငးျဖင တကလာပါက မလႊသာမေရာငသာ ေနရာေပးၾကေသာ လညး အေၾကာငးအမးမးျပ၍ မသမသာျဖစေစ၊ သသာစြာျဖစေစ အခြငအေရးက လက လမး မမေအာင လပထားတတသညက ေတြ႕ရပါသည။

ပါတတစခ၏ ဥကဌ ျဖစသေျပာၾကားခကမာ -“ကၽြနေတာတ႔ပါတမာ အတြငးေရးမႈးကလညး အမးသမးပါပ။ အသကအရြယအရ၊ ဝါအရ ငယေနတာရယ၊ တ႔နငငရ႕ ယဥေကးမႈအရ ဥက႒ေနရာ မေပးတာပါ။ ဥပေဒ အႀကေပးဆလညး အမးသမးပါပ။ ဘယသပျဖစျဖစ အရညအခငးရရင တကလာ မာပါပ”

သ၏ မတခကမ ေဖာျပသညမာ အမးသမးမားသည အခ႕ေသာ ရာထးမားက ရယ ႏငေသာလညး ယဥေကးမႈ ဓေလထးတမးမားအရ အခ႕ရာထးမားကမ ရရရန မသင ေတာဟသည အျမငပင ျဖစသည။

အျခားပါတတစခမ ဗဟေကာမတဝင အမးသားတစဥးႏင ေတြ႕ဆေမးျမနးရာတြင လညး အမးသမးမား ႏငငေရးတြငပါဝငမႈ အေပၚထားေသာ သ၏ သေဘာထားမာ -

“အနကယ ေမာလငတာက အနကယတ႔ ပါတထ မဝငဘ အမးသမးသးသန႔ ပါတ ေပၚလာေစခငတယ။ အမးသမးေတြခညးပ ဖြ႕ တကယလပၾက။ ဒါဆ တစခနမာ အမးသားေတြန႔ ရငေဘာငတနးၿပး နငငေရးေလာကမာ ဝငနငမယလ႔ ထငပါတယ”

ေရြးေကာကပြတြင ဝငေရာက ယဥၿပငရနအတြက အမးသမးမား၏ မမကယက ယၾကည မႈ၊ ဗဟသတ ျပညဝမႈႏင အေတြ႕အႀက၊ အရညအခငး စေသာ စြမးရညမား လအပခက မား ရေၾကာငးကလညး ေဆြးေႏြးသ အမားအျပားမ ေထာကျပေျပာဆ ၾကပါသည။ အခ႕ ပါတမ အမးသားမားက ေျဖဆရာတြင ထကသ႔ေသာ စြမးရညလအပခကမား၊ အခန ႏင ေငြေၾကး အခကအခမားေၾကာင မမတ႔ ပါတတြင အမးသမးလႊတေတာ ကယစား လယေလာငးမားက သညထက ပမ မရာေဖြႏငခေၾကာငး ေျပာၾကပါသည။ ထကသ႔ေသာ ထငျမငယဆခကမားက ျခင သးသပရပါလင အမး သမးမားသည မဆြယစညး႐းေရး လပငနးစဥမားတြင ပါဝငေဆာငရြကမႈမား မျပမကပင ၎တ႔၏ ႏငင ေရး စြမးရညမားႏင ပတသက၍ သေဘာထား အျမငမားသည ထ အမးသမးမား၏ ႏငငေရး လပငနးစဥတြင


ပါဝငႏငမႈက ဟန႔တားေနသကသ႔ ျဖစပါသည။

သ႕ရာတြင ႏငငေရး ပါတတစခမ တာဝနရသ တစဥးကမ ၿပးခေသာ လႊတေတာတြင သ၏ အေတြ႕အၾကအရ အမးသမးမားမာ အလပပ ႀကးစားၿပး အမးသား လႊတေတာကယစားလယေတြထက ပၿပး စြမး ေဆာငႏငေၾကာငး ေတြ႕ရသညဟ ဆပါသည။ အမးသမးမားက ႏငငေရးျဖစစဥတြင ပမ ပါဝငလာေစျခငးျဖင အမးသမးမား၏ စြမး ေဆာင ရည အေပၚ သသယဝငေနသမား အေနျဖင အျမငမားေျပာငး လလာႏငမည ျဖစသည။ အနာဂတတြင အမးသမးမား ႏငငေရးတြင ပမ ပါဝငလာသငေၾကာငးကမ ေတြ႕ဆခသ အမားစက ေထာကခ ခၾကပါသည။

အမးသမးမား ႏငငေရးတြင ပမပါဝငလာေစရန အမးသမး အခငး ခငး ေထာကပအား ေပးမႈမားလညး လအပေၾကာငး ေလလာ ေတြ႕ ရရပါသည။ ေျဖဆသ အမသမးမား၏ ခစားခကတြင အမးသမးမား အခငးခငး အတတကြ လပေဆာငၾကျခငးသည လပငနးမား ေရ႕ ဆကႏငဖ႔အတြက အကးသကေရာကမႈ မားစြာရသညဟ ဆပါ သည။ ဥပမာ - အမးသားလႊတေတာတြင ဝငေရာကယဥၿပငမည အမးသမး ကယစား လယ ေလာငးတစဥး၏ ေျပာၾကားခကမာ -

“တစခ႕ ေနရာေတြမာ အမးသမးေတြက ပသတရတယ။ အမးသမး အေဖာ တစ ေယာကေတာ သြားေလရာ ပါဖ႔လပါတယ။ အမးသမး အေဖာေတြ ပါလာရင အလလ အားတကသြားတယ။ အမးသမးအတြက အမးသမးအခငးခငး ပပးဖ႔ လပါတယ”

- ဟ ျဖစပါသည။

rJqG,fpnf;±kH;r+rsm;wGif trsKd;orD; v$wfawmfudk,fpm;vS,favmif;rsm; •

tay: ±+jrifyHk

မဆြယစညး႐းရာတြင အမးသမးမားအေပၚ ကား-မ ကြျပားမႈျဖင ရညရြယ ေျပာဆသည မး မဟတေသာလညး ၿပငဘကပါတမားမ ေသာလညးေကာငး (သ႔မဟတ) မမတ႔ မလ လားေသာပါတမ ကယစားလယေလာငးမားက လညးေကာငး ပတခတ ေျပာဆရာတြင ထကယစားလယေလာငးသည အမးသမးျဖစပါက အမးသမးျဖစျခငးက အေၾကာငးျပ၍ အရကခြ တကခကေျပာဆမႈမား၊ ႏမခေျပာဆမႈမားက ေတြ႕ရပါသည။ ဥပမာ - ရနကနတငး၊ ဒဂၿမ႕နယတြင လထေဟာေျပာပြတစခ၌ လကရ လႊတေတာတြင တာဝနထမးေဆာငေန သ လႊတေတာ ဒတယသကတမး အတြက ထပမဝငေရာက ယဥၿပငသမ ေဟာေျပာရာတြင “အမးသမးဆတာ အမမာပေနမ သငေတာတာ၊ တကယအေရးႀကးတ ဆးျဖတခကေတြ ခတေနရာမာ အမးသားေတြပ အေရးပါတာ” စေသာ ေဟာေျပာမႈမား၊ စစကငးတငး မရြာၿမ႕နယ အတြငးရ ေကးရြာတစရြာတြင မဆြယစညး႐း ေဟာေျပာပြတစခ၌ ပထမ လႊတေတာသကတမးတြင ျပညတနဆာ ကာကြယေစာငေရာကေရး အဆ တငသြငးခသ အမးသမး လႊတေတာ ကယစားလယတစဥးအား အကငစာရတ မေကာငးတသေတြက ကာကြယေနေသာသ စသျဖင ေျပာဆခမႈမားက ေတြ႕ရပါသည။ ထအခကမားက ေထာက ႐ႈ၍ အမး သမးမား၏ အေရးကစၥမားႏင ပတသက၍ လြမားေသာ အယမားရေနသည က ထငရားစြာ ေတြ႕ရပါသည။

“ႏငငေရးလပတ အမးသမး တစေယာကဆရင လေတြက အမေထာငန႔႔႔လား၊ ေယာကားက

ဘာလပလ၊ သားသမးေတြက ဘာေတြ ျဖစေန ျပလလ႔ အရင ေမးၾကတာ။ အမေထာငန႔႔ ကြေန တာတ႔ သားသမးေတြက စာေမးပြ ကေနတာတ႔

ဆရင ကယမသားစေတာင ေအာငျမငေအာင မလပႏငပ ႏငငေရး လပခငတယလ႔ ေဝဘနခ ရပါတယ။ အမးသားေတြ ဆရငေတာ မနးမက

ဘာလပလလ႔ ဘယသမ မေမးၾကပါဘး။ တကယလ႔ အမေထာငကြ ေနခရငေတာင

ႏငငေရး လပလ႔ မနးမက ဒဏမခႏငလ႔ ကြရတယ၊ သားသမး ထက ႏငငအေရး

ဥးစားေပးလပတယ၊ စြန႔လႊတ အနစနာ ခသ အလမး လေတြက သတမတၾကတာပါ”--------------------------------------ညညႊတေသာ ဒမကရကတစပါတမ

အမးသမး လႊတေတာ ကယစားလယေလာငး


လႊတေတာကယစားလယေလာငး တစဥးျဖစသ ေဒၚေအာငဆနးစၾကည၏ ပအား အမး သမး တစဥးအေနျဖင ထပါးေစာကားခရမႈေျမာကေစေသာ မဖြယမရာပမား ဖနတးျခငး၊ ေလာငေျပာငေရးသားမႈမား ေရးသားျခငးမား ျပလပကာ အငတာနက စာမကႏာမားေပၚ တြင ျဖန႔ေဝခသညက ေတြ႕ရပါသည။ ေဒၚေအာငဆနးစၾကညႏင အေမရကန သမၼတ ေတြ႕ဆစဥက ႏႈတဆကေနသညပကလညး အမးသမး တစဥး အေနျဖင ဂဏသေရ ညႈးႏြမးေစသည ပစမး မတခကခမႈမားႏင ဗႏငး ပစတာမား ကပျခငးတ႔ မႏေလးၿမ႕တြင ျဖစေပၚခပါသည။

6) a&G;aumufyJGaeŒ apmifh-unfhavhvmr+. awGŒ&Sdcsufrsm;

၂ဝ၁၅ ခႏစ၊ ႏဝငဘာလ (၈) ရကေန႔ ေရြးေကာကပြေန႔တြင ဖနတးအမမ ေလကငသင တနး ေပးထားေသာ ေစာငၾကညေလလာသမားသည ၿမ႕နယေပါငး ၁၈၁ ၿမ႕နယရ မ႐ေပါငး ၈၃၁ ႐၌ မ႐ဖြငခနမ မေရတြက ၿပးစးခနထ ေစာငၾကညေလလာ မတတမး တငခြင ရခပါသည။ ေစာငၾကညသ ၁၅၅၅ ဥး ထမ မတတမးတငထားခေသာ ပစ စာရြကမားက ျပနလညစေဆာငးကာ ေတြ႕ရခကမားအား သးသပ တငျပထားပါသည။ ေယဘယအားျဖင မ႐ဖြငျခငးႏင မေပးျခငး ျဖစစဥ အစပငးမာ အျပသေဘာေဆာင သညက ေတြ႕ရပါသည။

