case of study fiji

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Case of study Fiji Globally Alive Family

by Monika Blanda

www.globallyalive.com [email protected]

GENERAL INFORMATION Climate

Fiji's climate is warm and tropical year-round, even

in the islands’ “winter” months. The average temperature in Fiji is 25°C (77°F), but it can climb to above 30°C (86°F) in summer (December and January) and sink to 18°C (64°F) in winter (July and August). Many people consider the Fijian winter, which is the dry season from May to October, to be the best time to visit the islands. This is when it is drier, less humid and a bit cooler, so outside activities are more pleasant. However, this is also Fiji's peak tourist season so the prices for airfare and accommodation peak as well, especially in June and July. Tradewinds and rainfall in Fiji rainfall

The tradewinds, which blow from the southeast, usually prevail from May to October (the drier winter months). In December and January, the winds often shift and come from the east, bringing rainfall with them. The humid southeastern shorelines of the big islands receive 3,000 mm of rainfall each year, increasing to 5,000 mm inland.

The leeward northwestern coasts are drier and receive about 1,500 to 2,000 mm of rainfall per year. But even in Fiji's wet season (the summer months from November to April), the sun often follows a rain shower and it is warm, so the rain is often only a small inconvenience. During the rainy season, Fiji is more prone to experience hurricanes and tropical storms. Fiji's hurricane season usually lasts from November to April. Wet and dry zones

Certain areas in the Fijian archipelago receive much more rainfall than others. The islands have distinct wet and dry zones. Roughly speaking, the wet zone is located in the southeast region of each island, while the leeward areas in the north and west are usually drier. An exception to this rule is Suva, which is not always dry in the official dry season (June to October). However, much of the rain falls at night. Fiji ocean temperature

The ocean surrounding Fiji usually has a pleasant temperature around 27°C (81°F), so ocean activities, such as swimming, snorkeling and diving can be enjoyed year-round. The nearshore waters are usually clearer during the drier season, when scuba divers enjoy increased visibility around the coral reefs.

Geography Where is Fiji located?

The Fiji Islands are located in the Southern Hemisphere, surrounded by the South Pacific Ocean. Fiji lies 5,100 km (3,169 miles) southwest of Hawaii and 3,150 km (1,957 miles) northeast of Sydney, Australia. Its exact geographic location is at latitude 15-22 degrees south and 177 degrees west to 175 degrees east.

What is unique about Fiji's location is that even though the 180th degree meridian line cuts right through the Fijian archipelago, the International Date Line goes around it to the east, so that all islands can share the same date. Fiji is one of the first countries to experience a new calendar day.

The archipelago encompasses 1,290,000 square km (498,072 square miles) of the South Pacific Ocean. Less than 1.5 percent of this is dry land, or about 18,272 square km (7,054 square miles). Fiji's two largest islands, Viti Levu and Vanua Levu, make up 87% of Fiji's total landmass. About 75% of the population lives on Viti Levu, and about 18% live on Vanua Levu.

Viti Levu is the largest of the Fiji Islands, spreading out over 10,388 square km (4,011 square miles). It is also the most populated and developed island. The other main island, Vanua Levu, is the second largest in Fiji, encompassing 5,587.1 square km (2,157.2 square miles).

If one counted every single island that belongs to the Fijian archipelago, this number would be in the thousands. However, only about 322 are seen as big enough to support human habitation. Of these 322 islands, only 106

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are inhabited. The other islands are either just too isolated or lack freshwater. Fiji's terrain

Most of Fiji's terrain is mountainous. The majority of these mountains are dormant or extinct volcanoes, though some were also formed from limestone and coral islets. The highest point in Fiji is Mt. Tomanivi, located on the main island of Viti Levu. It rises 1,324 meters (4,344 feet) above sea level.

Fiji has 50 groups of hot springs and the innermost areas of many islands feature lush rainforests with an abundance of tree species, plants and wildlife. Major areas and industries in Fiji

The capital of Fiji is Suva, located in the southeast of Viti Levu. The majority of tourist infrastructure, including various hotel chains, is located here. Suva is considered a key city for industrial development.

Both Viti Levu and Vanua Levu contain mountainous terrain and tropical rainforests (Vanua Levu is home to coconut plantations as well). There are also some roads and trails in these areas that lead to remote villages. Other significant parts of Fiji are the town of Nadi, where the international airport is located, and another town, Lautoka, which is home to a seaport. Fiji’s major natural resources include gold, copper, hydropower, offshore oil and timber.

Flights Information How you can get in Viti Levu, Fiji and what is the common price? Direct Flights from :

• Sydney – from 552 AUD • Melbourne – from 570 AUD • Brisbane – from 420 AUD • Gold Coast – from 440 AUD • Auckland – from 497 AUD

• Wellington – from 660 AUD • Christchurch – from 538 AUD • Los Angeles – from 1260 AUD • Honolulu – from 894 AUD • Seoul – from 1765 AUD

Indirect Flights from: cca 40 cities in Australia, cca 40 cities in USA, 3 cities in Tasmania, cca 20 cities in New Zealand, cca 20 cities in Papua New Guinea, 4 cities in Hawaii, Philippines, Malaysia, Singapore, China, Japan, Thailand, Vietnam, India, Nepal, South Korea, Mongolia, Russia, Uzbekistan, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, United Arab emirates, South Africa, Spain, Turkey, Italy, United Kingdom, France, Netherlands, Switzerland, Germany, Czech Republic, Canada, Chile, Brazil, Argentina, Colombia, México, Costa Rica, Belize

People/ Population

The population of Fiji today is 896,758 according

to a 2013 estimate (CIA World Factbook). Fiji's population density is 46.4 per km² (120.3 per square mile). The population growth rate is 0.73% (2013 est). The birth rate is 20.28 births per 1,000 population, and the death rate is 5.96 per 1,000 population (2013 est). The life expectancy in Fiji is 69.26 years for males and 74.62 years for females (2013 est). People of Fiji

The people of Fiji are said to be some of the friendliest in the world and are made up of several different ethnic groups. According to the 2007 Census, about 57.3% of them are Fijian natives, who are of mixed Melanesian and Polynesian ancestry. The next largest group of people residing in Fiji is of East Indian descent, making up 37.6% of the population. Europeans, other Pacific Islanders and Chinese make up 3.9% of the population, and 1.2% are Rotuman. Religions in Fiji


Christianity is now the main religion Fijians practice. A total of 55.4% of Fiji's population are Protestant. A variety of denominations can be found, the majority being Methodist (34.6%), followed by Assembly of God (5.7%), Seventh-Day Adventist (3.9%), Anglican (0.8%) and Other (10.4%). Hinduism is practiced by 27.9% of the population, 9.1% are Roman Catholic, 6.3% are Muslim, 0.3% are Sikh, 0.3% Other and 0.7% none, according to the 2007 Census. Government Current Political System

The country's current political setup consists of the president as the head of state with the prime minister as the head of government. Fiji's constitution provides for a bicameral parliament, which consists of the president, an elected house of representatives with one member, and a nominated senate with 32 members.

Under Fiji's current government, the country is divided into four districts for purposes of administration: the central district, based in Nausori, the northern district, based in Labasa, the eastern district, based in Levuka, and the western district, based in Lautoka. Each district has jurisdiction over the provinces that are within its division. In total, there are 14 provinces, which are each governed by a council that have an executive head granted by the Fijian Affairs Board. These councils generally oversee urban affairs.

The 20th century also brought about important economic changes. During this timeframe, Fiji developed a major sugar industry, while establishing tourism, productive copra milling and other secondary industries as well. Because of these economic advances, the revenues have provided for health and medical services, expanded public works, education and infrastructure.

Also, because of recent developments in air and sea communication and transport, Fiji now plays a major role in regional affairs and is known as the focal point of the South Pacific. International Relations and Fijian Embassies

Fiji's international relations, which were at first hampered by political problems that took place within the country, became stronger after it became a member of the United Nations in 1970 and actively participated in its affairs. Its participation in UN peacekeeping has become very significant, as Fiji's leadership in the South Pacific area resulted in its vital role in the building up of the South Pacific forum.

The Fiji embassy represents the government of Fiji in other countries. It consists of the embassy staff, honorary consuls, trade bureaus and trade commissions.

Visa Visa Exempt Countries Nationals of the following countries are NOT required to obtain visa before entering Fiji as visitors however, they need to ensure that the following conditions are met:

• A passport that is valid for at least 6 months from date of entry into Fiji.

• Return or Outbound tickets; • Confirmation of accommodation for duration of

your visit • Copy of latest bank statement • Re-entry/entry visa to a country other than their

own (for example: permanent residents of Australia must produce a valid re-entry visa for Australia)

List of visa exempted countries Antigua & Barbuda, Argentina, Australia, Austria, The Bahamas, Bangladesh, Barbados, Belgium, Belize, Bermuda, Botswana, Brazil, Brunei Darussalam, Bulgaria, Canada, Chile, China, Colombia, Cook Islands [NZ passport holder] Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, Commonwealth Dominica, Estonia, The federal Republic of Germany, The federated States of Micronesia, Finland, France, The Gambia, Ghana, Greece, Grenada, Guyana, Holy See (Vatican), Hong Kong [SAR] Hungary, Iceland, India, Indonesia, Israel, Italy, Jamaica, Japan, Kenya, Kiribati, Latvia, Liechtenstein, Lesotho, Luxemburg, Malawi, Malaysia, Maldives, Malta, Mauritius, Mexico, Moldova, Monaco, Nauru, The Netherlands, New Zealand, Nigeria, Norway, Palau, Papua New Guinea, Paraguay, Peru, The Philippines, Poland, Portugal, Republic of Ireland, Republic of the Marshall Islands, Romania, Russia, Samoa, Serbia, Slovak Republic, St Kitts & Nevis, St Lucia, St Vincent & The Grenadines, Seychelles, Sierra Leone, Singapore, Slovenia, Solomon Islands, South Africa, South Korea, Spain, Swaziland, Sweden, Switzerland, Taiwan, Tanzania, Thailand, Tonga, Trinidad & Tobago, Tunisia, Turkey, Tuvalu, Uganda, United Arab Emirates, Ukraine, United Kingdom of great Britain and Northern Ireland, United States of America, Uruguay, Vanuatu, Venezuela, Zambia and Zimbabwe Non-Exempt Countries

All visitors from non-exempted visa countries require a visa to enter Fiji. All visa applications are considered on an individual basis and may be granted for holiday, business, joining a vessel as a crew or passenger purposes and representatives of foreign governments. Important Reminder

Neither possession of a visa or meeting the basic requirements from exempt visa countries guarantees admission into Fiji. Immigration officials make the final determination upon entry into Fiji. Visa Types


1. Transit Visa If transit period is 3 hours or less, no visa is required however if transit period is longer than 3 hours then normal visa requirements will apply. 2. Single Entry Visa (SEV) This visa is valid for a single journey to Fiji only for the period of 3 months from the date of issue and the visit not to exceed 4 months stay. 3. Multiple Entry Visa (MEV) This visa is valid for multiple journeys to Fiji for the period of 12 months from the date of issue and visit not to exceed 4 months on each visit. 4. Visa for Purposes Other than a Holiday Other purposes can mean, work, internship, study, research, investment, yachting or residential purposes.

Fiji Culture Overview

Fijian culture is a blend of Melanesian and

Polynesian backgrounds, although Fiji is also influenced by other vibrant cultures, including Chinese, Indian, European and other South Pacific cultures, particularly Rotuman and Tongan. Indigenous Fijian culture is made up of a great variety of traditional language, art, music, food, clothing and folklore. This culture also gives high importance to the family unit. You can experience traditional Fijian culture at its best by visiting the quaint villages on these islands. Family values in Fiji

Traditional Fijian culture highly regards the family unit, the village and the land (or vanua). Villages, tribes and clans are led by a chief. The position of chief is inherited; when a chief dies, a male family member takes his place, though it does not necessarily have to be his son. The largest social unit in Fiji is known as a yavusa, from which the members are thought of as the direct descendents. Each brother in a family then forms his own branch of yavusa, which is called the mataqali. The mataqali consists of different levels, which are based upon the duty performed by the member:

• Turuga: the chiefly and highest position in a village, tribe, or clan

• Sauturaga: supporter of the chief, enforces his commands and has final say in the choosing of the next chief

• Mata ni vanua: in charge of ceremonial functions and are the official heralds of the village

• Bete: the priest class • Bati: the warrior class • Dau and Matai: the specialized skilled and crafts

people The mataqali are also subdivided into tokatoka, each of which consists of closely-related families.

Fiji art

Fijian art is made up of varieties of beautiful pottery, wooden and woven handicrafts. Weaving and pottery-making is generally performed by the women. Each region in Fiji has its own unique pottery style, and some villages are renowned for their fine pottery, including Na Lotu located on Kadavu, along with the villages in the Nadroga and Rewa provinces. Weaving material mostly consists of coconut and pandanus, which are used to create lovely and intricate mats, hats, baskets and so on. There is also an art gallery in Savusavu on Vanua Levu where you can see a wide variety of gorgeous Fijian art. Fine arts

The traditional dance in Fiji is known as the meke, which may include some aspects of the seasea (women’s fan dance) or meke wesi (men’s spear dance). Each district in Fiji has its own unique form of the meke, and these dances can be used to narrate celebrations and important events, such as the installation of a chief or a war.

Fijian music is mostly dominated and influenced by the Melanesian and Polynesian cultures, although folk songs also play a large part. Folk music in Fiji consists of a combination of vocal church music and traditional dance forms. Instruments often used in traditional Fijian music include the guitar, ukulele, mandolin and Lali drum, which is also used to call village members or local people in an area for a variety of social gatherings.

Language English, Bau Fijian and Hindustani are the official languages in Fiji, though English is the most widely spoken. The Fijian language originated from the Austronesian family of languages and is made up of many dialects, but Bau Fijian is the most commonly spoken of these. The Fijian alphabet is similar to the English version, however the letter “x” is excluded and “h” and “z” are rarely used. There are also some pronunciation differences; the letter “c” is pronounced like the English “th” sound in “this”, the letter “d” is followed by an “n” sound, “b” is followed by an “m” sound, “g” by itself is pronounced like the “ng” in “thing”, “q” is pronounced as “ng” plus a strong “g” like in “finger” and “r” is rolled as it is in Spanish. Fiji food and drink

The traditional foods and ingredients for preparing Fijian meals include fish, rice, sweet potatoes, coconut, cassava, breadfruit and taro. Fiji also has delicious national specialty dishes, such as Kokoda, which is raw fish with coconut cream marinated in lemon or lime juice, and Coconut Chutney, which consists of grated coconut, green chile, lemon juice, grated ginger, cilantro leaves and salt.

The national drink of Fiji is yaqona, or kava, which is prepared from the root of a pepper plant. The drink brings about the feeling of numbness on the tongue and lips, along with muscle relaxation. However, it is strong and can become intoxicating if you drink too much of it. Kava


drinking is often done in villages during ceremonies or simply as part of social gatherings. Clothing

The traditional clothing in Fiji is the sulu, which is very similar to a sarong or pareau. One dress can be worn in numerous forms for both casual and formal occasions, and both men and women wear them. Men wear the skirts to school, work, events and even for special occasions. The elder women normally wear floor-length skirts, while the young women usually prefer short length skirts and dresses. Religion

Indigenous Fijians are highly religious people. In Fijian villages, there is usually a beating of the Lali drum at sunrise, which is meant to awaken the gods. Fijians have traditionally believed and worshipped in gods that were thought to bring about both prosperity and misfortune, along with gods and spirits of the afterlife. The most important of these gods is Degei, who was believed to take the form of a giant snake that resided in a cave and also judged the newly-dead souls. The two places dead souls could be judged to were either the paradise-afterlife, Burotu (comparable to Heaven in Christianity) or Murimuria, located at the very bottom of a lake, where they were appropriately rewarded or punished. History

The first inhabitants of Fiji date back to ancient

times. According to Fijian legend, the great chief Lutunasobasoba led his people across the seas to the newly-discovered islands of Fiji. Most experts agree that the first people to land on Fiji were from Southeast Asia and that they had entered into the Pacific via the Malay Peninsula. The Polynesians most likely arrived in Fiji over 3000 years ago, although they were conquered by Melanesian invaders around 1500 B.C. Both the Polynesians and the Melanesians mixed to create a unique culture and a highly developed society long before the first Europeans settled on the islands. European Arrival in Fiji

The first European arrivals in Fiji had been accidental. The first discovery was made in 1643 by a Dutch explorer, Abel Tasman. The second to land on Fiji was English navigator Captain James Cook in 1774, and he also continued to explore the islands during the 18th century. However, much of the credit of the discovery and recording of the Fiji Islands went to Captain William Bligh, who sailed through Fiji in 1789 after the mutiny on the Bounty, a British Royal Navy ship. At around the early 19th century, shipwrecked sailors and runaway convicts from the Australian penal settlements were the first Europeans to land and live among the Fijians, while missionaries and sandalwood traders came around at mid-century.

The name Fiji was first conceived by Cook. The Fijians had called their land “Viti,” but the Tongans called it “Fisi,” and so it was by the differences in foreign pronunciation that the islands are known as they are today.

As European populations in Fiji increased, they gained greater influence on Fijian culture as well, and it was during this time that houses and canoes were built, Western-style clothing was first adopted, confederations were formed and wars were fought on a larger scale without precedent but ended more abruptly. Christianity had also spread throughout the islands, and cannibalism, which had once been practiced in Fiji, soon ended.

However, the “golden age” of Fiji took a turn for the worst in 1874, when Fiji was ceded to Great Britain, and deadly epidemics nearly wiped out the entire indigenous Fijian population. The colonial government, though, took the Fijians’ side, and the population was eventually restored. Indian Arrival in Fiji

In 1879, Indians first arrived in Fiji as indentured servants to work on the sugar plantations until 1916. After the indentured system was abolished, however, most chose to stay in Fiji ever after they were offered passages back to India, and the majority became independent farmers and businessmen. Today, Indians make up a significant portion of the Fijian population and have greatly impacted its culture, though they have also faced discrimination throughout the years. 20th Century and Today

The 20th century brought about major economic and political changes in Fiji. A major sugar industry was developed, as well as productive copra milling tourism, and other secondary industries. Fiji’s economy has been strengthened by these important industries, which have helped pay for medical services, education, infrastructure and an expansion in other public services and works.

In 1970, Fiji gained its independence from Great Britain, although it has dealt with some governmental and racial issues. A military coup took place in 1987 to prevent the shifting of power to an Indian-dominated coalition party. In 1990, a constitution was granted that gave non-ethnic Fijians a disproportionate say in the government, although they were given greater rights when the constitution was amended in 1997.

Another coup occurred in 2000 after the first Indo-Fijian Labor Party leader Mahendra Chaudhry was elected as Prime Minister of Fiji a year earlier. Chaudhry had been taken hostage by a Fijian businessman, George Speight, who demanded an end to Indian political participation. An ethnic Fijian-dominated government led by Prime Minister Laisenia Qarase took over after the incident, although the government was later ruled unconstitutional in 2003 because it did not include members of the Labor Party as they had refused to join after Chaudhry was excluded from the new government.

In 2006, Commodore Bainimarama executed a third coup against the government of Qarase and declared himself Acting President of Fiji. The coup was ruled illegal in 2009, and all members of his cabinet were suspended. However, Bainimarama was later reappointed his position as Prime Minister, and all Cabinet members had their positions returned to them as well.


Governmental and political issues still take place in Fiji today, though they do not affect visitors to the islands. Fiji is also now recognized as the focal point of the South Pacific and plays a major role in regional affairs as a result of its recent developments in sea and air transport and communication. Mythology – Sacred Places

Modern day Fiji is a worshipper’s paradise. It is not

surprising that in a place where people practice diverse religions and keep alive the mystical stories of their old religion, sacred sites, such as temples, mosques and churches lie in abundance.

Before Christianity spread across Fiji, nearly every village on the islands had a temple, in which worshippers offered gifts to the gods of the old religion. In the 19th century, most of these temples were razed and Christian (predominantly Methodist) churches were erected in their place. St. Xavier Catholic Church, which located on a hilltop in Navunibitu, Rotuma, is an old edifice with a sweet surprise inside: a startling mural of the Black Christ painted in 1963 by the French artist Jean Charlot. Parish priest Father Petero Mataca explained what he believes to be the significance of the Black Christ mural: “The artist painted that God as a Fijian, a local to show that God [is not a foreigner but lives among the people].”

Soul-searching visitors arriving at Nadi Airport should not miss a chance to see the Sri Siva Subramaniya Temple, located at the end of the main road in Nadi. The temple, which is the largest Hindu temple in the southern hemisphere, was originally constructed in 1926 and then re-designed and re-constructed in 1986. It is a construction marvel that evidences the architectural principles of the Vastu Vedic tradition. Worshippers and tourists flock to this temple en masse every day to witness and participate in the unique religious ceremonies held here.

The Sri Siva Subrmaniya Temple holds special importance for Fijian Hindus because the Kendrit Shiri Sanatan Dharam Shiv Temple, which also used to be located in Nadi, was destroyed by arsonists in October 2008. Four other temples were also burned down within just a few weeks of the Kendrit Shiri Sanatan Dharam Shiv Temple destruction, evidencing a wide-scale attack against Fijian Hindus. (The Fiji Times published an editorial condemning Christian aggression towards Hindus and the destroying of Fijian landmarks.)

A 30-minute flight away is Vatulele, a small, pristine island that is home to the Sacred Red Prawns. Legend has it that long ago in Vatulele there lived a beautiful chief’s daughter whose hand was coveted by all the young chiefs. One particularly daring suitor from Viti Levu brought with him what he thought would be a delectable gift that the maiden would be unable to resist: giant prawns from the coastal streams of Viti Levu, cooked to perfection in coconut milk.

The chief’s daughter was enraged at the emollition of these beautiful creatures and had the young chief flung off the highest cliff on Vatulele Island. As the young suitor fell off the cliff, the prawns fell from his hand into the tidal pools which lay at the base of the cliff. Immediately, the prawns came to life again! Today, travellers can still visit the tidal pools in which these sacred, scarlet-colored prawns swim Mythology – Myths & Legends

Oral story-telling is a popular and important

pastime in Fiji that helps to keep alive the myths from the old religion, as well as legends about more modern figures in Fiji’s history. So when in Fiji, pull up a stool (or a woven mat) beside the fire, grab a bowl of kava and Fijians will tell you a tale… a tale of Pacific gods, of indigenous plants and animals, of cannibals who ate their enemies during war time...

One popular Fijian creation myth that explains the existence of human life on the islands is of the ancestral snake god, Degei. In the beginning, Degei lived a lonely life with only Turukawa, the hawk, as a friend. One day, Turukawa disappeared, and Degei went in search of her. He came across Turukawa’s bird’s nest, in which he found two abandoned eggs that he promptly took to his own house to nurture. After several weeks of nesting, the eggs hatched to reveal two tiny human bodies. Degei raised the humans, grew vegetation in order to feed them and told them stories that revealed the nature of all things.

After a good deal of time, Degei traveled through the ocean with the humans and their progeny and landed in Lautoka where he established the village of Viseisei, which is believed to be the first Fijian settlement. According to legend, Degei created Viti Levu and the smaller surrounding islands and now lives in a cave in the Nakavadra mountain range in Viti Levu. Newly dead souls pass through Degei’s cave and he determines whether they will be sent to paradise or flung into a lake to await punishment.

Degei is the most powerful god in the pantheon (or “Kalou”) of deities that make up the old Fijian religion. Other gods in Kalou include Degei’s son, Rokolo, the patron of carpenters and canoe-builders, Ratumaibulu, who ensured and health and abundance of crops, and Ravuyalo, who was known for obstructing the newly dead from their journey into the afterlife. Most of the gods who were widely recognized and venerated throughout the islands were not viewed as gentle or caring but rather as indifferent to the affairs and troubles of humans.

Fijian mythology

Fijian mythology is also rife with stories about its history of cannibalism. Possibly the most notorious of Fiji’s cannibals was the 19th century chieftain, Ratu Udre Udre, who is buried off of King’s Road in northern Viti Levu. Udre Udre was known for practicing cannibalism even after Fiji had officially ceded to Great Britain and its people had


widely accepted Christianity. Although some legends claim that Udre Udre ate over 9,000 people, the actual estimate is probably closer to 900.

In 1849, some time after Udre Udre’s death, Reverend Richard Lyth, who was staying in Viti Levu near the chieftain’s former territory, came across a row of 872 stones placed side by side. Lyth then asked Udre Udre’s son, Ravatu, about the stones and was informed that each stone represented a human being that the chieftain had eaten. According to Udre Udre’s son, the father had a voracious appetite and had a taste for very little other than human flesh. He would keep beside him at all times a box of cooked and preserved human meat and would consume it all himself, sharing with none.

Language

The Fijian language spoken in Fiji is a type of

Austronesian langauge and is part of the Malayo-Polynesian family. The Austronesian languages are normally found among islands in continental and Southeast Asia along with islands in the Pacific. However, less than half of Fiji’s population (450,000) speak Fijian as their primary language, while 200,000 speak it as a second language.

Fijian has many dialects, though the official one is

the speech of Bau. Along with Bau Fijian, the other official languages in Fiji are English and Hindustani. The Fijian people have constitutional rights to communicate in any of the three official languages, though the primary language in Fiji is English. It is also the main language used in the courts, the educational system and in business and association.

History of the Fijian language

Fijian was first introduced in Fiji 3500 years ago by

the islands’ earliest inhabitants, who either originated from an island in Vanatu or from the Solomons. For a long time, it was the only spoken language in Fiji. Early missionaries residing in the country felt that it was very important to use the local language in all their work. In 1835, two Methodist missionaries developed a written version of the language, and by 1840, missionaries had invented a Fijian spelling system and had published various books in different dialects of the language. When it was decided that a standard dialect was needed, Bao Fijian was chosen.

Even though English eventually replaced Bao Fijian as the main language of Fiji, the Fijian language never had to struggle too much to remain in existance, unlike some other Pacific languages, such as the Hawaiian language. Since Fijian independence in 1970, the Fijian language has been increasingly used in schools, on the radio and in books and newspapers.

However, it did not become an official language in Fiji until it was declared so in the 1997 Constitution, along with English and Hindustani. Then in May and June of 2005, several prominent Fijian figures petitioned for an upgrade to

the status of Fijian. Though Fijian is still not considered a necessary subject in schools, numerous leaders, such as the current Fijian Educational Minister, Ro Teimumu Kepa, and the Fiji Labour Party leader, Mahendra Chaudhry, are working to change that. A look into the Fijian language

The Fijian alphabet is made up of all the English letters excluding the letter “x,” though the letters “h” and “z” are also rarely used and primarily are only found in borrowed words. Most of the consonants are pronounced the same as they are in English, except for the letters b, c, d, g and q.. Arts & Craft

Much of Fiji’s arts and crafts are a reflection of the

country’s Polynesian and Melanesian heritage. Traditionally, women’s crafts and men’s crafts are separate, the women predominantly in charge of pottery and the men of woodcarving.

The village of Nalotu on the island of Kadavu and the provinces of Rewa and Nadroga are famous for their pottery, much of which is still made in accordance with the rules and methods that were used hundreds of years ago. In these areas, as well as in villages throughout Fiji, travelers can purchase pottery that is decorative, as well as functional. Diana Tugea, a famous potter from Sigatoka Valley, makes pottery that is typically used for cooking, while Taraivini Wati, a potter from Nasilai, is famed for her ornately decorated pots that are used to store water.

Craftswomen from Fiji are also known for making tapa, or masi, which is fashioned out of the bark of mulberry trees and then decorated with black and rust-colored designs, often times with stencils representing a particular village or family. Masi was traditionally used as a loin cloth and otherwise associated with cultural rituals, but is now commonly given as a gift on formal occasions and used as wall hangings. The island of Vatulele, located south of Viti Levu, is renowned for its masi work.

