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Villa GiuliaThe Caprice of Pope Julius

Noriko Kotani

In his Vite, Vasari reports how the construction of

Villa Giulia in Lazio, Rome from 1551 had been

overseen by different architects and how profoundly

its patron, Pope Julius , was involved in the

process(1). Moreover, the death of the pope before the

completion of the construction and the involvement of

three architectsGiacomo da Vignola, Giorgio

Vasari, and Bartlomeo Ammanatihave left modern

scholars with the difficult task of sorting out the

convoluted building history of the Villa Giulia. In

order to attribute the design of Villa Giulia to a

particular architect or several architects, one should

consider and differentiate between the construction

under Pius IV and the restorations under Clement

XIVPius VIand even the latest restoration in

1909-1911. Given such circumstancesto situate the

Villa Giuliain the current of architectural history or

to demonstrate a certain architects contribution to

1Giorgio VasariLe Vite de piEccellenti Pittori Scultori edArchitettori, Gaetano MilanesiedFirenze1906p.694,

io stato il primo che disegnasse e facesse tutta

linvenzione della vigna Juliache egli fece fare con spesaincredibile; la qualese bene fu poi da altri eseguitaio fui

nondimeno quegli che misi sempre in desegno i capricci

del papache poi si diedero a rivedere e correggere a

Michelangnolo: e Iacopo Barozzi da Vignola fin con molti

suoi disegni le stanzesale ed altri molti ornamenti di

quel luogo; ma la fonte bassa fu d ordine mio e dell

Ammannato, che poi vi reste fece la loggia che sopra

la fonte. Ma in quellopera non si poteva

mostrare quello che altri sapessen far alcunacosa pel verso; perocch venivano di mano a quel papa

nuovi capricci, i quail bisognava metter in esecuzione,

secondo che ordinava giornalmente messer Pier GiovanniAliotti vescovo di Forl

and his individual style within the building is

complicated indeed. My argument will follow the

generally accepted notion that the Villa Giulia was

designed predominantly by Vignola, Ammanati and

Vasari with some advice from Michelangelo, and it

will not attempt to challenge this attribution. Rather,

the primary aim of this paper will be to situate Villa

Giulia within the social, cultural and political

circumstances at the mid-sixteenth-century Rome.

With patronage as a point of departure, I will pursue

the social background ofVilla Giulia, the relationship

between the patron and his architects, and the gap

that exists between theory and practice in the

mid-sixteenth-century architecture.

Focussing on the classical language ofVilla Giulias

architecture, my paper will begin with a formal

analysis of the villa as it stands today, including the

courtyard and the Nymphaeum. I will then proceed to

discuss the functional aspects of the building, while

also considering issues of patronage. Existing

scholarship will be addressed here along with three of

the major aspects of the buildingthe significance of

Acqua Vergine, museological experience, and

references to the teatro (2). Finally, I will attempt to

(2) In this paper, I use the Italian term teatro instead of theEnglish word theater. The former can be taken to refer to

the large, semicircular Roman theatrical buildings as

understood in the Renaissance. It encompasses a sense of

the larger spectacle, including the stage and the theatrical

setting.

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clarify the difference between theory and practice as

exemplified by Villa Giulia, and bringing forth

different aspects of the architectural situation in the

mid-sixteenth-century Rome.

Several elements help clarify the overall structure

of the Villa Giulia. Firstthe notion oftriumphis

crucial to an understanding of the building, as the

architecture exhibits a reference to the triumphal

arch. Another useful way to understand the structure

of Villa Giulia is as a string of three parallel

semicircles, which was highly praised by John

Coolidge(3). It is also significant to note thatone canperceive a strong sense of directionality and axial

alignment throughout the villa.

Villa Giuliais a complex divided into four parts: the

Casino, the main courtyard, the Nymphaeum and the

walled garden beyond the Nymphaeum. The Casino,

which serves as the public front for the complex, is a

massive two story structure facing northwest. It is

rectangular in thefront but semicircular in the rear.The frontal faade has an ABA rhythm, created by the

arrangement of orders, windows and niches. Eight(3) John Coolidge, The Villa Giulia,Art Bulletin, 25, 1943, p.198.