ဖနတးအမမ ေစာငၾကညေလလာသ • ၉၉ ရာခငႏႈနးသည မ႐အတြငးသ႔ ဝငေရာက ေစာငၾကည ေလလာမတတမးတငခြင ရသလ မေရတြကၿပးသည အထလညး ေစာင ၾကည ေလလာႏငခ ၾကပါသည။၉၇ ရာခငႏႈနး• ေသာ မ႐မားတြင မ႐မဖြငမ မပးမားသည အလြတျဖစေၾကာငး အမား ျပညသက ျပသခသည။

မ႐မားတြင တာဝနထမးေဆာငသမားတြင အမးသမးပါဝငမႈ အေနအထားႏင ပတသက ၍ ေအာကပါ အခကမားက ေတြ႕ရခပါသည။

မ႐တြင ပါတကယစားလယအျဖစ ေစာငၾကညသ အမးသမးဥးေရမာ အမးသားမား • ထက နညးၿပး မ႐တစ႐တြင ပါတကယစားလယ ေစာငၾကညသ၏ ေလးပတပခန႔သာ ရသညက ၅ဝ ရာခငႏႈနးေကာ ေတြ႕ရပါသည။ေရြးေကာကပြ ေစာငၾကညေလလာသအျဖစ ေဆာငရြကသ အမးသမးဥးေရမာမ • အနညးငယ ပမမားျပားၿပး မ႐တစ႐တြင ေစာငၾကညေလလာသ၏ ေလးပတစပ ျဖစေသာႏႈနးမာ ၃၄ ရာခငႏႈနးႏင ေလးပတပႏင တဝကၾကား ျဖစေသာႏႈနးမာ ၂၉ ရာခငႏႈနး ျဖစပါသည။ ေစာငၾကညေလလာသ၏ သးပႏစပ အမးသမး ပါဝငေသာ ႏႈနးမာ ၂၅ ရာခငႏႈနး ျဖစပါသည။ဖနတးအမ၏ ေစာငၾကညေလလာခေသာ မ႐မားတြင • အမးသမးမ႐မး ၆၄ ရာ ခငႏႈနးႏင အမးသားမ႐မး ၃၆ ရာခငႏႈနး ရပါသည။ ဒတယမ႐မး ေနရာတြင အမး သမး ၇၇ ရာခငႏႈနးႏင အမးသား ၂၃ ရာခငႏႈနး ပါဝင ပါသည။ ဖနတးအမမ ေစာင ၾကညေသာ မ႐ထကဝကေကာ (၅၆ ရာခငႏႈနး) မာ မ႐မးႏင ဒမ႐မး ႏစဥးစလး အမးသမးမား ျဖစသညက ေတြ႕ရပါသည။ဖနတးအမမ ေစာငၾကညေလလာေသာ မ႐မားတြင မစာရငးစစေဆးသ၊ မလကမတ • ထတေပးသ၊ မငတ႔ေပးသ စေသာ မ႐ဝနထမးမားတြင အမးသမးပါဝငမႈမာ တဝကမ သးပႏစပ ပါရေသာ မ႐ ၅၆ ရာခငႏႈနး ေတြ႕ရပါသည။ သ႔ေသာ မ႐လျခေရး ေဆာင ရြကသ အမားစမာ အမးသားမား ျဖစၿပး အမးသမး လျခေရးဝနထမး ေလးပ တပ ထက နညးၿပး ပါဝငေသာ မ႐ ၉၁ ရာႏႈနး ရပါသည။


မ႐မားတြင လအပေသာ ပစၥညးမား ထားသမႈ အေျခအေနႏင ပတသက၍ စနစတက ရသညက မ႐ အမားစတြင ေတြ႕ရရပါသည။ သ႔ေသာ မစာရငးစာရြကမား၊ မဆႏၵနယ ျပငပေရာက ႀကတငမစာရငးမား၊ တငးရငးသားလႊတေတာ အတြက မစာရငးမား စသည တ႔မာ အမားျမငသာေအာင ကပထားျခငးမရေသာ မ႐မားလညး ေတြ႕ခရပါသည။

ဖနတးအမ ေစာငၾကညေသာ မ႐မား၏ ၉၆ ရာႏႈနးမာ မ႐တြင ရသငေသာ ပစၥညး • ကရယာမား ေပာကဆးျခငးမရပ ျပညစသညက ေတြ႕ရပါသည။ ၈ဝ ရာႏႈနးေကာေသာ မ႐မားတြင မဆႏၵရငစာရငးႏင မဆႏၵနယေျမတြငး ႀကတငမ • ပစ(၁၃) က ကပထားသညက ေတြ႕ရပါသည။ေစာငၾကညေသာ မ႐မား၏ ငါးပေလးပ (၇၉ ရာခငႏႈနး) ခန႔တြင ေရြးေကာကပြ • ရလာဒ ပစ(၁၆) ႏင (၁၆-က) တ႔အား ကပသညက ေတြ႕ရပါသည။

ဖနတးအမေတြ႕ရခကအရ ေရြးေကာကပြေန႔တြင အမားအားျဖင မေပးသညျဖစစဥမားက ေကာငးစြာ ျပငဆငထားၿပး ေဆာငရြကႏငခၾကေၾကာငး ေတြ႕ရပါသည။

ေစာငၾကညေလလာသမား၏ ေတြ႕ရခကမားအရ မ႐ပတဝနးကငတြင မဆႏၵရင၏ • စတဆႏၵက လႊမးမးႏငသည မဆြယမႈမး မေတြ႕ခရသလ မ႐ဝနထမးမားမ ပါတ တစခခက မကႏာသာေပး ဘကလကျခငးမးက မေတြ႕ခရ ပါဟ မတတမးတငခကက ၉ဝ ရာခငႏႈနးေကာ ေတြ႕ခရပါသည။ဖနတးအမ ေစာငၾကညေလလာေသာ မ႐မား၏ ၉၆ ရာခငႏႈနးမာ လ႕ဝကမေပးမႈ • အတြက ေကာငးစြာ စမထားသညက ေတြ႕ရပါသည။ မ႐မားတြင မသနစြမးႏင သကႀကးရြယအတ႔ မေပးႏငရန ဥးစားေပး စစဥထားေသာ မ႐ ၆၂ ရာခငႏႈနး ေတြ႕ရပါ သည။ မ႐ အားလးနညးပါးမာ အခနမ ဖြငလစခ ပါသည။မေပးရန လတနးရညၾကးေစာငဆငးေနရေသာ မ႐ ၄၄ ရာခငႏႈနးရၿပး တခါ တရ • လမားတတေသာ မ႐ ၄၅ ရာခငႏႈနး ရပါသည။မေရတြကရာတြင မ႐မးမားမ ခငလမပယမ ယတကစြာ သတမတေသာ မ႐ ၉၅ • ရာခငႏႈနး ရပါသည။ တရားဝငမရလာဒက ကန႔ကြကေသာ မ႐အေရ အတြကမာ ၂ ရာခငႏႈနးခန႔သာ ရသညက ေတြ႕ရပါသည။

ေစာငၾကညေလလာမႈမားအရ ေရ႕လာမည ေရြးေကာကပြမားတြင ပမေကာငးမြနလာေစ ရန ျပျပငေဆာငရြကမႈမား ျပလပႏငမည အခကမားလညး ေတြ႕ရခရသည။

အမးသမးမား မေပးရာတြင အျခားသမားထက ပမ အခကအခရပါသလား ဟေသာ • ေစာငၾကညေလလာခကတြင ပမခကခသညက ေတြ႕ရခက ၁၂ ရာခငႏႈနး ေတြ႕ရပါ သည။ ဥပမာ- အခ႕မ႐မားတြင အမးသားမား အၾကား တးေဝ႔တနးစရျခငး၊ ကယ ဝနေဆာငႏင ကေလးမခငမားအား ဥးစားေပးေဆာငရြကမႈ မရျခငးမး ေတြ႕ခရ ပါသည။ဖနတးအမ ေစာငၾကညေလလာေသာ မ႐မားတြင ကယစားမေပးရန ႀကးစားမႈ ၂ဝ • ရာခငႏႈနးခန႔ ရသညက ေတြ႕ရပါသည။ မစာရငးမစစပ မေပးခြငရသ ဥးေရမာ မရ သေလာက နညးၿပး မ႐မား၏ ၉၃ ရာခငႏႈနး ရပါသည။ ထသ႔ မေပးခြငရသ ၁ဝ ဥး ထက နညးေသာ မ႐ ၆ ရာခငႏႈနးေလာက ေတြ႕ရပါသည။ ထဥးေရတြငလညး အမးသမး ပမားေသာ မ႐ ၃၈ ရာခငႏႈနးႏင အမးသမး၊ အမးသား အတတေလာကပင ျဖစ ေသာ မ႐ ၄၆ ရာခငႏႈနး ေတြ႕ရပါသည။မစာရငးတြင အမညမပါသျဖင မမေပးရသ ၁ဝ ေယာက ဝနးကငရေသာ မ႐ ၃၂ • ရာခငႏႈနး ရၿပး ထအေရအတြကမာ အမးသားႏင အမးသမး အတတေလာကရေသာ မ႐ ၄၂ ရာခငႏႈနး၊ အမးသမး ပမားေသာ မ႐ ၃၃ ရာခငႏႈနး ရပါသည။


4? apmifh-unfhavhvmr+rS t-uHjyKcsufrsm;

ေရြးေကာကပြ မတငမ ႏငငေရးပါတမား၊ အမးသမးလႊတေတာ ကယစားလယေလာငး မား၊ ေကာမရငအဖြ႕ဝငမား၊ အရပဖက လ႔အဖြ႕အစညးဝငမား စသညသမားအား ေတြ႕ဆ ေမးျမနးထားခကမားႏင ေရြးေကာကပြေန႔ ေစာငၾကညေလလာမႈမားမ ေတြ႕ရခကမား အေပၚ အေျခခကာ သးသပမသညမားက ဖနတးအမမ အၾကျပ တငျပလပါသည။ ေနာင တြင ကငးပမည ေရြးေကာကပြမား ပမ စနစက ေကာငးမြနလာေစရနႏင အမးသမး မား ႏငငေရးတြင ပါဝငမႈက ျမႇငတငႏငရန ေအာကပါအခကမားက အၾကျပ တငျပအပ ပါသည။

jynfaxmifpk a&G;aumufyJGaumfr&SifodkŒ t-uHjyKcsuf

ေရြးေကာကပြေကာမရငအေနႏင ေရြးေကာကပြႏင ပတသကေသာ အေရးေပၚ • ေၾကျငာခကမား၊ ေနာကဆကတြ လမးညႊနခကမား စသညတ႔က လအပခက အလက လငျမနစြာ ထတျပနႏငသညက ေတြ႕ရပါသည။ သ႔ေသာ ျဖစလာႏငသည အေျခအေနမားက ႀကတငစဥးစား ျပငဆငမႈမးႏင ေစစပ ေသခာမႈတြင အားနညး ခက ရသညက ေတြ႕ရပါသည။ ေရြးေကာကပြ ေကာမရင ဖြ႕စညးပတြင အမးသမး၊ အမးသား ပါဝငမႈက ညမေစၿပး ဆးျဖတခကခႏငေသာ စမခန႔ခြမႈ ေနရာမားတြငပါ အမးသမးမား ပမ ပါဝငလာေစျခငး၊ အမးသမး အမးသား ဝနထမးမားအား စြမးရည ျမႇင သငတနးမား ေဆာငရြကေပးျခငးျဖင လာမည ေရြးေကာကပြမားတြင ပမ ေစစပ ေသခာေသာ စမေဆာငရြကမႈမား ေဆာငရြကႏငလမမညဟ အၾကျပလပါသည။ ထ႔ျပင ေနာငကငးပမည ေရြးေကာကပြမားတြင အမးသမးမဆႏၵရငမား အထးသျဖင • ကယဝနေဆာငႏင ကေလးမခငမားအတြက တကေသာ ေဆာငရြကမႈေပးရန လမး ညႊနခကမားက မ႐မးလကစြ ကသ႔ေသာ စာအပမားတြင ထညသြငး၍ ထတျပနေပး ရန အႀကျပလပါသည။