Female artisans also make mats and baskets by weaving together leaves of the pandanus tree (and sometimes the coconut palm). The process involves many steps, including gathering, de-thorning, boiling, drying and bleaching the leaves and then decorating the woven mats with borders of colored wool. The mats come in different sizes and are often given as wedding gifts and are a popular tourist item in Fiji. Craftswomen also make taa, a delicate and difficult to produce material made from the young, unripe leaves of palm trees, which is used to fashion hats and handbags.

Male artisans in Fiji, meanwhile, are most famed for their stunning woodcarving work. Traditionally, the woodcarving techniques and designs were used for fashioning items, such as cannibal forks, yaquona vessels and spears and clubs used in warfare. Some of these


woodcarvings can be found on display at The Fiji Museum in Suva while others can still be bought from local artisans. The Tanoa drinking bowl, used for serving kava, Fiji’s national drink, is the most common woodcarved item available for purchase.

The promotion of arts and culture and the preservation of traditional crafts are an important part of Fiji’s development strategy. The Department of Culture and Heritage organizes arts events and attempts to maintain and grow a market for traditional handicrafts from Fiji. It also organizes the Melanesian Arts & Cultural Festival, which is held every four years. Heritage

The founder of modern Fiji, former prime minister, president and statesman Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara, asserted time and again that the strength of The Republic of Fiji lay in “Unity in Diversity,” a term he borrowed from Jawaharlal Nehru, India’s first prime minister.

Mara was referring to the diverse backgrounds that comprise Fiji’s cultural heritage. The inhabitants of modern Fiji are of indigenous Fijian background, as well as of Indian, Chinese and European ancestry. These varied influences shape the nation into a unique admixture of cultures – sometimes a salad bowl, sometimes a melting pot. The blending of cultures can be seen in virtually every aspect of Fijian life: food, festivals, rituals and the arts.

A street like Victoria Parade in Suva, Fiji’s capital and main metropolis, is a lovely microcosm of Fiji’s cultural heritage. The street is dotted with restaurants that offer local Fijian food, as well as Indian, Chinese, Thai and even continental fare such as pizza. The country’s calendar of holidays is also testament to Fiji’s cultural diversity. In addition to secular holidays, official bank holidays in Fiji include Christmas and Easter, as well as the Prophet Muhammad’s birthday and Diwali, the Hindu Festival of Lights.

While the indigenous Fijians and the Indo-Fijians often live peacefully together, the political history of Fiji is rife with stories of animosity and discord between the two communities. Extreme forms of Fijian nationalism espoused by some indigenous Fijians have led to a racialized voting system in which politicians claiming to support indigenous interests over “outsider” interests sometimes thrive. And as the majority of land in Fiji is owned by indigenous Fijians, land disputes between the two groups also abound.

The Fiji Arts Council, established by the Department of Culture & Heritage in 1964, works to preserve Fijian heritage by promoting the works of local visual and performance artists and by creating a market for Fijian art by running competitions and festivals. The Council also organizes the widely celebrated holiday, “Fiji Day,” which falls every year on October 10, but which locals spend up to one week celebrating. A different theme is

chosen each year for Fiji Day (such as the 2009 theme, “Educating Fiji towards Change, Peace and Progress”), and local artists and performers are given an opportunity to showcase their work and talents.

The Fiji Museum and the National Trust of Fiji (NTF) are other governmental organizations that are charged with promoting the nation’s cultural and natural heritage by preserving and presenting for public view historical artifacts and documents, as well as living flora and fauna that symbolize Fijian life. The NTF protects 14 heritage sites throughout the islands, five of which are community conservation projects, demonstrating the involvement of local Fijians in heritage preservation. Agriculture

Agriculture, which was once a major stronghold of

Fiji’s economy, now comprises only 8.9% of the nation’s GDP. More than three-quarters of all Fijian households used to engage in agricultural-related activities, but now many of those workers have switched over to the growing service industry.

Sugarcane is Fiji’s most important agricultural industry, accounting for over one-third of all of Fiji’s industrial activity. Indigenous Fijians own most farmland and local residents of Indian ancestry farm it and produce about 90% of all sugarcane, which is then processed into raw sugar and molasses in the Fiji Sugar Corporation, which is predominantly owned and run by the government. The European Union is the largest export market for Fiji’s sugar. Coconut and copra (the dried meat of the coconut) are also important agricultural products that are widely used and exported from Fiji. There was a ban on exporting copra until 1998, and since then a new copra-buying company has emerged, raising the price of copra considerably. Fiji also grows and exports bananas, pineapples, watermelons, cereal, rice, corn, ginger, cocoa and tobacco.

A flood in January 2009 devastated areas in the central and western regions of Fiji and destroyed most of the farmland in Sigatoka Valley, an area that supplies 70% of vegetables to all local farms. Agricultural production suffered massively and relief from Fiji’s government, as well as seedlings donated by the Taiwan Technical Mission and AUSAID allowed many farmers to stabilize their vegetable production and make up some of the profits they lost due to the flood.

According to the Fiji government, the January flood as well as the devaluation of the Fiji dollar by 20% (which also happened in 2009), have had a positive impact on agricultural production by adding value to harvested crops. Other sources indicate that the flood and the global economic crisis actually have the potential to devastate Fiji’s agricultural economy. In April of 2009, the government of Taiwan advised Fiji to curtail its falling rate of the GDP in relation to agricultural


production by vigilantly increasing its export business in whatever way possible. Currently, Fiji imports more than it exports, which contributes to its widescale trade deficit. In August 2009, the government of Australia announced that it would give Pacific island nations a relief package in the amount of $150 million to combat the effects of climate change on its agricultural production.

Every ten years since 1968, the government of Fiji has conducted an agriculture census, which enumerates and evaluates all farming programs by village, tikina and province. The information collected in the census is used by the government to make plans for agricultural reforms and rural development. The newest census has been conducted in 2009 and will be published at the end of the calendar year. (At the time of writing, new data was not available.) Flora

Fiji’s tropical climate, along with its geographic

location in the Pacific Ocean, make it possible for over 113 kinds of unique flora to speckle its landscape. Burgeoning clouds shed their rain onto the islands and the tradewinds that blow from the east spread the rain across the eastern sides of its islands, causing the rainforests which crowd this region to flourish with plant life. Bamboo trees and shrubs are commonly found in these rainforests.

The stunning beaches of Fiji are covered by a variety of pine trees, such as silver, fishtail, fantail, umbrella and the ever useful coconut palm. Coconut palms are resilient and can survive the salty waters of the beaches and provide Fiji with one of its most versatile manufacturing resource – coconut oil – which is used to make cosmetics, soap and margarine. Many beaches of Fiji are also covered by the sprawling, 30-foot vines of the lovely and resilient “Beach Morning Glory,” whose purple and pink trumpet-shaped flowers can grow in seawater.

Pine tree varieties such as the Screw Pine and the Casurina Pine also add to the diversity of Fiji’s tree life. The Screw Pine, whose many-legged shape makes it look like something out of a Dr. Seuss book, grows on the hillsides in Fiji, and the Casurina Pine, which reaches over 20 meters in height, is found along the Fijian coastline. Visitors to Fiji to wish to systematically explore the flora of the island should make a trip to the Kula Eco Park, located on Queens Road in the town of Sigatoka. Here vacationers can wander leisurely through the rainforest or explore the bushwalk at their own pace. And Perry Mason fans should definitely not miss out on “The Garden of the Sleeping Giant” in Nadi, which was founded in 1985 by the actor Raymond Burr. An avid cultivator of orchids, Burr endowed this lovely garden with many varieties of exotic orchids and native trees, which visitors can explore on their own or with a tour guide. Orchid Island, conveniently located 10 km (16 miles) out of Suva, Fiji’s capital, is another terrific place for nature lovers to expose themselves to the diversity of Fiji’s plant life.

All loveliness and exotica aside, perhaps the most

unique and important of Fiji’s flora are its mangroves, which are flooded forests that stand in shallow water and whose roots are sunk deep into the seabed. Mangroves are crucial to Fiji’s geography because they strengthen the islands’ coastlines against the ravages of a warming ocean. Mangroves also protect Fiji’s beautiful reefs by absorbing much of the force from high ocean waves and by producing a chemical that keep harmful algae from growing on the reefs. Some scientists and Fiji locals fear that as the climate changes due to global warming, the mangroves may be destroyed by rising water and salt levels of the ocean, thereby making the Fijian islands vulnerable to one day being absorbed into the ocean.

Sugarcane is another significant aspect of Fiji’s plant life, as it is the most popular of Fiji’s cultivated crops. About 90% of all refined sugar produced in Fiji’s four surviving sugarmills is exported by the government and accounts for over 35% of all of Fiji’s export revenue. Bananas are the other mainstay export item in Fiji. Fauna Fiji Birds

The Fijian archipelago is a paradise for bird lovers, who can spend endless hours discovering the 100 plus species of birds that can be found on the islands. The rainforests along the Coral Coast and Pacific Harbour on the mainland of Viti Levu and the rainforest island of Kadavu are especially good areas to sight birds, in particular musk parrots, fantails and honeyeaters. The island of Taveuni has a diverse birdlife as well, and the southeastern region of Vanua Levu hosts endangered silk tails. Several small islands have been set aside as bird sanctuaries, especially for nesting boobies. Amongst those worth visiting are: Namenalala Island off Vanua Levu and Qamea and Matangi islands off Taveuni in the north, and Bird Island off of Vatulele in the south. Fiji Reptiles

Fiji has 30 species of reptiles, 12 of which are endemic, such as the crested iguana. These beautiful creatures are mostly found on Yaduataba Island off Vanua Levu, an area which has become a sanctuary for crested iguanas since their numbers started to decline rapidly in the 1990s. The banded iguana is also found in Fiji, but is difficult to spot due to its size and camouflaging abilities. Three of the 30 reptiles in Fiji are frogs (including the tree frog, which is found in the rainforests of Viti Levu and the common cane toad, which was imported from South America to fight the proliferation of cane beetles), 10 are


geckos, 12 are skinks and three are snakes (including the elusive Boa snake, which is considered a god in Fijian mythology). Mongooses were imported to Fiji to help curtail a rat problem, but now they pose a threat to the harmless snakes native to the area. Fiji Underwater Life

The underwater life of Fiji may be the most impressive of the archipelago’s fauna. The warm waters of the South Pacific offer a home for many dolphins, rays and reef sharks, and Fiji’s many coral reefs host a rich marine life, which includes sea snakes, anemone and a plethora of exotic fish species. Five species of turtle can be found in Fiji’s waters, and three of these species lay eggs on the beaches in Fiji. Some resorts on the islands have started conservation programs to protect the turtles and to discourage villagers from killing them for their meat.

Kula Eco Wildlife Park on the Coral Coast near the town of Sigatoka is an excellent conservation park that has taken on the significant task of breeding many of Fiji’s endemic species. Visitors can spend hours observing the park’s wildlife collection, which includes iguanas, orange doves, parrots, falcons, hawks, fruit bats, snakes and even some of Fiji’s marine life. The park offers free hands-on environmental education for children.

Volcanoes

Nabukelevu Volcano is located on the southwestern

end of Kadavu Island. The summit, Mt. Washington, has an elevation of 805 meters (2,641 ft), and although Nabukelevu has not erupted in over 10,000 years, it still poses some geological complications in the Fijian archipelago. Three fault lines run through Nabukelevu, making the volcano prone to failure. Frequent earthquakes cause avalanches and landslides of debris and volcanic rock, which slide into the ocean, disrupting the underwater life.

A study of this debris, conducted by researchers from the Massey University in New Zealand and the University of the South Pacific in Suva, Fiji, revealed deposits of pottery and human remains. These geological findings corroborate a widespread local myth about how catastrophic events in Nabukelevu over the last 2,000 years destroyed an entire settlement on Mt. Washington. The earthquakes induced by the ill-placed fault lines, combined with cyclone activity in the region have a potential to cause a large-scale edifice failure, which would send large chunks of Nabukelevu Volcano into the ocean, causing a tsunami that could reach Suva, Fiji’s capital city, which is located 110 km (68 miles) north of Kadavu Island.

Taveuni, the third largest island in Fiji, is the top of a massive shield volcano whose base is on the floor of the Pacific Ocean. The volcano last erupted in 1658 AD, and the

island is dotted with more than 150 craters. Abel Tasman, the European who first sighted Taveuni in 1643, actually mistook these craters for separate islands. Historically, Taveuni was comprised of warring villages whose chieftains divided the island into two distinct areas. Now, only a small part of the village of Somosomo is controlled by Chief Tui Cakau, who runs the area as a fiefdom. The villages of Somosomo and Naqara make up the urban area of Taveuni, the latter of which is settled by Indo-Fijians and is the island’s commercial center.

Known as the “Garden Island of Fiji,” Taveuni is a popular destination for tourists, especially those who wish to explore the unique flora of the area. It is also a stunning place to go diving, as much of Taveuni’s beauty is actually located under water. The Rainbow Reef, located on the western side of the island, is known as one of the world’s best soft coral dive areas; and Vuna Lagoon, on the southern side of the island, offers breathtaking views of the pelagic and schooling fish species that swim in the South Pacific.

Koro is another volcanic island worth visiting in Fiji. Made up of a chain of basaltic cinder cones that stretch from north to south, Koro’s summit peaks at 522 meters (1,713 ft). It has not had any volcanic eruptions in the last 10,000 years and currently has a population of 4,500 people who live in the 14 villages throughout the island. Koro is Fiji’s sixth largest island and is accessible via ferry from Viti Levu and Vanua Levu. Travelers who wish to visit the island can catch a flight from Suva on Saturdays to the airport located on the eastern coast of Koro.


POPULATION

Historical aspects

Historically, Fiji’s economic and political development has created inequalities and deep-rooted divisions between its diverse ethnic groups. The country has experienced four military coups and a military mutiny since 1987, mainly as a result of tension between the majority indigenous Fijian population and an economically powerful Indian minority. Smaller minorities, including Banabans, Rotumans, Chinese, Melanesians and other Pacific islanders are largely politically invisible, and socially and economically excluded.

The most recent 2006 coup, led by Commodore Josaia Voreqe Bainimarama, has presented itself committed to creating a multi-ethnic Fiji and ending a system that classifies Fijians based on ethnicity. However during this time, Fiji’s military government has been heavily criticized for its infringement of rights to free speech, press, peaceful assembly, and association.

Now the country is again at a crossroads. In January 2013, Fiji’s government rejected a draft constitution drawn up by an independent commission, and submitted it to be re-written by the Attorney-General’s office. This intervention threatens to significantly undermine the people’s confidence in the process, the final document and a democratic future for Fiji.

Against the backdrop of these upheavals, this report aims to address the most intractable problems the constitution set out to address: tackling discrimination and exclusion based on ethnicity and improving intercommunity relations. It is based on evidence drawn from interviews with individuals from nearly all ethnic groups from various walks of life, including government officials and representatives of NGOs, religious communities, trade unions, employers, farmers, university students and diplomats.

Their responses reveal a complex picture of ethnic relations in Fiji and reflect perceptions of both greater ethnic integration and growing divisions.

On the one hand, Fijian society is undergoing huge changes. Rapid urbanization, a growing modern economy and demographic shifts (indigenous Fijians are now the country’s largest ethnic group) are eroding entrenched ethnic divisions. People of different ethnicities are living and working together and their children are going to multi-ethnic schools. Increasingly, how an individual relates to members of their own and other ethnic groups depends more on their education and socio-economic status than their ethnic identity or gender.

However, indigenous Fijians expressed disquiet about what they perceived as the government’s anti-Fijian policies. For example, the abolition of the indigenous Fijian Great Council of Chiefs, the suppression of the Methodist Church and the withdrawal of affirmative action programmes. They argued that these policies have damaged inter-ethnic relations and fuelled ethnonationalism.

Land ownership and access to natural resources also remain the cause of much inter-ethnic tensions. Large numbers of Indo-Fijians, who rely on land leased by indigenous Fijians, have lost their land; and indigenous Fijians fear their land will be expropriated by the government for development.

While educated women from all ethnic groups have greater opportunities for employment and getting their voices heard, Fiji remains a male-dominated society. Banaban, Tuvaluan and Melanesian, and some Rotuman women in rural areas particularly struggle to participate in decision-making beyond their families and church groups.

This report explores the historical factors that have shaped inter-ethnic relations in Fiji, the impact of the 2006 coup and subsequent government policies, and the legacy of the work of the Constitution Commission. The report also provides policy recommendations, based on the evidence drawn from extensive interviews.

This report calls on the Fiji government to: • Rescind its decision to reject the draft

constitution, developed by the Constitution Commission through a legitimate and participatory process, and submit the draft to the Constituent Assembly.

• Enact comprehensive legislation to prohibit discrimination and provide transparent, accessible and effective access to justice for all victims of discrimination.

• Carry out an audit of all affirmative action programmes to identify the extent to which the most needy communities and individuals are receiving assistance. The current complex system should be replaced by a streamlined, simplified programme which ensures that access to support is on the basis of need.

• Commission a comprehensive review of school curricula by a body including representatives of all ethnic and religious communities and propose a new curriculum that includes teaching about the history, culture, religion and language of all communities in Fiji.

The report also urges civil society, ethnic,

community and religious leaders to take efforts to build understanding, tolerance and dialogue between ethnic and religious groups

Introduction

Fiji is an archipelagic state in the South Pacific comprising citizens from diverse cultural backgrounds fragmented along ethnic lines. It is made up of more than 300 islands, of which 100 are inhabited. Fiji’s population of nearly 900,000 live predominantly on the two main islands of Viti Levu (80 per cent) and Vanua Levu (15 per cent). English is a common language for all citizens, and increasingly Bauan Fijian (the lingua franca of indigenous Fijians) and Fiji Bhat (spoken by Indo-Fijians) are also becoming more widely used. Fiji has a great potential to become an integrated, equitable and peaceful multi-ethnic state, ‘the way the world should be’, according to Pope John Paul who visited the country in 1987.


But the country has experienced political instability and military coups d’état over the past decades. These coups have been justified as protecting the paramountcy of indigenous Fijians (or iTaukei) against the supposed threat of Indo-Fijian domination, or to promote equal rights for all citizens irrespective of ethnicity. Because of political instability and sense of personal insecurity, some 150,000 Fiji citizens, mostly Indo-Fijians have emigrated since the 1987 coups, and 5,000 people leave permanently each year.3

The most recent of these coups was executed by the Republic of Fiji (previously Royal) Military Forces in December 2006. The post-coup government, led by Commodore Voreqe (Frank) Bainimarama, has presented itself as firmly committed to a multi-ethnic Fiji and opposed to the ethno-nationalistic policies of the allegedly corrupt government led by Lasenia Qarase that was deposed. However, the Qarase-led government was the very first experiment with power-sharing between the two major ethnic political parties as required by the 1997 Constitution.

This report is based on a study of inter-ethnic relations and discrimination in the period since the last coup in December 2006, based on detailed interviews with a crosssection of people in Fiji about their experiences and perceptions. An Indo-Fijian female respondent asked: ‘What kind of country is this that all its citizens want to leave? First Indians began leaving, and now indigenous Fijians.’

The research sought to (1) investigate and collect information on inter-ethnic relations, discrimination and exclusion, (2) explore the impact of government policies and practices on levels of ethnic exclusion, and (3) look at the future prospects of government policies on interethnic relations and discrimination. The research also explored gender issues and addresses intersectional discrimination, including gender, ethnicity and religion.

This report first identifies ethnic groups and discusses ethnicity in the context of Fiji, where it is officially and in popular parlance used interchangeably with ‘race’. It then examines historical and contextual factors, the 2006 coup and its aftermath, the post-coup government policies with respect to inter-ethnic relations, and the work of the

Constitution Commission. The report then analyses the responses of interviewees from different ethnic groups and their views on policies to improve inter-ethnic relations.

Backround

Fiji has been multi-ethnic from prehistoric times but has become even more ethnically diverse since the mid nineteenth century. An ethnic group is defined by itself and other groups by its distinctive cultural, linguistic and religious attributes. This is a different term from ‘race’. Sometimes there is a conflation of the two terms where race and ethnicity are combined in a somewhat confused way.

This has been the case in Fiji where it is common practice to speak in terms of ‘races’ rather than ethnic

groups or ethnicities. Fiji has a population of 837,271 people, according to the 2007 Census. iTaukei, or indigenous Fijians, are the majority group (475,739), followed by Indo-Fijians (313,798 ). Other groups include Chinese, European, mixed race, Rotuman and Pacific islands origins as well as expatriates of various nationalities.

‘Other Pacific islanders’, previously deemed to be ‘Fijian’ and now categorized as ‘others’ comprise ‘Melanesians’ (descendants of Solomon Islanders and Ni-Vanuatu labour migrants), IKiribati, Banabans, Tuvaluans, Tongans, Samoans and Wallisians.

Ethnic minorities in Fiji

Asians - This is a very small minority, which consists of Filipinos, Koreans, Burmese and other Asians who have taken up Fijian citizenship. They are mostly professional and business people. Banabas - Mostly live on Rabi Island. Others live in various urban centres around Fiji. They were relocated to Rabi in the 1940s after their homeland, Ocean Island, was used for phosphate mining. With the mismanagement of the Banaban Trust Funds derived from phosphate mining reparation and royalties, Banabans on Rabi and elsewhere are generally impoverished and marginalized. The community’s marginal political influence means that Banabans barely feature in government affirmative action programmes. Chinese - The ‘first wave’ arrived in the early twentieth century and the ‘second wave’ in the 1980s and 1990s. They are mostly businesspeople and commercial farmers. Unlike the relatively well integrated local Chinese, the new Chinese immigrants tend to speak their own languages and dialects. Despite the community’s economic success, the community has remained politically marginalized. Europeans - Some have been in Fiji since the 1800s and others came later. Europeans are mostly involved in business and professional occupations. They and the Chinese are among Fiji’s wealthy. Gilbertese ( I-Kiribati ) - Small communities of Gilbertese have been in Fiji since the late nineteenth century. They have largely been ‘invisible’ in mainstream national life. They are generally poor and marginalized. iTaukei ( indigenous Fijians ) - They now constitute the majority group (57 per cent of the population), whose ancestors settled the country over 3,000 years ago. They are physically Melanesian and culturally a mixture of Melanesian and Polynesian with eastern parts of the archipelago more Polynesian. They are culturally diverse and follow several Christian denominations but Methodism is dominant. Indigenous Fijians are to be found among the highest income earners as well as among the majority of low-income and poor people. In many areas, including educational performance, and representation in commercial and economic sectors of the economy iTaukei are


underrepresented. However, they also maintain privileges; land-owning groups own about 88 per cent of Fiji’s land; they make up 70 per cent of civil service positions, 90 per cent of senior government positions and 99 per cent of the military; and, with the application of the principle of paramountcy, their chiefs and political leaders have wielded considerable influence on the country’s development, particularly through the Great Council of Chiefs. However the current government has vowed to abolish the principle of paramountcy, for example by removing the powers of the Great Council, and symbolic moves such as expanding the term “Fijians” to cover all communities. Indo- Fijians - They comprise the second largest ethnic group (37 per cent of the population) and are culturally and economically diverse. More than 90 per cent are descendants of indentured labourers (Girmityas) and the remainder are descendants of free migrants. The majority are Hindu and a minority are Muslim and Christian. A small number of Indo-Fijians can be defined as wealthy or engaged in business enterprises, but the majority of Indo-Fijians are workers and peasant farmers, and also include the poorest of the poor in the country. Indo-Fijian tenant farmers rely on leased agricultural land and since 1999 many of these leases have not been renewed, or are on the point of expiring, resulting in the lease-holders being displaced. As a result, Indo-Fijians are among the largest category of landless people in Fiji. This is a source of anxiety and hardship as they often have no other means of sustenance, and feel a real sense of political marginalization. As a group there has been a high degree of anxiety since the coups of 1987 and 2000; particularly after the events of 2000, in which many Indo-Fijians were beaten and raped, and their property looted and burnt, the community has been traumatized. Melanesians - They are among the landless and the poorest and most marginalized people in the country. They are descendants of labourers forcibly brought to Fiji to work in plantations during the 1800s. They largely live in communities around the main urban centres. With other Pacific islanders, they were classified as ‘indigenous Fijians’ until the 1990 Constitution. Studies show that Melanesian communities fare worst on almost all social and economic indicators. Part- Europeans - They are of mixed European and Fijian descent, usually of Fijian matrilineal linkage. This has been the preferred name of the community. There are very-well-to-do families as well as a much larger group who are landless and impoverished. Part – Chinese - These are those of mixed Chinese and Fijian descendants, usually of Fijian matrilineal lineage. They are mostly tradesmen, professional and business people. Rotumans - Numbering just over 8,000 (1981 figures), their home is the Polynesian outlier of Rotuma situated about 500 km north of the Fiji group, although increasing numbers are seeking education and employment on Fiji’s main islands. In

previous constitutions, they have been officially classified as ‘indigenous Fijians’ and usually accorded the same privileges, such as a reserved seat in parliament, and affirmative action programmes. Yet Rotumans feel that successive governments have neglected their communities. Samoans - Most have been in Fiji since the early 1900s and live in isolated small communities around Fiji. Samoans who came to Fiji two centuries ago have been absorbed into the Fijian community. Tongans - Tongans have been in Fiji for a number of centuries and have been absorbed through intermarriage and cultural mix over the years. However, some of the latecomers now live in isolated communities. Tuvaluans - A long-established Tuvaluan community is locked in a poverty and social exclusion trap. Many live on Kioa Island and some live in communities around Suva. Wallis and Futuna - Many of these live in communal settlements such as the one in Tamavua, Suva. Many have been gradually absorbed in to the Fijian community through marriage.

Indigenous Fijians, or iTaukei, are Christians, with a majority being Methodist. Europeans, Part-Europeans, Chinese, Rotumans and other Pacific islanders are also predominantly Christian. Some Chinese are Buddhists. Indo-Fijians are mainly Hindus and Muslims, with a small but increasing minority who are Christians.

There is further linguistic, cultural and religious diversity within each of the officially recognized ethnic groups. Indigenous Fijians have linguistic and cultural differences. Indo-Fijians include those of north and south Indian descent. Distinction is made among them between descendants of indentured labourers (girmityas) and free migrants. Among the Melanesian minority, people differentiate themselves on the basis of whether their ancestors came from the Solomon Islands or Vanuatu.

Bauan Fijian (commonly referred to as ‘Fijian’) is the lingua franca of iTaukei and is one of three officially recognized languages, along with English and Hindi. Bauan Fijian is used widely because it was used to translate the Bible by missionaries who proselytized indigenous Fijians. It is widely used for official purposes and in churches, while regional dialects such as Cakaudrove and Nadroga continue to be popular among people from these areas.

Fiji Bhat emerged in the sugar cane plantations from the Bhojpuri dialect of north Indian immigrants. Later arriving south Indian migrants had to learn this language and adapt to plantation work. However, Fiji Bhat does not have a distinct written script, and indeed is seen by ‘sudh’ (‘pure’ or proper or ‘Delhi’ Hindi speakers) as ‘pidgin’. For official purposes sudh Hindi is used. The language for social mobility is English followed by Bauan Fijian. The ability to speak all three languages is increasingly preferred for certain government positions.


Usually government and academic discourse centres on the two major ethnic categories, indigenous Fijians (iTaukei) and Indo-Fijians (na Kai idia ni Viti). Other groups are very rarely considered and little information is available about them.