columns in the middle part of the faade, four

rusticated Doric engaged columns on the ground floor

and four Ionic ones on the upper level, emphasize the

movement towards the center. Moreover, the main

entrance to the building is framed with rusticated

columns and it is slightly projected forward, so that

the center of the upper level has a balcony above

it.The Casino is consistent in style throughout, and it

seems to be the work of a single architect. In the fa-ade, the horizontal elements seem to have received

the most attention. The entablature and the bottom

parts of the windows create a strong sense of

horizontality. The windows are situated symmetrically,

but are different in the two levels: those of the lower

level have triangular pediments broken up in the

center by a rusticated form; the upper ones have

decorative pediments and are crowned with three

urns. The bottom part of the pediment here is not

broken as in the lower level, but is rather supported

by two scrolls at both sidesIt is significant that right

next to these scrolls, reliefs of similar scrolls are

placed, making one believe that they are shadows or

reflections of the actual scrolls which structurallysupport the windows. The treatment of the corners is

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also intriguing, as they consist of four columns at each

level. They give a sense of vertically to the corners and

play the role of pilasters in the front plane and on the

side. They also provide the massive building with a

sense of framing and enclosure. The three projections

on the roof also accentuate the ABA rhythm of the

building and give variation to the flat skyline of the

Casino.

The rear of the Casino is a semicircular faade

which embraces the main courtyard. It has BABAB

rhythm, and a two story structure with a loggia on the

ground level. The contrast between the front faade

and the rear faade exemplifies the different functions

of each: one is the closed-in, rugged and almost

forbidding public faade turned towards the world,

and the other is an open, graceful and fanciful private

faade facing the garden and the Nymphaeum. The

upper level of the rear faade consists of windows and

Composite pilasters, while the lower level is supported

by a combination of Ionic columns and arches.

Throughout the Casino, the architect shows a

consistent concern with the hierarchy of orders; thus

the more sophisticated one is placed above the more

robust one. In the middle part of the rear faade, four

Ionic pilasters divide the space into three parts, each

containing an arch, so that one can see an application

of the altered triumphal arch here as well as in thecentral part ofthefrontal facade. The emphasis on the

center is also accentuated by a large arch flanked with

two smaller arches on either side. TheApart of

BABAB in this semicircular faade is supported by

free-standing Ionic columns, four in each part. Therepeated motifs on the edge of the rear faade form

incomplete echoes of the middle part. That is, the

flanking elements have a combination of pilasters and

archesbut contain only three Ionic pilasters, one

large and one small arch.The main courtyard, Which is connected to the

semicircular faade of the rear Casino, is enclosed by a

two story wallThe wall has a strong geometric

presence, as its upper part contains circles and

squares framed by plain Doric pilasters. The lower

level is supported by a combination of engaged Ionic

columns and pilasters. Here, the reverse replacement

of the orders in terms of hierarchy of sophistication

creates a disturbing inconsistency. The disagreement

of the hierarchy of orders only exists in these main

courtyard walls. They stand in three directions in

order to frame the courtyard bounded by the rear

faade of the Casino. On the far wall, there are three

open spaces supported by four columns which invite

the visitor to enter the Nymphaeum. It is yet another

embedded triumphal arch that plays a significant role

for the orientation of the building. Four herms in the

upper level and four balls crowning the top of thestructure accentuate the embedded triumphal arch in

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the middle wall.

The second loggia leads into the second courtyard

dominated by the Nymphaeum. The floor level

changes at this section, as two lower stories of the

Nymphaeum are sunken below the ground level. Two

curving staircases from the projected triumphal arch,

situated in the rear wall of the main courtyard, lead

the visitor to the middle floor of the second courtyard.

The Nymphaeum is semicircular in plan and consists

of three floors. One side of this courtyard has a high

wall with two loggias in it, making it three stories

high. In short, this courtyard can be described as a

sunken court with a terraced garden. In the middle of

the terrace, there is a large semicircular opening

framed by a balustrade where six Caryatids stand in

the lower level. Four of them support a small

semicircular section projected from the diameter of

the larger semicircle. The second floor of the

Nymphaeum is supported by Doric pilasters with

three foil-like decorations, and contains a gateway

similar to a triumphal arch. In the upper level, the

triumphal arch motif is adopted in a more obvious

manner, but the columns here are Ionic and agree

with the hierarchical rule applied in the Casino.

Numerous empty niches on the wall recall the rich

display of ancient statuary when the building was

first built, most of which were moved to Belvedere

during the pontificate of Pius IV (1559-1565)(4).To a certain extent, the Nymphaeum thus displays

what Richard J. Tuttle called a museological

experience.(5) Presumably, elements such as hidden

entrances to the passage ways, secret spiral stairs to

the upper loggia and the private garden beyond the

loggia produce dramatic surprises which contribute to

the attraction of the Nymphaeum. This effect of the

museum-like placing of ancient objects in niches is

explicitly discussed by David R. Coffin in his book on

Roman Renaissance villas. He notes that, while the

single axis through the villa conveys to the visitor a

clear sense of directed experience, by the time he or

she encounters the Nymphaeum, actual accessibility

has diverged from the visual experience, causing

many surprises and temporary frustrations which

impel him or her to explore every detail of the complex(6).