မဆႏၵေပးပငခြငရသ ကား-မ ဥးေရကလညး တရားဝင ထတျပနေၾကညာ ေပးပါက • တငးျပညရ အမးသမးမား၏ ဆႏၵမေပးခြင စစတမးမား အတြက ပမ တကေသာ အခကအလကမား ရရႏငမည ျဖစပါသည။ ေရြးေကာကပြမားတြင ပါဝငမႈႏႈနး အားနညးေနဆ ျဖစေသာ ဝငေရာက ယဥၿပငသ • အမးသမး ပါဝငမႈႏႈနး တးျမငလာေစေရးႏင အမးသမးမားအတြက ပမေကာငးမြန ေသာ ေရြးေကာကပြ အခငးအကငးမား ျဖစလာေစရန အတြက ကား-မ ေရးရာ ဘ႑ာေရးမဝါဒမား ခမတ ေဆာငရြကရနလညး အၾကျပတငျပလပါသည။

EdkifiHa&;ygwDrsm;odkŒ t-uHjyKcsuf

ႏငငေရးပါတမားအေနျဖင ပါတတြငး ကား-မ တနးတညမႏငခြင ရျခငးျဖင မမတ႔ • ပါတ ပမဖြ႕ၿဖးတးတက လာႏငမည ဆသညက အမနတကယ ယၾကညစြာျဖင အမး သမးမား ပမ ပါဝင ေဆာငရြကခြင ရလာေစေရးက ေလးေလးနကနက ေဆာငရြက သငေၾကာငး အၾကျပ တငျပလပါသည။ ပါတမားတြင အမးသမးမား ပါဝငမႈက တးတကလာေစရနႏင အရညအခငး ျပညဝ • သမားျဖစေစရန စနစတက နညးဗဟာမား ေရးဆြၿပး လကေတြ႕ လပေဆာငသင ပါသည။ ဥပမာ- ပါတတြငးရ အမးသမးမား၏ ႏငငေရး စြမးေဆာငရည တးတကေရး အတြက သငတနးမား ေပးျခငး၊ ေလလာေရး ခရးစဥမား လပေဆာငေပးျခငး၊ အမး သမး အဖြ႕ဝငမား အခငးခငး ကြနရကခတဆက ေဆာငရြကျခငးတ႔ ျဖစပါသည။ပါတ၏ ဆးျဖတခကခႏငေသာ ရာထးမားႏင ေခါငးေဆာငမႈ အခနးက႑ မားတြင • အမးသမးပါဝငမႈက အာမခႏငေစမည မဝါဒခမႈမား၊ (ဥပမာ- ရာထးခြေဝရာတြင ကား-မ မတေစသည သတမတခက၊ အမးသမးပါဝငမႈ အခးအစား သတမတခက) အမးသမးမား ႏငငေရးတြင ပါဝငႏငမႈတြင အဟန႔အတား တစချဖစသည ေငြေၾကး အခကအခ ေျပေလာေစရန ကား- မ ေရးရာ ဘ႑ာေရးမဝါဒမား၊ ခမတ ေဆာငရြက ျခငး စသညတ႔ လပေဆာင သငေၾကာငး အၾကျပ လပါသည။

tjcm;t-uHjyKcsufrsm;

ေရြးေကာကပြလပငနးစဥမားတြင ပါဝငေဆာငရြကၾကေသာ အရပဖက လမႈအဖြ႕ • အစညးမား အေနျဖငလညး မမတ႔ လပငနးစဥမားတြင အမးသမး၊ အမးသား ပါဝငမႈ တြင တညေသာ အခြငအလမးမား ရေအာင စမေဆာငရြကရန အၾကျပလပါသည။ ကား-မ တနးတညမေရး အတြက လအပေသာ အထး လပေဆာငခကမား ပပးေပး ႏငရနလညး အဖြ႕အစညးမား ပးေပါငး ေဆြးေႏြးကာ လပေဆာငရန အၾကျပတငျပ လပါသည။ေရြးေကာကခ အမးသမးလႊတေတာ ကယစားလယမား အေနျဖငလညး မမတ႔ • တာဝနထမးေဆာငသည လႊတေတာသကတမးတြင အရညအခငး ျပညဝစြာျဖင တာဝနထမးေဆာငၿပး တငးျပည၏ ျငမးခမးေရးလပငနးစဥမား၊ ျပျပငေျပာငးလေရး လပငနးစဥမားတြင ျပညသ႔ဆႏၵက နားလညသေဘာ ေပါက ေဆာငရြကရန အၾကျပ လပါသည။ ထေဆာငရြကႏငမႈမားေၾကာင ျပညသလထက အမးသမး လႊတေတာ ကယစားလယမား အေပၚ ပမယ ၾကညစတခၿပး ကား-မ တနးတေရး၏ အေရးပါပက ပမသျမင သေဘာေပါကလာမညဟ ယၾကညပါသည။


5? a&G;aumufyGJ apmifh-unfhavhvm&mwGif toHk;jyKcJhaom enf;pepf

ဖနတးအမသည ေနျပညေတာ အပါအဝင ျမနမာတစႏငငလးရ တငးႏင ျပညနယ ၁၄ ခမ ၿမ႕နယေပါငး ၁၈၁ ၿမ႕နယ ရ၊ မ႐ေပါငး ၈၃၁ ႐က ေစာငၾကညေလလာသ ၁၅၈၁ (အမးသမး ၉ဝ၇၊ အမးသား ၆၇၄) ဥးျဖင ေစာငၾကညေလလာခပါသည။ ဖနတးအမ ေစာငၾကညေလလာမႈအတြက ေငြေၾကးအကအညႏင နညးပညာ အက အညက National Democratic Institute (NDI) မ ပပးကညေပးခပါသည။

ဖနတးအမ၏ ေစာငၾကညေလလာမႈ ပစမာ တငးႏငျပညနယရ လဥးေရအခးအစား အလက ေစာငၾကညမည မ႐အေရအတြက သတမတခပါသည။ ျမနမာႏငငအဝမး ေစာင ၾကညႏငရနအတြက တငးေဒသႀကးႏင ျပညနယမား အလက တာဝနယရန တာဝနခ ကယစားလယ ၁၆ ဥး (အမးသမး ၉ ဥး၊ အမးသား ၇ ဥး) ေရြးခယခန႔အပခပါသည။ ထတာဝနခ ကယစားလယမားက မမတ႔ တငး/ျပညနယ အလက လအပေသာ ေစတနာ ဝနထမး ေစာငၾကညေလလာသမားက ၃ လ အတြငး ရာေဖြကာ ျမနမာႏငင တဝမးလးတြင ေစာငၾကညေလလာေရး သငတနး ၄၈ ခ ေပးခပါသည။ ေစာငၾကည ေလလာမည မ႐ မားက တာဝနခကယစားလယမားႏင ေဒသခ ေစာငၾကညေလလာမညသမားမ ေရြး ခယ သတမတ ၾကၿပး၊ မ႐ တစ႐တြင ေစာငၾကညသ (၂) ဥး ႏႈနးျဖင ေစာငၾကည ေလလာ ခပါသည။

ေစာငၾကညေလလာသမားသည ႀကတင ျပငဆငေပးထားေသာ ေစာငၾကညေလလာ ေရး ပစမားက အသးျပၿပး ေရြးေကာကပြေန႔ ျဖစစဥ တစခလးႏင ထးျခားျဖစစဥမား က ေစာငၾကညေလလာ ခပါသည။ ေရြးေကာကပြေန႔တြင ထးျခားျဖစစဥမားႏင ပတ သက၍လညး ဖနတးအမ႐းခပသ႔ ခကျခငး ဖနးဆက အေၾကာငးၾကားေစခပါသည။ ေရြး ေကာကပြ မတငမတြင ဖနတးအမ႐းခပႏင တာဝနခကယစားလယမားမလညး မမတ႔ သကဆငရာေဒသမားတြင ေကာမရငအဖြ႕ဝငမား၊ ႏငငေရးပါတမ ေခါငးေဆာငမား၊ ေရြး ေကာကပြ ဝငေရာကယဥၿပငမည ကယစားလယေလာငးမား၊ ေအာငႏငေရး မနေနဂာ မားႏင ေတြ႕ဆေမးျမနးမႈ ၃၆ ခ ျပလပခပါသည။

ေစာငၾကညေလလာမႈ ေတြ႕ရခကမားႏင ပတသက၍ ေမးျမနးလပါက ေအာကပါ ပဂၢလ မားက ဆကသြယႏငပါသည။

ေဒါကတာေကာၿငမးေအး (ဖနတးအမ ဒါ႐ကတာ) ဖနးနပါတ - ဝ၉ ၅ဝ ၃၈၆၅၅

ေဒၚခငေလးငယ (စမကနး ဒါရကတာ) ဖနးနပါတ - ဝ၉ ၄၂ဝဝဝ ၃၈၅၇

ဖနတးအမ ႐းခပ - အမတ (ဗြ- ၁၆)၊ ငဝါ (၆)လမး၊ (၅)ရပကြက၊ ျမကနသာအမယာ၊ လႈငၿမ႕နယ၊ ရနကနတငးေဒသႀကး။[email protected]

Report on Observing Women’s Participation in Myanmar’s November 2015 General Election | 23

Reported by Phan Tee Eain (Creative Home)

I. IntroductionPhan Tee Eain is an organization striving to enhance women’s capacity and participation in politics. It is Phan Tee Eain’s contention that the development of a country can progress only when both men and women work together, using complementary strengths. Phan Tee Eain also strongly believes that if women’s participation increases in the Hluttaw, which is vital for passing legislation, determining decision-making positions, and overseeing the executive branch, there can be a stronger, more accountable government by incorporating different perspecptives in making decisions. This can be beneficial both men and also for women, who comprise more than half of Myanmar’s population.

The success of transition from male-dominated military government system to a more inclusive, representative, and democratic system can also be measured by the levels of participation of women in the government. Therefore, Phan Tee Eain endeavored to observe women’s participation in the November 8, 2015 general elections, as a foundation of our country’s democracy. In this election, Myanmar chose 330 members of the Pyithu Hluttaw and 168 of the Amyotha Hluttaw, and 644 representatives of the 14 state and regional parliaments. (There are also 25 percent non-elected seats reserved for the military in each hluttaw.) The election also chose 29 ethnic minority representatives for groups that are minorities in a region or state, but have at least 0.1% of the national population.