For persons of mixed ethnic origins, until the adoption of the 1997 Constitution, only their father’s ethnicity was taken into account when classifying them ethnically. The women’s rights movement had campaigned against using paternal descent as the exclusive criterion for citizenship. This had meant that, for almost 30 years after independence, children born to Fiji women but with foreign fathers were not entitled to automatic citizenship or rights to customary land. This has serious consequences of a whole category of people, especially rural PartEuropeans, many of whom are landless and, culturally, indigenous Fijian.

Historical and contemporary factors in inter-ethnic relations and discrimination

Contemporary inter-ethnic relations and discrimination have historical and contextual dimensions. This section briefly describes how differential treatment of different ethnic groups during Fiji’s colonial and post-independence period has adversely affected ethnic relations.

Colonial legacy

Under British rule, indigenous Fijians were

governed by a system of indirect rule through their chiefs.10 In 1874, the British governor created a Great Council of Chiefs, or Bose Levu Vakaturaga, to secure their active collaboration.

Following the signing of the Deed of Cession in 1874 by some (but not all) leading chiefs of Fiji, the British colonial administration instituted pivotal policies that affect inter-ethnic relations to the present day.

First, the native policy required that ethnic Fijians reside in their nucleated villages and engage in agricultural livelihoods as small-holder or peasant farmers until the 1960s.A significant aspect of the native policy related to customary ownership of land and its non-alienability. The British governor decided that only 10 per cent of Fiji’s land area could be alienated to white settlers. A further 7 per cent accrued to the ‘Crown’. Close to 83 per cent of the land was recognized as owned by indigenous Fijian land-owning groups.

The second significant policy was the invitation to the Colonial Sugar Refining Company (CSR) of Australia to establish sugar cane plantations and mills in the colony.12 Between 1879 and 1916, 60,500 Indian indentured labourers were brought to Fiji to work for CSR and other planters.13

Social and economic inequalities

Colonial society was founded on a hierarchy of race

and on differential treatment based on ethnicity. The colonial administration encouraged the separate economic

development of different communities. Historically, the mainstream market economy – the large commercial plantations, sugar mills, port and mill towns, mining, tourism and other commerce – were the domain of Europeans and migrant workers and their descendants. Indigenous Fijians were compelled to live in rural villages. However, over time, iTaukei acquired education and some sought to break out of the village way of life.14 This system created a three-tiered economic structure with Europeans and Chinese at the top tier, followed by ‘Indians’ in the middle tier, and ‘Fijians in the bottom tier’.

This image of inequality is widely held among iTaukei, although the reality has always been somewhat more complicated. However, perceptions play a critical role in inter-ethnic relations, and indigenous Fijian leadership has maintained that iTaukei must hold political power in their own country, as economic power is held by others.

Stereotypes of ethnic groups emerged; these stereotypes and accompanying prejudices have survived into the contemporary period.

The politics of ethnicity

Ethnic groups in Fiji entered local- and national-

level political institutions at different times and in very unequal ways. This representation was entirely gendered, with men seen as legitimate political leaders for each ethnic group. For much of the colonial period, Europeans – who constituted less than 2 per cent of the population – enjoyed equal representation in the colonial legislature with iTaukei and Indo-Fijians.

Demographic trends – strangers in their own land

Lack of immunity to introduced diseases resulted in

the indigenous Fijian population declining from an estimated 300,000 in the seventeenth century to 84,400 in 1921. Indo-Fijian numbers increased, to overtake indigenous Fijian numbers in 1946. Besides being seen as a threat in the political domain, they were also considered to be a danger to iTaukei ownership of land. There was talk of iTaukei becoming ‘strangers in their own land’. Table 2 shows population trends since 1881.

The Indo-Fijian population growth rate began to decline in the late 1960s and 1970s as their literacy improved. The coup of 1987 was accompanied by an exodus of Indo-Fijians18 to Australia, New Zealand, Canada and the United States. The current estimate is 60 per cent for iTaukei and 36 per cent for Indo-Fijians. By 2022, the projected population of these two categories is 64.38 per cent and 29.70 per cent respectively. It is expected that all the other minorities will increase to almost 6 per cent.

Land – Noqu Kalou, Noqu Vanua (My God and My Land)


As outlined earlier, the colonial administration divided land ownership into three types: customary or indigenous Fijian mataqali-owned19 land now accounts for 88 per cent; a further 8 per cent is freehold land and remainder is state owned. Freehold land has been owned by Europeans and their Part-European descendants. Indo-Fijians owned 1.7 per cent of freehold land in the 1970s and it is likely that currently they own around 3 per cent of such land. Since 1940 the Native (now iTaukei) Lands Trust Board has administered leaseholds for land-owners. The relationship between indigenous land-owners and Indian and Indo-Fijian farmers spans more than a hundred years, with periods of cooperation and times of friction.

In recent years, there has been considerable interethnic disagreement over what constitutes fair rent for agricultural leases as well as over the non-renewal of leases and evictions of tenant farmers, and the return of state land to customary owners. Among iTaukei nationalists, the underlying belief is that Fiji is their Godgiven land and, as owners of the land, they have special rights and privileges that override the rights of citizens of other ethnicities. This belief has been nurtured and reinforced historically by the notion of the ‘paramountcy of Fijian interests’.

Ethnic capture of the state

The 1970 Independence Constitution safeguarded the interests of indigenous Fijians, entrenched the power of chiefs and the system of land ownership. It continued the unequal representation of Fiji’s ethnic groups.

These communal arrangements of representation meant that ethnically based ‘identity politics’ was deemed normal. In political campaigns, candidates mainly appealed to members of their own ethnic group, safeguarding and promoting their interests. Calls for ethnic unity were integral to these campaigns. All general elections in Fiji have been times of ethnic tension and, over time, voting along ethnic lines intensified.

Under the 1970 and 1990 constitutions, the electoral system was first past the post (FPTP), which meant that the winning party (or parties) ‘took all’. Given the ethnic nature of political parties, it became normal for indigenous Fijian leaders to rule and Indo-Fijian leaders to be in opposition.

The Indo-Fijian National Federation Party (NFP) won the 1977 general election. However, the then GovernorGeneral reappointed the defeated indigenous Fijian-dominated Alliance Party leader, Ratu Sir Kamisese

Mara as prime minister, using the provision of the 1970 Constitution that empowered him to decide who had the support of the majority of members of parliament.

The 1997 Constitution’s alternative vote system24 was supposed to encourage cooperation and even coalition of moderate political parties; but the very opposite happened in each of the three general elections held under it. Ethnic polarization further increased between 1999 and 2006.

Military coups

The Republic of Fiji (formerly Royal) Military

Forces comprises over 99 per cent indigenous personnel. It is seen as an exclusively ethnic institution that caters for the employment needs of young male indigenous Fijians. It has a very good international reputation for peacekeeping in the Middle East and other trouble spots, but within Fiji it is known for its coups d’état against elected governments.

Until December 2006, the military identified itself with iTaukei leaders and interests. It illegally overthrew two multi-ethnic governments whose main supporters were Indo-Fijian voters.

The 1987 military coups

In May 1987 a first military coup led by Colonel

Sitiveni Rabuka deposed Dr Timoci Bavadra’s government – a coalition between the multi-racial Fiji Labour Party (FLP) and the Indo-Fijian-based NFP.

Government ministers were forcibly removed from parliament by the army, and then divided into ‘Fijian’ and ‘Indian’ groups for separate detention. The ‘Indian race’ was seen by the army as an enemy and Rabuka was portrayed as the ‘saviour of the Fijian race’, and made life member of the Great Council of Chiefs.

Methodist Church ministers were prominent in the destabilization campaigns against the Bavadra government and openly supported the coup. Some Methodists expressed their intolerance of non-Christian religious by burning places of worship as well as religious books and destroying ‘idols’.

When the Governor-General tried to broker an agreement between Dr Bavadra and Ratu Mara for a government of national unity without Colonel Rabuka, extreme nationalists felt marginalized. A second military coup in September 1987 again overthrew the government.28 Rabuka abrogated the 1970 Constitution and declared a republic.

The government decreed a new Constitution in 1990. This Constitution reserved the positions of president and vice-president, prime minister and other senior government positions for indigenous Fijians. It guaranteed 37 of the 70 seats in the House of Representatives for indigenous Fijians. The senate was two-thirds indigenous Fijians.30 A revised Constitution was adopted in1997 after a Constitutional Review Commission recommended amendments to the 1990 Constitution, which it described as feudalistic and racist. This included several positive features, including provisions for power-sharing and a comprehensive


Bill of Rights. However, it failed to make a firm break with ethnic-based representation.

During the 1980s, and especially since 1987, a number of multi-ethnic NGOs emerged to provide refuge for battered women and advocate against gender violence and for human rights, women’s rights and religious tolerance. They included Fiji Women’s Crisis Centre (FWCC), Fiji Women’s Rights Movement (FWRM), the Citizens’ Constitutional Forum (CCF) and Interfaith Search Fiji. However, following the coup some iTaukei public servants formed the ethnically exclusive, ‘Viti Public Servants Association’, breaking away from the Fiji Public Service Association.

The 2000 military coup: ethnic power struggles resurface

The People’s Coalition group won power in the

general election of April 1999. This coalition was led by Mahendra Chaudhry of the FLP, the Fijian Association Party and a number of minority parties representing indigenous Fijians and general voters. As required by the new Constitution’s power-sharing provision, the FLP invited the Rabuka-led Soqosoqo Ni Vtakavulewa Ni Taukei (SVT) party (which ruled the country from 1988 to 1999) to be part of government, but promptly withdrew the offer when SVT set certain conditions to its participation. Instead the FLP combined with a number of minority iTaukei parties to form government. A majority of the cabinet was iTaukei and Chaudhry became Fiji’s first Indo-Fijian prime minister.

During his 12 months in office, Chaudhry managed to alienate powerful businessmen who were investigated for tax evasion, media personalities, certain chiefs, civil servants and even the commissioner of police. Indigenous ethno-nationalists revived the iTaukei Movement to organize public protests against the supposedly, ‘Indiandominated’ government.

In May 2000 the indigenous Fijian businessman, George Speight and his military supporters entered parliament and took the Coalition government hostage.

Indigenous Fijian youths rampaged through Suva, looting, burning and trashing shops belonging to IndoFijians and others. Harassment of rural Indo-Fijian communities, home invasions, beatings and rapes, thefts of household items, farm implements, produce and animals continued for weeks without effective police response. These incidents were reminiscent of scenes of President Robert Mugabe’s land appropriation in Zimbabwe publicized previously in the local media.34 Traumatized and insecure, scores of Indo-Fijians fled their rural homes and set up as displaced at the Girmit Centre in Lautoka.

Prime Minister Chaudhry and his government ministers were held hostage for 56 days. After the Great Council of Chiefs was unable to broker a settlement with Speight, the then military commander, Commodore Voreqe (Frank) Bainimarama took over the reins of government, deposed the president and declared that he had abrogated the Constitution. An interim government was appointed, led by Lasenia Qarase as prime minister. The ministers in the

government were mostly iTaukei professionals. In November a mutiny at the Queen Elizabeth Barracks (which evidently had the support of a leading chief) resulted in the killing of three loyal soldiers and Commodore Voreqe (Frank) Bainimarama had to flee for his life.

From the outset, Qarase sought to placate ethnonationalists. He proposed an affirmative action blueprint for iTaukei and Rotumans. He strongly opposed the legal challenge to the attempted abrogation of the 1997 Constitution.36 He formed the Soqosoqo Duavata Lewenivanua Party (SDL), an exclusively iTaukei party, to contest the general election.

The SDL Party won the 2001 general election. Acting deliberately against power-sharing required by the Constitution, Qarase refused to form a multi-party government with the FLP, the other major party. He instead chose to align with George Speight’s Conservative Matanitu Vanua Party.

Qarase blamed the 2000 instability and the coup on Chaudhry. Several people implicated in the coup served as ministers. There was a reluctance to support investigation and prosecution of those implicated in the coup and mutiny. Qarase sought to remove Bainimarama as commander of military forces.

The Qarase era and contemporary Fiji

Affirmative action policies and institutionalized discrimination

Convinced that the reason that iTaukei caused

political instability evidenced by the protest marches, hostage taking and riots was because they were deprived in economic terms compared to other ethnicities, and especially Indo-Fijians, Qarase introduced a comprehensive plan for affirmative action called ‘50/50 by 2020’. The economic objective was for iTaukei and Rotumans to control 50 per cent of the country’s modern economic sector by 2020. Besides making the $20 million allocated by Rabuka to Fijian Holdings Limited into an outright grant, he established 29 programmes under the Social Justice Act 2001 (see Table 3 - overleaf - for a breakdown of these programmes).

The NGO Coalition on Human Rights report presented to the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination (CERD) in 2002 maintained that there was a strong bias in favour of iTaukei and Rotumans, with 55 per cent of the programmes specifically for these ethnicities, 4.7 per cent for Indo-Fijians and 40.5 per cent for all communities. ‘So altogether, of the F$70 million for affirmative action programmes in 2003, over F$60 million (85 per cent) is for indigenous Fijian and Rotumans’.

Further legislation in 2002 reserved 50 per cent of government contracts, licences and permits for companies owned by indigenous Fijians and Rotumans, and reserved 50 per cent of shares in government-owned companies for


them. Special tax exemptions were allowed for indigenous-owned companies. Corruption increased.

Qarase’s government actually disadvantaged many

ordinary iTaukei. In education, additional funding was directed to iTaukei schools that were owned by government or managed by iTaukei. But the government only owns 2 out of 700 primary schools and 12 out of 150 secondary schools. Non-iTaukei owned and managed schools actually have more iTaukei students than those of other ethnicities. These schools were not supported. With respect to enhancing iTaukei share in business, it turned out that the most lucrative ‘A’ class shares in Fijian Holdings Limited were bought out by a select group of iTaukei and less well-paying ‘B’ class shares were allocated to iTaukei provinces.

Discrimination in access to land

Indo-Fijians have been very heavily dependent on

iTaukei land-owners for leases of land. In the period between 1997 and 2007 many such leases began to expire.

Broadly speaking, periodic lease renewals were politically determined, but individual leaseholders were required to make ‘goodwill’ payments for renewal of their individual leases to land-owning mataqali heads. Some goodwill payment demands could be large and cause long-term indebtedness. Most of the sugar cane farm leases are on indigenous-owned land.

It was estimated that, by 2003, 70 per cent of the farms that had been vacated were no longer productive. Sugar cane production declined by a third.

The amount of land allocated by government to resettle ‘evicted’ farmers was a fraction of what was needed. A majority of these farmers moved to urban centres, where many of them joined the mushrooming squatter settlements. These settlements of makeshift homes also house substantial numbers of iTaukei who no longer reside in their own ‘vanua’.

While being well aware of very large proportion of Indo-Fijians and other ethnic communities becoming landless, in 2002 the Qarase government transferred nearly 4 per cent of state-owned land to the Native (now iTaukei) Lands Trust Board, seriously affecting any sense of security that sitting Indo-Fijian tenants had from being on state land.

Discrimination in allocation of scholarships

Post-independence, there have been three broad categories of government scholarships for studies in tertiary institutions: the Public Service Commission (PSC) scholarships that everyone can apply for but 50 per cent are reserved for iTaukei and Rotumans; the Fijian (now iTaukei) Affairs Board (FAB) scholarships that are only for iTaukei; and the Multi-ethnic scholarships for other ethnicities. The PSC awards are the most competitive and for non-iTaukei students, marks required for eligibility have been increasing each year. The FAB awards are open to all iTaukei with no family income threshold. However, for the Multi-ethnic awards there is an income threshold of F$10,000. A quota for Melanesian and other minorities was put in place to ensure that Indo-Fijians did not end up taking all the awards in this category.

Employment discrimination

Since 2006 there has been a militarization of the

public service as senior military personnel have secured positions at the level of commissioners of divisions and as district officers.42 According to a confidential report by the Citizens’ Constitutional Forum (CCF), in mid 2012, the cabinet comprised ‘36 per cent military officers, 18 per cent civilians with military connections and 45 per cent civilian’.43 On the same date, 12 out of 23 ministries (52 per cent) had a minister or permanent secretary who was a military officer or reservist.44 Fiji’s civil service currently comprises close to 70 per cent indigenous Fijians, with the highest echelons of government being close to 90 per cent iTaukei.

In the contemporary period, in the private sector, banks, finance companies and large businesses employ increasing numbers of suitably qualified iTaukei. However, in the small business sector, especially family-run retail shops, there are not many indigenous Fijian owners. In most tourist resorts and hotels, there is an ethnic and gender division of labour. Front office positions, waitressing and chamber maid positions are generally allocated to iTaukei and people of mixed ethnic origin. The back office jobs of keeping records, accounting and administration, as well as gardening and trade jobs, are allocated to Indo-Fijians. Much of the cleaning and laundry work is done by women. Generally, senior managerial positions are held by whites and Asian expatriates.

The 2006 coup d’état: the power struggle between ‘moderates’ and ‘extremists’

Receiving 80 per cent of iTaukei votes in the

general election of May 2006, Qarase’s winning SDL Party invited FLP to form a multi-party government in accordance with the Constitution. This was unprecedented; the experiment in power-sharing between the two political parties representing the major ethnicities appeared to be working.


With a clear majority and elements of the FLP in tow, the SDL confidently pushed its ethno-nationalist agenda. The military challenged this orientation of the government, asserting that it was the final protector of national interest as clearly stipulated in the 1990 Constitution. When the government persisted in pushing bills that were vehemently opposed by the commander of the military, the 2006 coup began to unfold.

In December 2006, the Commodore Voreqe (Frank) Bainimarama overthrew the Qarase government. While justifying his illegal removal of the government as a move to ‘clean up corruption’, there were other possible reasons for his action. These included the intention to investigate him and other officers responsible for the brutal deaths of five alleged rebel soldiers following the 2000 mutiny, and also efforts by Qarase to have him removed as commander of Fiji’s military. The attempted mediation between the two men by the New Zealand government was unsuccessful.

The situation post-2006

In the immediate aftermath of the coup, protests

against the military take-over were firmly suppressed. Anyone openly expressing anti-government sentiments was detained, humiliated and tortured. A number of indigenous Fijians died from beatings and torture at the hands of the police and military. The immunity decreed by the government has meant that members of the security forces have not been held accountable for gross violations of the human rights of citizens yet again.

Unlike the previous three coups, the 2006 military usurpation of power is widely perceived to be antiindigenous Fijian and pro-Indo-Fijian. Highly respected iTaukei institutions, such as the Great Council of Chiefs, the Methodist Church, the Fijian (now iTaukei) administration and the Native (now iTaukei) Land Trust Board were seen to be under attack, as were measures of affirmative action for indigenous Fijians. The Great Council of Chiefs was rendered ineffective and has been abolished. The dominant faction of the Methodist Church leaders had supported all the previous coups and had actively supported the SDL Party. Bainimarama swiftly stopped meetings and gatherings of Methodists, such as the Annual Conference and choir competitions, which raised substantial funds that the church relied on.

Even though the Bainimarama government has been predominantly indigenous Fijian (currently all except two people in the cabinet are iTaukei), it is seen as an antiiTaukei regime. With the initial involvement of Mahendra Chaudhary as Minister of Finance, the government was seen as pro-Indo-Fijian. The coup and the government have also been seen as being ‘Muslim’ on account of the involvement of individuals of this faith in the government and judiciary.

In 2007 a National Council for Building a Better Fiji (NCBBF) was established, chaired jointly by Prime Minister Bainimarama and Archbishop Petero Mataca, head of the Catholic Church in Fiji,50 and comprising representatives of ethnic groups, religious groups, trade

unions, NGOs and civil servants. However, this council and subsequent efforts at wider consultation and engagement have not been supported by political and religious (especially Methodist) leaders, trade unionists and leaders of other civil society organizations.

The NCBBF established three task teams to work on good governance, economic growth and ‘social cultural identity and nation building’. It prepared a report on the state of Fiji’s economy and society which described the country’s poor economic performance, growing poverty and corruption, and a citizenry that was divided ethnically. The document, the People’s Charter for Change, Peace and Progress, has sought to address these matters. Although the process has been divisive, the government has persisted with it, and has claimed that the charter has popular support. Subsequently, a Roadmap for Democracy and Socio-economic Development 2009–2014 was drawn up. This encapsulates a strategic framework to achieve ‘sustainable democracy, good and just governance, socioeconomic development and national unity’.

Given the country’s increasing ethnic polarization, the government is apparently committed to moving Fiji firmly away from its ethnic preoccupations. In terms of political representation it is committed to the principle of ‘one person, one vote and one value’, and a system of proportional representation with no ethnically-based reservation of seats. It has decreed ‘Fijian’ as the common national name for all citizens. It has also allowed multiple citizenship for Fiji’s citizens.

The Bainimarama government has emphasized the importance of merit in appointments and promotion. It has established the Fiji Independent Commission Against Corruption (FICAC) to investigate corruption, especially in public service. However, government ministers are mainly indigenous Fijian and so are the senior public servants. One factor in this state of affairs is the travel sanctions placed by Australia and New Zealand on anyone who takes up a government appointment. So it is left to the predominantly indigenous Fijian military to provide personnel for leadership positions in the public service.

On land matters, the government has set up a Committee on Better Utilization of Land (CBUL) and the Land Use Unit, which is responsible for the ‘land bank’ scheme. CBUL seeks to identify idle land to bring it into productive use. Land-owners voluntarily designate land that they do not need and also indicate their preferred use of the land. The state then leases out the land to investors for up to 99 years.

A number of pro-poor measures have been undertaken. These have included the provision of ‘free bus fares’ for children whose parents are below a certain threshold of income, as well as free textbooks for students. Besides the review of the Family Assistance Allowance Scheme by the World Bank (which controversially recommended that hundreds of recipients should no longer receive the monthly support), a system of food vouchers for those on this scheme has been implemented. Squatter settlement upgrade as well as squatter resettlement programmes have been being implemented.


The government has pushed for schools to change their names if they carried an ethnic label previously, for instance ‘Fijian’ or ‘Indian’. In Suva, the privately owned Indian College has been renamed Jai Narayan College, after its longest-serving principals. However, the Draiba Fijian School, a government primary school for indigenous Fijian children, has retained its name.

Since 2006, conversational Bauan Fijian and Hindi have become a required part of the curriculum in primary schools. In the past, English was used as the medium for teaching in multi-ethnic primary schools. However, predominantly iTaukei primary schools teach in Bauan Fijian and predominantly Indo-Fijian schools teach in Hindi for the first three years of schooling.

Almost all school committees have welcomed the government’s decree, but there is a shortage of qualified language teachers. Students are also taught about the different cultures and religions in Fijian society, but emphasis varies between schools.

The ethnic make-up of schools depends on local demographics. In rural areas, because of the concentration of indigneous Fijians, schools largely comprise iTaukei students. Some areas, such as Ba province and Macuata, have seen declining numbers of Indo-Fijians, due to smaller family size and migration. The Ministry of Education has urged local communities to rationalise schools, but because many have cultural or religious origins and management, this has not happened.

In urban areas, recent trends show that ‘good’ secondary schools (those with the highest exam results) are more ethnically mixed. Other schools that were ethnically mixed in the past are now predominantly iTaukei because of demographic trends in the capital, Suva, over the past decades.

The government has introduced ‘zoning’ of schools, which means that parents will have to send children to ‘home zone’ schools within 2 km of their homes. This zoning of schools is aligned to UNESCO principles of equity and access to education for all. Among other gains, home zoning may further promote multi-ethnic schools, especially in urban areas.

The government’s draconian measures, particularly the Media Decree, have seriously compromised media freedom. However, a positive aspect of media restraint is that there is less preoccupation with ethnic politics, and ‘racial’ advertisements seeking flat-mates, domestic help and employees by private advertisers (mostly Indo-Fijian) have almost disappeared. The media have instead highlighted common problems faced by communities, such as floods, inadequate health services, water and electricity cuts, damaged bridges and deteriorating roads.

While the government has proclaimed that the country has moved towards a system based on meritocracy and equality of access to opportunities, rather than ethnicity, there are several ongoing issues which suggest that there are major gaps between its public claims and what is happening in reality. On land issues, iTaukei opponents have criticized the government for ‘bullying tactics’ in obtaining land for leasing purposes.

The absence of a free media has meant that there is little critical and independent assessment of what the government has actually achieved or how public funds have been used.55 The government has promulgated over 200 decrees that range from very positive policy measures, such as child protection and proscription of violence against women and children, to those that deny media freedom, freedom of association (seriously undermining trade unionism), and freedom of speech, as well as arbitrarily reducing the compulsory retirement age from 60 to 55 years, and also substantially reducing the pension entitlement of Fiji National Provident Fund pensioners.

After the April 2009 Appeals Court ruling that the Bainimarama government was illegal, the president decreed the abrogation of the 1997 Constitution which meant that the whole judiciary and other Constitution offices were removed. There have been serious issues relating to the independence of the judiciary in the subsequent efforts to establish this vital institution. As there is no longer an independent appointing body such as the former Judicial Services Commission, there are questions about the independence of the appointment process and, given the fact that the current personnel in the judicial system are on short-term contracts, there are issues about how secure their appointments are and the extent to which they are subject to influence by the executive arm of government. The recruitment as well as the termination of employment of judges and magistrates is a matter of concern for those who seek an independent judiciary and the return of the rule of law in the country.

The tendency of the Bainimarama government to act arbitrarily against public servants has caused widespread demoralization of the country’s public servants.

The government appointed a Constitution Commission to compile a new constitution for the country by December 2012. Among its guidelines are a number of ‘non-negotiable’ principles. These include common and equal citizenship; a secular state; removal of systemic corruption; an independent judiciary; elimination of discrimination; good governance; social justice; one person, one vote, one value; elimination of ethnic voting; and voting age of 18. While these principles are laudable there have been objections about the fact that they have been imposed on the constitutional process without prior discussion with citizens. These guidelines also sought immunity for the military and coup makers.

There was only a limited period of freedom allowed for constitutional submissions with the lifting of the draconian 2009 Public Emergency Regulations in January, which were swiftly followed by the Public Order Amendment Decree that restricted freedom of association and expression. According to the Attorney General’s statement in May 2012, the decree has been retained to ‘restrict racial and religious vilification’.

The government had agreed that once the draft constitution was completed, it would be made available for citizens to read and suggest changes to the Constitution Commission. The document was then to be reviewed by a tribunal of five judges (two from outside Fiji), to scrutinize its compliance with international principles and standards.


The Constitution Commission, led by Professor Yash Ghai of Kenya with three local and one other expatriate member (altogether two men and three women) received more than 7,000 oral and written submissions. The Commission submitted a draft constitution in December 2012.

Apart from separating powers of the executive, legislative and judiciary branches of government, the significant features of the draft constitution include:

• Removal of reserved communal or ethnic seats and the adoption of proportional representation electoral system.

• In addition to parliament to have a National People’s Assembly comprising of civil society and government representatives to deliberate and review national challenges.

• The recognition of the Great Council of Chiefs as a non-political civil society entity that promotes iTaukei culture and values a multicultural Fiji.

• Grant of immunity to coup makers and senior members of the security forces in accordance with Decrees 57 and 58 following swearing an oath of allegiance and reconciliation.

• A transitory caretaker government comprising of a cabinet of independent persons including retired civil servants to take office six months before the general election of 2014.

Relations between the Commission and the

government were strained from the beginning, as the Commission urged the government to lift restrictions on public freedoms of expression and association so that citizens could freely participate in public consultations.

After the Commission submitted the draft constitution in December 2012, police seized copies of it and burnt printer’s proofs in front of Professor Ghai. In January 2013, the President declared that the draft constitution will be amended by a government legal team before it is handed to the Constituent Assembly.

