句動詞の統語構造 : away を中心 に

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句動詞の統語構造 : away を中心 に. 盛岡大学 新沼 史和 niinuma@morioka-u.ac.jp. 1.Introduction: Phrasal verbs . (1) There has been a long debate concerning particle verbs in English ( Chomsky (1957), Bolinger (1971), Frasier (1974), among others). . - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

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away

awayniinuma@morioka-u.ac.jp11.Introduction: Phrasal verbs 22(1) There has been a long debate concerning particle verbs in English

(Chomsky (1957), Bolinger (1971), Frasier (1974), among others).

33(2)Syntactic structures

a.[V NP Prt] order is basic.b.[V Prt NP] order is basic. c.It differs, depending on the meaning44(3) Historical development of away

a.It was onweg (on + way).b.It also became an adverb.c.It also became a P.d.Then, it also functions as a particle.55(4)Particle is an example of grammaticalization because it optionally take an argument or it never take any argument (valency reduction). Also, particles lose an original meaning (semantic bleaching).

66Grammaticalization or Lexicalization? a.highly-idiomatic constructions (e.g. bring up rear) are the result of lexicalization.

77semi-idiomatic constructions (e.g. chatter away) (aspectual meaning) are grammaticalized from the directional meaning.88QuestionsWhat processes are involved in the grammaticalization of particles?Is it possible to analyze these processes syntactically, e.g. Roberts and Roussous (2003) analysis of grammaticalization?

99(7)Grammaticalization involves the creation of new functional material, either through the reanalysis of existing functional material or through the reanalysis of lexical material. (Roberts and Roussou (2003: 2))1010Successive upward reanalysis along the functional hierarchy is thus how we define grammaticalization path. (Roberts and Roussou (2003: 202))1111Purposes of this talkinvestigate syntactic and semantic properties of V + away.account for them under the syntactic treatement of aktionsart.Look at the historical development of V + away with aspectual meaning.1212Assumptions[InitP Init [ProcP Proc [ResP R ]]] (Ramchand (2008))Asp head within VP (cf. Travis (1994, 2010), (2005), Ogawa and Niinuma (2013))

1313Proposals[InitP Init [AspP Asp [ProcP Proc [ResP R ]]]](Ogawa and Niinuma (2013))b.Directional away -> R position.c.Aspectual away -> Asp head.compatible with Roberts and Roussous (2003) upward reanalysis.

14142. Properties of the particle away1515(McIntyre (2011))Under certain syntactic conditions, particles need not, or may not, be verb-adjacent.b. Particles differ from other elements fulfilling condition (a) in that they form a kind of close union with a verb whose precise nature differs from theory to theory.c. Most, if not all, particles are (or are at least formally related to) complementless prepositions (or directional/locational adverbs in traditional terms).1616Directional away a. directional away combines with motion verbs b.From this, the directional away metaphorically gained the meaning removal. (Shimada (1985)).

1717(14)intransitive verbsback away, bolt away, break away,go away, run away, slip away, walk away

1818(15)transitive verbsbeat away, break away, burn away, cut away, ease away, pull awaywash away

1919(14) are unaccusatives(16)Unaccusative past participles can be used as nominal modifiers with active meaning, while unergative past participles cannotunaccusative: the melted snow, the departed guests, the fallen soldiersunergative: *the shouted victim, *the slept child, *the hesitated leader

2020(14) are unaccusatives(17)a.the backed away boyb.the ran away boyc.the gone away boyd.the walked away boy(cf. http://www3.unine.ch/files/content/sites/andrew.mcintyre/files/shared/mcintyre/3.argstr.genf.pdf)2121a.Directional away is allowed only when there is an internalargument.

resultatives??2222Particles/resultativesa.Resultatives must be object-oriented (Levin and Rappaport (1995: 34)b. Particles in Old English are all resultatives (Los et al. (2012)).2323Internal argument realization(20)a. The dog barked (*me).b. The dog barked me away.(21)a.*The jogger ran the pavement.b.The jogger ran the pavement thin.

2424Selection of internal arguments clear {up / away} (the dishes) (cp. clear *(the dishes))(Cappelle (2005))(23) a.John washed off the dirt. b.*John washed the dirt.2525Summary directional away shares the properties of resultative secondary predicates.26262.2. Aspectual awayThe aspectual use of away with verbs that do not refer to translocational motion

Bolinger (1971: 104-5), Brinton (1985:165-67), Jackendoff (1997: 539-40; 2002: 77-78), McIntyre (2001b: 132) and Rice (1999: 237-39).2727(26a)(26)a.aspectual away emphasizes atelicity (Jackendoff 1997: 541).