Beyond a small courtyard, there is a rectangular

walled garden. One can catch a glimpse of the hidden

garden through the loggia of the Nymphaeum.

The particular fascination about Villa Giuliais the

fact it illustrates the artistic development of Vignola

Vasari and Ammannati, Who were rather

inexperienced at the time when they worked on this

project. Their creative spirit is visible throughout the

building with the use of orders and embedded

triumphal arch motifs. The marvelous frescoes by

4Rodolfo Lanciani, Storia degli Scavi di Roma, 3, Rome, 1990,

P.29.

5Richard J. TuttleVignola e Villa GiuliaCasabella646

1997p.526David R.CoffinThe Villa in the Life of Renaissance Rome

Princeton1979p.156.4

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Taddeo Zuccaro also reinforce the triumphal

iconography of the villa with narratives such as

Triumph of Vulcan and Janus, Triumph of Flora,

Triumph of Apollo and Ceres, and Triumph of Bacchus

and Ariadne. The painted decorations complete the

harmonious ensemble with the triumphal arches and

Acqua Vergine, demonstrating the power and the

artistic taste of the villa patron.

In the history of Rome, Acqua Vergine has played a

crucial role as a symbol of political and cultural

legitimacy. It was the water first brought into Rome

by Marcus Agrippa in 19 B.C.E. and since the reign of

Augustus, it has supplied the city. Acqua Vergine was

an almost iconic presence, symbolizing history,

tradition and legitimacy of the political elite from the

ancient Roman Empire. Unlike most Roman

aqueducts, the AcquaVergine entered the city from the

north(7).Villa Giuliais located east of the Via Flaminia,

about a half mile north of the Porta del Popolo, by the

Acqua Vergine.

The importance of this aqueduct for the Villa comes

from the events proceeding its construction. In 1519, a

(7) John Pinto, The Trevi Fountain and its Place in the Urban

Development of Rome, Annals of the ArchitecturalAssociation School of Architecture, 8, 1985, p.9.

Vigna(8) was purchased by Julius s uncle and

brother, Cardinal Antonio del Monte and Balduino(9).

Before his accession, pope Julius inherited the

vignain 1533 and shortly after his accession, Vasari

proceeded to commit the popes first idea and caprices

for Villa Giulia to paper(10). According to Vasari, his

own design underwent the revision and criticism from

Michelangelo. Because Julius had known him

while he was legate in Bologna, Vignola was hired as

a supervisor for the construction(11). He had some

experience with hydraulic problems. Given such

information, the importance of Acqua Vergine to Villa

Giuliais almost undeniable, even though Pope Julius

had just inherited the vigna before ascending to

the papal throne. Although originally intended to be

a papal guest house, the project to build the complex

involved a collaboration of major artists, including

Michelangelo. Especially because it incorporated

Acqua Vergine, Villa Giuliamanifested a clear desire

for confirmation and demonstration of political power

on part of julius and del Monte family.8Since John Coolidge and most of the scholars distinguish

betweenvillathe building complex proper andvigna,

the entire property including all land and minor building

as well as the villa, I shall follow this terminology.

9David R.CoffinThe Villa in the Life of Renaissance Rome,

Princeton, 1979, p.151.

(10) John Coolidge,The Villa GiuliaArt Bulletin25, 1943,

p.211.

(11) Giorgio VasariLe Vite de pi Eccellenti Pittori Scultoried Architettori, Gaetano Milanesi, ed. Firenze, 1906,pp.106-107.

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However, the project underwent remarkable

changes during the execution. The nature of this

transformation is suggested by three clues: the

archaeological discovery of two kiosks(12), which were

hidden on the wall of the top story of the

Nymphaeum; the White plan(13), which was recently

discussed by Richard J. Tuttle; and sixteenth century

medals(14), which depict different versions of the Villa

Giulia. Most scholars agree that changes were caused

by either the caprice of Julius or by the

arrangement of Vasari who introduced Ammannati to

the pope. Presumably, along with the structural

changes, the villa was also transformed to

communicate humanistic ideas. In contrast to the

earlier interest primarily in the symbolism of the

Acqua Vergine, the pope later tended to emphasize

more humanist themes, such as museological or

teatro experiences.