The President claimed the draft constitution was ‘an anathema to democratic representation’ and many of its provisions ‘position us in the past’. He asked the Prime Minister to ‘extract the positive elements of the Ghai draft and infuse into it key elements of the Peoples’ Charter and internationally accepted practices and standards to formulate a new draft constitution’. The positive aspects he referred to were provisions on fundamental rights including socio-economic rights, good governance and accountability, and independent judiciary.

The reasonably open process of drawing up Fiji’s fourth constitution since independence is now in the hands of an unnamed government legal team. There is some concern that the military will now insert its own terms and conditions into the draft constitution.

It is rather strange that the very tight schedule of seven months (May–December 2012) for the hearing of

submissions and the writing up of the draft constitution will be followed by almost 18 months of hiatus, with no real public discussion. Some 300 names have been submitted to the Prime Minister’s Office of nominees of various groups for his selection for the Constituent Assembly. There is no explicit and transparent process for adopting the various provisions of the new constitution, and steps towards the September 2014 general election. The latter would involve the appointment of an independent electoral commission and a caretaker government to ensure credible free and fair elections.

The re-imposition of the Public Order Decree will once again prevent any public discussion and debate about the constitution and the upcoming elections.

Current inter-ethnic relations

During the period when the research was carried out, the country was ruled by a military-backed government and normal democratic values and institutions had been suspended, including freedom of expression and association. Fiji media were gagged and trade unions were severely constrained. As previously indicated, there is no overt discussion of ethnic issues or inter-ethnic matters in the local media in the country. However, fairly strong views are expressed on internet blogs about government policies and often these are perceived as being for or against particular ethnic groups.

iTaukei views

Generally, it is apparent that iTaukei feel that the

government has seriously undermined their institutions and deprived them of affirmative action measures. However, over the last five years many indigenous Fijian groups have applauded the government’s efforts at building rural infrastructure (roads and bridges), and a number of provinces and villages previously opposed to the government have made formal rituals of apology to the prime minister.

Over 50 per cent of iTaukei Fijian respondents said that inter-ethnic relations were ‘not good’ or had deteriorated recently because of government policies that are seen as anti-iTaukei, and are undermining their status compared to ethnic groups, especially Indo-Fijians. For example, government polices relating to the Great Council of Chiefs, the Methodist Church, as well as land and affirmative action were mentioned.

Some iTaukei expressed strong views against the adoption of ‘Fijian’ as the common name for all citizens. A female respondent maintained that, ‘as much as this government has put together policies for friendly ethnic relations calling us all Fijians but on the ground ethnonationalism still exists. It is hidden!

Additionally, people cannot freely express themselves due to media censorship, as the government suppresses dissent. A male iTaukei respondent stated that: ‘Government does not tolerate what anybody says, it suppresses it! People in schools, people we meet on the street view the regime as being controlled by Indian ideals.


This gives people the right to think that ethno-nationalism is right.’ An iTaukei student commented: ‘even at the University of the South Pacific there is a lack of integration of the student associations, where all races still want to be identified as who they are.’

Public servants are very cautious about their views relating to government policies, and generally expressed positive views. In the central division, a majority of the senior government officials indicated that inter-ethnic relations have significantly improved.

Forty per cent of iTaukei felt inter-ethnic relations were good and improving. These people believed that the ethnic groups were increasingly living and working together, and in some instances supported each other. Recent natural disasters, especially the floods in the western and northern divisions saw citizens of all ethnicities contributing actively to the rehabilitation of flood victims who were primarily iTaukei and Indo-Fijian. iTaukei respondents agreed that there were closer interethnic relations and sense of community among people in the western and northern parts of the country compared to the central division which was more individualistic and prone to tensions and conflict.

A majority of the iTaukei respondents who affirmed improving inter-ethnic relations agreed that: ‘mutual understanding, cooperation, togetherness and respect for each other’s culture, intermarriages and a multicultural education system has helped strengthen relationships amongst all ethnic groups in Fiji.’ A respondent mentioned that: ‘I believe that past public discussions were about the hegemony of one group over another. Nowadays it’s more about what is best for citizens of Fiji.’

Yet another respondent from western Fiji mentioned that cane farming has brought different ethnic groups together, especially Indo-Fijians and iTaukei, who had formed cooperatives in their own rural localities to address their needs. These include providing small loans, meeting domestic needs such as maintaining roads, drainage, primary schools, machinery and farming equipment.

Indo-Fijian views

The majority of Indo-Fijian respondents (70 per

cent) felt that generally inter-ethnic relations had improved following the 2006 military coup. Government policy changes, which included a common name for all Fiji citizens, efforts to find land for farming and other activities, and improve law and order were seen to be positive contributions to inter-ethnic relations.

A 32-year-old man stated that the initiative to adopt a ‘common nationality has bestowed upon other races a sense of belonging to this country’. According to a civil servant, the common name ‘Fijian’ means that the government is serious about treating all citizens equally. For younger respondents, more multi-ethnic education and exposure to the outside world were reasons for the breaking down of barriers between ethnic groups. A 26-year-old female lawyer said that the ‘improvements in inter-ethnic relations are due to exposure to modern ideas and concepts’.

Fifty per cent of the respondents from Nadi said that inter-ethnic relations had improved. A number of respondents said that the government has emphasized improving relations between the two main ethnic groups and there appears to be more appreciation of Indo-Fijian culture. A 40-year-old civil servant stated that: ‘Indo-Fijians felt in the past that they were being ridiculed during multicultural performances, but attitudes are changing; leadership is providing the space. Hindi and Fijian music are being appreciated in Lautoka and Ba markets.’ It is widely known that ‘Bollywood’ films and TV series are popular among iTaukei and non-Indo-Fijian ethnicities generally, but especially in the provinces of Ba (west) and Macuata (north), where many iTaukei speak Fiji Bhat.

Respondents in Labasa, Savusavu and Ovalau indicated that relations between different communities have generally been good irrespective of what happened in Suva.

Thirty per cent of Indo-Fijian respondents indicated that inter-ethnic relations were either the same or had deteriorated. They said that while the government had been publicly saying that everyone will be treated equally, the reality is very different. They pointed to issues relating to land tenure, education and training as well as employment. They pointed to the ethnic composition of government and upper echelons of the public service. According to a female NGO leader, ‘discrimination continues in the public service in appointment, promotion and transfer of Indo-Fijians. There is a definite bias in favour of [indigenous] Fijians.’ A male respondent, who is the manager of a large community organization, said that although people were separated in the past, they coexisted peacefully and respected each other, but it is different now:

‘when I was growing up I used to swim with Fijian children and play with them, when they threw stones or misbehaved, they were punished by the elders. They greeted us and were friendly; it is different these days. The best year of inter-ethnic relations was 1997 when Jairam Reddy and Sitiveni Rabuka worked together. The cooperation between the leaders of the two communities permeated down to ordinary people of all races.’

Community workers said that there was discrimination by both government and NGO personnel in the distribution of ‘flood relief’ against Indo-Fijians.

Other ethnic minorities’ views

Sixty-three per cent of other members of ethnic

minority groups interviewed believed that ethnic relations had significantly improved. Moreover, 21 per cent of the respondents stated that inter-ethnic relations have always been good.

A Part-European woman in Suva explained that ‘ethnic relations have improved with the new post-coup government … race is less prominent now – government does not dwell on race; unlike previous governments.’ Several others agreed that the current political environment had silenced ethnonationalistic views. Chinese and Melanesian Fijians believed that inter-ethnic relations have improved largely because of government policies and the focus on law and order. An older Chinese businessman and


community leader maintained that Chinese ‘shopkeepers and farmers can go about their work as there is law and order. Previously, every farmer used to get robbed; a number of violent robberies led to death of farmer’s wife, and in a separate incident another farmer was killed.’

Some interviewees believed that inter-ethnic relations had always been good. These views are held by those who have been living in smaller close-knit communities in Levuka, Savusavu and Labasa. All the interviewees from Levuka mentioned that good inter-ethnic relations are due to their ‘living and working together for a very long time’.

A 48-year-old Melanesian man described the situation on his island: ‘In Ovalau, we are just like one big family. How we call and treat one another is just like how we call and treat our relatives; you have iTaukei and those of Indian descent calling us brother or cousin …’ Where groups have lived together in close proximity for so long, members of the different ethnic groups speak each other’s languages, which has brought communities closer.

A majority of the respondents believed that education and religion play a pivotal role in enhancing understanding and interaction among the ethnic groups. A 26-year-old female Banaban interviewee observed that ‘this is especially for the younger educated citizens of Fiji who embrace multiracialism and are very open, understanding towards those from other communities.’ Some respondents explain that religion has played a role of promoting tolerance of other religions and cultural diversity.

Fifteen per cent of interviewees were ambivalent about inter-ethnic relations in the current period or believed that relations had deteriorated compared to the period before 1987.

According to a female European academic: ‘the extent to which ethnic relations change based on the directive from above is doubtful; the issue is whether political culture can be changed with fresh new generational politics.’

There were diverse views among diplomatic and international agency respondents. A majority said that relations between ethnic groups had improved, and that ‘young people were relating to each other across the ethnic divides much better than ever before’. Asian diplomats had very positive views about the government’s efforts to create a ‘non-racial’ society. Pacific island country representatives agreed that some improvements had taken place but there was a need for more understanding and tolerance between ethnicities. But two respondents expressed concern that ethno-nationalism among iTaukei had been ‘pushed underground for the time being’. Issues that contribute to inter-ethnic tensions and conflict iTaukei views

Competition between ethnic groups over natural resources, political power, education and employment opportunities are seen as triggers of tension and conflict.

More than half of the iTaukei respondents indicated that ‘politics’ has led to ethnic tensions and discrimination. Past government policies have contributed to a deterioration in inter-ethnic relations, and as a result ‘ethnicity’ is one of the major issues for the country.

A few respondents said that land contributed to ethnic tensions not only among different ethnic groups but among iTaukei from different provinces and between the Viti Levu land-owners and people from the other islands who lease land. One respondent said ‘there is fear among iTaukei community about the appropriation of their land, culture and identity. This is a reason for ethnic tensions.’ The respondent further stated that many indigenous Fijians viewed land as their ‘source of life but Indians viewed it as investment and this caused conflict’.

A former minister in the SVT government stated that affirmative action programmes are often misrepresented, ‘there is a ‘culture of begrudgement. When ethnic Fijians want something, others begrudge them, and, in turn, when others want something, ethnic Fijians begrudge them for this.’

Indo-Fijian views

For Indo-Fijians land was said to be the major issue

causing inter-ethnic tensions. Expiration of land leases following the 30-year leaseholds allowed under the Agricultural Landlord and Tenant Act (ALTA) of 1977, and the refusal of many land-owners to renew leases, has had negative consequences. In the words of a former politician and businessman, ‘the expiry of land leases on farms has led to a mass exodus of farmers causing significant urban drift. Squatters have sprung up in town and as a result impacted on other races.’ And he added that the political nature of the land issue has brought about a deterioration in inter-ethnic relations. A farmers’ leader said that ‘land is sensitive to ethnic Fijians but it is critical for Indians too, their umbilical cord [nara in Hindustani] is often buried in their farms or birth places’.

Opportunities for education and training were also an issue. An 18-year-old female respondent said that:

‘scholarships to students are given according to their ethnicity along with marks scored in external exams.… Most of the scholarships are offered to iTaukei and Rotuman students.… Students of other races get deprived of the chance to get scholarships to continue with their studies.’

All respondents said that inter-ethnic relations were

affected by discrimination in employment. According to a Lautoka businessman, there was a growing imbalance in the employment of Indo-Fijians in the civil service and statutory bodies. He also maintained that, ‘the police force has only 34 per cent Indians’. Another male respondent echoed this view: ‘race-based policies such as recruitment in the Fiji police force have discriminated against Indians …’

Similar sentiments were expressed by another male respondent who said that ‘there was a lot of discrimination


in the public service against Indo-Fijian and other minorities following 1987’. In the recent electronic voter registration, more iTaukei (1,250) than Indo-Fijians (1,050) were registered.

Politics was also seen as a major contributor to the ethnic tensions and issues surrounding inter-ethnic relations.

Generally, most respondents considered affirmative action policies as largely discriminatory. There also appeared to be some agreement among them that social and economic inequalities contributed to inter-ethnic tensions.

Other ethnic minorities

Other ethnic minority respondents expressed

similar views to those of Indo-Fijian interviewees about a number of issues that affected inter-ethnic relations, including land.

According to a Part-European female interviewee, who is an estate owner, there has been constant tension over land between her family and the neighbouring iTaukei villagers. A Banaban female student believed that ethnic tension was caused by ‘fear’ on the part of iTaukei landowners that their land is going to be taken away from them due to developments taking place.

The majority of respondents said that politicians (particularly iTaukei) have used land issues to create mistrust between ethnic groups. A male Melanesian respondent believed that these politicians ‘because of their individual and selfish interest, stirred up differences and soured relations in the community’.

Ignorance and lack of understanding of different ethnic groups was also cited as a cause of tension. A young Banaban woman aged 26 said that: ‘There is a tendency for many ethnic groups to ignore the various cultural values of each other as exemplified in the 2000 coup.… iTaukei leaders reflect their own ignorance that other races are going to take their land and intrude on their wellbeing.’ According to a 70-year-old Chinese respondent, ‘people don’t listen to each other and this creates misunderstanding between them’.

Participation in decision-making

iTaukei perspectives

Seventy per cent of the iTaukei respondents

maintained that their participation in decision-making was strong at the national and local government levels. Some said that affirmative action policies had helped, and others said that iTaukei were more proactive about participating in advocacy groups. Many said that iTaukei have been at the helm of national leadership for quite a long time. A male respondent mentioned that: ‘our voices were quite strong in the past due to the Great Council of Chiefs which had deliberated on our behalf’.

A small proportion of respondents believed that iTaukei current participation in decision-making is more limited. As observed by a male respondent: ‘they are in

conflict with the current government especially in terms of policy made by the government’.

A 24-year-old male respondent mentioned that there is a need for good leaders in the country, regardless of ethnicity:

‘if you have one Indo-Fijian or a person of another ethnicity who knows what he is doing and is going to do the job to the best of his ability better than iTaukei, why not give it to him as he will do the work effectively for the satisfaction of all?’

Indo-Fijian perspectives

Most respondents said that even though they are

consulted, decision-making lies largely in the hands of iTaukei in the government.

Others said that there is no problem in representation and participation as there are many Indo-Fijians in government bodies. A 32-year-old male respondent from Suva believed that Indo-Fijians have managed to participate in the decision-making in past governments. He felt that leadership should not be based on ethnicity but on qualifications, and that a leader should be able to bring together all ethnic communities in Fiji.

Another respondent, a trade unionist, said participation of Indo-Fijians in decision-making has not changed much. However he claimed that:

‘Fijians hold most positions in public service and there is an ongoing preference for them in government positions and several organizations. Because of the current regime, Muslims are holding positions as well. It can be said that government is predominantly iTaukei and Muslim.’

Other ethnic minority perspectives

Overall, ethnic minority respondents had three

rather different standpoints on participation in decision-making at the national level. A large number felt that they were not adequately represented in national-level forums such as parliament. Over the years the representation of the ‘General Elector’ category (voters who are not indigenous Fijian or Indo-Fijian) has been reduced to be more proportionate to their number in the overall population. They had been over-represented previously.

Others believed that they should have their own representatives in parliament. Three Melanesians and a Banaban respondent felt that there was a need for them to have their own representatives at the national level. Most of the Banabans and Melanesians believed that they have been represented by the ‘Kai Loma’ (Part-European) for too long. Most Part-European respondents believed that their lack of participation in decision-making was due to the differing views within their community. There were other respondents who felt that ‘they were a minority community and they did not have a good leader to take them forward’.

A minority of respondents felt that it did not really matter who represents them in parliament; the country needs fair-minded and capable leaders irrespective of ethnicity. But ethnic minority respondents did maintain that leaders at the national level should be elected on merit. This point is


illustrated by a 58-year-old female Part-European who had ‘no problem with their lack of participation in decision-making … as long as we have the right leader and it should be based on merit’. Similar sentiments were echoed by a male Melanesian (aged 48) who mentioned that: ‘as long as our views are heard by government, then we have no problems with our lack of participation in decision-making’.

For Chinese respondents, while they contributed directly and indirectly to decision-making, most of them are too immersed in their own businesses to care, and their main concern was security.

At the local government and grassroots level, many ethnic minorities are able to fully participate in decisionmaking. The main government body that deals with the minority communities is the Ministry of Regional Development, while the church also has a significant role in their community.

Women’s participation in decision-making

iTaukei women

Most respondents felt that ‘Fiji is a male-

dominated society.’ A female respondent said: ‘we live in a patriarchal community where women are suppressed and are not usually given the right to voice their opinions, however, through education and women’s rights, women are now able to voice their opinions without being suppressed.’

A small proportion of respondents believed that women’s participation in decision-making has improved. A former prime minister said that while iTaukei communities are male-dominated, there are many very capable women who hold senior positions in the civil service and in a few large private business firms.

A woman graduate stated that ‘educated iTaukei women can freely express their voices whereas those women from the rural areas are still restrained to some extent’. But challenges still persist. Some men expressed reservations about women in decision-making positions. They had prejudiced views about women. A middle-aged male expressed his prejudice when he claimed that he wanted women to be involved in decision-making but: ‘wherever there is a woman leader, you will find a lot of gossip and differences, but now the churches are saying that we should increase their participation’.

Indo-Fijian women

Women’s participation in decision-making is very

low, according to all female respondents and some male respondents. A female respondent said that: ‘women, even in this era, are being dominated by the men’. A male respondent said that: ‘due to the patriarchal nature of the culture, women are kept behind the curtain; there are constraints for both Indo-Fijian and iTaukei women’.

A trade unionist asked: ‘what structures are in place to encourage women

to take leadership roles, and become more vocal? There are

cultural barriers to rural women’s participation but education is changing this. Girls are getting educated and attending university but previously they stayed home and got married and had children. This still applies to women in rural areas.’

The woman NGO representative from Ba said that IndoFijian women were becoming stronger at a grassroots level among evicted and traumatized communities: ‘In community governance women speak up, write letters for instance about bus access to Advisory Council and speak face to face with government officials.’

Other ethnic minority women

Eighty-eight per cent of the respondents believed

that women’s participation in decision-making has improved. Women are able to participate fully in decision-making as there are no constraints at the national level. Currently, there are many women who are CEOs and managers in government ministries, civil society organizations and in various companies.

All female respondents believed that they were gaining grounds in terms of participation in decision-making. A Rotuman female respondent said: ‘women are beginning to be more assertive and vocal at the community level … previously they spoke through their husbands’.

Most of the women believed that education played a vital role in terms of how they are empowered, while some believed that modern changes have really helped in breaking male dominance. Most Part-Europeans (male and female) believed that their women are participating in decision-making at the household, community and national levels. Chinese respondents also believed that women have been participating in decision-making. According to an older Chinese man: ‘Chinese women who are educated are capable leaders.’

However, Banaban, Tuvaluan and Melanesian, and some Rotuman interviewees believed that their women’s participation in decision-making was largely limited to household and community levels, including the church.

Diplomats and international agency respondents also noted that women were increasingly involved in leadership positions, especially in civil society organizations and NGOs, and to a lesser extent in government. Discrimination iTaukei views

Nearly half of the iTaukei respondents mentioned that they were discriminated against to some extent in terms of education and training, business, land, employment opportunities, credit and loans. Some believed that educational and training opportunities for iTaukei were being hijacked by Indo-Fijians and others because the latter took up these opportunities when there were not enough indigenous Fijians to make the numbers.

With respect to business, respondents agreed that it was difficult for iTaukei because there were many barriers.


According to a male respondent, ‘Fijians are looked down at in terms of small business establishment because Fijians are seen as failures.’ Most iTaukei are discriminated against because they are seen to lack business acumen and ‘capability’.

Another male respondent stated that: ‘business is a foreign language to us Fijians.

However the current generation coming out of university realize that business is a part of life. We Fijians are used to following a different type of living as we are brought up in the rural village. The younger generations who are brought up in the urban centres know the importance of money and see business as a part of life.’

Another former iTaukei government mi nister

stated that: ‘with iTaukei there is a casual attitude towards work but village and urban work environments are very different’. He felt that ‘iTaukei lacked work ethics’. There were, therefore, ‘cultural factors’ that were barriers to business success, rather than any discrimination against them.

Some maintained that, in relation to employment, it is not what you know but who you know. A male respondent said that:

‘there is a lot of nepotism rather than discrimination happening at the workplace. For example, look at the Bank of Baroda – it is controlled by Indians – and look at the employees, they are all Indians, only 2 per cent are Fijian.’

In terms of access to loans and credit, respondents

felt that this depended on one’s financial status. Banks discriminate against those who do not have security, thus favouring the rich. In most cases credit institutions try to give advice to people on how to get loans. However, for native Fijians, it is very hard as they often do not have ‘security’ and the contacts.

In addition, access to land and other natural resources is an issue. There are laws and regulations put in place by the government that permit full ownership of land and this has affected iTaukei’s ability to access land. An elderly iTaukei male respondent mentioned that: ‘Europeans who have leased land in Pacific Harbor have barricaded iTaukei from accessing the sea; which is a main source of sustenance…’

Close to half of respondents indicated that there was no discrimination against iTaukei in terms of access to scholarships, employment, credit and loans, and business opportunities, as these depend on individual capability, ability to provide collateral, and performance. A young respondent declared: ‘Everything nowadays depends on merit, qualification and eligibility. We are now moving into a modern age so why should we bring ethnic discrimination into all this?’

These respondents maintained that everyone has equal opportunities, depending on one’s capability and qualifications. A former female government minister stated that ‘in the corporate business sector [people] of all races are there almost in equal numbers and interact better than in the public sector’.

Indo-Fijian views

Indo-Fijian respondents felt that there was

discrimination in many areas against them. There was always discrimination in accessing higher education because government scholarships were mostly for indigenous Fijians. Multi-ethnic scholarships allocated to them were means tested or only partially covered costs. A manager of a cultural organization said that at the Sangam Nursing School, iTaukei students were 100 per cent covered by their scholarships while Indo-Fijian students were not fully funded. Another issue raised was the scaling of marks obtained by students in public examinations to maintain ethnic parity.

With respect to employment, according to some respondents much depended on personal contacts with people who were in a position to help. Public service positions remain difficult to get and there is discrimination in accelerated promotion in the Fiji police force. One man working for an NGO said that he was not inclined to appoint ‘Indians’ for jobs because they did not stay in an employment for long and tended to migrate.

Respondents said that housing was a matter of affordability, but that certain government-funded institutions, such as the Housing Authority, were discriminatory. Discrimination in access to land was widely recognized. Freehold land was only available to those who could afford it. Respondents mentioned intimidation or threats by land-owners. When leases expired, tenants were not allowed to dismantle their homes for relocation, or were illegally evicted before their tenancy and grace period ended. Tenants were also subjected to extortion.

With respect to credit and loans, respondents felt that access depended on security that a person had rather than one’s ethnicity. However, they mentioned that microcredit schemes appeared to be for iTaukei only.

All other natural resources of the land, rivers and seas belong to customary owners. There is designated customary rights ownership of marine areas, or qoliqoli, which are out of bounds for all who belong to other vanua or ethnicities. Historically, because the largest-scale artisan fishermen are Indo-Fijians, they have to deal with extortion by both government fisheries officials as well as iTaukei. Respondents said access to fishing areas had become more difficult and expensive, partly because of raised expectations following the debate on the qoliqoli bill, and also over issues of conservation, and marine protected areas. A respondent in Lautoka said: ‘We can’t fish, our boats are idle, we have laid off workers because Taukei want too much “goodwill” and we also are harassed a lot of times.’ Smaller-scale fishermen find demands of customary fishing area owners excessive.

Other minorities

The majority of respondents from ethnic minority

communities believed that there is discrimination in scholarship allocation because these are based on ‘ethnicity’. Part-European respondents do not have access to the iTaukei


Affairs Board scholarships and voiced their concerns on ‘affirmative action policies’.

Melanesian interviewees believed that affirmative action policies are discriminatory since scholarships favoured iTaukei while those of other ethnicities have been excluded. They believed in equal treatment, but having a scholarship quota of some sort for their children in the Multi-ethnic Affairs scholarship scheme has ensured that there are some places for them. They believed that the current moves by government in the use of merit will end discrimination but, at the same time, it may disadvantage them.

Respondents from the Banaban community believed that the scholarship allocation should have ‘quotas for our children’. Currently, they can only access the very competitive merit-based PSC and the Multi-ethnic scholarships.

The Rotuman respondents stated that that while they also come under the iTaukei Affairs scholarship scheme, there has been a decrease in the number of Rotumans who are awarded this scholarship. A Chinese male respondent said that his community can afford to pay for their children’s education, and they are not concerned about government scholarship schemes.

In relation to employment, most of the respondents felt that there was no discrimination against any ethnic group. Many of them believed that accessing employment is based on merit, that is, on individual qualification and experience. Contrary views were held by some others, who highlighted that there are some types of work where discrimination in recruitment persists. For instance, in the Fiji military there is evident bias towards iTaukei. In addition, a former Part-European school teacher confirmed that there was discrimination in the Ministry of Education in terms of promotion: ‘I faced discrimination in employment and promotion because of the union [Fijian Teachers Association and Fiji Teachers Union]. Because I did not support a certain union, I could not get a post.’ A Banaban woman also argued that most promotions in government were given to iTaukei or Indo-Fijians.

Interestingly, a number of respondents felt that there was nepotism in job recruitment. A senior government employee mentioned that nepotism was rife in the public sector. As evidence, he said that a senior iTaukei official at the PSC had recruited more than 20 relatives to work under him.

In terms of access to housing, most of the respondents believed that housing depended on affordability. A small group (15 per cent) believed that there was unfair treatment in terms of access to housing. A Part-European woman mentioned that the Fiji National Provident Fund village housing assistance favours iTaukei because they have customary land as security. Both Banaban respondents highlighted that the Banaban community were treated unfairly in terms of housing. They mentioned that many Banabans lived in Housing Authority and Public Rental Board flats, and were only allowed to have one family in each house. ‘This is unfair because some iTaukei have many families in one house.’ An older Rotuman male respondent

believed that access to a rural housing scheme on Rotuma Island is difficult due to its remote location.

On credit and loans, a majority of the respondents believed that accessing loans depends on individual eligibility and the requirements of the lending institutions, and there was no discrimination. The Rotuman respondents said that due to the remoteness of Rotuma they had poor access to loans. A Chinese male respondent said that there is unfair treatment by lending institutions when it comes to accessing loans. This view was also supported by a Part-European woman, who stressed that lending institutions favour the wealthy and the elite. This critical view suggests that, while there is no ethnic discrimination in accessing loans, there is a bias by lending institutions towards the wealthy and powerful.

In terms of business opportunities, all respondents believed that this is based on the financial capability of each individual. Therefore there is no discrimination in access to business opportunities.

Divergent views were held by the minority community on land matters. Most Part-Europeans interviewed have their own freehold estates and land is not an issue for them. For Rotumans, Banabans and Tuvaluans, land is readily available on their own islands but not in the mainland. Some of the respondents believed that there is discrimination only in accessing customary-owned lands. As indicated by two female PartEuropean respondents in Savusavu, there has been a lot of contention between them and iTaukei land-owners over a piece of land. One of the two further mentioned that the ‘I kovukovu’ that was given to them has been usurped by their iTaukei relatives.

Issues relating to land also applied to Melanesians. Most of them mentioned that their access to land was insecure based on vakavanua arrangements. The land that they currently lived on in Levuka was leased by the Anglican Church; however, since the lease has expired, it has reverted to the land-owners. One of the male Melanesians mentioned that they are at the mercy of the land-owners. For the Melanesians, the Anglican Church had played a pivotal role in terms of their access to land but now they have become mostly tenants at will.