In 2015 General Elections, Union Election Commission canceled 7 constituencies in Northern Shan State and therefore, only 323 members for PyithuHluttaw and 659 members for State and Division Hluttaws, in total 1,150 members of parliament were elected.

Phan Tee Eain’s head office in Yangon and 16 states and regions supervisors oversaw the deployment of 1,555 observers around the country on election day, almost 60 percent of which were women. Observers filled out a standardized checklist about election day processes, and about aspects of women’s inclusion and access at polling stations. On election day, observers immediately called in critical incidents to the Phan Tee Eain head quarters. Phan Tee Eain’s team also collected information in

Report on Observing Women’s Participation

in Myanmar’s November 2015 General Election

24 | Report on Observing Women’s Participation in Myanmar’s November 2015 General Election

the pre-election period about women in the campaigns, and conducted interview with election commission members, political parties, and candidates.

II. Executive Summary of Key FindingsWith data collected in these ways, Phan Tee Eain not only measured the credibility of the election, but also the ability of women to participate in and impact the election. Overall, Phan Tee Eain found that the election provided for inclusive participation of eligible voters and stakeholders, and women were able to access polling stations and exercise their right to vote alongside men.

According to observation findings, there was a 10 percent increase in the number of women candidates in the 2015 elections, compared to the 2010 elections. Also, the number of elected women members of parliament (MPs) increased from 45 in 2010 to 151 in 2015. However, this number is only 13 percent of the total number of MPs. Compared to the magnitude of the female population in Myanmar, this figure is not satisfactory to ensure appropriate representation of women’s interests.

Phan Tee Eain has found that women’s participation in leadership and decision-making positions of political parties is still weak. Myanmar women face several impediments to be able to participate in politics, including challenges specific to being female candidates, as compared to their male counterparts during campaign period. For example, security concerns and traditional attitudes required women candidates to have a women companion during their campaign travels. This sometimes added to the costs of women’s campaigns.

In this election, the election commissions from the Union to township levels included only 3 percent women. Although there is no stipulation that chairman of commission must be man, almost all commission chairmen in different levels were men.

The gender of voters on election day cannot be tracked precisely, but in polling stations, women comprised more than 60 percent of the presiding officers or deputy presiding officers.They carried out these respsonsibilities impartially and successfully.

Polling stations often set in convenient or well known premises within the ward or village did not pose access challenges especially for women. Sometimes, however, some polling stations were over crowded with a lot of people queuing to cast their ballot, situations in which women could


face some intimidation. One notable occurance in Nyaung-Oo township of Mandalay Region was gender segregation in voting. The officials set up separate polling stations for women and men, and women voters were apparently pleased with it. According to observation findings of Phan Tee Eain, more than 60 percent of polling stations gave preferential treatment to pregnant women and women with children.

Phan Tee Eain has found that Myanmar’s election laws and constitution allow equal voting rights, rights to stand for elections, rights to work in election commissions and as polling station officials. Yet, it is found that male and female participation is not equal in terms of numbers and opportunities, especially in leadership roles.There are no laws or policies to guarantee for gender equity in elected or leadership positions in government or political parties. Phan Tee Eain therefore finds that while the legal framework allows equal participation, it does not include provisions or policies that would encourage higher levels of women’s participation in leadership.

To promote gender equality in the whole world is one of the millennium goals of the United Nations. Myanmar is one of the members of the United Nations and also a signatory of Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). However, there is no implementation such as special temporary measures to enhance gender equity or legislating policies to fulfill this convention. Especially, there is no policy encouraging women participation in leadership positions in politics.

III. OBSERVATION FINDINGS1. Legal Framework AnalysisAccording to the legal framework for elections in Myanmar, women and men have equal rights in voting and running for office. The Myanmar Constitution guarantees equal rights for all citizens (Chapter 1, Article 21a), as well as equal rights for all citizens to vote and be elected (Chapter 1, Article 38a). The Consitution defines a citizen of Myanmar, and asserts that the government “shall not discriminate any citizen… based on race, birth, religion, official position, status, culture, sex and wealth.” (Chapter 8, Article 348) In addition, the election laws for the Amyotha, Pyithu, and States and Regions Hluttaws set that citizens are eligible to vote (Chapter 4, Article 6) and to run for office (Chapter 5, Article 8) “irrespective of sex and religion”. This provides a legal basis for equality in elections among women and men as citizens.

In reality, however, women often have less time for voting than men, as


they have to take care of their children. As a result, they have to make more effort than men to vote. Chapter 1.4, paragraph “e” of the Union Election Commission’s (UEC) manual for polling station officials stipulates that officials should provide help to voters who are not in good health or physical condition. However, there is no specific directive, by-law or instruction to give preferential treatment to pregnant women or women with children. Officials did give preferential treatment to those women in 61 percent of the polling stations observed by Phan Tee Eain. To ensure this continues, Phan Tee Eain recommends this practice be formalized in election rules or manuals for the future.

Most political parties have only general statements on the needs to prioritize women. However, regarding women’s participation in party structures, there are only a few parties that have concrete policies, such as target numbers of women candidates. Even those parties did not implement the policies. Based on Phan Tee Eain’s interviews, there are only a few parties which reserved a percentage of candidate slots for women. Among them, only the National Democratic Force (NDF) party reached its target. All efforts by political parties to include or prioritize women are voluntary, as there are no legal mechanisms to promote women’s inclusion by parties. The political party law does not require that parties have structures for women or women in leadership roles, and it does not require that women are a minimum number or percentage of candidates nominated by a party.

Almost all those party representatives or candidates that Phan Tee Eain interviewed were against the concept of gender quotas or other affirmative action mechanisms for women in the legal framework, or within political party policies. Respondents were largely supportive of more women in politics, and recognize that women face larger barriers than men, but still did not support the concept of affirmative action.

The common opinion was that candidates should be chosen based on qualifications and merit, not based on gender. Even women respondents from PTE’s interviews had that kind of opinion. This demonstrates cognitive dissonance between acknowledgements of the challenges faced by women alongside a lack of support for mechanisms that can help overcome these challenges. This contradiction indicates a lack of understanding of why quotas are necessary and how they can be applied usefully.


2. Women’s participation in Decision-Making Positions of Political PartiesThere are 91 registered parties which ran for 2015 elections. Among them, only the National League for Democracy (NLD), The Mon Women’s Party (Mon), and the Danu National Organization Party have women in leadership, as chairperson, party leader, or second leader positions. There are six parties that have women in the role of party secretary. The former governing Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) has 40 Central Executive Committee (CEC) members and there were only two women among them. In contrast, the NLD’s CEC has 35 percent women.

Also in Phan Tee Eain’s research on women’s participation in decision-making positions of 34 political parties conducted in December 2014, women’s participation as Central Executive Committee members was only around 10 percent. In State and Region party branches, also 6 percent of women were taking the position of chairperson. (Reference: Phan Tee Eain, Women and Decision-Making in Political Parties in Myanmar)

That research also found out that several parties have women’s departments. However, PTE’s analysis of women’s inclusion in parties found that these departments lack of rescources to build capacity for women. If such bodies in parties provided women with opportunities to gain skills and advance, then more women may be able to rise to leadership roles in the future.

3. Women’s Participation in Different Levels of Election CommissionsAccording to election commission structure, the UEC was formed by the President and the chairman was directly chosen by the President. At the State and Region, District and township levels, election commissions were formed with six eminent persons and nine senior-level government officials. In the Union level, there are 15 commission members and among them, there is only one woman. In State or Region level, there are only 1 to 2 women included as eminent persons. Women’s participation as Commission chairperson or secretary positions in the township level is only 2.4 percent. (Reference: UEC website)

In July 2015, the UEC drafted a gender equality policy paper. The UEC is also developing a 12-chapter long strategic plan 2014-2018 to promote gender equity. It includes protecting men’s and women’s rights within the legal framework, promoting gender awareness among the UEC’s staff, coordinating with women organizations, incorporating information relevant for women in voter education programs, ensuring women candidates to run for an election on equal terms as their male counterparts, developing


gender sensitive dispute resolution laws and procedures, etc. In this election, the UEC’s voter education program considered gender concept in their design and implementation. When reporting data, the UEC did not yet provide agender breakdown for the number of voters, but did provide this gender breakdown for elected MPs. However, in other areas like legislating election laws, structure of the UEC, and the use of human resources, implementation of gender sensitive policy is still weak.

4. Women’s Representation as Candidates and Elected MPsAccording to the information from UEC, women’s participation as candidates is only around 13 percent in differnet levels of Hluttaw. The UEC candidate list published on November 3, 2015 showed that there were 798 women candidates and among them, 779 were from political parties and 19 were independent candidates.

Female Male Total Percentage

AmyotharHluttaw 120 766 886 14%

PyithuHluttaw 235 1499 1745 14%

State/Region Hluttaw 425 2833 3258 13%

Ethnic Representatives 18 143 161 11%

Total 798 5241 6039 13%

Table (1) Number of Candidates Ran for Elections

Among the 1150 MPs elected to the 3 Hluttaws (Amyotha and Pyithu for Union level, plus the States and Regions), there are 44 women in PyithuHluttaw, 23 in AmyothaHluttaw and 84 in State/Region Hluttaw


including ethnic minister seats, which total up to 151 women MPs, which is 13 percent.

Female Male Total Percentage

AmyotharHluttaw 23 145 168 14%

PyithuHluttaw 44 279 323 14%

State/Region Hluttaw 84 575 659 13%

Total 151 999 1150 13%

Table (2) Elected Women Candidates in 2015 Election

The number of women elected by party are:

No PartyNumber of women elected

1 Kachin State Democracy Party 1

2 Zomi Congress for Democracy Party 1

3 Ta-ang (Palaung) National Party 1

4 Tai Lai (Red Shan) Nationalities Development Party 1

5 Union Solidarity and Development Party 3

6 Arakan National Party 2

7 Shan Nationalities League for Democracy 7

8 Lisu National Development Party 1

9 National League for Democracy Party 134

Table (3) Number of Elected Candidates by Party

5. Observation Findings for Pre-Election Period Phan Tee Eain tracked media reports regarding women candidates in the campaign period, and conducted a series of interviews with political party members, candidates and campaign team members, election commission members, and representatives from CSOs.

Political parties interviewed included the National League for Democracy, National Unity Party, Shan Nationalities Leauge for Democracy, Shan Nationalities Democratic Party, Union Solidarity and Development Party, New Era Union Party, National Development Party, Federal Union Party, Democracy and Peace Party, Bamar People’s Party, Democratic Party (Myanmar), National Democratic Force Party, United Democratic Party, Chin National Democratic Party, Zomi Congress for Democracy Party, Phalon-Sawaw Democratic Party, and Arakan National Party. Phan Tee Eain interviewed Central Executive Committee members, candidates,


campaign team members of these parties.

Cultural and Economic Barriers to Women Entering PoliticsPhan Tee Eain’s interviews with parties and candidates indicated that women have to try harder than men to be able to participate in politics and to gain leadership positions. Especially, more women than men have to take household responsibilities. If a man wants to get involved in politics, he does not need permission from his wife while for a woman, permission of her husband plays a pivotal role to be able to participate in political activities. One Pyithu Hluttaw incumbent said, “If my family did not support, it’s not easy to become a politician. Because of my husband, I didn’t face many challenges in becoming a politician. For a woman to work like this, support of husband is very important.” Another woman candidate from the Federal Union Party described how she had to fight to convince her husband before she could run for office.