2828(26)b.away expresses continuation in those cases where the verb refers to an atelic event (durative situations, which can be continued) but iteration in thosecases where the verb refers to a punctual (instantaneous) or telic event (which cannot be continued) (Brinton (1985: 166))2929Some examples (27)Are you all knitting away furiously for Christmas? a traditional fairground music organ playing merrily away .So, here I sit, laboring away like the dutiful little web designer I am.(Cappelle (2005))

3030Aspectual away cannot have a direct object, but instead it can take PPs.

3131Examples (32)a. He was scrubbing away at the floor. (cp. He was scrubbing the floor)b. I was typing away at my report. (cp. I was typing my report)c. She smoked away at her cigarette. (cp. She smoked her cigarette)

3232Cappelle (2005)(29)If the object of the preposition effectively disappears as a result of the activity, aspectualawaycomes close in meaning to the directionalaway.

3333a. Slowly but surely you can whittle away at the fat stores from all over the body. (aspectualaway) b. It will help tighten your buttock muscles and whittle away the flab around your hips. (directionalaway)3434Atelicity versus telicity(31)I whittled away at my excessive pounds {for /*in} two months (aspectual away)I whittled away my excessive pounds {in /*for} two months (directional away).

3535*Stative verbs aspectual away cannot combine with clearly stative verbs (Jackendoff (1997))*hear away, *know away, *remember away , *resemble away, etc.

3636A counterexample?A: Do you want me to talk /recite (my lesson) / tell this joke) or not?B: Sure, talk / recite (it) / tell (it) away!

3737Nagano (2007)the empty object it has no semantic function at all.-> not transitive verbs!3838Properties of aspectual away(35)a.It is compatible with intransitive verbs. Thus the particle cannot take an internal argument.The whole event denotes an activity, hence atelic.d.It cannot co-occur with stative verbs.

3939Interim Summary(36)away with the directional meaning requires an argument.away with the aspectual meaning cannot have any argument.

40403. An analysis41413.1. Assumptions[InitP Init [ProcP Proc [ResP R ]]] (Ramchand (2008))Asp head within VP (Travis (2010), (2005), Ogawa and Niinuma (2013))

4242VP structure[InitP Init [AspP Asp [ProcP Proc [ResP R ]]]]Ogawa and Niinuma (2013))

4343(39)A different morphological Case or preposition on a Location DP or Theme DP affects the telicity of the event denoted by the verb.

4444Evidence for Asp head(40)Mary ran towards the store for 3 hours/*in 3 hours.Mary ran to the store in 3 hours/*for 3 hours.

(Travis (2010: 110))

4545Evidence for Asp head 2(41)a.Anne rakensi talo-a tunni-n/*tunii-ssa.Annebuildhouse-Parthour-Acc/*hour-inessiveAnne was building a/the house for an hour/*in an hour.b.Anne rakensi talo-n vuode-ssa/*vuode-n.Annebuild house-Accyear-inessive /*year-Acc Anne built a/the house in a year/*for a year. (Ritter and Rosen (2001: 436))

4646If the event delimiter moves to [Spec, AspP] and undergoes feature checking with Asp, it is not surprising that a DP or a PP which plays the same grammatical function shows a different morphological realization.(Ogawa and Niinuma (2013))4747Proposal(43)a.the directional away is located in R and it takes an argument NP.b.the aspectual away is located in Asp and it causes a type coercion so that it is not compatible with the ResP.

4848Travis (2010)(44) We are solving the problem. (45)Travis suggests that a (DO/CAUSE) zero morpheme adds to V1, which would transform the Achievement into an Accomplishment.

4949*Stative verbs[Res R ] -> structure for stative verbs

Incompatible with Asp head!50503.2. Historical development of particles(47)Particles in OE had the resultative meaning.b.projecting preverb > optionally projecting preverb > non-projecting preverb > prefix > (zero)(Los et al. (2012))

5151Questions(48)What is the connection between non- projecting particle and activity?5252Questions(48) How can the particle away, which was a resultative secondary predicate, gain the continuative meaning? 5353Proposal (49)Particles, which were located in R, had an argument.Particles had an argument optionally.Particles do not have an argument at all.

5454Proposal (49)The verb can omit the direct object, so that the aktionsart of the verb changes from accomplishment to activity.Finally, they became an aspectual head.

5555Empty Objects and Telicity(50) a. John is eating. (activity)b. John is eating an apple. (accomplishment)

5656Empty Objects and Telicity(51) John was eating for an hour/ *in an hour. (activity)b. John ate an apple in an hour/ *for an hour. (accomplishment)5757(52)Omission of the direct object often serves to turn an accomplishment verb