In terms of access to natural resources, some respondents stated that they have access to land only for farming, while for fishing they have to get approval and a licence for commercial fishing from the relevant authorities. According to a Kioan respondent (Tuvaluans who live on the island of Kioa) in Savusavu, they can farm freely (following negotiation with land-owners) but for fishing, they require the approval of the Tui Cakau (the highest ranking chief in the province of Cakaudrove). This view was echoed by the Banaban respondents, who further mentioned that accessing natural resources such as fishing in Veisari (near Suva) requires the permission of government and land-owners. The approval process is expensive and time consuming, thus access to natural resources is limited.

The Melanesians in Ovalau said that they have no problem with using the ‘qoliqoli’ for fishing, since the Tui Levuka (the highest chief) has granted them permission. A majority of the respondents from Ovalau, Labasa and Savusavu believed that there was no discrimination in access


to natural resources, as long as the right procedures were followed in presenting traditional gifts for the use of ‘qoliqoli’ and also meeting government requirements to obtain a commercial licence.

Relations between religious groups and between government and religious groups

iTaukei views

All the iTaukei respondents were Christian with 70

per cent being Methodists. They agreed that the ‘government discriminates against us’. Since 2009 Methodists have not been allowed to hold public meetings. Under the Public Emergency Decree, all public meetings seen to be ‘political’ were banned. A respondent stated that: ‘the Methodist Church is the biggest denomination in Fiji and 80 per cent [sic] of the Fijians are Methodist yet we are not allowed to freely worship and have our Annual Conference’. Another respondent mentioned that: ‘it’s not constitutional to appoint leaders outside of the Methodist Annual Conference, to hold meetings and also certain persons were not allowed to chair the meetings. There are no choir competitions allowed through which church divisions raise funds.’

Thirty per cent of the iTaukei respondents who follow non-Methodist Christian denominations said that there was no discrimination against them by other religious groups or government, and that people were free to meet and worship. An iTaukei respondent from Ovalau mentioned that: ‘there are good relations between different religious groups and also between different Christian denominations. In our village, we have Christians, Hindus and Muslims who are able to practise their religion without fear or harassment by others …’

A non-Methodist respondent stated that ‘the only discrimination is made against Methodist by the government in relation to their activities’.

Indo-Fijian respondents

Most Indo-Fijian respondents said that they were

able to practise their religions without fear and meet freely for religious functions, but this was not the case until the Public Emergency Regulations were lifted in 2012. Previously, permits had to be obtained from the police and district administration for religious gatherings, weddings and funerals.

While relations with other religions are currently good, this was not the case in the past. During the post-1987 period, and also in 2000, there were acts of intimidation and desecration by Christians, and especially Methodist youths. Hindu, Sikh and Muslim places of worship and holy books were burnt. Hindu images of deities were destroyed. An NGO community worker in Ba said that: ‘Acts of desecration have stopped but thieving from temples continues.’ She added that, on most public occasions: ‘there

is “masu” and Christian prayers are allowed but not Hindu or Muslim prayers’.


Most respondents believed that there were no

constraints on practising their religion. Only the two Seventh Day Adventists felt that they were discriminated against by some employers, by making them work on Saturdays. However, Methodists (who were not iTaukei) highlighted that they were being targeted by the government in some of their church activities mainly because of what their leaders had done previously.

Human rights issues iTaukei views

Sixty per cent of iTaukei respondents believed that their human rights have been curtailed and suppressed during and following the coup. An elderly iTaukei male respondent stated that: ‘Fiji is experiencing a coup culture; the current regime is being dictatorial. Fijians are not able to fully express their rights.’ An iTaukei respondent stated that it is because of the ‘coup culture that ethno-nationalism burns iTaukeis like fire. Ethnic discrimination does not work and it is best for us to work together.’ Another respondent mentioned that: ‘Right now we are under a military regime so we stick by the book and do what they want us to do! If not we will end up being taken to the military barracks.’

Most respondents felt that, while their political rights were undermined, they were still able to participate in social, economic, cultural and civic matters. One respondent pointed to an anomaly:

‘We are able to participate in matters that concern us, such as political and civil [issues], as we were able to voice our views to the Constitution Commission, and on other matters it depends on an individual capacity to fully participate – such as economic, social, cultural and civil participation.’

A small group maintained that political and civil

rights did not matter to them as they were more concerned about their livelihoods.

Indo-Fijian views

Most respondents maintained that, since the 2006

military coup, in general civil and political rights were currently denied to all. However, their understanding of social economic and social rights was limited to the right to employment and livelihood, housing, education and health, as well as social security.

Senior government officials explained that government suppression of freedom of expression and freedom of the media was justified, otherwise reforms to move the country forward along non-ethnic lines would be compromised. There was a need to censor the media, and ensure public order.


Respondents who had been actively involved in NGOs and political groups held strong views about the government’s denial of human rights. A 61-year-old community worker said: ‘civil rights – voices are stifled, there is no freedom of speech and assembly. Social and cultural rights have been promoted by the government with Indian High Commission at the forefront.’ Another respondent indicated that ‘currently mainly rights are denied – freedoms of expression, association and media. The right to protest is denied.’ A female NGO worker saw no rights, ‘what human rights? Civil rights do not exist. Right to health is shocking in rural areas ...’ According to a trade unionist, basic human rights are denied:

‘In terms of trade unions, collective bargaining has

been denied. The ILO [International Labour Organization] Convention signed in 1974 is being undermined. The Emergency National Industries decree denies basic labour rights in selected sectors and industries – airline, banks, telecommunications...tourism... and sugar.’

Respondents from business backgrounds felt that

they have been given all the rights and they do not suffer state discrimination. Oddly, this standpoint is reflected in the views of an NGO worker: ‘civil rights are being practised by my community and cultural rights too, and problem is with the people. They don’t talk about issues.’ This respondent also believed that people did not really understand their rights and responsibilities because these have been missing from culture and education in Fiji.


Most respondents believed that political and civil

rights are being curtailed by government. Some of the responses highlighted the lack of right to a fair trial, the right to participate in politics, to vote and to petition about issues. A Part-European man said: ‘it is not right when the judiciary is controlled by government.… The current Fiji judiciary will soon be a laughing stock or maybe it already is.’

Another respondent referred to the significant sums of money borrowed domestically by governments from the pension funds of Fiji workers: ‘Where is the right of the individual who has toiled so hard to put money there?’

The majority of diplomats and international agency respondents said that there was an undemocratic and military-backed government which denied fundamental human rights. A western diplomat stated that: ‘human rights are a travesty in Fiji given the denial of basic freedoms such as freedom of speech and association. Look at what they have done to the media.’ A few respondents pointed to the pro-poor policies of government as indicating concern for social and economic rights over political and civil rights.

Government policies

iTaukei views

The majority of iTaukei respondents indicated that the government should review its strategies because these have created a sense of distrust towards other ethnic groups. The land bank was a concern, as were the abolition of the Great Council of Chiefs, seen as the protector of indigenous interests, and the restrictions on the Methodist Church. There was a feeling that iTaukei were being deprived of affirmative action measures. There was also concern about the common national name for all citizens when ‘Fijian’ had previously been exclusively used for them. There was opposition to the 10 non-negotiable issues imposed on the constitution-making process without prior discussion.

Forty per cent of respondents felt that the current government policies have improved inter-ethnic relations in Fiji. Some believed that a common national name was positive as it has strengthened inter-ethnic relations and is inclusive of others. An elderly iTaukei and former soldier stated that:

‘the government has done a tremendous job in

trying … to reform the bad policies. Corruption cases that have been there from the beginning were being wiped out. We need the best for our upcoming generation … we need transparency within the country. And now 18-year-olds were being given the right to vote.’

In Vanua Levu and Ovalau, the iTaukei

respondents mentioned that: ‘relations have been very good’. A respondent stated that: ‘many of the things that the government is currently doing were already happening here. We have maintained our relations with other ethnic groups since the colonial days until now.’

iTaukei suggestions for the government

The majority of iTaukei (55 per cent) preferred a

return to the deposed government’s affirmative action programmes. They also wanted the re-establishment of the Bose Levu Vakaturaga (Great Council of Chiefs) and some wanted the word, ‘Fijian’ to be used only for indigenous Fijians. Many of them opposed casinos being established because of social problems that may arise. However, they supported the teaching of Bauan Fijian in schools. Most respondents supported multi-ethnic schools. Some wanted the government to reform culture and religion, as these imposed burdens on iTaukei. A respondent declared that: ‘government needs to drill it into the church; challenge the church, change its vision to teach more on peace, multiculturalism and unity and to teach more about the true ethics and moral of Christianity.’

Younger respondents tended to be critical of ‘Fijian’ institutions such as the iTaukei administration, the iTaukei Trust Board and the Great Council of Chiefs, recommending that these be reviewed and reformed.

Indo-Fijian suggestions

Respondents wanted policies to address access to

land, to end separate ethnic local government, to establish an independent judiciary, and to provide sports and recreational


facilities to bring different ethnic groups together, and the teaching of vernacular languages in schools.

A former male politician and businessman wanted government to be proactive about dealing with squatters so that squatter settlements did not increase so rapidly. In Fiji, squatters (those living in informal housing settlements and in substandard houses) now constitute 15–20 per cent of urban inhabitants.

A male CEO maintained that: ‘there should be a land policy which would allow

the state to be the main land-owner as it would obtain long-term leases on land and sublease plots to Indians and others, and collect and pay rents to the native owners.… Cadet training should be compulsory for all ethnicities.’

A representative of the Sugarcane Growers further

added that: ‘[the] government should have a master lease

arrangement with land-owners and lease out land to farmers. This will help relations in rural areas, which are not good because of land. Affirmative action should be needs-based and means tested. Improve security and law and order. There is a need to address corruption – there is more corruption now as there is no transparency and accountability.’

A woman NGO representative said that:

‘Government should provide the space for open and honest discussions among ethnic groups so that past wrongs are addressed and there is restorative justice … and promote alternative cash crops as sugar declines.’

A respondent who is a trade unionist said that

‘government should review all its legislation that curtails human rights and workers’ rights.’


Close to 80 per cent of respondents believed that

current government policies, such as common nationality and the use of ‘Fijian’ as the name of all citizens, have brought about a sense of inclusiveness and a sense of belonging for the minority communities, who have always felt outsiders. According to a female Part-European woman: ‘we are all Fijians, we live in Fiji and Fijian is a European name, just as they called everyone as Australians in Australia … whether they are white or Aborigines, so should we.’ A male Chinese respondent also felt that the current government programmes, decrees and laws have brought about harmonious relations among the diverse ethnic groups.

Most respondents did not feel that ethnic-based affirmative action policies helped inter-ethnic relations, but instead only entrenched iTaukei supremacy. To improve inter-ethnic relations, most respondents believed that there is a need for more awareness and interactions to foster cultural understanding between ethnic groups. This can be achieved through sports and recreational activities, and by encouraging the teaching of various languages

(iTaukei/Indo-Fijian/Rotuman and Banaban) in schools. Inter-ethnic relations should be embedded in the school curriculum. There is a need for multi-ethnic schools rather than schools that cater only for a particular ethnic group.

Respondents argued that there is a need for policies to support better access to land and other natural resources.

Finally, all government policies to improve inter-ethnic relations must be well formulated and executed. According to the older Chinese respondent, these policies need to be enforced and monitored. Conclusion and recommendations

Fiji’s history of separate development of its people meant that indigenous Fijians and other ethnicities, especially Indo-Fijians had little chance to interact socially, economically and politically. Stereotypes and prejudices evolved, and both institutional and social racism were widely practised. Over time, socio-economic inequalities that were both vertical and horizontal created a sense of wealthier ethnicities and poorer ethnicities. This especially applied to iTaukei, who increasingly perceived IndoFijians being more prosperous than themselves.

Other ethnic minorities, such as Chinese, PartEuropeans and Rotumans have been largely politically invisible, and socially and economically marginalized and excluded. The majority of Part-Europeans, Melanesians and other Pacific Islanders are landless, relatively uneducated, unemployed and poor.

Post-independence governments have followed contradictory policies of seeking national unity but also treating citizens differently according to their ethnicity. Separate institutions were accompanied by affirmative action policies that privileged indigenous Fijians and their institutions. Other ethnic groups felt excluded. As latecomers to the market economy, iTaukei found that it favoured those ethnicities that acquired the entrepreneurial culture and the accompanying business networks, and faced barriers that were difficult to overcome. Their own cultural backgrounds, based on reciprocal kinship relationships and obligations to vanua (identification with tribal territory) and lotu (religious affiliation with Christianity, usually Methodist), compounded the difficulties.

While ethnic groups have remained separate at the political and administrative level, at the social and economic level very significant changes have taken place. Fiji is now predominantly urban, with a complex and ever increasing modern economy and much reduced rural agrarian sector. Major demographic changes have also occurred. iTaukei are now 60 per cent of the population and they constitute the largest group in Fiji’s capital, Suva. These changes have substantially broken down residential segregation, ethnic division of labour, separate ethnic schools, ethnically exclusive sports and social clubs and differential treatment of ethnic groups.

Increasingly, how an individual relates to other people of their own and other ethnic groups depends more on their education, and socio-economic status than their ethnic identity or gender. New social forces that have contributed to challenges to the ethnically based status quo.


Multi-ethnic civil society organizations, including NGOs for women, youth, disabled people and sexual minorities have grown and taken on an active advocacy role. The military coups and political instability reflect the struggles between vested interests which seek to privilege ethnicity over common citizenship, and those that want to move to a multi-ethnic and socially just society.

The interview survey that forms the basis of this report found a diversity of viewpoints that reflected individual ethnicity, geographical location, gender, religion and level of education. A clear majority of indigenous Fijians (iTaukei) expressed disquiet about what they perceived as the government’s anti-Fijian policies, which affected their status in the country and their relations with other ethnic groups. On the other hand, non-iTaukei respondents were predominantly supportive of government policies and generally felt that inter-ethnic relations had improved since 2006.

Respondents in Levuka and Savusavu, and to a lesser extent in Vanua Levu (the north) and western Viti Levu said that relations between ethnic groups have always been good, irrespective of the political situation. Women respondents generally felt that, while male dominance continued, with better education and greater access to employment, they were able to better participate in decision-making. This was especially true of PartEuropean interviewees. A majority of respondents expressed the view that they could practise their religion and culture freely. The exception to this view were iTaukei Methodists, who felt that the government had discriminated against and suppressed their denomination since December 2006. Generally speaking, the more educated respondents tended to be positive about interethnic relations.

Respondents had broadly similar suggestions about improving inter-ethnic relations, such as establishing multi-ethnic schools, teaching Bauan Fijian to all students, and an end to the denial of human rights in contemporary Fiji. However, there were divergent views relating to having a common name – ‘Fijian’ – for all citizens, affirmative action policies, land tenure and religious freedom. Recommendations To the government of Fiji:

• The government should rescind its decision to reject the draft constitution developed by the Constitution Commission through a legitimate and participatory process, and submit the draft to the Constituent Assembly.

• The government should take immediate steps to implement the Bill of Rights provisions of the draft constitution.

• Once adopted Fiji’s new constitution should be translated into Bauan Fijian, Hindi and minority languages and widely distributed among its citizens.

• All decrees restricting fundamental human rights, including freedom of expression, freedom of the media, and freedom of assembly, must be rescinded.

• The government should revise the existing legislation on discrimination into a single, comprehensive law prohibiting discrimination on all the grounds named in the draft constitution. This must include prohibition of acts perpetrated by government bodies and private persons, and prohibit the advocating of racial or religious hatred. The law must also ensure that racial motivation constitutes an aggravating circumstance for crimes and must provide a transparent, accessible and effective recourse to justice for all victims of discrimination

• When the new electoral system is adopted, the government should carry out public awareness raising programmes on how it works and how it will enable the voice of all sectors of the population to be heard.

• The Public Service Commission should continue merit-based appointments but should also carry out an audit to identify areas where representation of ethnic groups is unequal, disaggregated by grade. Where there are gaps, the government should develop training programmes to ensure that school-leavers and graduates from disadvantaged communities are able to compete for jobs on an even footing. Staff and job candidates must have access to transparent and accessible mechanisms to challenge discrimination in access to employment.

• The government should carry out an audit of all affirmative action programmes, including scholarships and the Fiji National Provident Fund, to identify the extent to which the most needy communities and individuals are receiving assistance. The current complex systems should be replaced by a streamlined, simplified programme which ensures that access to support is on the basis of need. An outreach programme should be organized to ensure that the most needy sections of society are both aware of the programme and have access to it. All programmes must have clear objectives and need to be carried out within explicitly stated time frames so that they can be monitored and evaluated.

• The government, civil society organizations and the international donor community need to work together to promote women’s participation in decision-making, through specifically targeted training programmes in public administration, and support for advocacy and consultation processes at the local and national levels.

Land

• Customary ownership of land and natural resources by indigenous communities should be


constitutionally recognized and entrenched. An independent land commission, comprising representatives of land owners and lease-holders should be established, with a mandate to examine and resolve contentious land issues. In cases of leases coming to an end, the default position should be that, if the land is not being otherwise used, the sitting lease-holder should have first option of renewal under reasonable terms. The land commission should be mandated to hear disputes over termination of leases.

• The government should address the situation of displaced tenants by working with donors and the affected communities, to set up programmes offering alternative livelihoods, and provide good quality, affordable social housing, particularly in urban areas.

• The government needs in particular to examine the situation of certain very disadvantaged landless minority communities, including Solomon Islanders, Melanesians, Ikiribati and Part-Europeans, in order to ensure that they have access to affirmative action programmes.

Education

• The government should commission a comprehensive review of school curricula by a body including representatives of all ethnic and religious communities, and propose a new curriculum that includes teaching about the histories, cultures, religions and languages of all communities in Fiji. The government should ensure that this curriculum is rolled out to all regions of the country.

• The government should provide information on changes in the names of schools and changes to composition of student and teacher population by ethnicity together with a comprehensive plan for continued integration for the next four years.

• The ‘home zone’ scheme should be reviewed periodically to assess its impact on quality of education, as well as whether schools have become more multi-ethnic. There should be provisions for additional state support for rural schools and those in depressed urban localities where education standards are lowest. To civil society and religious leaders:

• Civil society and leaders of religious communities should work to promote religious and ethnic tolerance and dialogue between ethnic community leaders and religious and denominational leaders. In particular they should raise awareness among all communities of what it means for Fiji to be a secular state. The government and international donors should provide funding for this.


HEALTH Summary

The MoH manages a comprehensive decentralized health systém of integrated primary, secondary and tertiary care following the Fiji Health Sector Management Reform Project 1998–2002, althoughthe administration of human resources, finance and supply remains centralized.

Primary health care and public health care services are managed and administered through four Divisional Health Services (DHS) offices: Central & Eastern combined in Suva; Western in Lautoka; and Northern in Labasa, each led by a Divisional Medical Officer (DMO) and responsible for providing public health services. There are five subdivisions in the Central Division, four in the Eastern Division, six in the Western Division and four in the Northern Division. The four DMOs are responsible to the Deputy Secretary Public Health who heads the Public Health Division in the MoH headquarters in Suva. Public health services are provided through 16 subdivisional hospitals (SDH), 77 health centres (HC) and 101 nursing stations (NS). The subdivisional hospitals, with an average capacity of 12-40 beds, provide inpatient care and outpatient services within each subdivision. Three area hospitals, smaller in capacity than a subdivisional hospital (usually with no more than 15 beds), complement the subdivisional hospital by delivering services in isolated populations.

Each subdivisional hospital supervises a designated medical area that includes a number of health centres and nursing stations. A health centre is managed by a medical officer or nurse practitioner working with one or two nurses. It provides the first level of referral for a number of nursing stations, and is generally staffed by one nurse who conducts outreach visits to communities in a designated nursing area. Community nursing stations complement and function like stations, except that they are built and funded by the community themselves, following approval by the government and according to government standards. In addition, MoH-trained community members serve as Village Health Workers (VHW) in Fijian villages and Community Health Workers (CHW) in Indo-Fijian communities.

Patients may first see a VHW/CHW or a nurse during an outreach visit or may go to a nursing station, health centre or subdivisional hospital. They may be referred to a higher level health facility: one of the three divisional hospitals (in Suva, Lautoka and Labasa) or the Colonial War Memorial Hospital (CWMH). All consultations, admissions and laboratory and radiological examinations are free to the public in public health facilities, except for some dental and special treatments or those in which patients choose to be admitted to a paying ward.

The sixteen subdivisional hospitals and the three divisional hospitals provide a comprehensive range of services, including core specialist services. The three divisional hospitals and several at subdivisional level also serve as teaching hospitals for nursing and medical students.

The Colonial War Memorial Hospital serves as the national referral hospital for Fiji and is available to other countries in the region, as it provides additional specialized services, including renal, cardiac and cancer services.

There are three specialized hospitals: St. Giles Psychiatric Hospital; the P.J. Twomey Hospital for tuberculosis and leprosy; and the Tamavua Rehabilitation Hospital. Each divisional and specialized hospital is headed by a medical superintendent who reports to the deputy secretary for hospital services, head of the Clinical Administration Section in the MoH. The Clinical Services Planning Framework developed in 2005 outlines the delivery of clinical health services at the various service levels within each specialty area, benchmarked against the MoH Strategic Plan.

A small private sector includes two private hospitals in Suva (and another under construction) that provide a range of specialized services, several day clinics and 130 private general practitioners located mostly in the urban centres of the two main islands, Viti Levu and Vanua Levu. There is a private maternity hospital in the Western Division (co-funded through government grants) and another one is planned.

In rural areas, traditional healers are visited for a variety of health problems, which can range from minor health ailments to more life threatening diseases like cancer and poisoning.

Organization

In the last two decades, the MoH has embarked substantially on the model of a three-tier system of primary care with the objective of providing divisional, subdivisional and area-based health care facilities. This three- 24 tier system is staffed by specialist medical and nursing staff, generalist medical and nursing staff and primary care providers, including MBBS graduates, medical assistants, postgraduate trained nurse practitioners and generalist nursing graduates, with the aim of maintaining a decentralized system with a strong primary health focus. The public system is complemented by approximately 130 urban-based general practitioners registered with the Fiji Medical Council.

The Minister for Health is a member of the Cabinet of Government of Fiji. The MoH is headed by a Permanent


Secretary for Health appointed by the Public Service Commission.

Permanent Secretary for Health

The Permanent Secretary for Health provides

overall leadership and direction for the MoH and is mandated under legislation to ensure the safe practice of health professionals and the provision of quality health services to the people. In doing so, the incumbent is accountable to the Minister for Health and the Prime Minister through the Public Service Commission for the attainment of health outcomes, as per MoH Annual Corporate and Strategic Plans.

Division of Hospital Services

The Division of Hospital Services is the

responsibility of the Deputy Secretary Hospital Services (DSHS) who provides policy advice to the Permanent Secretary on clinical services and related issues. Governed by the Public Hospitals & Dispensaries Act, the DSHS is responsible for the provision of clinical services, including the monitoring of health system standards in all health facilities, for the formulation and development of appropriate policies and for effective decision-making in resource management. Division of Public Health Headed by the Deputy Secretary Public Health, the Division is responsible for services ranging from the development and formulation of public health policies and their translation into priority health programmes to the provision of primary health care to the population, as legislated under the Public Health Act 2002. It also includes the evaluation of various public health programmes under their national advisers, such as Family Health, 25 Non Communicable Diseases, Health Promotion, Control of Communicable Diseases, Food & Nutrition, Environmental Health and Oral Health, to ensure effective delivery of primary health care to the people of Fiji.

Division of Administration and Finance

The Division of Administration and Finance plays a

key service support role regarding asset and contract management, human, financial and physical resource development and information management. This division is led by the Deputy Secretary of Administration and Finance who reports to the Permanent Secretary for Health, and also provides policy advice on the implementation, monitoring and evaluation of civil service reforms in the MoH.

Division of Information, Planning and Infrastructure

Led by the Director of Health Information,

Planning & Policy, this division is responsible for co-coordinating the development, formulation and documentation of MoH policies, the National Health Plan, department/ section/unit plans, and medium-term strategies in alignment with the MOH’s long term mission and vision. It oversees the MoH Health Information System

Development Programme, aimed at achieving a cost-effective and user friendly system that meets management’s timely reporting, monitoring, evaluation and information needs for decisionmaking, and is charged with strengthening essential health research activities.

Division of Pharmacy and Biomedical Services

The Director of Fiji Pharmaceutical & Biomedical

Services is responsible to the Permanent Secretary of Health for the provision of policy advice and management support in initiating and coordinating, formulating and implementing national strategies and plans in relation to pharmaceutical services and biomedical equipment. Technical matters related to medicine and therapeutics and their regulation, under the Pharmacy & Poisons Act 1997 and the Dangerous Drug Act 2004, are the responsibility of the Chief Pharmacist. Division of Nursing Services (DNS)

The Director of Nursing Services is accountable to

the Permanent Secretary of Health for policy advice and nursing development. The Director holds 26 a statutory role as the Registrar of the Nurses, Midwives and Nurse Practitioners Board as mandated by the Nurses, Midwives & Nurse Practitioners Act 1999. The Director administers the Act in overseeing the functions of the Board in the registration of nurses, regulation of nursing practice and provision of nursing education, and liaises with the other directors and national advisers for the achievement of health outcomes. Health Financing

The health care system in Fiji is mainly financed through general taxation. The other main means of financing are out-of-pocket payments, mostly to the private health sector, while smaller amounts are derived from private health insurance and donor organizations.

Government budget allocations for health have remained relatively constant despite the increasing demand and cost for health care. Over the decade 1995-2004, the government allocated between 9 and 11% of its total yearly public expenditures to health, except in 1999, when it hit a low of 7.6%.

The total government budget has had an upward trend since 2002 after a low point in 2001, probably related to political instability in 2000. Total government expenditure amounted to FJ$920 million in 2001, or 28% of GDP. By 2008, it had risen to FJ$1710.8 million (35.2% of GDP). Health expenditure as a percentage of total government expenditure has remained around the historic level and was 8.2% in 2008.

Since 1995, government health expenditure as a proportion of gross domestic product (GDP) has been between 2.9% and 3.5%. This is one of the lowest rates among Pacific island countries, despite the fact that Fiji is more economically developer.


Estimates from the 2005 NHA put total health expenditure at 3.8% of GDP, while the 2007-2008 NHA estimated it to be 4.3% for 2007 and 4.2% for 2008. This is within the 4-5% range recommended by the WHO regional strategy on health financing (WHO, 2009).

Private health expenditure from 2005 to 2008 remained at a constant proportion of around 25%, but out-of-pocket expenditure increased from 11.9% to 15.5% of total health expenditure.

This increase is likely to be due to increased activity in the private health care sector. No information is available on the extent or distribution of catastrophic out-of-pocket expenditure. An equity analysis was ongoing at the time this report was being written and no findings were yet available.

There was a steady upward trend in per capita health expenditure from FJ$89.26 in 1995 to FJ$185.26 in 2007 with the exception of 2001 (see Figure 3-4). In 2008, there was a decrease to FJ$165.33 due to a reduction in government health expenditure. The 2008 per capita expenditure can be compared with that of other countries in the region.