Male interlocutors from political parties sometimes cited economic barriers for women to enter in politics, asserting that they need to instead work to support their families economically. Women respondents, on the other hand, posited that women often receive little support to enter politics from their families, who see their role as within the family. These two perspectives support the same conclusion that women face a cultural barrier to political participation: that their role in society and the family does not coincide with political activism.

Perceptions of Women in PoliticsPhan Tee Eain’s interviews with women and men in parties gave the common impression that men were reluctant to support women in the political arena. If women demonstrate that they are qualified, parties will sometimes put them in political or leadership positions. However, parties often make this process difficult for women explicitly or implicitly. One party chairman stated,

“[Our party] Secretary is woman. Since she’s young and has less experience, according to our country’s tradition, we don’t give her chairman position. Legal advisor is also woman. If women are qualified, they can get high positions.” His statement demonstrates the simultaneous viewpoints that women have some “high positions”, but based on tradition, are not eligible for others.

Another respondent also mentioned his view on women’s participation in politics as follow.

“Women should form their own women’s party instead of becoming members in our party and really work on the ground. Then, one day, they can keep abreast with men in political arena.”


Several interlocutors described a lack of capacity among women to become candidates, including confidence, knowledge, skills, and experience. Some male party representatives also cited time and financial constraints in why they were not able to find more women candidates for their parties. The preponderance of these opinions overall demonstrate the large barrier politically active women face in the form of perceptions about their abilities, before they even get involved in campaigns.

However, a Federal Union Party representative described his experience with women in the previous parliament, saying they often worked harder and were more capable than their male counterparts. With increased exposure to women in the political process, perceptions about their abilities to contribute may begin to shift. Most respondents generally supported the need for women to get more involved in the future.

For women to participate more in politics, the support of other women is also needed. Some interlocutors felt that women working together would be the most effective way forward. For example, one Amyotha Hluttaw candidate said,

“In some cases, women are more courageous. There should be a woman companion. If there’s a woman companion, I feel motivated. Women need to support other women.”

Treatment of Women CandidatesDuring the campaign period, it was not prevalent that women MPs were attacked because of their gender. But parties or candidates can defame or discriminate women candidates from other parties.

For example, in Dagon Township, Yangon, one current MP said in acampign speech that women should only stay at home and important decisions should be made by men. Also in a village at Monywa Township, a candidate gave speech that a current women MP in NLD proposed a law on protecting prostitutes, and that she was therefore a person protecting immoral people. This showed a lack of understanding of issues that impact women.

One of the women candidates, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s photos was also photoshopped to defame her and mock her. In Mandalay, the photo of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi with the U.S president was printed on a vinyl with an intention of damaging her reputation.

‘When a woman gets involved in political

activities, people are curious about her

marital status, occupation of husband,

status of her children, etc. If she’s a

divorced woman or if her children fail

in exams, they criticize that she wants

to be involved in politics while she can’t

even manage her household. For men, no

one asks them what his wife does. Even

if he’s a divorced man, they assume that

his wife leaves him because he loves his

country much. He sacrifices for the country

and prioritize the country’s issue than

his family affair. That’s the perception of

people.”

--------------------------------------

(United Democratic Party,

AmyotharHluttaw candidate)


6. Observation Findings from Election Day On 8 November 2015, 1,555 trained PTE observers were deployed to a convenient locations of 831 polling stations in 181 townships to observe the conduct of Election Day process from the opening until the end of the counting in each station. Observers worked in teams of two, remained at their assigned polling station the entire day, and recorded their findings onto checklists that were later collected and analyzed. Overall findings of the opening and early voting processes were positive:

99% of the observers were allowed to observe inside the polling

station from the beginning of the day until the end of counting period.97% of polling stations displayed to the public that ballot boxes

were empty.

Phan Tee Eain measured women’s participation in different roles in the polling stations, and found that women played a large and vital role on election day:

Less women than men participated as party agent. In more than

50% of polling stations, women represented about only one-fourth of the party agents. Women participation as election observers was a bit higher. 34%

of polling stations had 25% of women as observers while 29% of polling stations had greater than 25% but less than 50% women observers. 25% of polling stations had 75% women observers. Among polling stations observed by Phan Tee Eain, 64% had female

presiding officer and 36% had male presiding officer. As deputy polling officer, there were 77% female and 23% male. In more than half of the polling stations (56 percent), both presiding officer and deputy presiding officers were women. 56% of polling stations observed by Phan Tee Eain comprised

75% of women as voter list checkers, ballot paper issuers and ink markers. However, security personnel were mostly men. 91% of polling stations had less than 25% of women as the security personnel.

Phan Tee Eain observed that most polling stations were well prepared and equipped with the necessary and required materials. However, there were also some polling stations which did not display voter list, advance voter list, and voter list for ethnic minister.

96% of polling station observed by Phan Tee Eain had all the

materials needed in a polling station. Over 80% of polling station posted advance voter list inside the

constituency (Form 13).


In almost fourth-fifth of the polling stations that PTE observed (79 percent), the election results (Form 16 and 16A) were posted outside the polling stations. Phan Tee Eain found that most voting procedures were set up and conducted well on election day:

According to the findings of observers, Phan Tee Eain did not note

anything that could influence the voters’ choice or bias officials in polling stations and the environment in more than 90% of polling stations. 96% of polling stations observed by Phan Tee Eain were arranged to

guarantee secrecy of vote. 62% of polling stations were arranged in a way which was accessible to elderly and disabled people. 44% of polling stations had a long queue most of the time and 45%

of polling stations had a long queue sometimes.95% of polling stations, the polling officials made reasonable

decisions about valid and invalid votes. Results were challenged in only 2% of polling stations.

Some issues were noted by observers, which could be improved in future elections:

12% of observers observed that women faced more challenges than

men in voting, for example, women had to wait for a long queue, no preferential treatment for pregnant women and women with children, etc.

In 20% of polling stations observed by Phan Tee Eain, observers

witnessed attempts of a person to vote on behalf of another person. However, there were almost no people who were allowed to vote


without checking their names on the voter list (93 percent). In only 6% of polling stations were there fewer than 10 cases. Among these polling stations, 38% of the cases were more women and 46% of the cases were equal between men and women.32% of polling stations had about 10 voters who could not vote

because their names were not in the voter list. Among these people, the number was equal between men and women in 36% of polling stations and more women in 33% of polling stations.

IV. OBSERVATION RECOMMENDATIONSBased on its observations before and during election day, as well as its series of interviews with political and electoral stakeholders, Phan Tee Eain puts forth the following recommendations to improve future elections and the levels of political participation of women.

Recommendation to the Union Election CommissionThe Union Election Commission can effectively make announcements

and directives based on the needs for the election. However, they are weak in preparation. For example, Phan Tee Eain found this in the late release of many instructions and information about the election. By improving gender balance in composition of the Union Election Commission members, enhancing women participation in decision-making positions, and conducting capacity building training for the commission’s staff, there could be less error and better management in coming elections. The UEC should also include more policies that support and

include women voters. For example, the policy to provide help for pregnant voters or women with children should be formalized in the polling stations official manuals for future elections.If gender breakdown on the number of registered voters and voter

turnout can be provided by the UEC, we can have more precise analysis on women’s participation in elections.To enhance women’s participation in elections and to be able to

conduct elections which are conducive to women, we would like to encourage the UEC to develop gender budgeting scheme.

Recommendation to Political PartiesPolitical parties should recognize that gender equality in their

parites can facilitate development of parties and strive for more women’s participation. Political parties should also increase women’s participation by

using systematic strategies,for example, giving political capacity building training to women, arranging exposure trips for women,


developing cross-party network for women party members, etc.Political parties should develop policies which guarantee women’s

participation such as having gender ratio for certain positions, adopting quota system for women in decision-making positions of parties, having gender budgeting scheme to eliminate financial impediment for women’s participation in politics, etc.

Other RecommendationsCivil society organizations which carried out election observation

should develop gender mainstreaming approach, which ensures equal participation of men and women in their project. Organizations should also cooperate with each other and promote gender equality.Elected women MPs should also work hard during their term and

participate in country’s peace process and transition process. Then, people will have more trust on women MPs and can understand the importantce of gender equality. Women participation can be strengthen under genuine transition to democracy with full-fledged democratic standards.

V. OBSERVATION METHODOLOGIES Phan Tee Eain observed in 831 polling stations from 181 townships, across all 14 States and Regions of Myanmar, including Nay Pyi Taw. Phan Tee Eain deployed 1,581 observers on election day, including 907 women and 674 men. Phan Tee Eain election observation process was funded and supported technically by National Democratic Institute (NDI).

Phan Tee Eain targeted the number of polling stations in proportion to the population of States or Regions. Phan Tee Eain employed 16 supervisors (9 females and 7 males) to manage observers locally. These supervisors recruited required number of volunteer observers in their State/Region within three months and conducted 48 observation trainings in the whole country. Polling stations were chosen by supervisors and local observers and two people were deployed per polling station.

Observers observed the whole process of election day and submitted critical incidents using the checklists prepared by Phan Tee Eain.

In addition, Phan Tee Eain conducted 36 interviews with political parties, women candidates, election commissioners, and representatives from CSOs to gather opinions and experiences about women’s participation in elections. There were 36 interviews conducted, 14 interviews done by State and Region supervisors and 22 interviews by Headquarter.


Phan Tee Eain received critical incident reports on and the day after election day. Findings from these reports were announced in our preliminary findings on 12 November. Now, this Phan Tee Eain’s report on observation of women participation is based on the checklists of observers, pre-election interviews, weekly reports of supervisors, facts from the website of UEC and other official documents.

If you have any questions related to this report, please contact

Dr. Kyaw Nyein Aye (Director)Phone: 09 50 38655

Daw Khin Lay Nge (Project Director)Phone: 09 42 000 3897


Inclusive elections, where all those eligible have the opportunity to vote to choose their elected representatives, are central to democracy. Ensuring that women and men can and do participate without unfair barriers is a core component of delivering an inclusive election. For inclusive elections, the legal framework plays a key role in enhancing or impeding women’s participation in electoral and political processes.

Ideally, the law would provide an avenue to guarantee formal rights and remedy past injustices, such as discrimination and marginalization of women. For Myanmar laws to be considered as gender-responsive and effective, they should have mechanisms and solutions that seek to address the many barriers and challenges that have impeded women’s participation in electoral and political processes.

This chapter seeks to assess the gender responsiveness of the legal framework in order to illustrate the environment that women encountered as they pursued their electoral and political rights.

(I) International Legal FrameworkDemocratic systems are based on a number of rights or principles, including the right to vote and be elected, the right to participate in government, and the right to equal access to public services. In essence, participation in a country’s political process must be free and men and women must enjoy equal access to decision-making processes. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights and a number of other international instruments seek to uphold the principle of democratic governance. The UDHR, for example, states that ‘everyone has the right to take part in the government of his/her country’, and that ‘the will of the people shall be the basis for the authority of government’.