Without a doubt, Vasari and Ammannati submitted

the new proposal to the pope, who enthusiastically

gave the two charge of the new Nymphaeum project.

However, Vasari left for Florence in 1553, so that most

of the project was done by Ammannati. That he cared

extremely about the recognition of his artistic identity

is proclaimed by the inscription on the pilaster

overlooking the Nymphaeum:BARTHOLOMEO.

AMANNATO. ARCHITETTO. FIORENTINO.

As said earlier, the new meaning added to the Villa

(12John CoolidgeThe Villa GiuliaArt Bulletin251943pp.186-187.

(13) Richard J. TuttleVignola e Villa GiuliaCasabella646

1997p.52White plan152122cmexecuted with stylus

brown ink and brown washis a hitherto unknown ground

plan of the Villa Giulia which was published by Gorham

Phillips StevensDirector of the School of Fine Arts at the

American Academy in Romein Journal of the American

Institute of Architects in 1914. Stevens confidently

identified the plan as an early general scheme for the villa

by VignolaThe original sheet was owned by Lawrence

Grant White.

(14Frances Land MooreA Contribution to the Study of the

Villa GiuliaRomiches Jahrbuch fr Kunstgeschichte12

1969pp.180-184.

Giuliawas through the museological experience of the

sculptural collection, conspicuously placed in the

Nymphaeum. Politically speaking, this idea was

based on a desire to demonstrate power through

possession. An appreciation of ancient art

undoubtedly played a part as well, but if one considers

how deeply Villa Giulia was associated with Julius

s life, a demonstration of political power can be

understood to be the most important driving force

behind its construction. In addition, a sense of the

Kunstkammer was made manifest in the

museological aspect ofVilla Giulia.

Another interpretation relating to the villa is

suggested by John Coolidgethe idea of the teatro(15).

Coolidge points out Ammannatis description of the

main court as a stage-set, and emphasizes the fact

that Pope Julius was an enthusiastic patron of

drama. The first theatrical performances of the

Renaissance took place in the courtyards of palaces(16),

and the idea of building a structure for theatrical

performances appears quite early in the Renaissance

architecture. Coolidge refers to the examples of the

theater designed in connection with Villa Madama,

the theater at Ferraro built in 1528, and Palladios

Teatro Olimpico of 1582. Moreover, he points out the

fact that Vignola designed a great theater for the

courtyard of the Farnese palace at Piacenza. All these

buildings were motivated by the idea of recreating the

ancient theater according to Vituviuss descriptions.

Perhaps this idea ofteatrois the most humanist type

of interpretation of the Villa Giulia, indeed reflecting

sixteenth-century architectural theory.

When these three ideasaqueduct, museum, and

teatroare all taken into account, the student of the

Villa Giulia is faced with a truly difficult task of

(15)John CoolidgeThe Villa GiuliaArt Bulletin, 251943

pp. 215-218.

(16)John CoolidgeThe Villa GiuliaArt Bulletin, 251943p. 215.

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understanding one complex so loaded with a variety of

meanings. The intricate interaction of these

interpretations account for some of the formal

inconsistencies in the villa, for perhaps each architect

had his own preferred theory and pride in his

particular skills. The mid-sixteenth century was a

time of rugged individualism in architectural

practice, as Ackerman has clearly described(17). Villa

Giulia is a perfect example to examine the

relationship between an architect and his patron. It is

very similar to the famous case of the competition

between Antonio Sangallo and Michelangelo for the

cornice of Farnese Palace, even though Sangallo had

been in charge of the entire palace. This earlier clash

is quite notorious, but here one should realize that the

patron, Pope Paul , promoted such a conflict and

even enjoyed the competition between the architects

in order to obtain the much-debated masterpiece. The

situation is almost the same in the Villa Giulia.

Although conflicts between the architects are not

recorded, there must have been a certain amount of

tension when the pope approved the new proposal of

Ammannati in 1552, and when the construction had

to go through a major structural change. Even the

departure of Vasari before the completion of the

building leads us to believe that the conflict between

the architects or the conflict between theory and

practice in a broader sense, occurred during the

execution.