Inpatient and outpatient services together account for the majority of health expenditure. The National Health Accounts show that the proportion of total health expenditure for outpatient services was relatively unchanging from 2005 to 2008 (Table 3-2). However, the share spent on inpatient services increased from 35.4% in 2005 to 49.2% in 20082 , possibly due to higher hospital occupancy rates, which increased by 20% in the same period (MoH Annual Reports). This increased expenditure is offset by a drop in expenditure in the category of ‘other health services’, from 15.2% in 2005 to 6.0% in 2008. This category refers to health education and training, health research and development, and non-profit institutions serving households. Dental outpatient expenditure increased from 0.3% of the total in 2005 to 3% in 2008, probably as a result of increased public sector dental services. Sources of revenue and financial flows

Sources of revenue and financial flows Since colonial times, Fiji’s health services have been predominantly financed by the government. As stated previously, financing of health care is still largely reliant on public funding from general taxation. Successive governments have assessed that the low socioeconomic status of much of the population precluded the introduction of significant cost recovery through user fees and/or that such a move would be unpopular. In 2005, the government initiated a study on the feasibility of implementing a social health insurance scheme, but the idea was dropped after findings suggested it would be difficult to achieve a significant contribution base. Voluntary health insurance schemes are not widely used by the population and out-of-pocket expenditure, although a relatively small proportion of expenditure compared with many countries, remains the largest contributor after government funding. While the public sector expenditure is well- documented in annual

government reports, less is known of the contribution made by private financing or of the amount spent through the private health sector.

Public provision of health care is free or at very low cost for all persons in the country. Modest user fees are charged for some basic and selected services provided by the public system, but the revenue generated in this way amounted to an average of 0.83% of health expenditure in the period 2003 to 2008.

User fees were first legislated for in the Public Hospitals and Dispensaries Act 1955 to provide added revenue to the government, but were not introduced until the early 1960s. Despite the fact that the fees were based 51 on costs in the 1940s, they have remained largely unchanged, apart from some minor modifications in the early 1980s. Outpatient fees at public health facilities were suspended by the government in 2000 but were later reintroduced. Table 3-4 summarizes the charges revised in 1983 and in 2010. Even at the higher levels proposed in 2010, charges are modest compared with the costs of service provision. All collected revenues received at public health facilities are paid into the government’s consolidated fund account, and are not available for health service enhancements. Persons exempt from user fees include members of the Fiji Military, Police Force, Royal Navy, officers of the prisons service, persons detained in hospitals under any statutory authority, and children under the age of fifteen. Services provided in the general interest of public health are also excluded.

Private providers of health care services (e.g. general practitioners, dentists, private hospitals, and pharmacies) charge user fees that are often considerably higher than the amount charged in public health facilities. These may be four to five times the public charge or, in some cases, substantially higher. For example, a tooth extraction that costs FJ$2.00 in government facilities may cost FJ$20-40 at a private dental practitioner. There is no regulation governing fee-setting at private health facilities; therefore, user fees vary widely across practitioners. Private providers are mainly located in urban locations and are used largely by those in formal employment. Revenues of private providers of health services were estimated at FJ$38 million in 2007 and FJ$33 million in 2008. In both years, Fiji’s largest private hospital accounted for approximately 50% of that revenue. 53 There are no compulsory social insurance schemes. The supply of voluntary health insurance is limited and only affordable by relatively high income earners (see Section 3.6). The proportion of the population covered by voluntary health insurance is unknown, but is thought to be concentrated in towns and urban areas and among the formal working sector. The proportion of total health expenditure funded through private health insurance rose from 4.9% in 2005 to approximately 7% in 2008. Coverage – breadth, scope, and depth

The statutory public health system offers the same services to all legal residents of Fiji. Foreigners are entitled to access the services, but at a cost. Health facilities provide a range of services according to their role and function in the


system. Pharmaceuticals on the essential drugs list are provided free-of-charge at government health facilities. Some services are not available because facilities do not have the resources (human, physical, or financial). As the population of Fiji is dispersed across many small islands, posing a significant challenge to delivery of health services, inevitably some populations have greater access to health services than others. Private healthcare facilities, mainly concentrated in urban areas, provide services at a cost to anyone who is able to pay.

Cost of transport to obtain health care is considered to be a major barrier to access, especially for those living in remote areas. The MoH allocates a budget for emergency transport, including air flights, but this service is rationed as the budget allocated to it is limited. Restrictions also apply regarding access to overseas evacuation of persons requiring health treatment that cannot be provided within the country. Expenditure on emergency domestic travel and overseas treatment varies considerably from one year to another. It was around FJ$3.5 million in 2007, fell to around FJ$1 million in 2008, and rose again to FJ$2 million in 2009. Most of the variation was due to expenditure on domestic travel.

Collection

Government revenue collected by the Fiji Inland

Revenue & Customs Office through taxation (tax contribution was 89% of total government revenue in 54 2007) is used to finance the public health system. Tax revenues accrue mainly from income and indirect value added tax (VAT); those in formal employment are the largest contributors to both. In 2008, government’s largest source of revenue came in the form of indirect taxes, which comprised 53.7% of total revenue. Until recently, a high proportion of the population did not pay taxes. The taxation system is currently under reform.

Pooling of funds

As most health care is funded from government

revenues through allocation of a budget to the MoH, there is a high level of pooling in health financing. The government operates a consolidated fund into which taxation revenues and the small amount generated from user fees are pooled. MoH officials submit budget proposals to government based on national, regional, and local level submissions and compete with other ministries for their financing. The size and content of the allocated budget is usually based on historical trends of previous line item budgets. In the past, the MoH has generally managed to operate within its assigned budget; however, there have been occasions where the MoH has required more funds following episodes of national disaster, such as cyclones and floods. In these situations, supplementary budget allocations are made available. The Fiji Government’s budget allocation for health has increased fairly steadily from 1995 to 2009. Government expenditure in 2008 was 68% of total health expenditure. Although this is a relatively high proportion, it is lower than in all other Pacific island countries

Out-of-pocket payments

Out-of-pocket (OOP) payments constitute the

second largest source of finance for health services, after government expenditure. As a percentage of total health expenditure, OOP payments increased from 12% in 2005 to 15% in 2008. In 2005, OOP payments totalled FJ$21.7 million; by 2008, they had risen to FJ$29 million. In the same time period both public financing and employer funding for health decreased. Most OOP payments were for prescriptions and over-the-counter medications and outpatient services. The rise in OOP expenditure also reflects a shift in use from public sector to private sector health services. No data are available on the distribution 56 of OOP expenditure across difference population groups. Fiji is in the mid-range of reliance on OOP expenditure in WHO Western Pacific region countries (Figure 3-8). OOP payments may be in the form of cash but also in kind, the latter especially in rural areas and for ‘traditional healers’. It has been estimated that expenditures on traditional healers amounted to FJ$2.1 million in 2005, FJ$1.6 million in 2007 and FJ$1.7 million in 2008. In 2008, this amounted to 0.8% of total health expenditure. It is highly probable that these figures are underestimated since most traditional healers are paid in-kind and it is difficult to put a dollar value on the payments. Public Health

The term ‘public health’ is often used to refer to services and activities aimed at improving health and prolonging life of the whole population through health promotion, disease prevention and other health interventions. In Fiji, public health includes the clinical primary care services provided to rural populations. Thus, it is sometimes difficult to distinguish between public health and primary health care in Fiji, as both terms are used interchangeable. Indeed, as in many countries, the primary care level carries out a number of public health interventions. In describing public health in Fiji, the internationally accepted definition has been used.

The Public Health Division in the MOH sets the strategic direction and framework for all public health and primary care services, develops evidence-based policies, facilitates the implementation of public health activities at operational levels, and monitors and evaluates public health activities, including disease surveillance and research. Each of the technical units of the Public Health Division is headed by a national advisor with counterparts within the divisions and subdivisions. The following section provides an overview of the organization and implementation of communicable and non-communicable disease policies and strategies in Fiji.


Major communicable disease of public health importance

Typhoid fever has remained endemic over the last two decades in Fiji. A typhoid outbreak in the Navosa District of the Western Division in May 2010 resulted in more than 200 cases and four suspected deaths reported over a two month period. A health emergency was declared by the government, restricting movements and public gatherings except for funerals. The main source was healthy carriers who had shed S.typhi into sewerage, which had contaminated water sources. A mass immunization campaign was conducted with numerous health education and health promotion sessions to address hygiene practices, hand-washing with soap, protecting the water supply and improving sanitation. The epidemic declined, but the area is still closely monitored.

Preparedness to address typhoid was enhanced by experience gained with a 2005 outbreak. The response at that time included: mass dissemination of relevant preventive and health promoting strategies; building new toilets and water tanks; up-skilling doctors and other health professionals and preparing guidelines for effective diagnosis and clinical management, follow-up, contact tracing and case notification; mass immunization in typhoid hot-spots; and intensive monitoring and evaluation. The Fiji School of Medicine is currently undertaking research to identify other potential interventions.

Dengue fever is also endemic in Fiji. It was first

detected in 1885 and since then, a number of significant outbreaks have been documented, in 1930, 1943/1944, 1971 (an explosive type-2 dengue epidemic),1989/1990 (a type-1 epidemic with 3686 recorded cases) and 1997/1998 (24 780 suspected cases with 13 deaths). The latest outbreak of dengue fever in Fiji was in 2008 with an incidence of 216 cases per 100 000. Outbreaks have been observed to occur at periods of five to eight years.

Measles has been a notifiable disease in Fiji since it

was imported from Australia in 1885 and caused extensive mortality. Fiji has experienced measles outbreaks every 4-5 years over the past two decades because of low accumulated herd immunity. The most recent measles outbreak occurred in 2006 (Tuiketei et al, 2006) with a total of 117 cases, 13 hospital admissions and no recorded deaths. Addressing measles outbreaks is a 87 significant periodic expense as costly mass measles vaccination campaigns are part of the outbreak intervention strategy. Fiji has modified its measles immunization schedule, now giving a measles-rubella (MR1) combination vaccine to all children at 12 months and MR2 at children of school entry age. The measles coverage for children reaching their first birthday was 94% in 2008 compared to 81% in 2007 and 74% in 2006. The total number of cases reported nationwide in 2008 was 33.

Filariasis is addressed through a national mass

drug administration programme of albendazole and diethylcarbamazine to the whole population over two years of age, excluding pregnant and nursing mothers; the 5th

round in 2006 achieved an average coverage rate of 66%. The drugs are distributed by the MoH through all health facilities and by zone nurses during outreach clinics, with simultaneous coverage data collection. A filariasis directly observed treatment programme commenced in 2009.

The tuberculosis and leprosy control programmes

have existed since 1946. Tuberculosis control activities have been boosted in recent years by funding from the Global Fund to fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria. The incidence of tuberculosis per 100 000 has gradually declined from 35 in 1990 to 20 in 2000 and to 12 in 2008. Between 2006 and 2008, the case detection rate was above 80%. However, there have been subsequent reported increases in incidence from areas with both sporadic and endemic disease, including Cakaudrove, Rewa, Tavua, Suva and Ra Subdivisions.

Confirmed tuberculosis cases are admitted either to

the Lautoka Hospital tuberculosis ward or referred to the Tamavua Tuberculosis Hospital for inpatient treatment for two-three months before they are discharged with their TB DOTS (Directly Observed Treatment) drug packs and followed up by community nurses. Contacts are traced at the time of their diagnosis. In 2007, the MoH introduced a policy that all tuberculosis patients be tested for HIV, and vice versa.

Fiji is classified as a low HIV prevalence country.

Cumulative cases recorded by the Fiji Centre for Communicable Diseases from January 1989 to June 2010 number 354 confirmed HIV diagnoses. In the first ten years of the HIV epidemic in Fiji, there was a slow but steady increase in the number of HIV infections detected annually, with between three and eight cases 88 of new reported infections. The rate of HIV infections increased from 2000 onwards with an average of 30 detections annually between 2000 and 2008, and 43 in 2009. In 2010, there were around 350 people diagnosed as living with HIV. Most cases have been detected through the screening of pregnant women, screening for employment or migration purposes, or in people with advanced symptoms of disease. Fiji has endorsed the National HIV and AIDS Strategic Plan 2007-11 (Ministry of Health, 2007d) that reflects a multisectoral response to HIV.

Leptospirosis arose as a public health concern in

2000 when an outbreak occurred in Labasa with 110 cases and 23 deaths recorded in two weeks. A retrospective serological analysis covering the period between 1991 and 2001 revealed cases nationwide. A total of 293 laboratory confirmed cases were detected, 61% in the age group 20 to 49 years and mostly caused by Leptospirae copenhageni and Leptospirae canicola. Since 2000, at least three further outbreaks have been reported, mostly following periods of heavy rainfall. The crude incidence rate has increased from 0.75 per 100 000 population in 1992 to 7.14 in 2000 and to 9.4 in 2008.


The public health measures implemented include mass health promotion strategies, improved clinical management and laboratory confirmation, working with the Animal Health Section of the Ministry of Agriculture. Further research is currently being undertaken by the Fiji School of Medicine in collaboration with the MoH to strengthen future interventions.

Immunization

Immunization is an important component of

communicable disease prevention in Fiji. The National Expanded Programme of Immunization (EPI) Strategic Plan 2007-2011 embodies the MoH vision and mission statements on immunization. Vaccination against Haemophilus influenza and Hepatitis B has been introduced, since 2006 through the pentavalent (DPT, Hib and Hep B) vaccine. A programme of human papilloma virus vaccination was launched in 2008. Immunization is delivered by nurses at all levels of the system, in maternity units, in maternal and child care and antenatal clinics, in schools, and by general practitioners. Immunization coverage has fluctuated in Fiji over the past years. Immunization services have been strengthened by the establishment of divisional EPI project officers and 89 continuing education on immunization for nurses. Nevertheless, according to MoH annual reports for 2007 and 2009 (Ministry of Health, 2007e & 2009b), immunization coverage rates declined for all vaccines between those two years.

Noncommunicable disease control

Fiji has implemented a number of important public health initiatives in the area of noncommunicable disease (NCD) which are a growing concern due to the increasing impact of changing lifestyles on health. The incidence and prevalence of diabetes, cardiovascular diseases and respiratory diseases are high and increasing. Strategies to address noncommunicable disease in Fiji are contained in the National NCD Strategic Plan 2004-2008 (Ministry of Health, 2004a), and the more recent NCD Plan 2010-2014.

MoH strategies for noncommunicable disease prevention give priority to the SNAP risk factors (smoking, nutrition, alcohol and physical activity). Social marketing strategies include radio jingles, radio and TV spots, billboards, posters, pamphlets and other media for promoting positive behavioural change. Evaluation of this programme is currently being undertaken by 90 the National Centre for Health Promotion. The repetition of the NCD Steps survey in 2010 will provide an evaluation of the effectiveness of these strategies. The 2009 Obesity Prevention in Communities (OPIC) project conducted by Deakin University in Australia and the Fiji School of Medicine suggests that many health promotion activities have little effect if not provided with sufficient saturation (Swinburn 2010).

Health promotion projects include the Bula 5-30

initiative of the Public Health Division of the MoH launched

in 2008 by the Minister of Health, promoting the concept of eating five servings of fruit and/or vegetables daily and conducting 30 minutes of physical activity every day. This is based on the findings of the 2004 Fiji National NCD STEPS Survey of a sample of 7000 people, which identified that the population ate little fruit and vegetables, did little physical activity, smoked too much and drank considerable amounts of alcohol. This initiative has been implemented in the various settings where people live, work and play. Other complementary programmes include the establishment of foot care clinics, the distribution of NCD toolkits and the ‘hospital in the home’ initiative.

Tobacco free initiative: Fiji ratified the WHO

Framework Convention on Tobacco Control in 2004. It was the third country in the world, the first developing country, and the first country in the Western Pacific region to do this. There has been progress in establishing and reviewing tobacco legislation, in establishing Tobacco Free Villages of which Fiji now has three, in conducting educational and health promotion activities and non-smoking campaigns, and in implementing other components of the Framework. In recognition of these activities and progress, WHO gave the prestigious World No Tobacco Day Award to Fiji in 2004 and 2005. The WHO WPRO Regional Director, Dr Shigeru Omi, declared Nabila Village as the first Tobacco Free village in Fiji and the Pacific. Emphasis is also placed on preventing passive smoking in public areas through tobacco free initiatives in communities, including villages, workplaces, markets and shops.

Nutrition: Following a conference convened by the

World Food Programme in Rome in 2000, Fiji followed up on its commitment to develop strategies to address nutrition and food security. This took the form of the Fiji Plan of Action on Nutrition which was developed in 2004 by the National Food and Nutrition Centre of the MoH in collaboration with the Ministry of 91 Agriculture, other government departments, the Foundation for the Peoples of the South Pacific – Fiji, the UN agencies and AusAID. It was based on the findings of the 2004 Fiji National Nutrition Survey and the Fiji NCD STEPS Survey Report 2004. The Nutrition Plan was revised in 2008 and is complemented by the Food-Based Dietary Guidelines.

Legislation on breast milk substitutes and junk food

advertising to children is currently in its final stages of drafting. School canteen policy and guidelines are being strengthened through a memorandum of understanding between the MoH and the Ministry of Education. Policy on salt reduction in foods manufactured in Fiji is under development, as are other policies arising from the Obesity Prevention in Communities (OPIC) Fiji Study Report 2004-2009 (Tuiketei et al, 2010).

The Baby Friendly Hospitals Initiative programme,

under the criteria of WHO and UNICEF, commenced in 1989 when Lautoka Hospital was declared the first Baby Friendly Hospital in Fiji and the Pacific. To date, 21 of the 23 Baby Friendly Hospitals in the Pacific region are in Fiji.


Exclusive breastfeeding up to six months of age is encouraged for all mothers and supported by the Nursing Mothers Association.

Diabetes: Prevention of diabetes is addressed in the

NCD Strategic Plan. Primary prevention is implemented through health promotion activities by community nurses, and through outreach activities of village health workers. The primary health care services are also responsible for secondary prevention, including screening and early diagnosis, tertiary prevention through the education of diabetes patients and their relatives, and continuing medical education for all medical staff. Tertiary prevention includes interventions to prevent foot sepsis and amputations, ophthalmology checks and medication replenishment.

Rheumatic heart disease: A three-year

programme to control rheumatic heart disease began in 2006 and encompasses the screening of all primary school children using stethoscopes and echocardiogram. Cases are identified that require specialists´ review or surgery by visiting cardiologists in CWMH in Suva. Of the 3680 people screened by 2008, 1% had confirmed rheumatic heart diseases/acute rheumatic fever and 11% had a cardiac murmur. Compliance with benzathine penicillin treatment only achieved 92 50% coverage. This activity was implemented with the collaboration of the MoH, the CWMH Paediatrics Department and the World Heart Federation. The project has been integrated into the MoH health system with Colonial War Memorial Hospital paediatricians conducting the screening programmes in selected schools throughout Fiji.

Other screening programmes: Breast screening

services are available in all the maternal and child health clinics. Prevention of cervical cancer and Pap smear services are also in place, although only an estimated 10% of women use this service. Prostrate screening is not done unless requested by males themselves, which represents a gap in health service provision to men.

Environmental Health

The Central Board of Health administers the Public

Health Act 2002 which enforces regulations and policies of border control and quarantine at ports of entry, and of environmental health in the general community, including water and air pollution monitoring, environmental sanitation, safe water supply and building safety.

There are 12 urban sanitary districts (2 city and 10 town councils) and 16 rural sanitary districts in Fiji. Environmental health officers are employed by urban health authorities in cities and towns, while rural local authorities are serviced by the MoH environment health officers at divisional or subdivisional levels. Occupational health and safety services are implemented by environmental health officers in conjunction with the Ministry of Labour, and the occupational health and safety committees established in health facilities. The environmental health officers exercise their authority under the Public Health Act 2002, Town

Planning Act 1997, Subdivision of Land Act 1976, and the Environment Management Act 2005. The Department of Environment also addresses environmental issues concerning health at the national level, such as waste management, climate change, and incineration.

A Tourist Health Unit was established to strengthen linkages between the Ministry of Health and the Department of Tourism to address international health protection activities. This function has now been absorbed within the environmental health units. The Food Unit was established in 2008 to 93 monitor and evaluate food-related regulations and activities addressed in the Food Safety Act 2004.


ECONOMIC Fiji Investment Sector Profile

Tourism

Fiji is well known as a major tourist destination.

Every year, over 600,000 visitors come to Fiji to enjoy its friendly beaches, relaxed atmosphere and world class accommodation and activities. Australians account for around 50% of these travellers who spend around $1.2b (FJD) annually. The tourist market accommodates for a diverse range of travellers from backpacker to 5 star resort accommodation. The 2013 budget announcement, to allocate $23.5 million to fund marketing efforts abroad in rebranding Fiji “Where Happiness Finds You” and Air Pacific’s rebranding to “Fiji Airways” is expected to boost the performance of this industry and reinforce its position as the number 1 foreign exchange earner.

Great tax incentives, investment packages and custom concessions make investing in this sector very attractive indeed. The Fiji Tourism product includes natural and cultural attractions, cruising, water sports, resort activities, yachting, surfing, diving, wedding and honeymoons, MICE (meetings,incentives,conventions and exhibitions), shopping, sports and community village.

Key investment opportunities are agro-tourism, spa tourism, health tourism, sport tourism, retirement resort villages, integrated hotels, timeshare hotel/resorts and villas.

The 2013 budget waiving the $250,000.00 minimum requirement will make it easier for investors to invest any amount of money into this sector.

Tourism – Cultural Heritage

Any activity involving investment in cultural heritage must have at least $500,000 in owner contribution or paid-up capital for companies in the form of cash from the operational date and fully brought in within the implementation period.

Agriculture

Agriculture contributes around 28% to total employment in the formal sector and indirectly employs more. This sector is the third largest contributing $416 million (9.35%) to the nations GDP. Sugarcane now contributes 1.7% surpassed by other crops, horticulture and livestock production (3.6%) and subsistence sector (2.75%).

The non sugar agricultural sector is beginning to show a promising trend. The main commodities’ that can constitute this sector are root crops (Dalo, Cassava, Yams, Sweet potato and Yaqona (kava), tropical fruits, (Pineapple, Pawpaw and Mango), vegetables, spices, coconut products and livestock, IN terms of GDP, this sector had an average contribution of 7.82% over the period 2005 – 2011.

Agriculture has the potential in other sectors such as tourism and agro-industries and as a major economic activity in the rural areas. Having a rich resource base and

tropical climate, Fiji has an advantage in producing a wide variety of tropical fruits and vegetables. The potential for Fiji’s agriculture sector is in production for local consumption, export of high value commodities and niche agricultural produce.

Great tax incentives are in the form of Tax Free Region, incentives applicable to commercial agriculture and agro-processing, Bio-Fuel and duty concessions can be found on the 2013 Tax Incentive Guide (PDF LINK). Alternatively, you can contact our office for referrals.

Potential for Fiji is found in the production and export of high value niche agricultural produce. The pristine environment, other environmental and ecological factors supports organic produce. This is a major development in the fresh food market on a global level and provides lucrative opportunities to investors and stakeholders.

Potential commodities for value added processing include: papaya, tomatoes, pineapple, coconut, duruka, mango, chillies, banana, cassava, taro, breadfruit, sweet potatoes, ginger, cocoa and dairy.

Other investment opportunities also exist in the livestock sector for: animal feed supply, using local resources from existing industries, dairy farming and production and supply of organic farm inputs.

Film Industry

Fiji is fast becoming one of the worlds sought after

location. Apart from the warmth and friendliness of its people, you can gain access to some of the most cost-effective production facilities and enjoy fantastic exchange rates. We have some of the most exotic locations from idyllic beaches, sand dunes, tropical rain forest, mountains and rolling hills to city and suburban locations.

Film Fiji is the specific body that will facilitate with immigration permits, and customs clearance and also negotiate with local authorities on your behalf for applicable filming permits. Fiji also has the best film equipment and editing in the South Pacific. Producers can hire film equipment from local production companies at very reasonable costs. Other heavy filming equipment can be brought in from overseas.

Film making incentives is available to non-resident film companies only and can apply for a reduced rate or total exemption of tax on the income of its employees who are non-residents for the purpose of film/television production. The benefit is not based on location spend.

There are two streams of the same incentive: F1 and F2. Both streams allow producers to raise half of their production budgets from Fiji investors. The government then offers incentives to these investors who have invested 46.5% of your production budget by offering them a 150% for F1 or 125% for F2. To qualify for F1, at least 50% of the funning time of the end product film must show Fiji as Fiji. For F2, there is nor requirement to show Fiji as Fiji.

There are also studio city concessions, non resident tax exemption and film tax rebate conditions. More information can be found in the 2013 Tax Incentive Guide. PDF LINK Alternatively, you can contact our office for referrals.


Forestry

The economic future of Fiji’s forest sector is bright.

Fiji is blessed sith a large indigenous/natural forest cover totalling approximately 956,860 hectare (ha).

Forestry is an integral part of the economic sector. Export earnings from forest products rank third, behind agriculture. Over 50% of Fiji land mass is made up native forests. Of this 5% -6% land are pine and hardwood plantations.

Softwood plantations mainly of pine (Pinus caribaea) representing 2.5% (46, 379 ha) of land have been established with potential for further expansion on leeward and grassland areas. Hardwood plantations, mainly mahogany (Swietania macrophylla), representing 2.9% of land have also been established mainly on the eastern and central parts of the larger islands.

At present, wood products ranks as Fiji’s fifth most important domestic export commodity after sugar, fish, mineral water and garments. Earnings from forestry products are greatly influenced by the price of exports and weather patterns.

Fiji has been self-sufficient in most timber products through utilization of its natural forests and plantation resources for more than ten years. Future prospect for the forest industry is bright. The outlook, however, continues to be heavily reliant on the commencement of large scale utilization of Fiji’s mahogany plantation resource.

Fiji has extensive coconut palm plantations and more than thirty years of experience in processing and utilizing coconut palm wood from over aged palms.

The estimated volume of timber for commercial purposes is approximately 2, 941,840 cubic metres. The national annual natural forest log production averaged 125,300 cubic metres per annum from 2004 – 2008. The Forestry department’s national target for sustainable harvest of natural forests is 110,000 cubic meters per annum.

For trading purposes, logs are mainly processed into sawn timber, veneer, plywood, block board, molding, poles and posts and woodchips with total export volumes averaging 266,000 cubic metres each year. Most of the wood products are sold to Australia and New Zealand, whilst wood chips are sold exclusively to Japan. The American market absorbs approximately 40% of all veneer products.

Tax incentives in the form of reduced tax rates, investment allowance, accelerated depreciation, dividend exemptions, concessions is available on the 2013 Tax Incentive Guide PDF Link or by contacting our office for referral.

Potential forestry investment opportunities: logging, sawmilling, treatment plants, timber processing, forest parks, value adding, furniture and handicraft.

Foreign investors must undertake value adding and must have at least $500,000 in owner contribution or paid up capital for companies in the form of cash from the operational date, to be fully brought into Fiji within the implementation period.

Fisheries Industry

The Fisheries Industry is the third largest natural

resource sector. Pristine waters and an extremely diverse range of marine life species the fisheries industry is an attractive investment opportunity. The Government has initiated strategies to increase the national fish supply including tax incentives, customs/duty concessions and in some cases, exemptions. The tuna industry is the most dominant of all the fisheries industries.

ICT Sector

Fiji is well positioned to attract ICT investments

beginning from the lower end and moving up the value chain. Fiji has managed to secure its position in attracting renowned ICT investors to locate their back offices offshore.

Current ICT business types include: call centres, mail management, data/voucher processing, telehosting/warehousing, software development, audio visual and disaster recovery management.

The ICT industry is considered as one of the most competitive and dynamic industries in the world and Fiji has managed to attract investors to locate their back office operations in the country.

The objective of Fiji’s ICT industry is to harness Fiji’s ideal geographic location, competent workforce and world class IT infrastructure to promote Fiji’s capability and competitiveness to create a dynamic, vibrant and well connected e-society.