The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women expand on the UDHR, as do regional conventions such as the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms,6 the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights, and the American Convention on Human Rights.

In particular, Article 7 of CEDAW stipulates that “state parties shall take all appropriate measures to eliminate discrimination against women in the political and public life of the country and, in particular, shall ensure to women, on equal terms with men, the right: (a) To vote in all elections

Legal Frameworkby Daw Khin Ma Ma Myo


and public referenda and to be eligible for election to all publicly elected bodies; (b) To participate in the formulation of government policy and the implementation thereof and to hold public office and perform all public functions at all levels of government; (c) To participate in non-governmental organizations and associations concerned with the public and political life of the country.”

The UN Security Council adopted Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security on 31 October 2000 following a May 2000 DPKO stocktaking meeting in Namibia on ‘Mainstreaming a Gender Perspective in Multi-dimensional Peace Support Operations’. Article 8 calls on: “all actors involved, when negotiating and implementing peace agreements, to adopt a gender perspective, including, inter alia: [. . .] Measures that support local women’s peace initiatives and indigenous processes for conflict resolution, and that involve women in all of the implementation mechanisms of the peace agreements; Measures that ensure the protection of and respect for human rights of women and girls, particularly as they relate to the constitution, the electoral system, the police and the judiciary.”

In fact, a country’s constitution should guarantee the right of all citizens to participate in polls. States parties to CEDAW, and the nations that endorsed the Beijing Platform for Action, have committed themselves to implementing special temporary measures to increase women’s chances of winning representative seats in democratic political competitions. The Beijing Platform for Action notes that, ‘in some countries, affirmative action has led to 33.3 per cent or larger representation in local and national Governments’. To address this phenomenon, constitutions or electoral laws can be amended to create the political space for women. For instance, by means of issuing temporary special measures to ensure women’s participation within political party structures or provisions to guarantee the representation of women in the parliaments of countries without political parties.

Myanmar has been a member of United Nations since it was founded and a signatory of CEDAW since 1997. It also endorsed the Beijing Platform for Action by participating in the Fourth Women Conference in Beijing in 1995. However, there is no specific temporary measures to increase women’s chances of winning representative seats and enhance women’s participation in representation and decision making of administrative and legislative institutions.


(II) The 2008 Constitution of Myanmar In general, there are some constitutional provisions that guarantee equal rights for men and women such that “The Union shall not discriminate any citizen of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar, based on race, birth, religion, official position, status, culture, sex and wealth” (Provision 348); “Women shall be entitled to the same rights and salaries as that received by men in respect of similar work” (Provision 350); “Mothers, children and expectant women shall enjoy equal rights as prescribed by law” (Provision 351); and “The Union shall honour and assist citizens who are outstanding in education irrespective of race, religion and sex according to their qualifications” (Provision 368).

Although the Constitution explicitly forbids discrimination on the basis of sex in these provisions, there are no other legal provisions to ensure equality and inclusiveness. The constitution also claimed contradictory remarks in Provision 351 as “The Union shall, upon specified qualifications being fulfilled, in appointing or assigning duties to civil service personnel, not discriminate for or against any citizen of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar, based on race, birth, religion, and sex. However, nothing in this Section shall prevent appointment of men to the positions that are suitable for men only”. No other specific provisions related to promote gender equality and gender responsiveness are found in the constitution.

(III) Electoral SystemIn terms of Myanmar electoral system, the President is indirectly elected by parliament. In the House of Nationalities (AmyothaHluttaw), 168 members are elected by absolute majority vote in single-member constituencies and 56 members are reserved by the military. In the House of Representatives (PyithuHluttaw), 330 members are elected by absolute majority vote in single-member constituencies to serve 5-year terms and 110 members are appointed by the military. Myanmar electoral system as a whole can be identified as FPTP (First Past the Post) system (i.e. Winners take all), as a form of Pluralist/ Majority System.

In general, PR electoral systems are almost always more friendly to the election of women than plurality/majority systems. In List PR systems, parties are able to use the lists to promote the advancement of women politicians and allow voters the space to elect women candidates while still basing their choice on other policy concerns than gender. In all regions of the world PR systems do better than FPTP systems in the number of women elected and 14 of the top 20 nations when it comes to the representation of women use List PR. In 2004, the number of women representatives in legislatures elected by List PR systems was 4.3 percentage points higher than the average of 15.2 per cent for all legislatures, while that for


legislatures elected by FPTP was 4.1 percentage points lower.

Thus, it is obvious that the electoral system in Myanmar is not favorable for women as most parties are encouraged to put up a ‘most broadly acceptable’ candidate in single-member districts, and that person is seldom a woman. Along with PR system, the electoral law can be imposed on political parties to field a certain number of women candidates for election as a requirement. As Myanmar electoral system is FPTP, this form of legislative quota is impossible to have strict placement mandate and enforcement mechanisms guaranteeing that women are placed in electable positions on party lists.

Even FPTP system itself, there is one possibility to enhance the representation of women in terms of reserved seats, where a certain number of seats are set aside for women in the legislature. These seats are filled either by representatives from regions or political parties in direct proportion to their overall share of the national vote. Reserved seats typically exist in plurality/majority electoral systems, and are often entrenched in a country’s constitution. However, the country’s constitution has no provisions to stipulate reserved seats quota system and women are being marginalized in terms of electoral system in Myanmar. It affects the overall inclusiveness of women in Myanmar electoral process.

(IV) Union Election Commission Law 2012 The Union Election Commission, established by the constitution and the 2012 Union Election Commission Law (repealed UEC law 2010) administers the polls. UEC law 2012 was enacted by Parliament in accord with subsection (a) of section 398 and section 403 of the Constitution of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar to enable the formation of the Union Election Commission and prescribing its duties and powers for supervising the exercise of the right to elect and to be elected to Hluttaws by every citizen of the Union of Myanmar and for supervising political parties.

It belatedly concerns over lack of diversity in terms of religion and gender as the law doesn’t provide any specific provisions for equality and inclusiveness. It is obvious that regulations that facilitate women’s participation may be issued, when election management bodies are sensitive to gender considerations. However, UEC law doesn’t specifically authorize election management bodies to issue legally binding regulations, consistent with the international instruments to promote gender concerns.

Although the legal framework has no provisions on gender, the UEC Strategic Plan (2014-2018) attempted to address the gap by putting


inclusive participation as one of the key issues. Based on this key issue, strategic pillar of promotion of inclusive participation was developed to encourage more inclusive participation from women, ethnic minorities, persons with disabilities, and internally displaced persons (IDPs) who each face different challenges and barriers to participating in the electoral process. This strategic pillar was used as a cross cutting pillar for all other 11 pillars. It rather promotes women’s participation as voters than candidates or campaign volunteers.

(V) Political Party Registration Law 2014 Political Parties Registration Law was enacted as Law No. 2/2010 dated 8 March 2010 by the State Peace and Development Council in accord with Section 443 of the Constitution of the Union of Myanmar. Since certain provisions of the Law are required to be replaced, removed, added and amended; the Pyihtaungsu Hluttaw replaced, removed, added and amended the Law in 2011 and 2014.

Since political parties play an enormous role in selecting candidates and setting the political agenda for election campaigns, national laws on political parties are often central to women’s participation. Women will enjoy greater opportunities if a country’s laws stipulate that the internal functioning of political parties must be transparent and democratic than if party operations are highly centralized and controlled by a few party leaders. Despite of the existence of Political Party Registration law (2014), there is no legal provisions that advantage women’s participation and representation in political parties. The law doesn’t adopt any legislative quota system as an affirmative action in accordance with Beijing Platform for Action, that was endorsed by Myanmar in 1995. There is no legal barrier to form and register a women political party, however, the process was delayed for the first and the only one women party in Myanmar.

(VI) Electoral Legal Instruments: National Parliament Electoral Law/ Bylaw 2014 , People’s Parliament Electoral Law/ Bylaw 2014, Region and State Parliament Electoral Law/Bylaw 2014, Sub commission Working GuidelinesNon-discrimination and the equal rights of women and men are fundamental principles of international human rights law. Women’s entitlement to full participation in electoral processes is recognized in United Nations and international instruments. In practice, however, women are often marginalized in elections as a result of gender discrimination and any number of social, economic and political factors. Electoral legal instruments might prevent women from marginalization as well as reinforce marginalization and discriminatory practices.


The election law should be clear, comprehensive and transparent. It should ensure that no element of the electoral process disadvantages women either directly or indirectly. For example, election laws requiring candidates to post large monetary deposits can work against women. Literacy or education requirements may give men an unfair advantage over women. Laws creating too few polling stations can lead to long lines and discourage voting by women with small children.

In contrast, gender sensitive election laws can create an environment in which these and other problems may be avoided, and may even include special positive measures to ensure that women are elected to office. Thus, key electoral legal instruments in Myanmar such as National Parliament Electoral Law 2014, People’s Parliament Electoral Law 2014, Region and State Parliament Electoral Law 2014 are analyzed based on universal and equal suffrage, non-Discrimination, the right to be elected, access to voter registration process, limitations on Freedom of Expression during electoral campaigns, accessibility, the right to have secret ballots and legal provisions in Electoral Dispute Resolution.

On universal and equal suffrage, all electoral legal instruments stipulates the right to be eligible voters as “ Persons possessing the following qualifications shall be eligible to vote at the election irrespective of sex and religion: (a) citizen, associate citizen, naturalized citizen or holder of temporary certificate who has completed the age of 18 years on the day of commencement of election and who does not contravene the provisions of this Law; (b) person whose name has been included in the voting roll of the respective constituency. Thus, there is no doubt that universal and equal suffrage was protected by electoral laws. However, it doesn’t specifically prohibit the use of family votes, that are usually occurred in Asian Context.

On the grounds of non-discrimination, the law doesn’t provide any legal provisions that advance discrimination in terms of gender. However, the law doesn’t prohibit provisions that can lead to discriminatory practices. In Provision No. 5 of People’s Parliament By Law, regarding Preparation of Voting Lists, it was mentioned as “The Ward or Village-tract Sub-commissions shall prepare voting lists of various constituencies based on the population lists being collected by ward or village tracts’ administrators and townships’ immigration and identity registration departments”. It can create disadvantages for women as Myanmar people who live in rural areas do not usually hold IDs cards and women are more likely not to have IDs cards. Similarly, refugee women and IDPs women will get difficulties to have the right to vote. This provision might not only create unofficial legal barriers for women to be on the voter lists but also


mistakes on voter lists that may deter the right to vote both physically and psychologically.

On the right to be elected, it clearly points out in Provision 8 of People’s Parliament Electoral Law that “Citizens possessing the following qualifications shall be eligible to stand for election irrespective of sex and religion: (a) at the time of filing the nomination paper for the purpose of election: (i) person who has completed the age of 25 years and who does not contravene the provisions of this Law; (ii) person who has resided in the Union of Myanmar at least ten consecutive years up to the time of his election as Hluttaw representative; (iii) person included in the voting roll; (b) citizen who was born of parents who are citizens; (c) person who possesses qualifications prescribed in this Law”. There is no restriction on the right to be elected for women candidates in legal context.