Equipped with a knowledge of perspective and

mathematics and an acquaintance with the Roman

Ruins, an artist could become an architect in the

(17)According to James Ackerman Italian Renaissance

architecture can be divided into three different stages in

terms of practice and profession.Rugged individualismis

his description for the second period, which is from 1500 to

1546. If one can classify the building according to this

chronological divisionVilla Giulia does not belong to this

period ofRugged individualismhoweverdetails ofpatronage and experimental designs suggest elements of it.

sixteenth century(18). Generally, the solution of

structural problems had to be left to masons and

carpenters. For example, Bramante, in spite of some

thirty years in the practice of architecture, never

gained much competence in technical matters, and

after his death Antonio di Sangallo was kept busy

patching up his errors(19). While this does not imply

that the Villa Glulia is the work of masons and

carpenters, one should not over-emphasize the

important role played by artists such as Vasari and

Michelangelo in the context of the real architectural

situation of the mid-sixteenth century. Maestro di

remote control(20), a term used by Wolfgang Lotz for

Galeazzo Alessican equally be adopted to figures

such as Michelangelo and Vasari who worked on the

Villa Giulia.

Richard J. Tuttle concludes his article by stating

that the stylistic contrast in the Villa Giuliai.e

Vignolas plan and elevation versus Ammannatis

revised project of the sunken courtyardis what

makes the work enthralling and memorable for the

visitorsHe continues:

Ammannatis contributionsopenly antagonistic

towards Vignolas in both plan and elevationwere

accepted by Julius, who apparently enjoyed retaining

the contrastsAs suchthe building offers a didactic

demonstration of an on-goingand unresolvedbattle

between Michelangelisti and Sangalisti. Vignolas

rationalitysobrietyand equilibriumultimately

derived from the High Renaissance design principles

of BramanteAntonio da Sangallo the Younger and

Peruzziwere pitted against Ammannatis restless

(18) Catherine Wilkinson, The New Professionalism in the

RenaissanceKostofSpiro, ed. The Architect, New York

1977, p. 135.

(19) James S. AckermanArchitectural Practice in the Italian

RenaissanceDistance PointsCambridge1991P. 363.

(20) Wolfgang LotzIntroduzione ai lavori del Convegnoin

Galeazzo Alessi e larchitettura del cinquecento, Genova,1975, p.10.

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inventiveness and impulsive celebration of materials

based on the example of Michelangelo(21).

Here the inconsistency of the building is rather

celebrated and appreciated as adding contrasts and

variety to the structure. However, Tuttle neglects to

consider the significance of Acqua Vergine in his

conclusion, though he had mentioned it earlier. We

should recall that Vignola was appointed as a

supervisor, as he had some experience in hydraulic

construction and Acqua Vergine was the initial trigger

for the whole project.In mid March 1555, Pope Julius

, suffering a severe attack of gout, went again to his

villa where he died in the early afternoon of March 23,

1555(22). He certainly enjoyed the pleasure of the

countryside in Villa Giuliauntil the last moment of

his life, but his frequent visits to the villa may have

been caused by also his malady. He constantly

suffered from gout both in his hands and feet. The

best known cure for gout at that time was the water

cure in which water, preferably with alum or iron or

salt, was used to bathe the inflamed limbs; and

Girolama Mercuriale, one of the leading physicians

of the period, recommended that those of warm

humor bothered by gout should choose the water of

the Acqua Vergine(23). It is therefore quite intriguing to

point out that the Acqua Vergine was not only a

symbol of the popes political powerbut also an actual

prescription believed to be able to cure his

health-related problem.

Villa Giulia was executed during Julius s

pontificate. It is not an exaggeration to say that it

manifests in stone the popes political character and

(21Richard J.TuttleVignola e Villa GiuliaCasabella

646, 1997, p.68.

(22BAVMs UrbLat1038fol47r[cited by David R.Coffin

The Villa in the Life of Renaissance RomePrinceton1979

p.170. ]

(23) MMercatiInstruttione sopra la pesteRome1576

115,and G. MercurialeMedicina PracticaFrankfort,

1601,465. [cited by David R. Coffin, The Villa in the Life of

Renaissance Rome, Princeton, 1979, p.170.

his capricious personality. Accordingly, the

significance of the work can be best understood from

the point of view of patronage. It signifies the triumph

of Julius s political power and it may also contain a

hope of triumph over his malady. Repeated use of the

embedded triumphal arch motif throughout the

complex is not only a reference to the ancient Roman

architecture but is, along with the Acqua Vergine, an

explicit reference to legitimate power. Therefore, while

previous scholars have emphasized such aspects of

the Villa Giuilasuch as teatro(Coolidge) or museum

(Tuttle), they tend to downplay or completely overlook

the important symbolic significance of the Acqua

Vergine. A closer examination of the history and

context of this aqueduct in relation to the villa, as well

as the social context of patronage, are certain to

contribute to a more nuanced understanding of this

complex structure.

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