Fiji’s competitive advantages are adequate labour supply, good English speaking populace, 93% literacy rate, low costs, geographic location, pro-business/consumer policies to name a few.

Being in the Zone (GMT+12) ‘where the day begins and ends” provides a “time-zone” business advantage not only to East Asia but also to the US and Europe. This makes it possible for industries and firms to process data, manage call centres, analyse results and develop customer and technical solutions “overnight” for these regions, significant in lowering operating costs and ideal for time sensitive operations

Fiji has approved two temporary studio city zones and is currently developing and E-Commerce Bill to ensure that interest for suppliers and buyers engaged in transactions over the net are adequately protected. The development of the industry is also critical under the “National Export Strategy”

The Kalabu ICT Economic Development Zone has been declared the Kalabu Tax Free Zone as a result of the government’s investment and export development project that was financed by the European Union.

Additional tax incentives are available on the 2013 Tax Incentive Guide (PDF LINK) or you can contact our office for referral. Energy Sector

Increasing global population and rising living

standards demands increasing energy needs. As energy is an important resource and motive power, its cheap and stable


supply is the safeguard of our economy and social development. The government is committed to the promotion of access to affordable and sustainable energy service for our rural areas, small businesses, disadvantaged households, schools, clinic and a range of other community establishments through the National Energy Policy (NEP) that guides a sustainable development of this sector.

This policy focuses on four key strategic areas: national energy planning, energy security, power sector and renewal energy development. It is equally committed to promote a responsible and efficient use of all forms of energy recognizing that resources are limited and that all consumption has minimal environmental impact. The NEO provides a coherent view of our energy challenges and opportunities and also takes a long term view of our interests and the future generation of Fiji.

Tax incentives available to Bio-Fuel production and renewable energy projects are available on the 2013 Tax Incentive Guide (PDF Link) or via our office for referral.

The Fiji Electricity Authority is the sole operator of the national grid. Business opportunities exist for independent power producers (IPP) to sell electricity to the FEA Grid. The Commerce Commission has raised IPP rate to 23 cents/KWh which has generated a lot of interest from potential investors to supply electricity to the grid. The Fiji government is also providing duty free concessions for the import of renewal energy equipment and related material to manufacture renewable energy technologies.

Provisional visitor arrivals There were increases in the number of visitors from the following countries; Australia [2,848 or 8.7% to 35,695]; New Zealand [2,389 or 19.4% to 14,719]; Pacific Islands [1,413 or 49.7% to 4,255]; China [1,237 or 66.6% to 3,094]; the United States of America [1,233 or 18.1% to 8,063]; Other Countries [144 or 55.4% to 404]; Japan [81 or 19.3% to 501]; Continental Europe [68 or 2.9% to 2,389]; the United Kingdom [56 or 4.6% to 1,273] and South Korea [36 or 7.8% to 496]. However, decreases were recorded in the number of visitors from Rest of Asia [down 388 or 29.6% to 924] and Canada [down 313 or 30.5% to 712]. Visitors arriving for holiday purposes accounted for 79.1% of total arrivals, 6.3% came to visit their friends or relatives, 3.5% came for business purposes, while 11.1% visited Fiji for other reasons. Table 1 below presents actual numbers and the 2015 and 2014 comparisons of visitor arrivals for the month of June, January to June and 12 months to June 2015.

Figure 1 below is a graphical comparison of Visitor Arrivals by Country for June 2015 and 2014.

In the moving twelve monthly numbers ending June 2015, the total number of visitors to Fiji increased by 7.5% compared with the same period in 2014. Visitors from China increased by 38.0%; South Korea [37.7%]; Rest of Asia [24.1%]; Pacific Islands [15.3%]; New Zealand [14.8%]; the United States of America [12.7%]; Australia [2.5%] and Continental Europe [0.3%]. Decreases were recorded for visitors from Canada [8.6%]; Japan [7.5%]; the United Kingdom [3.6%] and Other Countries [0.7%]. January to June visitor arrivals in 2015 showed a 8.7% increase over the corresponding period in 2014, up from 308,611 to 335,517. A graphical comparison of visitor arrivals by country during the period January to June 2015 and 2014 is provided in Figure 2 below. The twelve monthly comparisons is provided in Figure 3.


The majority of visitors to Fiji in June 2015 were in the age range 25-64 (62.8%), which accounts for the vast majority of the working age population. Children aged 14 and below accounted for 17.7% of the June visitor arrivals; 12% were youths aged 15-24 with the remaining 7.5% comprising those in the predominantly retirement age group of 65 and over. Figure 4 below shows a significant gender differential in the age groups 15-19, 20-24, 25-29, 45-49, 50-54 and 65+ ;

International Merchandise Trade Statistics – February 2015

Provisional data put the value of goods imported in February 2015 at $332.7 million while the value of total exports was $134.7 million. (Refer Graph I). Compared to February 2014, imports increased by $29.3 million (9.6%) while total exports decreased by $0.6 million (0.4%). The February 2015 trade deficit amounted to $198.1 million compared to $183.5 million a month earlier.

IMPORTS

The percentage breakdown of major import types as categorized by the Harmonized System (HS) codes are as follows; Table 1: Major contributors to Imports (FJD Millions)

Compared to February 2014, the import categories recording notable increases were:

• Machinery & mechanical & electrical appliances & parts thereof [HS 84-85], up $24.0 million (51.9%) to $70.1 million due to increased imports of generating sets with sparking ignition internal combustion piston engines;

• Live animals: animal products [HS 01-05], up $10.5 million (54.3%) to $30.0 million due to increased imports of fresh fish;

• Wood pulp, paper & paperboard & articles thereof [HS 47-49], up $7.9 million (95.7%) to $16.2 million due to increased imports of toilet or facial tissue napkin stock for household sanitary purpose;


• Vehicles, aircrafts & associated transport equipment [HS 86-89], up $6.4 million (30.7%) to $27.1 million due to increased imports of vehicles and

• Prepared foodstuffs, beverages, spirits & tobacco [HS 16-24], up $5.3 million (43.0%) to $17.7 million due to increased imports of wine.

Compared to February 2014, the import categories recording notable decreases were: • Mineral products [HS 25-27], down $22.9 million

(27.1%) to $61.4 million due to decreased imports of gas oil (diesel) and

• Vegetable products [HS 06-14], down $8.7 million (36.5%) to $15.1 million due to decreased imports of wheat and meslin.

For the month of February 2015, Fiji’s major sources of imports (Refer Graph III) were:

• China - People’s Republic, up $18.3 million

(53.2%) to $52.6 million due to increased imports of fresh fish;

• Australia, down $6.8 million (12.1%) to $49.7 million due to decreased imports of wheat and meslin;

• New Zealand, down $5.0 million (9.3%) to $48.4 million due to decreased imports of potatoes;

• Singapore, down $5.4 million (11.0%) to $44.1 million due to decreased imports of gas oil (diesel) and

• Korea, Republic of, up $13.1 million (160.6%) to $21.2 million due to increased imports of gas oil (diesel).

Building statistics - March 2015 BUILDING PERMITS ISSUED

A total of 358 Building Permits for construction work valued at $43.0 million were issued in the March quarter of 2015.

When compared to the December quarter of 2014,

the number of permits issued and the total value for construction works approved recorded decreases of 13.3 and 40.0 per cent respectively.

When compared to the March quarter of 2014, the number of permits issued and their values were 0.6 and 3.0 per cent higher respectively.

Of the $43.0 million of building works approved, 35.1 per cent were for Private Dwellings, 58.8 per cent were for Non Private dwellings and the remaining 6.1 per cent were for Alterations and Miscellaneous work. Building Permits issued for Factories, Commercial, Educational, Hotels and Religious Buildings contributed significantly to the Non Private dwellings component. The percentage break-down and value of Building Permits issued by Division were as follows; Central (66.8 per cent with a value of $21.2 million), Western (31.8 per cent with a value of $21.4 million), Northern and Eastern (1.4 per cent with a value of $0.4 million). COMPLETION CERTIFICATES ISSUED

A total of 119 Completion Certificates with a value of $21.1 million were issued in the March quarter of 2015.

Compared to the December quarter of 2014, a 8.5 per cent decrease was recorded in the number of completion certificate issued while the total value for building works completed increased by 9.8 per cent.

When compared to the March quarter of 2014, the number of completion certificates issued decreased by 20.7


per cent and the total value of building works completed increased by 39.0 per cent. Of the $21.1 million in building works completed, 17.7 per cent were for Private Dwellings, 75.7 per cent were for Non Private dwellings and the remaining 6.6 per cent were for Alterations and Miscellaneous work.

Completion Certificates issued for Hospital, Factories, Educational, Commercial, Hotels and Religious Buildings contributed significantly to the Non Private dwellings component.

The percentage break-down and value of Completion Certificates issued by Division were as follows; Central (61.3 per cent with a value of $8.6 million) and Western (38.7 per cent with a value of $12.5 million).

The figures in this release are derived from information provided by the City and Town Councils and Rural Local Authorities. Fiji’s earnings from tourism – March 2015-08-08 Fiji’s earnings from tourism for the March quarter of 2015 is provisionally estimated at $310.7 million. This represents a $24.8 million or 8.7 per cent increase over the March quarter of 2014 earnings of $285.9 million. The figures are graphically presented in Graph 1

Australian visitors contributed $168.8 million or 54.3 per cent of the earnings from tourism with $32.6 million or 10.5 per cent attributed to New Zealand visitors. Graph 2 compares the March quarter earnings in 2014 and 2015 for the major tourism source markets. These countries accounted for 78.9 per cent of earnings in the March quarter of 2015, a decrease of 1.2 percentage point when compared to March quarter of 2014.

The changes in earnings recorded by country were as follows;

• Australia increased by $12.6 million (8.1%) from $156.2 million to $168.8 million;

• New Zealand increased by $2.1 million (6.9%) from $30.5 million to $32.6 million;

• United States of America increased by $0.9 million (3.6%) from $25.2 million to $26.1 million and

• Continental Europe increased by $0.5 million (2.9%) from $17.1 million to $17.6 million.

The main components of Earnings from Tourism for the years 2011 to 2015 are provided in Tables 1 and 2. Apart from the annual data, these tables also contain the quarterly aggregates.


ISSUES

WATER

Both Viti Levu and Vanua Levu have mountainous interiors, with peaks rising to 1,323 m and 1,032 m respectively. The uplands of both islands were formerly covered in tropical rainforest, but much of this has now been replaced with secondary forest and grassland on the lower slopes. Farm land occupies most flattish lowland, and large areas on both islands are under cultivation for sugar cane. Mangrove forest occurs widely along the coastline and at river mouths. Coral cays tend to be dominated by palms, pandanus and casuarinas.

The large number of islands, their differing geological origins, the large size of some of the islands, the varying climates and their isolation from other islands have all contributed to provide Fiji with a large number of different ecosystems and habitat types with a very rich diversity of flora and fauna. Many species are endemic. There are about 1,500 native species of vascular plants, of which 40-50% are endemic. All 26 palm species are endemic. There are 39 species of butterfly (including seven endemics), 27 species of reptiles and amphibians (including eight endemics) and about 120 species of birds (including 22 endemics) (Dahl, 1986; Pratt et al., 1987). Dahl (1980 & 1986) has given a brief account of the natural ecosystems of the islands, and has reviewed their importance for nature conservation. UNEP/IUCN (1988) provide a general account of the coral reef systems and the reef resources, and also give detailed information on seven of the most important reef systems.

The archipelago of the Fiji Islands comprises more than 300 islands, of which only one third are inhabited. The two largest islands are Viti Levu and Vanaua Levu. The land area is 18,333 km2 while the territorial area (land and sea) is 1.3 million km2. The population o Fiji is 824,300 (2002 estimate). The two major urban areas are located in Nadi and its peri-urban area and the SuvaNausori corridor, both of whish are located on Viti Levu.

The following environmental issues were identified: • Deforestation; • land degradation; • impacts of climatic change such as global

warming and rising sea level; • waste disposal; • inland water pollution; • depletion of coastal and marine resources; • loss of biodiversity; • loss of aquatic fish; • loss of coral; • depletion of energy resources; • high population growth; • rural and urban migration; and • natural disasters such as floods, droughts,

cyclones, tidal waves and earthquakes.

The paper argued that deforestation results in: • land degradation; • loss of biodiversity; • sedimentation of inland and marine waters; • soil erosion; • air pollution; • depletion of energy/resources. • land slides; and • increased food hazards.

In all island countries of the Pacific, the handling of waste disposal has become a difficult task due to:

• lack of adequate lands for disposal sites; • lack of technical know how to improve collection

efficiency; • industrial activities yielding non-cycling industrial

wastes; and • high population growth resulting in the discharge

of large scale domestic waste products.

Water-related issues, both freshwater and marine, are prominent among the listed environmental issues. WATER ISSUE

Water resources issues are those matters that deal with the availability of water in nature, its abundance and quality, extremes (flooding and drought) and its interactions with the natural environment. In the case of Fiji the impact of freshwater on the marine environment is important.

Water service issues are those matters that deal with supplying water for all the economic and social purposes of the nation and disposing of such water safely and without unreasonably damaging the natural environment.

There are overlaps between these two categories, but the major responsibilities of organizations can be assigned to one or other category.

Fiji’s islands exhibit considerable differences in their geographical characteristics. The large islands are mountainous and have significant permanent surface water sources, while there are many small islands, both inhabited


and uninhabited, which have little or no permanent surface water and rely on groundwater and rainwater only. The water management issues for the large islands and small islands can vary significantly.

Types of freshwater

Surface water

Surface water is used as the main source of supply

for all major towns on the larger islands of Fiji (ie islands with higher elevation), as well as industrial and irrigation uses. However a combination of surface water and groundwater is used to supply the smaller settlements not supplied by the major water utility.

Fiji has numerous small islands, some of which are low in elevation and also inhabited. Surface water availability is a problem in some islands, which rely exclusively on groundwater and may or may not attempt to use rainwater. Rainwater harvesting using roof systems is widespread in Fiji but the psychology of rural people may fail to take into account the possibility of extreme climate events and drought when there is relatively abundant water for most of the time (for instance providing small capacity storage instead of larger capacity).

Some conflicts have occurred over surface water availability. In particular, there are conflicts between water for irrigation and water for other purposes in one or two cases (e.g. Sigatoka River). The conflicts arise in part because there is no coordinating mechanism to ensure that water use for one sector (i.e. agriculture and irrigation) is recognised and that other sectors (i.e. town water supply, tourism or industrial water demand) do not adversely affect an existing development by other sectors. Solutions require a coordinating function which allocates water and where rules for taking water are determined and applied by an expert arbiter. Such rules should include measures for dealing with low flow and drought conditions, where priorities need to be allocated among various conflicting water users.

Groundwater

Groundwater occurs on both the large islands and small low-lying islands, but the groundwater issues and challenges in these different physical environments differ. Groundwater is found in superficial and medium-depth strata on the larger islands of Viti Levu and Vanua Levu and some large islands, in either fractured rock or sedimentary formations.

Significant groundwater deposits, such as the Nadi Valley coastal aquifer, on the large islands are available and are under pressure for devleopment.

Groundwater resources on small islands play a very different role. There are cases in Fiji of islands with superficial groundwater lenses in sandbeds or coral formations, which lie on marine water and can be readily exhausted. The fragility of superficial groundwater lenses means that they need to be carefully managed.

Types of Freshwater use

Nature of water services Water services in Fiji have been identified in the following sectoral areas:

• Urban water supply and sanitation, which has been the responsibility of the Public Works Department but which is to be transferred to the Fiji Water Authority.

• Irrigation, which is the responsibility of the Ministry of Agriculture.

• Major hydropower, which is the responsibility of the Fiji Energy Authority (FEA), the national commercial energy provider.

• Rural water supply and sanitation, to be undertaken by the Fiji Water Authority and managed by local communities (at village level) when constructed.

• Urban drainage, municipal responsibility, although Public Works Department has been the constructing agent for major drainage schemes.

• Flood control, Ministry of Agriculture, to the extent that it is undertaken – in limited areas.

There are no special coordinating arrangements to ensure that the development and use of water resources by sectors and agencies are consistent, and no agency has the responsibility for ensuring such consistency. Although the EIA under Town and Country Planning procedures identifies environmental impacts, there is no ongoing mechanism, except for the studies involved in EIA, to guarantee that such activities as water abstraction are consistent not only with environmental objectives but that one water user does not adversely affect the water available to others. Urban water supply

A single agency provides water supply in the cities and towns of Fiji. The Government is in the process of separating the water supply and sanitation functions from the Public Works Department which has been operating them and creating a separate utility, the Fiji Water Authority, under the Public Enterprise Act of 1996. The water supply became a political issue because of water ‘cuts’ resulting not so much from inadequate sources but from failures of the supply system.

Problems for water supply have been:

• lack of cost-recovery mechanisms or even a plan to move in that direction;

• inefficient operation and water distribution networks, which have not been well maintained;

• inadequate capital investment for scheme augmentations;

• inadequate training and capacity of staff; • illegal connections which cannot be readily dealt

with; and • lack of customer focus.


As a result, and with assistance from various donors over a period of time (most recently the Asian Development Bank), a plan has been developed to create a commercially-oriented water supply utility, the Fiji Water Authority, which will operate as a public enterprise in a more effective manner. Legislation, a proposed Fiji Water Authority Act, is being prepared. The Fiji Energy Authority can provide a model in some respects.

The move to establish the Fiji Water Authority has highlighted legal and policy issues, which include the need to develop an effective control scheme for the protection of drinking water catchments and the need to provide legal certainty for the right to take water from water sources. Separation of water supply from the Public Works Department raises the question whether some of the relevant PWD functions such as the hydrology section, should be transferred to the Authority or retained elsewhere. Sanitation and wastewater

The Public works Department has been responsible for sanitation in towns of Fiji and that responsibility will be transferred to the Fiji Water Authority. Only part of the water supply areas are provided with sewerage. Other areas make local waste disposal arrangements. It is intended that the Fiji Water Authority provide sewerage in all towns in Fiji, as is presently the responsibility of the Public Works Department.

Urban and rural drainage

Urban drainage is the responsibility of municipal authorities, although urban drains can interact with sewers in rainfall events. Public Works Department may take responsibility for constructing major drains and maintaining them. Rural drainage is undertaken by the Ministry of Agriculture.

The condition and capacity of urban drainage is a key contributor to local ‘flash’ flooding which causes frequent problems in urban areas. Additionally, the quality of drainage outflow may be causing periodic or more persistent problems in the coastal zone or in rivers, though limited research into the impact of drainage on water quality has been undertaken. Works for flood mitigation

Flood works have been constructed by the Ministry of Agriculture and by the Public Works Department, but there is no national mandate as such for flood control or mitigation. LWRM undertakes flood mitigation work under its general charter. Flood control works have been constructed alongside the lower reaches of the Nadi River and the Nadi catchment programme, conducted by the Ministry of Agriculture, which includes the construction of dams which are designed to have a joint flood mitigation and irrigation function.

The plans developed by the Ministry of Agriculture for the Nadi catchment are unique. Elsewhere, a planned flood management approach has not been taken, because responsibility for flood management has not been assigned to an agency or funds provided for such a programme.

Rural water supply Installation of rural water supply schemes has been

a rural development responsibility, but may be given, as a social obligation, to the new Fiji Water Authority. The operation and management or rural water supply is undertaken by village authorities for the most part. There appear to be mixed results, with some villages managing their water supply adequately while problems occur in other areas. Funds and expertise to maintain such schemes are believed to be constraints on maintaining a safe supply.

The national budget provided the following funds for 2007 ($ Fiji): Rural Water Supply Programme, $2,000,000; Minor Public Water Supplies, $500,000; Self Help Rural Water Supply Schemes, $1,200,000; Borehole Subsidies, $250,000 and Maintenance Training for Rural Water Supply Operators, $50,000. Groundwater development

The development of wells and bores for groundwater extraction is not regulated in Fiji. The Mineral Resources Department and private drillers construct bores, but there are no standards or certification for bore drilling, nor do bores need to be registered or information required to be provided to the government.

The Mineral Resources Department provides technical advice to (i) the Department of Planning to assess groundwater aspect of development proposals, and (ii) private developers who wish to know what groundwater is available and assess the impacts of exploiting it.

The key political groundwater management issue in Fiji has been the abstraction of groundwater for bottling and export by Fiji Water. There have been conflicts over the potential of other bottling enterprises to affect the groundwater taken by Fiji Water. A further issue was the protection of the quality of the water in the aquifer and the need to impose measures for its protection through a planning instrument that limited development and activities such as waste disposal. Major issues and concerns Availability and use of groundwater.

On the larger islands, groundwater use is primarily for rural water supply and to augment some town water supplies. In recent years some industries have begun to exploit groundwater. One commercial use of groundwater has attained considerable political and public attention – namely water bottling for export currently developed in the Yaqara valley (see discussion below). The example of Fiji Water has motivated many landowners to wish to consider the same type of enterprise, although the up-front investment may not be available.

Groundwater is an important and even critical resource on small islands which are without significant surface water resources. However, shallow groundwater lenses, which are fed directly by rainwater, may be disrupted


easily if over-exploited. Good information is needed to provide understanding among local communities about the danger of over-pumping such groundwater reserves. Rainwater harvesting should be considered a necessary adjunct to groundwater use on islands which have no permanent or significant surface water sources. Surface water quality. A report on regional freshwater issues (SPREP, Falkland 2002) identifies a number of water quality issues for surface water in the region. The following (taken from Flakland, 2002) are considered relevant to Fiji. Water quality degradation has arisen from the following:

• Discharges of untreated wastewater with associated pathogenic organisms into streams, rivers and coastal estuaries. These discharges occur from outfalls (point source pollution) and from more diffuse flows from on-site sanitation systems within urban areas of surface water catchments. The rapid urbanisation process, mentioned previously, is putting great pressure on both surface water (and groundwater) supply catchments used for urban and nearby rural water supplies. A study of water quality in the Ba River and estuary, Fiji (Anderson et al, 1999) found it to be seriously contaminated, with the dominant source of faecal contamination being Ba Town.

• Direct faecal contamination of catchments and streams from animals (e.g. cattle, pigs). Runoff of waste matter from commercial piggeries and from less formalised urban and village pigpens is a major source of pollution in some PICs (UNEP, 2000).

• Solid waste disposal sites close to streams or elsewhere in catchments where runoff can readily transport pollutants to watercourses.

• Soil erosion resulting from exposure of soil, leading to increased sediment discharges, high turbidity and colour problems, due to extensive or inappropriate clearing of native forest as part of logging operations or for agriculture; poorly designed or constructed unsealed roads and unplanned development activities and fire used to clear undesired weeds in farming and forestry areas.

• The erosional effects of tropical forest clearing for agriculture and urbanisation, of road construction and other activities in surface water catchments. Steep island topography, causes floods, landslides and sometimes major losses of vegetation and significant soil erosion.

• Runoff from agricultural land containing nutrients (from fertilisers) and sometimes toxic agrochemicals (pesticides and herbicides).

• Persistent organic pollutants (POPs) which are a threat in some PICs due to their high toxicity, persistence in the environment, and ability to be transported long distance.

• Discharges or accidental spillages of toxic chemicals from mining sites into streams and rivers.

The quality of water in the major rivers and streams of

Fiji is believed to be reasonable, although data are not organised or coordinated. It is likely that local pollution of streams results from the manner in which domestic and agricultural waste is disposed. There is little data on the impacts, if any of agricultural chemicals on surface water resources, although anecdotally and as shown by studies in some locations there are potential problems.

The responsibility for the control of point sources of pollution lies with the Ministry of Environment, which is developing a wastewater licensing scheme. Both public and private polluters are to be regulated by the scheme.

Responsibility for managing diffuse sources of pollution is less clear, although the Ministry of Agriculture has been developing policy for catchment management. Legislation does not provide for regulation of catchment activities and even if it did, it would be very difficult, of not impossible, to enforce. Therefore a consultative and educational approach is vital. The common problem of accountability resting at a practical level with numerous sectors applies to catchment management in Fiji. Although there is a catchment management plan and policy, agencies in general do not actively follow it because they lack funds or staff and it is marginal to their main functions. Groundwater quality.

Very little data is available for the assessment of groundwater quality. The key problems are believed to be occurring, or potentially occurring, in smaller islands, where local waste disposal has the potential to pollute groundwater, but groundwater contamination is of concern on larger islands also, for instance potential for pollution of groundwater used for high quality purposes (drinking water, water for bottling, high technology processing). The solutions must involve improved public awareness and education as well as adequate facilities, and establishing well-accepted local management and accountability is also critical for sustainable management.

Control measures are being considered to limit groundwater pollution potential. The high profile case is the Yaqara valley, where it is proposed that buffer zones be established to protect water sources used for bottling and other potential future uses. Buffer zones would be protected by the declaration of protection areas where certain activities could be proscribed, including agriculture and industry. The mechanism for applying such zones has not been implemented yet. Wetlands

Fiji does not possess extensive wetland areas that rely on surface water. The larger islands have mountainous interiors and floodplains exist but are limited in area, mostly having been developed. There are important ecosystems along the coastlines of the larger islands. Groundwater may be a more important resource for sustaining natural


ecosystems on small and low islands, as well as for productive vegetation such as coconut trees. Wetland oversight and protection is the responsibility of the Ministry of Environment, but further work is necessary to investigate, classify and plan for the protection of the wetlands of Fiji. Water related disasters Fiji has experienced both drought and flooding. Drought results form el Niño climate conditions, and may be severe as in 1986. Flooding tends to affect local areas rather than major catchments and floodplains, but the progressive removal of forest cover may cause flood peaking to become more extreme in the future. Added to that, if development is allowed to proceed in areas subject to relatively frequent flooding, the damage to property and the economy will increase. Fiji has a flood and disaster warning body, DISMAC, which has a disaster warning and response responsibility. Drought

Drought is a serious issue for Fiji. In the six years preceding the 1997-98 El Niño event, Fiji had faced two previous droughts, in 1992 and 1996. The drought of 1998 resulted in conditions that threatened half of Fiji's sugar cane crop, and the survival of 270,000 people. One half of the country had no significant rainfall for more than seven months and food was distributed by the government to 105,000 people. Under ‘normal’ climatic conditions, people in the large islands do not expect water scarcity and the key problem is the adequacy of supply infrastructure.

Drought mitigation measures have included sinking local wells for drinking water and for agriculture. There is not significant dam storage for water users other than urban water supplies and hydropower. However, drought has affected the sugar cane industry and when combined with the effects of tropical cyclones, the industry, which has been a major contributor to the national economy, has suffered serious losses.

The comment was made (The Socio-Economic Impact of the 1997-98 ENSO Event, United Nations University) ) that roof catchment systems with a communal standpipe are very popular in rural Fiji. So high is the country’s annual rainfall that installed storage tanks are normally small without thoughts for long periods of zero rainfall. A lot of guttering exists only to channel rainwater to waste. A large number of rural people were affected by inadequate water-tank storage in the 18-month drought of 1997-98. Particularly schools in drought-affected areas were badly impacted with the shortage of essential water for health and hygiene. Control of protected water catchments

There is a need, in some areas, to exercise a relatively high level of protection of the land surrounding

water sources. Two general levels of protection can be identified: (i) broad catchment areas where some special measures are imposed to limit such activities as logging, or to ensure agriculture is undertaken appropriately, and (ii) special areas, normally more restricted in area, which may require a much higher level of protection and possibly total exclusion. This is sometimes a requirement for the protection of drinking water sources.