On voter registration process, the Myanmar Voter List Update was commenced in November 2014 as a major national initiative that involves computerizing (Digitalizing) local voter registration data using a computer application; updating local data through local displays, encouraging voters to check their names; encouraging voters to fill out UEC forms in case of discrepancies; Importing and verifying all voter list data at UEC HQ level; updating Final Voter List data on a regular basis after 2015 election. There is no specific legal barriers for women to be registered voters. However, the ineffective usage of baseline data collection; the specific time requirements of voter list display to be checked (For example, working hours are not suitable for women due to their commitment for childcare, housework, schools and office work); and confusions on errors of data retrieving between Preliminary Display and National Voter Display can affect women voters in terms of clarity and unambiguous.

Regarding candidate nomination, a person desirous of contesting in the election as a Hluttaw candidate shall submit nomination to relevant electoral officials as prescribed by law in Provision (18) of People’s Parliament Bylaw. Along with nomination forms, the contested candidates have to pay the costs of candidacy as 300,000 Kyats in Myanmar. This legal provision imposes significant burdens on the disadvantaged candidates, especially, non working women and mothers. On electoral campaign, there is no specific law or regulation that promotes women participation in Politics as candidates, campaign officers or polling station agents; or protect women candidates and campaign teams from hate speech on the basis of gender.

Access to media during election campaigns can affect the competitiveness of both male and female candidates. However, there is no specific legal


measure to promote gender equity in media access for female candidates. Although, the media code of conduct, issued by Myanmar Press Council stipulates media outlets to aim to reflect the diversity of political opinion in society (Section 2) and avoid any discriminatory, derogatory or patronizing reference to people’s race, colour, religion, sex, sexual orientation or preference, age, physical or mental disability or illness (Section 10.1).; there is no other provisions specifically pointing about women and elections. The guidelines for media during elections, issued by Myanmar Press Council, do not address balanced electoral coverage in terms of gender equity in media access.

Regarding voting, access to polling stations and the right to have secret ballots are important for women’s participation in politics as voters. There are no legal barriers in terms of access to polling stations for both men and women. However, the legal frameworks do not provide any preferential treatment for pregnant women and/ or men or women with children in accordance with the international standards. Although women voters with children are being imaged in the working guidelines for polling stations, there are no provisions for disadvantaged women. The right to have secret ballots are secured with constitutional provision 391 (D) and electoral legal provision 39 (A). However, these provisions cannot protect the use of family voting.

On Electoral Dispute Resolution (EDR), eligible voter, candidate or his /her authorized representative, election agents, political parties, candidates, sub commission, polling staff members may have the right to file complaints and objections to police officials and UEC officials depending on the alleged violations. Different forms of allegations are mentioned as guilty of violence, threat, undue influence, cheating, taking or giving of bribes to prevent a person from exercising the right of voting and the right to stand for election (Provision 57), guilty of or abetting of (a) giving and taking bribes by way of money, goods, foodstuff, position or service transfer or by using any other right in order to obtain the electoral right by unlawful means or as gratitude for obtaining such right; (b) threatening a Hluttaw candidate or a voter to prevent him from freely exercising his electoral right; (c) uttering, making speeches, making declarations and instigating to vote or not to vote on grounds of race and religion or by abetment of such acts; (d) giving speeches at meetings, instigation, writing, distributing or using posters or attempting by other means to disturb the voting or election (Provision 58); and guilty of or abet of (a) Intentionally making illegible or destroying list, notices or other electoral documents published by the Commission and Subcommissions; (b) Intentionally destroying voting roll or ballot paper or advance ballot paper, the envelope or pouch used in sending them


or making illegible the entries made therein; (c) giving the ballot paper or advance ballot paper to some other person in a malicious manner; (d) inserting into the ballot box any article other than a ballot paper; (e) opening without authorization the ballot box which is being used or destroying the ballot paper or advance ballot paper; (f) voting in any election at more than one Hluttaw constituency; (g) voting more than once in any election for a Hluttaw constituency in which he has the right to vote; (h) obtaining or casting ballot paper or advance ballot paper by impersonating another person; (i) entering the polling booth without permission while the election is in progress; (j) putting one counterfeit ballot paper or more into the ballot box (Provision 59), etc. Further allegations and malpractices can be identified in Provision (60-64) and 66 of People’s Parliament Electoral Law.

Among these electoral offences and malpractices, no legal provision was designed to identify gender based violence as electoral offence and malpractice. For post election objections relating to the results, the UEC central Commission establishes Election Tribunals with three UEC central commissioners or one commissioner who is the chair and two independent legal experts. There is no specific law to appoint woman in Election Tribunals to be inclusive. Moreover, the charge of fees for lodging an electoral complaint to 500,000 kyat (about $460), as non-refundable, regardless of the outcome of the complaint; can make disadvantaged people to address unfair practices to be impossible, especially for women who have limited income. It can affect the irreversibility of election results for women.

Based on the above analysis, it is obvious that legal provisions on the basis of gender needs to be improved as follows.

Government and Electoral Management Body should:Ensure their laws comply with international human rights •standards;Include women in discussions and negotiations leading to the •adoption of new electoral systems and electoral laws, as well as in the bodies responsible for the implementation of such systems and laws;Review legislation and regulations to identify elements that may •hinder women’s participation in elections and amend the laws to rectify any problems identified.

Civil society actors should:Lobby for women to participate as members and decision makers •in bodies involved in electoral processes;


Support gender equality through the presentation of position •papers on such issues as international legal instruments, internal party democracy and special measures;Monitor the Government’s implementation of electoral processes •to facilitate full and equal participation by women;Work to ensure displaced and refugee women are not legally •disenfranchised;Develop coalitions to galvanize support for constitutional and •electoral reform for gender responsiveness;Provide training on gender equality for members of electoral •management bodies to have gender responsive administration.


No. Region/ နယေျမ Regional Supervisor/ ေဒသဆငရာ တာဝနခ

1 Ayeyarwady/ ဧရာဝတ Daw Khin Aye Moe/ ေဒၚခငေအးမး

2 Bago/ ပခး U Hein Min Zaw/ ဥးမငးဟနးေဇာ

3 Chin/ ခငး Daw Gin Sian Mawi/ ဂငရငးေမြ

4 Kachin/ ကခင Daw Jar Brain Luu/ ဂာဘလနလ

5 Kayin/ ကရင Daw Tin Tin Hlaing/ ေဒၚတငတငလႈင

6 Magway/ မေကြး U Soe Lwin Aye/ ဥးစးလြငေအး

7 Magway/ မေကြး U Min Lwin/ ဥးမငးလြင

8 Mandalay/ မႏေလး Daw Thida/ ေဒၚသတာ

9 Mandalay/ မႏေလး Daw Myint Myint Khine/ ေဒၚျမငျမငခင

10 Mon/ မြန U Sein Pan/ ဥးစနပနး

11 Rakhine/ ရခင U Than Hla/ ဥးသနးလ

12 Sagaing/ စစကငး U Zaw Myo Tun/ ဥးေဇာမးထြနး

13 Shan (N)/ ရမး (ေျမာက) Daw Ae May/ ေဒၚအေမ

14 Shan (S)/ ရမး (ေတာင)၊ Kayar/ ကယား Daw Yee Yee Aye/ ေဒၚရရေအး

15 Taninthayi/ တနသၤာရ၊ Daw Chaw Suu Hlaing/ ေဒၚေခာစလႈင

16 Yangon/ ရနကန U Myo Khaing Htoo/ ဥးမးခငထး၊

၂ဝ၁၅ ေရြးေကာကပြေလလာေစာငၾကညေရး- ဖနတးအမ ေဒသဆငရာတာဝနခမား စာရငး/ 2015 Election Observation - PTE’s Regional Supervisors List

Appendix/ ေနာကဆကတြ


No. State or Region/ တငးေဒသႀကး၊ ျပညနယ

Townships/ ၿမ႕နယ

1 Ayeyarwady/ ဧရာဝတ Bogale, Danubyu, Dedaye, Einme, Hinthada, Ingapu, Kangyidaunt, Kyaiklat, Kyaunggon, Kyonpyaw, Labutta, Lemyethna, Maubin, Myaungmya, Mawlamyinegyun, Pantanaw, Pathein, Pyapon, Thabaung, Wakema, Yegyi, Zalun/ ဘကေလး၊ ဓႏျဖ၊ ေဒးဒရ၊ အမမ၊ ဟသၤာတ၊ အဂၤပ၊ ကနႀကးေထာင၊ ကကလတ၊ ေကာငးကနး၊ ကေပာ၊ လပြတာ၊ ေလးမကႏာ၊ မအပင၊ ေျမာငးျမ၊ ေမာလၿမငကၽြနး၊ ပနးတေနာ၊ ပသမ၊ ဖာပ၊ သာေပါငး၊ ဝါးခယမ၊ ေရၾကည၊ ဇလြန (22)

2 Bago/ ပခး Bago, Kawa, Waw, Nyaunglebin, Taungoo, Phyu, Paungde, Nattalin, Pyay, Shwedaung, Letpadan/ ပခး၊ ကဝ၊ ေဝါ၊ ေညာငေလးပင၊ ျဖး၊ ေရႊေတာင၊ ေပါငးတည၊ နတတလငး၊ ျပည၊ လကပတနး (12)

3 Chin/ ခငး Tedim, Mindat, Tonzang/ တးတန၊ မငးတပ၊ တြနးဇ (3)

4 Kachin/ ကခင Myitkyina, Waingmaw, Tanai, Mohnyin, Hpakant, Puta-O/ ျမစႀကးနား၊ ဝငးေမာ၊ တႏငး၊ မးညႇငး၊ ဖားကန႔၊ ပတာအ (6)

5 Kayin/ ကရင Kyainseikgyi, Hpa-An, Hlaingbwe, Hpapun, Thandaunggyi, Myawaddy, Kawkareik/ ၾကာအငးဆပႀကး၊ ဖားအ၊ လႈငးဘြ႕၊ ဖာပြန၊ သေတာငႀကး၊ ျမဝတ၊ ေကာကရတ (7)

6 Kayar/ ကယား Loikaw, Fruso, Demoso, Bawlakhe, Hpansawng/ လြငေကာ၊ ဖ႐းဆ၊ ဒေမာဆ၊ ေဘာလခ၊ ဖားေဆာငး (5)

7 Magway/ မေကြး Magway, Yenangyaung, Chauk, Taungdwingyi, Myothit, Natmauk, Minbu, Pwintbyu, Ngepe, Salin, Sidoktaya, Minhla, Kamma, Pakokku, Yesagyo, Gangaw/ မေကြး၊ ေရနေခာငး၊ ေခာက၊ ေတာငတြငးႀကး၊ ၿမ႕သစ၊ နတေမာက၊ မငးဘး၊ ပြငျဖ၊ ငဖ၊ စလငး၊ ေစတတရာ၊ မငးလ၊ ကမ၊ ပခက၊ ေရစႀက၊ ဂန႔ေဂၚ (16)