Action is required in Fiji to improve the mechanisms for controlling activities in protected catchments. A recent court decision to compensate the landholders in the Monsavu Catchment which drains into the dam owned by the Fiji Energy Authority, has set a precedent for compensation to be granted to land owners whose commercial activities are restricted (in this case mainly logging and forest exploitation). In the Monosavu case, logging is prohibited upstream of the dam and the compensation recognises the losses suffered by the native land owners.

The Fiji Water Authority has a need to protect a number of its water sources, and legislation (Water Supply Act) provides a general mechanism for such protection, but in practice, protection has been weak because (i) resources (funds and staff) have not available for protection and (ii) the legal mechanisms have been weak. As a result, and in light of the potential for native land owner claims, protection for drinking water sources is expected to be a critical water management issue in the future. Measures to Manage IWRM ( Integrated water resources management )

There are two important types of island in Fiji – large islands with mountainous or hilly terrain, and small low-lying islands with limited surface water resources. In the latter case, groundwater resources may be very vulnerable to over-exploitation and contamination and rainwater harvesting should be promoted much more actively. Issues for large islands differ considerably from those on small islands and include flooding, inter-user conflict, urban water services and more extensive and intense sources of pollution (industrial, urban drainage, sewage).

Lack of coordination and responsibility for coordination at various levels, including national and river basin or sub-basin. An area where coordination and the application of consistent policy is important is in lower floodplains where local government, national infrastructure development and nationally-controlled water schemes (irrigation, town water supply and power generation) interacts to contribute to flood impacts.

Types of supply systems

Urban water supply is provided by the Water Supply Division of the Public works Department, although the Government appears close to deciding to create a Fiji Water Authority to undertake that function. PWD is


responsible for water supply within all the formally defined urban areas of Fiji. It constructs and operates all water supply infrastructure, including water supply reservoirs, water treatment plants water distribution networks and associated supply reservoirs.

PWD also constructs major drainage lines, but local government is responsible for minor drains. Coordination between the two schemes is not always ideal.

Domestic water supply outside urban areas is designed, constructed and part funded through PWD with technical evaluation from MRD for groundwater sources and facilities (bores and bore drilling). Management and operation of domestic water supply schemes outside urban areas is the responsibility of the local community that benefits from the scheme. Measures to manage – IWRM

Management of shallow aquifers

As noted earlier, populated islands without permanent surface water supply may rely on shallow aquifers for their main source of freshwater. Potential difficulties are (i) the possibility of overextraction, as a freshwater lenses may rests directly on sea water and, if pumped out may not be readily replenished, and pollution from the unwise disposal of wastes. In either case the water resource may be damaged beyond the point where it is useable as a drinking water source. There are circumstances where water has to be taken by tanker to outlying islands when local sources are inadequate.

Possible solutions include (i) the need to consider joint use of rainwater and groundwater, (ii) the development of rules to limit extraction to sustainable levels, (iii) education about waste disposal and appropriate facilities. A draft policy has been developed for discussion, covering these issues. It is considered that a multi-faceted approach needs to be taken for small communities, which includes all the points above and also to institute local management arrangement in which the village communities agree to assign various responsibilities to maintain the schemes and comply with water management rules.

Rural and small island water supply

The provision of water supply for rural settlements poses different challenges from those that face the urban Fiji Water Authority. While funding can be a constraint to providing a reliable and safe water supply, there is a problem of scheme sustainability once the water supply is installed. The two main problems are:

1. lack of responsibility, technical skills and resources to maintain the schemes after

installation; and 2. Lack of understanding of the impacts of waste

disposal on the quality of water being used for a drinking water supply. There are programmes in Fiji, some conduced by

NGOs, aimed at educating rural people about water quality (since local people usually assume there is no problem if the

water seems to be clear). Broader understanding is needed, accompanied by appropriate facilities. There is also a funding and resources shortfall, since a considerable proportion of the rural population do not presently have a reliable and safe water supply. Related natural resources

The management of natural resources has an impact on water resources. Management of vegetation, forests and agriculture, taken as a whole, have an impact on the hydrological characteristics of catchments and streamflow. The main consideration in Fiji is the logging and clearing of forested areas, thereby altering the hydrology, causing streamflow events to become more extreme and the removal of vegetation may cause soil erosion and the deterioration of stream channels.

The health of natural vegetation, forests and impacts directly on rivers and groundwater may also be affected. The recharge characteristics of aquifers in Fiji, including shallow groundwater lenses in small and low islands, need further study.

Agriculture may also affect the quality of water in rivers and streams. The use of agricultural chemicals is believed to impact on water bodies, but few data are available.

Environmental management

The Environment Act was introduced in Fiji

recently. The Ministry of Environment is still in the process of developing programmes and policies and has limited resources. As noted earlier, the wastewater permit system is in the process of being developed and applied. The environmental legislation is intended to apply to the government administration as a whole and activities which unreasonably affect the environment are proscribed. The administration of the Town and Country

Planning Act now involves environmental impact assessments (EIA) to be made for significant development proposals and the technical review of EIA reports may be drawn from various agencies, including MRD for groundwater and LWRM for surface water aspects and the Ministry of Environment as to water quality.

The active on-ground protection of environmental features such as wetlands and water bodies with special environmental significance is often beyond the resources of the Ministry of Environment and therefore arrangements need to be established whereby local authorities become more involved in environmental management and protection. Such involvement may also mean education in environmental awareness.

Water legislation

The Fiji Islands were provided with legislation by the colonial government, most of which has needed to be modernised since the colonial era.


The legislation of Fiji currently covers various water services, but does not deal explicitly with IWRM. There is legislation covering urban water supply (Water Supply Act), irrigation (Irrigation Act), use of water by mining enterprises (Minerals Act), and the taking of water from rivers and streams (Rivers and Streams Act). The Rivers and Streams Act, originally a colonial ordinance, provides for the Lands administration to approve water abstraction from rivers and also allows traditional activities to be conducted by native Fijians in small streams. Importantly, the Act contains provisions that imply the right to water resources to be in the power of the government.

The Environment Management Act, of 2000, further introduced protection powers relating to water quality (both freshwater and marine) and the protection of features of environmental importance.

It is important that a clear understanding be established as to the powers of the government to control and allocate water and its power to protect water resources, because native land owners are arguing for their own right to determine how water is allocated.

Recent legal developments have been drafting of new legislation to establish the Fiji Water Authority which will supply water to all towns in the country, draft amendments to the Minerals Act, which (a) establish a requirement to obtain a permit to extract groundwater (and to install bores and wells) within declared areas, and (b) to limit polluting activities in declared areas, for the purpose of protecting the quality of groundwater. These drafts have been given cabinet approval to proceed, although they have not been through the parliamentary process.

In addition, some drafting has been undertaken for a possible water resources statute which provides that the government has the power to allocate water and undertake related activities. The proposal (undertaken under the European Union Program for Water Governance) is at the proposal stage and does not yet have government approval to proceed.

Sectoral water-related responsibilities

The organisations responsible for sectoral

management are responsible for providing services or regulating activities within their sectors. The key organisations are as follows:

• Mineral Resources Department:

‘effectively responsible for the groundwater resources of the nation; including its monitoring and protection from abuse and contamination’ undertaking resource investigations, Borehole Drilling and Groundwater Monitoring, though monitoring is not conducted on a consistent nation-wide basis, but according to project finding from time to time.

• Ministry of Agriculture, Land and Water Management Division: irrigation development and operation, rural drainage,

land reclamation, flood control works and flood management measures on a catchment basis, estuarine dredging and flow gauging, technical assessment for riverine excavation.

• Public Works Department/Fiji Water Authority: provision of water supply and sewerage in all urban centres, river flow gauging, based on urban water supply information needs.

• Department of Lands: administration of the Rivers and Streams Act, involving approval of authorisations to take water from rivers, although the function appears not to be actively exercised; approval of riverine excavation (based on technical evaluation provided by LWRM).

• Ministry of Local Government: provision of rural water supply and sanitation schemes.

• Fiji Energy Authority: operation and management of dams for hydropower generation, and regulation of upstream catchments.

• Ministry of Environment: environmental protection and management in general, technical appraisal of EIA reports, state of environment reporting, data collection (mainly water quality and environment), wastewater discharge permits and monitoring.

• DISMAC: disaster warning and response, for flood, drought and other disasters.

• Fiji Meteorological Service: collection and analysis of climate and rainfall data, climatic forecasting.

Related responsibilities are:

• Town and Country Planning: development plans for urban areas, approval of development proposals, which must comply with EIA guidelines;

• Ministry of Agriculture: catchment management policy and programmes in rural areas; and

• Ministry of Health: monitoring and investigation of water quality for sources of drinking water.


CLIMATE CHANGE Fiji’s current climate

Across Fiji the annual average temperature is

between 20-27°C. Changes in the temperature from season to season are relatively small and strongly tied to changes in the surrounding ocean temperature.

Around the coast, the average nighttime

temperatures can be as low as 18°C and the average maximum day-time temperatures can be as high as 32°C. In the central parts of the main islands, average nighttime temperatures can be as low as 15ºC. The country has two distinct seasons – a warm wet season from November to April and a cooler dry season from May to October.

Much of Fiji’s rainfall is associated with the

movement of the South Pacific Convergence Zone which is closest to Fiji in the wet season. This band of heavy rainfall is caused by air rising over warm water where winds converge, resulting in thunderstorm activity. It extends across the South Pacific Ocean from the Solomon Islands to east of the Cook Islands with its southern edge usually lying near Fiji.

Rainfall across Fiji can be highly variable. On Fiji’s

two main islands, Viti Levu and Vanua Levu, rainfall is strongly influenced by high mountain peaks up to 1300 m. On the southeastern slopes of Viti Levu, near Suva, the average annual rainfall is about 3000 mm. In contrast, the

lowlands on the western side of Viti Levu, near Nadi, are sheltered by the mountains and have an annual average rainfall of 1800 mm with a well-defined dry season favourable to crops such as sugar cane.

Fiji’s climate is also influenced by the trade winds, which blow from the east or south-east. The trade winds bring moisture onshore causing heavy showers in the mountain regions.

Fiji’s climate varies considerably from year to year due to the El NiñoSouthern Oscillation. This is a natural climate pattern that occurs across the tropical Pacific Ocean and affects weather around the world. There are two extreme phases of the El NiñoSouthern Oscillation: El Niño and La Niña. There is also a neutral phase. In Suva, El Niño events tend to bring dry seasons that are drier and cooler than normal, while La Niña events usually bring wetter than normal conditions

River flooding occurs almost every wet season and occasionally in the dry season during La Niña events. Major floods tend to be associated with severe weather events, such as tropical depressions and cyclones that bring high intensity rainfall. Most meteorological droughts since 1920 are associated with El Niño events. Recent severe droughts occurred in 1987, 1992, 1997-98, 2003 and 2010. Floods and droughts

River flooding occurs almost every wet season and occasionally in the dry season during La Niña events. Major floods tend to be associated with severe weather events, such as tropical depressions and cyclones that bring high intensity rainfall. Most meteorological droughts since 1920 are associated with El Niño events. Recent severe droughts occurred in 1987, 1992, 1997-98, 2003 and 2010.

Tropical cyclones Tropical cyclones usually affect Fiji between November and April, and occasionally in October and May in El Niño years. In the 41-year period between 1969 and 2010, 70 tropical cyclones passed within 400 km of Suva, an average of one to two cyclones per season. Over this period, cyclones occurred more frequently in El Niño years. Fiji’s changing climate Temperatures have increased


Annual maximum and minimum temperatures have increased in both Suva and Nadi since 1950. In Suva, maximum temperatures have increased at a rate of 0.15°C per decade and at Nadi Airport the rate of increase has been 0.18°C per decade. These temperature increases are consistent with the global pattern of warming.

No rainfall change

Data for Suva and Nadi Airport since 1950 show no clear trends in annual or seasonal rainfall. Over this period, there has been substantial variation in rainfall from year to year.

Sea level has risen

As ocean water warms it expands causing the sea level to rise. The melting of glaciers and ice sheets also contributes to sea-level rise. Instruments mounted on satellites and tide gauges are used to measure sea level. Satellite data indicate sea level has risen in Fiji by about 6 mm per year since 1993. This is larger than the global average of 2.8–3.6 mm per year. This higher rate of rise may be partly related to natural fluctuations that take place year to year or decade to decade caused by phenomena such as the El Niño-Southern Oscillation. The natural variation in sea level can be seen in a Figure 7 which includes the tide gauge record since 1972 and the satellite data since 1993.

Ocean acidification has been increasing

About one quarter of the carbon dioxide emitted from human activities each year is absorbed by the oceans. As the extra carbon dioxide reacts with sea water it causes the ocean to become slightly more acidic. This impacts the

growth of corals and organisms that construct their skeletons from carbonate minerals. These species are critical to the balance of tropical reef ecosystems. Data show that since the 18th century the level of ocean acidification has been slowly increasing in Fiji’s waters.

Fiji’s future climate

Climate impacts almost all aspects of life in Fiji. Understanding the possible future climate of Fiji is important so people and the government can plan for changes.

How do scientists develop climate projections?

Global climate models are the best tools for understanding future climate change. Climate models are mathematical representations of the climate system that require very powerful computers. They are based on the laws of physics and include information about the atmosphere, ocean, land and ice.

There are many different global climate models and they all represent the climate slightly differently. Scientists from the Pacific Climate Change Science Program (PCCSP) have evaluated 24 models from around the world and found that 18 best represent the climate of the western tropical Pacific region. These 18 models have been used to develop climate projections for Fiji.

The future climate will be determined by a combination of natural and human factors. As we do not know what the future holds, we need to consider a range of possible future conditions, or scenarios, in climate models. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) developed a series of plausible scenarios based on a set of assumptions about future population changes, economic development and technological advances. For example, the A1B (or medium) emissions scenario envisages global population peaking mid-century and declining thereafter, very rapid economic growth, and rapid introduction of new and more efficient technologies. Greenhouse gas and aerosol emissions scenarios are used in climate modelling to provide projections that represent a range of possible futures.

The climate projections for Fiji are based on three IPCC emissions scenarios: low (B1), medium (A1B) and high (A2), for time periods around 2030, 2055 and 2090 (Figure 6). Since individual models give different results, the projections are presented as a range of values.


Temperature will continue to increase

Projections for all emissions scenarios indicate that the annual average air temperature and sea surface temperature will increase in the future in Fiji. By 2030, under a high emissions scenario, this increase in temperature is projected to be in the range of 0.4–1.0°C.

More very hot days

Increases in the average temperature will also result in a rise in the number of hot days and warm nights and a decline in cooler weather.

Changing rainfall patterns

There is uncertainty around rainfall projections as

model results are not consistent. However, projections generally suggest a decrease in dry season rainfall and an increase in wet season rainfall over the course of the 21st century. Increased wet season rainfall is expected due to the projected intensification of the South Pacific Convergence Zone. Drought projections are inconsistent for Fiji.

More extreme rainfall days

Model projections show extreme rainfall days are likely to occur more often.

Less frequent but more intense tropical cyclones

On a global scale, projections indicate there is likely to be a decrease in the number of tropical cyclones by the end of the 21st century. But there is likely to be an increase in the average maximum wind speed of cyclones by between 2% and 11% and an increase in rainfall intensity of about 20% within 100 km of the cyclone centre.

In the Fiji region, projections tend to show a decrease in the frequency of tropical cyclones by the late 21st century and an increase in the proportion of the more intense storms.

Sea level will continue to rise

Sea level is expected to continue to rise in Fiji (Table 2 and Figure 7). By 2030, under a high emissions scenario, this rise in sea level is projected to be in the range


of 3-16 cm. The sea-level rise combined with natural year-to-year changes will increase the impact of storm surges and coastal flooding. As there is still much to learn, particularly how large ice sheets such as Antarctica and Greenland contribute to sea-level rise, scientists warn larger rises than currently predicted could be possible.

Ocean acidification will continue

Under all three emissions scenarios (low, medium and high) the acidity level of sea waters in the Fiji region will continue to increase over the 21st century, with the greatest change under the high emissions scenario. The impact of increased acidification on the health of reef ecosystems is likely to be compounded by other stressors including coral bleaching, storm damage and fishing pressure.

NUTRITION

Fiji, in transition towards increasing industrialisation, is facing nutritional problems associated with both undernutrition and overnutrition. Lack of access to food due to economical shortages is one of the major causes of malnutrition in the country. One quarter of the population is living below the poverty line. The problem of overnutrition on the other hand may be associated with the change in the consumption patterns towards a diet high in energy but low in fibre, vitamins and minerals and a sedentary lifestyle. Fiji relies heavily on food imports, which account for more than half of the national dietary energy supply (FAOSTAT, 2002).

Comparison of the National Nutrition Survey in 1980 with the one in 1993 and data from a longitudinal survey conducted in Naduri Village from 1952 to 1994, seems to indicate a change in the food consumption pattern of the population of Fiji. This change is characterized by an increase in the consumption of cereals, animal fat and processed imported foods, along with a decrease in the consumption of traditional root crops and other local food products, especially for Fijians (Saito, 1995).

Malnutrition in children resulting from insufficient dietary intake is a concern. The 1993 National Nutrition Survey reported a low prevalence of underweight and stunting and a medium prevalence of wasting in children under five years of age, according to WHO classification. However, ethnical comparisons reveal that the prevalence of underweight and wasting is much higher in Indian children than in Fijians. Among Indian children less than five years, underweight and wasting have a medium and high prevalence respectively, whereas among Fijian children prevalences are low. When comparing anthropometric data on the basis of the same cut-off points, the very different body sizes of these two ethnic groups must be taken into consideration (Saito, 1995).

Underweight was identified as a problem among Fijian infants in the weaning period. Nutritionally inadequate complementary foods, reduced feeding frequencies and poor sanitation, besides adverse socio-economic conditions, seem to be the main contributing factors (Schultz and Seniloli, 1995).

The prevalence of overweight and obesity in adults is increasing in Fiji. In the National Nutrition Survey of 1993, more than one quarter of the population was overweight, and one fifth of the women were obese. The prevalence of overweight and obesity is particularly high among Fijian women. The risk for mild energy deficiency, however, is much higher for Indian men and women than for their Fijian counterparts (Saito, 1995).


The prevalence of iodine deficiency disorders (IDD) is high in Fiji. Almost half of the population had goitre detected by ultrasound in 1994. The prevalence of goitre in school age children (6 to 12 years old) was nearly 75% in Ba and Sigatoka Valley. A new survey will reveal if the legislation on the exclusive import of iodised salt in 1996 has had an impact on the IDD prevalence (Gutekunst, 1994).

Iron deficiency anaemia is a major public health problem mainly affecting women of childbearing age and children less than five years. Anaemia is more prevalent in Indian women, but the rates among Fijians are also increasing. Pregnant women are the group most at risk, more than half of them being anaemic, particularly Indian women (Saito, 1995; MOH, 1998).

ELECTRICITY

Fiji has a greater percentage of renewable electricity (shown in transparent colors) than the world average. Industrial diesel oil (IDO) and Heavy fuel oil (HFO) are both regarded as oil in the world graph.

Fiji’s energy sources today consist mainly from hydropower, oil and biomass. For electricity production, hydro has been the main source for a long time. Lately, hydroelectricity has not been able to fulfill the increasing demands. In order to meet these, thermal electricity production from diesel oil and heavy fuel oil, has been the chosen alternative. Of Fiji’s electricity production, hydropower had a share of 48%, oil of 49%, wind of 1% and biomass of 2% in 2010 (FEA, 2010). Figure 3.4 shows the historical ratio between hydro and thermal electricity between the years 1992- 2010.

Electricity demand is increasing annually at around 5% and is expected to continue growing more rapidly in the future (REEEP, 2010). This is illustrated in Figure 3.5.

Fiji’s total electricity production was 774.6 GWh in 2008 (Nakavulevu, 2010), higher than shown in Figure 3.5 due to losses. The country’s use of electricity is although fairly low compared to industrialized countries such as Sweden. Sweden’s electricity production was 146 971 GWh in 2009 (SCB, 2010). Calculated per capita the average Fijian uses about 5-6% of the energy the average Swede uses. Note that this calculation also includes the Fijians that have no electricity at all.

Most electricity services are handled by FEA, who are responsible for all grid connected electricity in Fiji. FEA owns 98% of all the grid connected power plants (FEA, 2010), and even some off-grid diesel generators (Raturi, 2012). The remaining 2% are produced by Independent power producers (IPPs). The electricity produced by IPPs is mostly from biomass. FEA has a goal that 90% of all electricity should come from renewable energy by the year 2015 (Nakavulevu, 2010). However, according to Dr. Raturi at the USP, only a few of these new renewable power plants or will be on time (Raturi, 2012). Hydropower

The Fijian hydropower comes from the 80MW Monasavu dam, which is located on the biggest island Viti


Levu. The dam was completed in 1983 (Narayan & Singh, 2007) under a programme called ”The Hydro Scheme”. The programme had the goal of minimizing the country’s oil dependence, and is continuing to run as of today. The Monasavu dam produced between 344-481 MWh of electricity every year between the years 2000-2010 (FEA, 2010). The differences are mostly due to variations in the amounts of rain over different years. Today another large hydroelectric plant is being built, which is called the Nadarivatu dam. The dam will be ready for use in 2012 (Nakavulevu, 2010). The capacity of the Nadarivatu dam will be 40MW, half of the output of the Monasavu dam (FEA, 2012b). Because Fiji has a rainy part of the year between November and February, the supply of hydro will be higher during this part of the year. Since hydro is currently balanced with thermal energy, this is not a problem, but combined with other more unpredictable energy sources this might increase the need for additional storage to provide enough electricity throughout the entire year.

Oil

Lately, Fiji has had to complement the hydropower for electricity production. The use of oil for electricity production has almost multiplied by four from 2000 to 2010 (FEA, 2010). Fiji’s oil is mostly imported from Australia and New Zealand (REEEP, 2010). Oil is both used for grid connected large power plants as well as for small off-grid villages that uses diesel generators. Diesel generators have been the technology of choice for both on- and off-grid electricity because it has a lower initial cost than most other energy sources, and can provide a large stable amount of energy. The drawbacks for diesel generators are the high fuel and transport prices to remote areas as well as the need for service and maintenance. Since 2007 grid connected electricity is also provided by the use of Heavy Fuel Oil (HFO), which is cheaper but more polluting (Raturi, 2012).

Wind power

Wind power accounts for around 1% of Fiji’s

electricity production (FEA, 2010). Wind is a relatively new energy source for Fiji and has been in commercial use since 2007 (FEA, 2010). There is a currently installed wind farm in the Butoni ridge, which is capable of providing 10 MW of energy.

Biomass

Biomass has been used for a long time in Fiji for

other purposes than electricity production. Many Fijian households use wood for cooking (Tukana & Lloyd, 1993), and biomass accounts for at least half of the total used energy in Fiji (REEEP, 2010). Because of the increasing demand for electricity and high oil prices, bioenergy is considered an interesting component of the Fijian energy system in the future (Nakavulevu, 2010).

Distribution Most Fijians live on the two largest islands Viti

Levu and Vanua Levu. The Fiji power grid covers most of the coastal areas of Viti Levu and some small areas of Vanua Levu, see Figure 3.6. There is also a small power grid on one of the smaller islands, Ovalau. The areas not covered by the grid either have their own standalone power systems, mostly diesel generators, or no electricity at all.

Future potential for Fijian renewable electricity generation Hydro

Hydro is already used for macro scale electricity production. Since hydro is a major energy source it is highly sensitive to the probable effect of climate change which might reduce the amounts of rain on the Fiji islands. It is although possible to extend the production of hydropower through small-scale hydropower plants. According to Dr. Raturi, if hydropower is available, this is always the best alternative (Raturi, 2012).

Wind

The installed wind farm on Fiji seems not to be the

ideal solution and has experienced a range of problems. The average wind rate for Fiji is too low to run wind power efficiently. It is actually just above the minimum level of 6 m/s (see Figure 3.7) required to run wind power according to the MIUU-model (Blomqvist et al., 2008). The rated power for a wind power plant is usually measured at wind speeds of 12-14 m/s (Energimyndigheten, 2011a). According to Karan there were errors in the calculations of wind speed, made before the wind park was built (Karan, 2009). The cyclone season is also a threat to the wind power plants, which need to be dismounted during the storms (FEA, 2012c).


Biomass

Nowadays, there are many projects ongoing about expanding the bio power industry, and according to IRENA, biomass will provide about 33% of the total supply by the year 2015 (Nakavulevu, 2010). Bioenergy is produced from waste from the large wood and sugar industry in Fiji (Smiles, 2011). There are also discussions of introducing coconut oil for bioenergy production (Smiles, 2011).

Solar

The potential for solar energy varies among the year, but is at an all year sufficient level. As seen in Figure 3.8, the average insolation is above 6 kWh/m2 /day during the summer and around 4 kWh/m2 /day in the winter (NASA, 2012). Hence, the Fijian insolation gives a high average value with low differences between minimum and maximum values. Figure 3.9 shows the average insolation per day for every month.

Diesel generators

A diesel generator is basically an engine running on diesel oil, which is connected to an electrical generator. In this study, the performance of four different diesel generators was compared. All numbers were calculated while running at half of the maximum load. Figure 3.10 shows that large, high-power generators have higher efficiency, and thus lower fuel consumption per kWh than smaller generators. Large diesel generators are most commonly used in grid connected systems and in most cases they will not reach remote villages.


LIVING – HOUSES

An estimated 140,000 people currently live in substandard housing conditions, and the number is on the rise. Fiji is expected to need a total of more than 30,000 houses over the next 15 years. Poverty and inequality continue to be a challenge. According to official statistics, 31% of the population lives in poverty though the local social services council has put the figure at 60% or half a million people. The rising cost of living and the advent of category four Cyclone Tomas in March 2010 increased the poor’s vulnerability, said Fiji’s Council of Social Services. The poorest households also lack piped water, adequate sanitation, electricity or rubbish disposal.

EDUCATION

The structure of education differs between rural areas and towns. Although all government-funded schools are legally required to be mixed race, in rural areas, de facto segregation often leads to isolated, single race classrooms. Village schools normally consist of just one room in which a single teacher does her best to educate 20 students. Due to poverty, around 20% of children in villages miss out on primary education altogether. In towns, class sizes are much bigger and one teacher may often be in charge of up to 50 students.

The mission statement of the Ministry of Education is that government schools in Fiji will “provide a holistic, inclusive, responsive and empowering education system that enables all children to realise their full potential, appreciate fully their inheritance, take pride in their national and cultural identity and contribute fully to sustainable national development.” In April 2008, however, interim Education Minister Filipe Bole called attention to the stark difference between theory and reality. Speaking of the problem of retention in Fijian schools, he said: “In statistical terms, around 15 per cent of Fiji's children do not survive the full eight years of their primary education,” and even fewer students make it through their entire secondary education.

Bole suggested that poverty, school fees, child labor practices, poor quality of education, distance from schools and the HIV pandemic are the major factors which keep children in Fiji from receiving a quality education. Fijians also frequently complain of the lack of qualified classroom teachers, and Bole agreed that the $F800,000 dollars allocated by the Ministry of Education for the training of 9,000 teachers was insufficient.

In addition to schools run by the government and by religious groups, Fiji also has a dozen or so private boarding schools located on the island of Ovalau and on the east coast of Viti Levu, as well as three international schools, located in Suva, Nadi and Nasinu. These IB accredited international schools have a curriculum that meets global standards, and the pedagogical practices at these schools are a far cry from the rote memorization and the examination-based tests that are common at the other schools in Fiji. The International School in Suva, in particular, has a computer room with networked IBM computers, an ESL room, a music room and terrific facilities for extracurricular activities such as sports, drama and art.

The school fees at the international schools are upwards of $F4400 a year, which preclude everyone but


expats and a handful of very wealthy Fijian families from enrolling their children in these high-quality schools.

POLUTION

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