8 Mandalay/ မႏေလး Aungmyaythazan, Chanayethazan, Mahaaungmyay, Pyigyitagon, Thabeikkyin, Patheingyi, Amarapura, Pyinoolwin, Madaya, Singu, Mogoke, Myittha, Myingyan, Natogyi, Kyaukpadaung, Ngazun, Nyaung-U, Yamethin, Thazi, Wundwin, Mahlaing, Chanmyathazi/ ေအာငေျမသာဇ၊ ခမးေအးသာဇ၊ မဟာေအာငေျမ၊ ျပညႀကးတခြန၊ သပတကငး၊ ပသမႀကး၊ အမရပရ၊ ျပငဥးလြင၊ မတရာ၊ စဥကး၊ မးကတ၊ ျမစသား၊ ျမငးျခ၊ ႏြားထးႀကး၊ ေကာကပေတာငး၊ ငဇြန၊ ေညာငဥး၊ ရမညးသငး၊ သာစည၊ ဝမးတြငး၊ မလႈင၊ ခမးျမသာစည (22)


9 Naypyitaw/ ေနျပညေတာ

Zabu Thiri, Tatkon, Poke Ba Thiri, Pyinmana, Lewe/ ဇမၺသရ၊ တပကနး၊ ပဗၺသရ၊ ပဥးမနား၊ လယေဝး (5)

10 Mon/ မြန Mawlamyine, Kyaikmaraw, Chaungzon, Bilin, Thaton, Paung/ ေမာလၿမင၊ ကကမေရာ၊ ေခာငးဆ၊ ဘးလငး၊ သထ၊ ေပါင (6)

11 Rakhine/ ရခင Sittwe, Mrauk-U, Rathedaung, Kyauktaw, Myebon, Buthidaung, Kyaukpyu, Ramree, Ann/ စစေတြ၊ ေျမာကဥး၊ ရေသေတာင၊ ေကာကေတာ၊ ေျမပ၊ ဘးသးေတာင၊ ေကာကျဖ၊ ရမးၿဗ၊ အမး (9)

12 Sagaing/ စစကငး Banmauk, Chaung-U, Indaw, Kanbalu, Katha, Budalin, Kawlin, Khin-U, Kyunhla, Monywa, Pinlebu, Salingyi, Shwebo, Taze, Tigyaing, Wetlet, Wuntho, Yinmabin/ ဗနးေမာက၊ ေခာငးဥး၊ အငးေတာ။ ကန႔ဘလ၊ ကသာ၊ ဘတလင၊ ေကာလငး၊ ခငဥး၊ ကၽြနးလ၊ မရြာ၊ ပငလညဘး၊ ဆားလငးႀကး၊ ေရႊဘ၊ တန႔ဆည၊ ထးခင၊ ဝကလက၊ ဝနးသ၊ ယငးမာပင (18)

13 Shan (N)/ ရမး (ေျမာက) Mongton, Lashio, Namhkan, Kunlong, Namtu, Nawnghkio, Hseni, Monghsu, Tangyan, Hsipaw/ မငးတ၊ လား႐း၊ နမခမး၊ ကြနးလ၊ နမၼတ၊ ေညာငကး၊ သႏၷ၊ မငး႐း၊ တန႔ယနး၊ သေပါ (10)

14 Shan (S)/ ရမး (ေတာင) Taunggyi, Nyaungshwe, Kalaw, Pindaya, Lawksawk, Pinlaung, Nansang, Kutkai/ ေတာငႀကး၊ ေညာငေရႊ၊ ကေလာ၊ ပငးတယ၊ ရပေစာက၊ ပငေလာငး၊ နမစန၊ ကြတခင (8)

15 Taninthayi/ တနသၤာရ Dawei, Launglon, Thayetchaung, Myeik, Palaw/ ထားဝယ၊ ေလာငးလ၊ သရကေခာငး၊ ၿမတ၊ ပေလာ (5)

16 Yangon/ ရနကန Insein, Mingaladon, Taikkyi, Hlegu, Shwepyitar, Hlaingtharya, Hlaing, Thingangyun, Yankin, South Okkalapa, Nouth Okkalapa, Thaketa, Dagon Myothit - South, Dagon Myothit - Nouth, Tamwe, Pazundaung, Kawhmu, Kungyangon, Dala, Kyauktada, Mingalartaungnyunt, Ahlone, Kyeemyindaing, Sanchaung, Mayangone, Thanlyin, Bahan, Dagon Myothit - East/ အငးစန၊ မဂၤလာဒ၊ တကႀကး၊ လညးကး၊ ေရႊျပညသာ၊ လႈငျပညယာ၊ လင၊ သကၤနးကၽြနး၊ ရနကငး၊ ေတာငဥကလာ၊ ေျမာကဥကလာ၊ သာေကတ၊ ေျမာကဒဂ၊ ေတာငဒဂ၊ တာေမြ၊ ပဇြနေတာင၊ ေကာမး၊ ကြမးျခကနး၊ ဒလ၊ ေကာကတတား၊ မဂၤလာေတာငညႊန၊ အလ၊ ၾကညျမငတင၊ စမးေခာငး၊ ေျမနကနး၊ သလင၊ ဗဟနး၊ အေရ႕ဒဂ (28)

ဖနတးအမမ ေစာငၾကညေလလာခေသာ တငးေဒသႀကး/ ျပညနယ ၁၆ ခ ေအာကရ ၿမ႕နယမား စာရငးList of PTE observed townships in 16 Region and States


News clips of PTE's Election observation press conference/

ေရြးေကာကပြ ေစာငၾကညေရး သတငးစာရငးလငးပြ သတငးေဖာျပခကမား

A news reporting from Pyithu Ayay Journal, on December 29, 2015.ျပညသ႕အေရး ဂာနယမ သတငးေဖာျပခက၊ ၂ဝ၁၅ ခ၊ ဒဇငဘာ ၂၉ ရက။

An online news clip from Popular News Journal, on December 30, 2015.ဒဇငဘာလ ၃ဝ ရကတြင အြနလငးတြင ေဖာျပထားေသာ ေပၚျပလာ ဂာနယမ သတငးေဖာျပခက။


A news reporting from the Voice newspaper on December 29, 2015.သညဗြက ေန႔စဥသတငးစာမ သတငးေဖာျပခက၊ ဒဇငဘာ ၂၉ ရက၊ ၂ဝ၁၅။

A news clip from the Democracy Today's Daily Newspaper, on December 30, 2015.ဒမကေရစ တေဒး ေန႔စဥထတ သတငးစာမ ဒဇငဘာလ ၃ဝ ရကေန႔ထတ သတငးစာမ သတငးေဖာျပခက။


An online news from the Ladies News Journal on December 30, 2015.

ဒဇငဘာ ၃ဝရက၊ ၂ဝ၁၅ တြင သညေလးဒး သတငးဂာနယ မ

သတငးေဖာျပခက။


An excerpt from English TV news reporting by MITV on December 30, 2015.ဒဇငဘာ ၃ဝရက၊ ၂ဝ၁၅ တြင MITV သတငးဌာနမ အဂၤလပဘာသာ TV သတငးမ ထတႏတေဖာျပခက။


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ဖနတးအမသည ၂၀၁၅ ေရြးေကာကပြတြင အမးသမးပါဝငမႈႏင ပတသကၿပး တႏငငလး အတငးအတာျဖင ေစာငၾကညေလလာႏငခၿပး၊ ျမနမာႏငင၏ ေရြးေကာကပြ သမငးတြင ပထမဥးဆး ေစာငၾကညေလလာမႈ အေတြ႕အၾကအျဖစ ပါဝငႏငခပါသည။

ျမနမာႏငင၏ ေရြးေကာကပြ နညးဥပေဒတြင မပါဝငေသာလညး ေကာမရငဥကဌ၏ လပ ပငခြငက အသးျပ၍ ျပညတြငး၊ ျပညပ အဖြ႕အစညးမားအား ေစာငၾကညေလလာခြငျပ ခေသာ ျပညေထာငစ ေရြးေကာကပြေကာမရင ဥကဌႏင အဖြ႕ဝငမားအား အစဥအလာ ေကာငးမား ထေထာငသမား အျဖစ အသအမတျပ ေကးဇးတင အပပါသည။

ေတြ႕ဆေမးျမနးမႈမားက အခနေပးေျဖဆခေသာ တသးပဂၢလႏင ပါတ အသးသးမ လႊတ ေတာကယစားေလာငး အမးသမးမား၊ ႏငငေရးပါတမားမ ေခါငးေဆာငမား၊ အျခားေသာ အဖြ႕အစညးဝငမားကလညး ေကးဇးတငအပပါသည။

ဖနတးအမ၏ ေစာငၾကညေလလာမႈအတြက ေငြေၾကးႏင နညးပညာဆငရာ အကအည ေပးခေသာ National Democratic Institute (NDI) အဖြ႕သ႔လညး ေကးဇး အထးတငရ ပါသည။ တႏငငလး အတငးအတာျဖင ေရြးေကာကပြ ေစာငၾကညေလလာျခငး အေတြ႕ အၾက ႏနယေသးေသာ ဖနတးအမ ဝနထမးမားအေပၚ သညးခစတရညမႈမားျဖင ကည ေဆာငရြကေပးမႈမားက မတတမးတငအပပါသည။

ေစာငၾကညေလလာေရး လပငနးမားက သတငးအခကအလက မေဝ ေဆာငရြကခၾက ေသာ မတဖက ျပညတြငး အရပဘကလမႈအဖြ႕အစညးမားကလညး ေကးဇးတငအပပါ သည။

လြတလပၿပး တရားမတေသာေရြးေကာကပြ တစရပ ျမနမာႏငငေရး အေျပာငးအလတြင ေပၚထြနးလာေစရန ပးေပါငးေဆာငရြကခေသာ ႏငငတကာအဖြ႕အစညးမား အားလးက လညး ေကးဇးတငပါသည။

ေနာကဆး အေနျဖင အထးေကးဇးျပ မတတမးတငလသညမာ ဖနတးအမ ေစာငၾကည ေလလာေရးလပငနးမားတြင ပးေပါငးေဆာငရြကခၾကေသာ ျမနမာႏငင အနယနယ အရပ ရပရ ဖနတးအမ၏ ေစတနာဝနထမး ေစာငၾကညေလလာသမား၊ တာဝနခ ကယစားလယ မားႏင ဖနတးအမ ဝနထမးမား ျဖစပါသည။ ထသမား၏ စတအား ထကသနစြာ ပါဝင ေဆာငရြကမႈမားေၾကာငသာ ဖနတးအမ၏ ေရြးေကာကပြ ေစာငၾကညေလလာေရး လပ ငနးစဥ ၿပးေျမာကေအာငျမင ခရေၾကာငး ေလးစားစြာ မတတမးတင ဂဏျပအပပါသည။


ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

Phan Tee Eain could conduct nationwide observation in 2015 General Elections with main focus on women’s participation and accumulated its very first election observation experience.

Phan Tee Eain would like to show its gratitude to the Union Election Commission Chairman and its members for allowing international and domestic observation activities even though there is no stipulated law to conduct observation activities as such.

Phan Tee Eain would also like to thank women candidates, leaders of political parties, and interlocutors from different organizations.

Phan Tee Eain would like to say thank you to National Democratic Institute (NDI) for its technical and financial support for this observation project and its patience Phan Tee Eain’s staff who were inexperienced in election observation project.

We would also like to acknowledge all international organizations which contributed to the conduct of free and fair elections in Myanmar during transitional period.

Last but not least, Phan Tee Eain would like to show our deepest appreciation to Phan Tee Eain’s observers around the nation, supervisors and staff. Only because of their active participation, Phan Tee Eain could finish the observation successfully.

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